Etymology of Yogyakarta

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J. Noorduyn

The Etymology of the Name of YogyakartaIn: Archipel. Volume 31, 1986. pp. 87-96.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Noorduyn J. The Etymology of the Name of Yogyakarta. In: Archipel. Volume 31, 1986. pp. 87-96.

doi : 10.3406/arch.1986.2272

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_1986_num_31_1_2272

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_arch_235

http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arch.1986.2272



http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arch.1986.2272

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_arch_235



J. NOORDUYN

The Etymology of the Name of Yogyakarta

In a fascinating evocation of the real and symbolic function of Yogya-

karta's main processional thoroughfare, Jalan Maliabara, Dr. P.B.R. Careyhas recently in this journal W made an eloquent plea in favour of the hypothesis that the name of the street is derived from Sanskrit Màlya-bhàra

«garland bearing», following the late Drs. O.W. Tichelaar, who in 1971 wasthe first to advance the same hypothesis in print (2). This proposed etymologyf the name of this street is a likely one, in spite of the fact that some

of the arguments advanced by Dr. Carey are less cogent than they mightappear at first. When Drs. Tichelaar, who was a Sanskritist, referred to

the Ramayana, Bombay ed. 2, 17, 2, for the Indian tradition with regardto royal roads (ràjamàrga) which might have applied in Yogyakarta, too,he was referring to the Vâlmîki Sanskrit Ramayana and not to the Old

Javanese Ramayana, which contains no reference to this tradition. At present it is not difficult to establish from Zoetmulder's Old Javanese-English

dictionary (1982), that the Sanskrit wordsmaty a «garland» and màlyakarma«having the care of garlands» are both attested in Old Javanese, but that

màlyabhàra or màlyabhàrin (both meaning «garland bearing») are not.When Drs. Tichelaar referred to PW for the latter term, he of course meant

the voluminous Sanskrit-German dictionary commonly known as the Peters-

burger Wôrterbuch, and not the Old Javanese kakawin Pàrthawijaya, withthis abbreviation. Thus neither of these two Sanskrit words is attested

anywhere in Old Javanese, and only one of them - and not the one fromwhich the name Maliabara may have been derived - in Sanskrit.

Nevertheless, màlyabhàra, though not attested in Sanskrit dictiona-



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ries, would have been a completely normal compound word in that language,which could very well have been constructed for the special purpose of

naming the main thoroughfare in Yogyakarta.

However, whether this was actually the case, and if so when, will remaina secret as long as no further historical corroboration is forthcoming. Therefore r. Carey is right in stating that «the evidence is by no means conclusivend will not be so until the word 'Maliabara' has actually been discoveredn a mid-eighteenth century Javanese text of Yogya provenance» (p .52). To add to this inconclusiveness one might observe that, until such a

new evidence comes to light, the possibility remains that the name is not

as old as the town of Yogyakarta itself. Since there is no other example

of a Sanskrit word that is unknown in Javanese being used by the Javanese for a street name, it is possible that, for instance, this name was sug

gested to one of the later Sultans by a western Sanskritist such as A.B.Cohen Stuart (1825-1876), who worked in Surakarta and Batavia in theyears 1847-1876, and among other things advised the Susuhunan of Surakarta in the matter of the revision of the Javanese calendar.

This also remains no more than a theoretical possibility as long as we

lack concrete evidence supporting it. But, in contrast to the theory that

the name Maliabara has existed from the very time of the foundation of

the town of Yogyakarta, it would explain why a Sanskrit word would havebeen used by the Javanese as a name for a street and why this name has

not so far been found in older descriptions of the town nor in documentsderiving from it.

One of the arguments advanced by Dr. Carey in support of his theory

of the derivation of the name Maliabara is the analogous proposition that

«the name of (Nga)yogyakarta itself (....) may possibly have derived fromthe Sanskrit Ayodhyâ (Modern Javanese : 'Ngayodya'), the capital city ofthe Indian hero Râma in the epic Ràmàyana story» (p . 52), for which con

tention he refers to a statement to the same effect by M.C. Ricklefs (3).

