Exempla in an Old Norse Historiographic World

EXEMPLA

IN AN OLD NORSE HISTORIOGRAPHIC MOLD

Abstrac t

Although exempla make only a sporadic appearance in indigenous Old Norse literature,their structure and narrative content have been adapted to native saga tradition. The aim ofthis study is to illustrate the nature and function of the exemplum in a narrative continuum.Four experiential exempla are discussed: Snorris ki tale, Au

unar

ttr, Ketill orsteinssonsreflection on his life in orgils saga ok Haflia and Sighvatr Sturlusons cautionary jestdirected at his son, Sturla, in slendinga saga. The first two are exemplars of historicalfolklore or historified folklore. The last two represent biographical/historical accounts in,respectively, a contemporary saga and a chronicle noted for its seriousness and sobriety.All four exempla evince an avid interest in historiography and in the interrelationship betweencharacter and fate. Their functions are predictive and moral. The ki tale has only a predictivefunction. The others, however, have at their core a moral concern that transcends the livesof the protagonists. While moral decisions effect personal success or failure, their greatersignificance lies in their influence on the health and course of public life.

During the Middle Ages, the exemplum1 had a long, vigorous and variedlife. Preachers and writers of entertaining works drew upon exempla. Alsochroniclers found them useful to illustrate historical points.2 Commencingwith the thirteenth century, authors took exempla to portray contemporarysocial situations, concomitantly de-emphasizing moral instruction, one ofthe exemplums primary functions.3 While much is known about the dis-semination and adaptability of the exemplum, the search for an accurateand narrow definition has been elusive. This is due partly to the vigor,permutations and longevity of the exemplum and partly to the inconsis-tent terminology used by medieval writers. What appears paramount informulating a definition is not structure, tone or narrative setting, butsolely function, the exemplums persuasive, didactic intent.4

For reasons unknown, the exemplum makes only a sporadic appearancein indigenous Old Norse literature.5 The paucity of exempla6 explains thescant discussion in literary histories and most handbooks.7 Still, the struc-ture and narrative content of exempla have been adapted to native sagatradition. In Vga-Glms saga, an exemplum from Petrus AlphonsusDisciplina clericalis has been integrated into the narrative.8 Some {ttirthemselves might be regarded as exempla. Rudolf Simek and HermannPlsson catalogue the well-known Auunar ttr as an exemplum thatillustrates strength of character as the source of good fortune.9

Old Norse historiography also features exempla that are cast as personalexperience or Erfahrungsexempl[a].10 The convention that narratives, evenblatantly fictional ones, such as the lygisgur or lying sagas, were tiedto a specific historical era promoted the practice. Also Auunar ttr is

Neophilologus

81: 7187, 1997. 1997 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

anchored in a specific and recognizable historical time-frame and setting.11

As a historified folktale, it is generically linked to accounts of the Norwegianprehistoric era. This tradition upheld the truth of folktales that animated andexplicated the past. The truth expressed was to some degree factual, butpreponderantly moral and mythicized. It was centered on kings and rulerswhose reigns, names and manner of death were recorded in genealogicalpoems deemed to be of unassailable trustworthiness. Thus, the ancestralform of the experiential exemplum may be apperceived in historiographicrepresentations of the distant past.

This discussion focuses on four experiential exempla. The first is Snorriski tale,12 presented as if it were an actual event in prehistoric times.The second, Auunar ttr, purports to be a biographical account of anIcelanders adventures abroad. The third, a personal experience in IPorgilssaga ok Haflia,13 is retold and interpreted as an exemplum. The fourth isa famous scene in slendinga saga14 in which a father, Sighvatr Sturluson,staged and conceived a jest as an exemplum. Its purpose was to forewarnhis son, Sturla Sighvatsson, on the perils of hubris. The aim is to illus-trate the nature and function of the exemplum in a narrative continuum:1) by demonstrating a generic link between pseudo-historical and histor-ical accounts; 2) by examining whether the moral intent of these exemplaserves to explicate the past and, more importantly, to influence the courseof present and future events.