The claim that Javanese tradition interprets Ngayogyakarta as thename of Râma's City Ayodhyâ seems to originate with Raffles, who, though

at first using the words «supposed derivation», later on in his book assertsthat the town «was so named by its founder, about sixty years ago, afterAyudya, the celebrated capital oîRama» (4). Though Raffles does not ment

ion his source, he may have heard this tradition from some of the Javanese people he met. We find it repeated by von Humboldt, who, however,had his doubts about it, by Crawfurd, who described the name as «a cor

ruption of Ayudhya», by Hageman, and, in recent times, by Gonda and

Berg (5).

However, if this really was a Javanese tradition, it was not a strongne. In 1956 the Javanese committee preparing the commemoration of



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Yogyakarta's 200th anniversary apparently knew nothing about it at all,for, describing how in 1755 the first Sultan named his new kraton

Ngayogyakarta-Adiningrat, it stated : «What the reason was why he select

edhis name has remained a secret up till the present» (6).The writer of this commemoration article then goes on to explain how

the new kraton was founded at a place called hutan Beringan, where there

had existed a guest house named Garjitawati (7) since the time of king

Amangkurat, which, however, had been renamed Ngayogya by SusuhunanPakubuwono II (1725-1749)» (8).

That the nucleus of the name of the new kraton thus already existed

before its foundation was also noted by Ricklefs (p. 81, nt. 33), referringto Poensen (Mangkubumi, p. 267). But the most complete collection of mater

ial estifying to the prior existence of Ayogyawas published in 1894 by

the great scholar J.L.A. Brandes in an article in Dutch entitled 'Yogya-karta', (TBG 37, pp. 415-448). In the introduction to his exposé, Brandes

remarks that «Quite a lot has been said by others about the name of thiskraton and its origin. It does not seem superfluous to draw special atten

tion nce more to a number of passages from miscellaneous writings whichare not without importance with regard to that origin» (p. 415). As these

data do not seem to be generally known, it is worthwile quoting them infull as presented by Brandes almost a century ago in his above-mentionedarticle. This part of Brandes' article runs as follows, in English translation

{TBG 37 , pp. 438-448) (9).« That there existed a place named Yogya or Ayogya in the district of Mata-ram, at or near the spot where today Yogyakèrta is located, quite some timebefore the division of the Javanese realm in 1755, is testified by various passagesn early Dutch documents, as far as these have been published, starting from1743 A.D.. As will be apparent presently in a passage in Van Imhoffs accountof his journey, this Governor-General stayed here on his return journey in 1746,and, as the Javanese accounts, which do not let Van Imhoffs stay here go unnoticed, show us as well, Ayogyahad already been the scene of various incidentsbefore 1755.

Below follows a selection of relevant quotations from early Dutch reportsin chronological order.1743. «Mas Grendie who for some time has resided in Cartasoera under the

style of Soesoehoenang, at present is staying at Jogja, in the Mataram area;

his army, however, is a day's march from Cartasoera at a place namedParambanato » (10).

1744. «Travelling by way of Randoe lawang, Djokjo was reached. Here campwas pitched, and on 17 Oct. the journey to the Southern Sea via Gading wascontinued» f11).

1746. (Journal of Van Imhoffs journey) (12\

«Friday, 20th May, we set off again at daybreak and between eight and ninearrived at Taadje, marking the far limit of the district of Soeracarta and the



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beginning of that of Mattarm, where a Chinese, obviously one of Maas Said'sspies, stated that this fellow had been there only a few days before. He had lefthim behind there to find out if it were true that the Governor-General would

be travelling through those parts, so that he might supply all kinds of fruit forhis refreshment and porters for his luggage, in accordance with local custom.He added that this tramp had not got much further than two to three hoursfrom there, whereat he was sent back to tell him to come. But the whole schemefell through as, having set out again at one and arrived at the pleasure houseat Djokja at six in the evening, news came of the said Chinese that the Pange-

rang had fled to the Southern Mountains.The afternoon meal had meanwhile been taken under observance of due pre

caution, in order to protect our luggage against some brazen robbers; but allremained quiet. Via a very difficult and arduous road, which at first was quite

reasonable, we passed through the village of Prabanam, where there are stilla great many stones lying about from what apparently are the remains of somepalace or temple from the pagan period, while there are additionally some idolsto be found at a short gunshot's distance from the bazaar to the north, wherethere is a thicket on a special, man-made elevation. These were judged by someof our party who went sight-seeing there to be of metal. Furthermore, the posture, the ears and the cow whose tail the larger of the images is holding in itshand seems to indicate that prior to this the Javanese were heathens of the Brah-

manistic sect, as is also inferable from other similar antiquities which have earlier been discovered here in the Mattarm area and elsewhere, though it cannot

be deduced from their narratives, much rather than chronicles, as they are mixedup with so many fables as to be quite unreliable and untrustworthy. Next afterthis village of Prabanan, a good half hour's distance from Taadja, another hourfurther on, after passing a tributary of the river Ampar, which flows into theSouthern Sea, we came to the village of Arandoelan, the place where Maas Gren-die resided in the period of his wanderings. It was there we should have made

our mid-day stop if we'd wanted an advantageous location, just as it would havebeen better to erect our rest-house at Djokjo within these extremely extensivewalls of the Soesoehoenang's dalm, which, incidentally, is empty, than a gunshot further from there, where it had been constructed at present, and where

conditions are rather primitive, as the surroundings of that place, which is believedy some to be the centre of Mattarm, still displayed the traces of Maas Said's

impudent behaviour, he having but recently laid the area under contribution,and the region still being half devastated. The distance from Taadja to here isfour and a half hour's march, so that we marched 9 hours yesterday and only6 1/2 today, even though when planning the route, day marches of eight hourseach had been scheduled.

Saturday, 21st May, we were on the march at sunrise, as is the case dailyat the moment because, although the two viziers brought up the rear, we hadto wait daylight each morning to get the necessary battoors or Javanese por

ters from the villages, as we required about a thousand for our luggage daily,



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aside from what the said viziers, the Regents from the coast and the one of Sama-rang, were carting along with them, so that our cortege as a whole comprisedat least two thousand or more, including about forty dragoons, both of the body

guard and of Soeracarta.An hour's march away from Djokjo we made a short stop at the bazaar.

Half an hour further on there is an important market town, which the nativescall Passar Gedee or Big Market, and which is held by some to be the centreof the Mattarm region. At Meddelam, 1 1/2 hour's march further on and beyond

the half-way mark of our journey, where our midday halt had been scheduled,we only made a brief stop, continuing on our way to the place of our eveningstop at Gading, where we spent the night in the Soesoehoenang's dalm, his residence when on his way to the Southern Sea for his diversion. This place is located at the mouth of the river Dempan, on the western bank, at the far end of

the Southern Mountains and at but an hour's distance from the coast, and hereit used to be the ruler's custom to go hunting and fishing, before the disturbancesf the year 1741. There was furthermore in this area a rock about whichnumerous stories were made up in the heathen period, and which is still theobject of some veneration even among the contemporary Muslim Javanese, as

well as, at the further end of the said mountains, a spring or source, whose waterhad if anything a very salty taste, however, perhaps as a result of its communicatingith the water of the sea, which often surges across it. Today's marchwas 6 1/2 hours long.»

1749. «But the unanimous purport of which (reports) is that Mankeboemie

had himself proclaimed Soesoehoenang last Monday and acknowledged as suchunder the name of Amancoerat; and that he subsequently seized the Mataramdalem of Jocjo, whereat Jojowinata and Mas Said withdrew and encamped justoutside that place, while he is inside at the moment having himself served exclusively by women and guarded by runaway slaves and natives» (13).