Snorris ki Tale

a) Introduction:Despite the relative disinterest in the exemplum, historiographers

presented exempla as actual events in reconstructing the prehistoric past.In his introduction to Heimskringla, Snorri Sturluson justifies his retellingof versified stories that historians of yore had considered to be true,interesting, and instructive.15 The statement attempts to reconcile or equatetwo mutually exclusive aspects of truth, truth based on facts and truth thattranscends the factual. Snorri does not define what he considers historicaltruth for the era. He avers, however, that his trusted sources had judgedthese stories to be authentic representations of the past. He left it to hisaudience to accept or to reject these stories as factual, as mirrors ofpolitical realities or of personal conduct. As mirrors of behavior, theycould also be understood as prognostications of public events precipitatedby behavioral error or miscalculation. In fact, Snorris historiography forthis period might be characterized as largely historical folklore.16

b) Character and Function of the Exemplum:Snorri presents the ki tale as an actual event that precedes Haraldr

72 Marlene Ciklamini

hrfagris victory at Hafrsfjrr (ca. 885 A.D.) and his rule over Norway.Nevertheless, the account is rendered in the form of an exemplum. Thecharacters are King Eirkr, an established and powerful king of Sweden, andHaraldr, as yet merely a regional Norwegian king among many. ki,17 awealthy local chieftain, invites both to a feast. The feast, a popular motifin legends and tales, is a traditional setting for an important event. In thiscase, the staging of the feast serves to prefigure and to sanction Haraldrstransformation from kinglet to sole ruler of Norway.

ki prepares two halls, one for each royal guest, an old hall that hedecorates with old tapestries and another built for the occasion and adornedwith new hangings. During the feast, he serves King Eirkr, whom he haslodged in the old hall, with old, but precious beakers and drinking horns,and Haraldr, who occupies the new hall, with new vessels. On the day ofdeparture, ki presents Eirkr with precious gifts. Despite this sign of respectand friendship, King Eirkr questions him about the insult perceived bothin his assigned lodging and in the choice of antique vessels. kis answeris straightforward. The type of accommodation and the vessels reflectedEirkrs age and, concomitantly, his diminished stature vis--vis Haraldrs.The new hall and serving pieces, conversely, signified Haraldrs predestinedstellar achievement and fame.18

The exemplum thus presents as a fait accompli the reputation and powerHaraldr would gain imminently in the battle at Hafrsfjrr. To the audience,the battle confirmed the message of the exemplum, for Haraldrs victorymarked the climax in his campaign to unify Norway. By breaking theopposition of regional kinglets and chieftains, he had emerged as a kingat least equal in power to the rulers of Sweden and Denmark. By virtueof achievement, he had even eclipsed the king of Sweden who had merelyinherited his realm.

The ki story combines essential features of the exemplum with thoseof a historified folktale. The folktale character of the ki story is unmis-takable despite the ostensible historical features that Snorri superimposed.The titular character bears a name that is unusual for a Norwegian histor-ical figure. The name occurs in legendary fiction, particularly in storiesset in Denmark. His function is to create the setting described in theexemplum, to express the signification of his action and to disappear, orrather to be removed by murder as soon as his role is at an end. The his-torical component consists of the two rival kings and a historicalphenomenon, an inevitable change in the mode of established governance:the co-existence of petty rulers within the confines of Norway is shownto be obsolete and is destined to be replaced by a monarchy. Simultaneously,periodic attempts by Swedish kings to extend their power over regionsof Norway are viewed as futile in the face of a predestined historicaldevelopment.

Exempla in an Old Norse Historiographic Mold 73

Auunar ttr

Although Auunar ttr is better known as a folktale in a historicsetting,19 its classification as an exemplum illustrates the versatility of agenre known to instruct and to entertain. Auunar ttr, with its presumedhistoricity, was both instructive and amusing. Its audience enjoyed a talethat reenacted the often perilous adventures of Icelanders who, while jour-neying abroad, crossed the path of Scandinavian kings and achieved fame.Moreover, Auunns kinship to a wealthy and well-connected Icelanderof the late twelfth century, IPorsteinn Gunason (died in 1190), buttressedthe tales air of authenticity and heightened its appeal.

Auunar ttr is narrated as if it were history. It contains conversa-tions between the titular hero and historical Scandinavian kings of theeleventh century. The historical setting serves to confer historicity on atale with didactic intent and to illustrate the tenet that exemplary deport-ment, such as Auunns, ultimately leads to good luck. The kings, Haraldrharri of Norway (104666) and Sveinn lfsson of Denmark (104776)whom Auunn sought out on his journey, both on his pilgrimage to andreturn from Rome, were rivals and intermittent enemies. With theircharacter well established in Icelandic historiography, the kings respectfor and kindness to the protagonist vindicate his steadfast course of actionand stamp it as paradigmatic of a life that is blessed.

Auunns enterprise was fraught with danger. The peril to his life andgoods emanated both from known hazards he had decided to confront andfrom adventitious tribulations. He risked the enmity of the kings, exposinghimself to the legendary vindictiveness of Haraldr harri20 and the greedof a powerful officer of King Sveinn.21 He endured stark poverty andsuffered a debilitating, disfiguring illness that he contracted on his returnfrom his pilgrimage to Rome. From the beginning, his steadfast character,honesty and unswerving will to pursue what he considered to be right arethe foundation of a moral conviction pleasing to God.

His steadfastness appears at first to be a type of stubbornness that istypical of some Icelandic heroes in their intercourse with kings. The stub-bornness is a reflection of their conviction that they, as men, are equal tokings, if unequal in their command of power. In Auunns case, the stub-bornness has a different cast. At issue is not a moral principle. He betraysno hint of a competitive spirit in his dealings with Haraldr harri. Theproblem was a gift, a polar bear for which he had expended his fortune.Aunn intended to present the bear to King Sveinn and to King Sveinn only.

Haraldr demanded the bear three times either as a present or a purchase.Three times Auunn replied with an honest and unadorned no. To Haraldrharri and to the audience, Auunns adamant, seemingly unwarrantedrefusal is baffling, for this exposed Auunn to Haraldrs legendary wrath.The potential danger, as expressed by Haraldr himself, is loss of life. The


reason for Auunns persistence is revealed as the ttr unfolds: KingSveinn is shown to be superior in magnanimity and in spiritual wisdom.

Despite his notorious vengefulness, Haraldr was renowned for his abilityto curb his anger, to judge character and to act with wisdom. These positivecharacter traits come into play when he allows Auunn to follow his setcourse. Haraldr has recognized that Auunn may be blessed with luck.He only requests that Auunn seek him out upon his return and report onKing Sveinns compensation for the gift of the coveted bear. The didacticpurpose of the scene and particularly of the dialogue is to show that, despiteobvious peril to ones person or life, hewing to ones course is at oncethe road to attaining honor and to cultivating a God-pleasing spirit.

King Haraldrs vengefulness is only the first peril Auunn eludes. Heovercomes other trials with the aid of King Sveinn: penury and a royalofficials scheme to rob him of half of the bears value. King Sveinn exilesthe royal official and honors Auunn for his munificent gift. Further, KingSveinn, with the spiritual insight that imbues wisdom, permits him tocomplete his mission to pursue his intended pilgrimage to Rome as a manof means and finally to return to Iceland, a wealthy man, to take care ofhis impoverished mother. More important, upon Auunns return fromRome as a disfigured, sick pauper, King Sveinn rescues Auunn fromdestitution. Prompted by a compulsion to seek out the impoverished strangeroutside of the hall, he recognizes Auunn, acknowledging him as superiorto his mocking courtiers in morals and spirit.22 By setting this scene inthe Easter season, the spiritual context of Kings Sveinns commendationis palpable.

Auunns final encounter with King Haraldr unveils the didactic intentof the author: to demonstrate the realization of social harmony and the attain-ment of equality by virtue of character and spirit. The three men are revealedto be equal on their own terms, not in power but in character and spirit.King Haraldr himself, upon listening to the recital of King Sveinnsmagnanimity, praises Sveinn as unsurpassed in generosity. By presentingHaraldr with a gold ring, a gift from King Sveinn, Auunn recognizesKing Haraldrs self-mastery as a singular act of magnanimity and fore-sight. In sparing Auunn and permitting him to take the coveted polarbear to King Sveinn, Haraldr had afforded Sveinn the opportunity to provehis wisdom and superior munificence. Auunn himself is shown to be theequal of kings in spirit. He had proven his steadfastness and courage. Hehad persisted in choosing as the recipient of his gift a king superior incharacter; he had submitted to the trials of pilgrimage in preference toworldly honor; he had honored King Haraldr both as ruler and man ofcharacter. His virtues are equal in merit to King Sveinns magnanimityand to King Haraldrs self-control and judgment. The exchange of giftsand money are tokens of this equality as well as of Auunns attainmentof worldly success.