1751. «Governor van Hohendorff, however, being obliged as a result of Toutlemonde 's repeated urgent calls for help.. ..to make up his mind, went thitherpersonally with around 100 Europeans, both infantrymen and dragoons, at thebeginning of February Fortunately on his way there, or when approachingToutlemonde, he was joined by the latter's hussars before being attacked by

the rebel Maas Saïd (alias)Mancoenagara, who was keeping him under surveillance, nd with the grace of God was lucky enough to give him such a receptionwith these that he was subsequently able to go to the relief of Toutlemonde'stroops, penetrating further into the Mattaram region with the united forces,as far as the so-called court of Mancoeboemi near Djokjo, which stronghold healso captured, thus forcing the rebels to seek refuge in the Southern Mountainsand in the direction of the coast of the Southern Sea», and so on (14).

We have here reports about Yogya from the years 1743, 1744, 1746, 1749and 1751. To these we may add one that must refer to Yogya in the year 1750.

The capture of the «court of Mancoeboemi near Djokjo» a little before April

1751 mentioned in the last of the above quotations can hardly refer to what



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is related on pp. 145 and 146 of the 'Kort verhaal van de Javasche oorlogen,welke met onderscheidene Prinsen gevoerd zijn, sedert den jare 1741 tot denalgemeenen vrede gesloten in den jare 1757' (Brief account of the Javanese wars

conducted with various princes from the year 1741 until the general peace concluded in the year 1757), Verhandelingen Bataviaasch Genootschap XII. Thisaccount contains the following passage : «...it was impossible for our men torecover their position, but they were obliged to flee as fast as their heels wouldcarry them to their camp in Djokjakarta. The left flank was made up entirelyof Natives under the command of Ensign Steenmulderen, and though it hadheld its ground alone and even pushed back the enemy's infantrymen, retainingastery of the battle-field, it had done so at the cost of a multitude of men,including many high-ranking ones, as well as a considerable number of Madurese,who had put up a brave fight. It was also obliged to follow the army to

Djokjakarta, however, which, in spite of the absence of any enemy threat there,was cravenly deserted and a goodly quantity of munition left a prey to fire soas to be free from all encumbrance on the way» (15). From pp. 143 and 152 of

the said document it can be inferred that this desertion of Yogya by a Dutchoccupational force, which hence must have been encamped there, took place inthe year preceding the capture in 1751, so that this report constitutes a linkbetween the two accounts from 1749 and 1751, which, in combination with allthe others, inform us that there was a (royal) pasanggrahan at Yogya quite sometime before the year 1755, that Mangkubumi had a (fortified) palace built ator in the vicinity of Yogya, and that the Dutch drove him away from there and

in their turn built a camp at or near that place and then left it again, only torecapture it later (16). The further course of events has not become clear to mefrom the literature consulted, and in any case is not altogether relevant here,as what does become evident from it is sufficient for our purposes, the moreso as the same information may be drawn from Javanese sources, which moreoveroffer more details.

Canto 6 of the above-mentioned Babad Giyanti of Yasadipura I, mentioningVan Imhoffs departure from Sala after a seven-day stay there, states how hetravelled by way of the Mataram and Banjumas regions. As special details inconnection with this departure or this journey are mentioned the fact that Mang

kubumi left Surakarta at the same time as the Governor-General, that one ofthe rebellious princes, Mas Guntur, Pangeran Suryadikusuma, the son of Pan-geran Ngabei Raden Mas Sudira, was encamped on Gunung Gamping in theregion of Mataram at that moment, but fled from there on hearing that theGovernor-General would be passing, and that Van Imhoff spent some three daysat Ayogya, going to see the ruins of Pasar Gede, Karta and P leret and to takea look at the Southern Sea, thereupon to return to Ayogya again, where he was

astounded at the excellence of the soil (or area) of Yogya (saening tanah Yugya).Hence here, too, Van Imhoffs stay in the Mataram region, and more parti

cularly in the place called Ayogya located there, is foregrounded as a remarkab

leact, or at any rate is not overlooked, while nothing is said about the rest



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of the journey. To the Javanese it must have seemed really unusual for agovernor-general to be visiting the ancient district of Mataram in peace-timeand going on a pilgrimage as it were to the places where formerly the kratons

of the various rulers of Mataram had been located, and by no means less unusual for him to be staying in the royal «pleasure house» located in Ayogya, which

was already quite old at the time.There was, in fact, an ancient royal «pleasure house», or lodge, to be found

there, so that the place had been consecrated long before Mangkubumi had hisdatêm of Yogyakarta built there as Sultan Amangkubuwana I in 1755. Not onlyhad he himself occupied the Mataram dalem located there, as is apparent fromthe report of 1749, but before him, in 1743, the susuhunan kuning (Mas Grèndi)had pitched his camp there. He, however, was by no means the first person tostay there, either.

The history of Ayogya s recounted in brief in Canto 183 of the same BabadGiyanti from which we have quoted above. This is the passage in which Mang

kubumi is able to turn his thoughts in earnest to the construction of his permanentraton after the division of the realm in 1755. The place selected by himfor this, not for the first time, is the earlier Ayogya. Mangkubumi, now styledAmangkubuwana (I), goes to Gunung Gamping for the umpteenth time, wherehe has an area marked off and cleared for his new kraton. As Canto 183 relatesthe story, Sultan sarnpun, budal sawadya angidul, lampahe ginelak, saprap-tane gunung Gamping, lajëng nyengkal bade kita alas Bringan «kang wus tepungIan wangunan Ngajugjeku; sinuwun Mangkurat, kang yasa Gèrjitawati, duk

jènenge sinuwun Pakubuwana «ing Gërjitawati den-lih namanipun winastanNgayogya; duk alam sultan puniki, duk mungsuhan Ian mayor Peber binubrah«banonipun sadaya sami ginempur; mangkya karsanira, jèng sultan winangunmalih, binabatan kang wadya anambut karya «lojenipun ingkang kinaryarumuhun,

The expression tèpung Ian wangunan in this quotation is slightly problematics, possessing the literal meaning 'following... in form or structure', it couldmean either 'resembling... in form' or 'immediately next to, adjacent to the (old)structure at', as well as 'resembling and at the same time following what traceswere still visible of the old (Yogya)'.

Considering that the new kraton was given the name Ayogyakèrta and thatthe name Surakarta was a continuation of Sala, just as Kartasura is of Wana-karta, there can be no doubt but that the former Ayogya must likewise havebeen the place where Yogyakarta sprang up. If this is indeed so, the said expressionan only have been used here in the latter sense. Only then do we havean explanation, moreover, of why all these details of the place Ayogyahave beenadded there, which would otherwise have been quite irrelevant, unless it hadbeen the author's intention to show off his learning - a tendency one wouldbe accusing him of wrongfully, as will have to be admitted by anyone familiarwith other parts of his babad, who has, moreover, taken the trouble of compari

nghese with contemporaneous Dutch reports.



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These details are that Ayogya (or whatever there was at that spot) had beendestroyed at the time Mangkubumi had been obliged to offer Major Feber battle,that is, in 1751 (17), so that no stone had been left upon another. That Ayogya

had had this name bestowed on it by a Pakubuwana (the second, as will be apparent resently). That the dalem found in that place had formerly borne the nameGerdjitawati. That this Gerdjitawati had been founded by a Mangkurat. Andthat the (new) sultan's aim had been precisely to re-found in that spot what hadformerly been there (kasanirajèng sultan winangun malih), which latter expressionemoves any remaining doubt about the meaning of the obscure words atthe beginning.

The information given here about this former Ayogya s confirmed in a passage of a different babad altogether, the Babad Tanah Djawi tembang, whichrelates the history of Java down to 1743, the time of Verijssel's treaty. The part

of this babad containing the passage in question has been published by Van Dorp& Co. in Semarang under the title Babad Petjina. The passage itself, Canto 229,stanza 52, occurs on p. 8 of that edition, and runs as follows : datan Jcawarnaing marga, tindaknya sang prabu murti, wus rawuh nagriMataram, sumahabwadya prajurit, karsanira sang aji ing Ayogya kang dinunung, sampun amë-sanggrahan, ingaran Garjitawati, sapunika sayektine ing Ayogya.

The part of the text in which this stanza occurs describes a pilgrimage madeby Pakubuwana II in 1739 A.D. to the graves of his ancestors in fulfilment ofa vow made by him when the young crown prince had been ill. On this journeyhe visited the place and stayed at the residence called Gerdjitawati, which he

named Ayogya as mentioned in the Babad Giyanti). Alternatively the passagequoted allows of the interpretation - in which case the name Ayogya wouldbe even older still - that he went to the place called Ayogya, on which he be

stowed the name Gérdiitawati, but which in the writer's time (sapunika) wascalled Ayogya again (18X The former interpretation is far to be preferred in viewof the tradition regarding the foundation of Gerdjitawati contained in the Babad

Giyanti, the more so as the Babad Tanah Djawi stanza in question contains nomention of Mangkurat so that - supposing one is at all inclined to assume thatit was this passage that inspired the relevant pieces of information in Yasadi-

pura's Babad Giyanti - it can by no means have given birth to an expansion

of the kind which is in that case to be found in Yasadipura's book.Which of the four Mangkurats who were susuhunan before Pakubuwana

II should be regarded as the founder of Gerdjitawati is difficult to decide, evenif one insists in distinguishing between these four persons on the point of their

name, as has previously been done (by Europeans), namely Mangkurat Tègalwangi, Amangkurat I, Mangkurat Mas, and Mangkurat II. In this matter theJavanese point of view should be respected, which in no way draws any suchdistinction today, if it ever did before.

However that may be, the relative age of the place concerned, dating as

it does from before 1755, and the use made of it, likewise before 1755, are suffi

ciently apparent from the passages quoted, which is all that concerns us here.



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Thus there had prior to 1755 - the year in which present-day Yogyakertawas founded - existed a place and been located a dalem, owned, moreover, byMangkubumi, the later Amangkubuwana I, when still Pakubuwana or anti-

emperor, at the spot where Yogyakerta sprang up.The name of this new kraton was without any doubt inspired by the presence, at that time or earlier, of a place called Ayogya in the same spot.»We shall leave Brandes' article about Yogyakarta here. His conclusion

as quoted from the final part of his exposé is still valid at present, and there

is an addition implied in it which is relevant to our present discussion. Since

the nucleus of the name of the new kraton was taken from an existing place

name, which was different from that of the epic hero Râma's capital city,Ràma's capital had nothing to do with the choice of the new kraton name.

An explanation of the name of Yogyakarta should therefore be focus

edn the name as it is and recognize that it contains the word yogya, whichmeans «fitting». In this connection it should be noted that this obvious ety

mology was already suggested by the great early 19th-century linguist Wil-helm von Humboldt in his book on the Kawi language (1836-1839 1, p. 5) (19).After all, yogya is quite a common Javanese word - even though it has

been borrowed from Sanskrit - the meaning of which makes it an apt name

not only for a royal country house, but even more so, and with wide-ranging

overtones, for the residence of an ambitious Javanese prince like Sultan

Hamengkubuwono I.

NOTES

1. P.B.R. Carey, 'Jalan Maliabara ('Garland Bearing Street') : The Etymology and Historicalrigins of a Much Misunderstood Yogyakarta Street Name', Archipel 27 , 1984, pp.51-62.

2. O.W. Tichelaar, 'The Derivation (from Sanskrit) of the Streetname Malioboro in Yogyakarta', in : A.R. Davis (éd.), Proceedings of the 28th International Congress of Oriental

ists,anberra, 6-12 January 1971 (Wiesbaden, 1971), p. 188.3. M.C. Ricklef s, Yogyakarta Under Sultan Mangkubumi, 1 749-1 792. A History of the Divi

sion of Java (London, 1974), p. 80, fnt. 33.4. T.S. Raffles, History of Java (London, 1817), vol. I, p. 10 and p. 411.5. W. von Humboldt, Uber die Kawi-Sprache aufder Insel Java, (Berlin 1836-1839), vol.

I, p. 5; J. Crawfurd, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries London, 1856), vol. I, p. 448; J. Hageman, 'Geschied- en aardrijkskundig overzichtvan Java, op het einde der achttiende eeuw', Tijdschriftvan het Bataviaasch Genootschap9, 1860, p. 322; J. Gonda, Sanskrit in Indonesia (New Delhi 1973), p. 338; C.C. Berg,Maya's hemelvaart in het Javaanse Buddhisme. II (Amsterdam, Oxford, 1980), p. 91.

6. «Apakah sebabnya beliau memilih nama itu, sampai sekarang masih tinggal rahasia», Dar-mosugito, 'Sedjarah Kota Jogjakarta', in : Kota Jogjakarta 200 Tahun, 7 Oktober 1756-

7 Oktober 1956 (Yogyakarta, 1956), p. 13.



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7. Garjita, Sanskrit 'roaring, boasting', Old Javanese 'delighted, joyful, pleased', ModernJavanese 'opgewonden, verheugd' (Pigeaud), 'swept with a strong emotion' (Home).

8. «Hutan Beringan, jang pada djaman marhum Sri Susuhunan Amangkurat Djawi mendu-duki Tachta Mataram, telah merupakan kota ketjil jang sangat indah dan ada Istana

pesanggrahannja, jang dalam sedjarah terkenal dengan nama Gardjitawati. Kemudianpada djaman Sr i Susuhunan Paku Buwono II bertachta di Kartasura, sebagai IbukotaMataram, nama pasanggrahan itu diganti Ngajogja,» Darmosugito l.c. See below for Bran-des' view as regards the problem of who was the founder of Garjitawati.

9. I am indebted to Maria van Yperen for correcting the style of my English and for translating the quotations from Brandes' article, especially the passages in difficult 18th-centuryDutch. In these passages, the names of persons and places have been kept in the originalDutch spelling (in which oe= u and j=y), while the two Javanese quotations have beenleft untranslated, as in the original, since their contents are explained by Brandes. Footnotes 10-18 are also Brandes'.

10. Governor-General to Heeren XVII, April 5, 1743, in : de Jonge, Opkomst IX : 426.11. Diary of the journey of Elzo Sterrenberg to the court of Cartasura 1744, in : de Jonge,

Opkomst X : 45.12. Published in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, 1,1853, pp. 406 sqq.

13. Faure to von Hohendorff, July 9, 1749, in Louw, De derde Javaansche successieoorlog,1889 : 24.

14. Governor-General to Heeren XVII, April 8, 1751, in : de Jonge, Opkomst X : 181.15. Attention was already drawn to this passage by Prof. Veth in his Java II, 1878 : 485.16. Cf. also Louw, De derde Javaansche successieoorlog 1889 : 24 (Mangkubumi moves into

the daVem at Yogya, 1749), 35 (The Dutch leave Yogya, which they had occupied, 1750,= Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap XII : 146), 36 (Mangkubumi againoccupies Yogya), 45 (Mangkubumi again dislodged from Yogya, which is burnt by him, =Verhandelingen Bataviaasch Genootschap XII : 155, and it is again occupied by the Dutch,

1751, = de Jonge, Opkomst X : 181), 46 and 47 (other particulars concerning the Dutchoccupational troops stationed at Yogya at that time).17. See Louw, op. cit. p. 47.18. A manuscript copy reads sri narendra instead of sapunika.19 . Cf . P.J. Veth, Java, Geographisch, ethnologisch, histoHsch, Vol. II (Haarlem, 1896), p. 493.

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Etymology of Yogyakarta