The Exemplum in IPorgils saga ok Haflia23

IPorgils saga ok Haflia, a contemporary saga on events dated 11171121,contains a well-known exemplum. Its narrative matter is biographical. Itrelates a crucial experience of a priest and chieftain, Ketill IPorsteinsson,and his reflections on the course of his life. He himself labels his experi-ence an exemplum and hence a guide for the settlement of the divisive publicaffair described at the climax and end of the saga. He firmly believes thathis experience and the wisdom it imparted to him have meaning and rele-vance to an imminent large-scale conflict. The problem to be solved isthe refusal of Haflii, a major chieftain, to place limits on his legal rightto dictate the terms of settlement (sjlf-dmi). His justification is that hiscase is righteous. The dilemma rests as much on his misplaced sense ofhonor as on the rational refusal of the defendant to accept a self-judgmentthat would spell the destruction of his power. Concomitantly, there was athreat to the polity, an outbreak of violence that would engulf both partiesto the suit, principals and followers alike. That Haflii is responsible forthe serious situation is made clear by Bishop IPorlkr Runlfsson of Sklholt(111833). In a public denunciation, punctuated by the threat of excom-munication, the bishop enjoins Haflii from jeopardizing the peace. At issueis not the righteousness of Hafliis cause, but a self-centered and, there-fore, sinful intransigence that would engender death and violence.

The point of Ketills experience is a religious insight he had gained byreviewing successive failures in his life and subsequent success. He cameto realize that his sense of righteousness in seeking revenge on a man,reputedly a rival to the love of his wife, was wrong. He had failed torestore his honor by mounting an ambush. Most damning was the loss ofhis eye in the assault, for this signified that his moral perception had beenclouded. Paradoxically, his partial blindness engendered a deeper appre-hension of the meaning of life and, particularly, of Christian conduct.When he decided to offer his rival shelter and friendship, his luck turned.From then on he achieved the honor and success that had eluded him.

The exemplum had its intended, cautionary and beneficent effect. Hafliiyielded to the demand of his foe and thereby to those in the polity whorightly feared another outbreak of unrestrained violence. In turn, Hafliisconfirmed enemy came to be a friend and steadfast ally, thus promotingthe maintenance of public order. Concomitantly, if prior to the settlementnegotiations, Haflii resolved to nominate Ketill as bishop-elect. Implicitin this action are Hafliis gratitude for a moral insight and commitmenthe would not have reached on his own and the notion that negotiationsshould be governed by Gods will.

The persuasive force of the exemplum is demonstrated in two ways. One,the exemplum has a wide-ranging influence on personal actions and theconduct of political affairs. Two, the exemplum fulfills its function as


performance: the display of communicative competence in the enact-ment24 not of honor, as traditionally understood, but of honor temperedby Christian understanding of a communal, God-willed order.

Told by a cleric, the future bishop-elect, Ketill IPorsteinsson, the exemplumexplicates the course of Ketills adult life as a deeply religious, ethicalexperience with practical, secular implications. More important, however,his experience points the way to the creation of a communal life that willbe, to a significant extent, free of destructive, senseless turmoil. As sooften in the sagas, the chieftains are held responsible for the life of theircommunities. That they assume accountability, however, for the mainte-nance of a God-pleasing order is due foremost to the moral persuasionand pragmatic experience of the two major representatives of the clericalorder.25 It is no coincidence that the two advocates of peace and spokesmenagainst a false, pernicious sense of honor were Ketill and the bishop ofSklholt, IPorlkr Runlfsson. Ketills recital of the exemplum, of theworking of God during a crisis in his life, reinforces Bishop IPorlkrsprior threat of excommunication. Their words of spiritual insight and con-straint represent speech acts possessed of the social and psychologicalforce which prompt change.26 The clerical order is thus seen as the agentof moral persuasion. Aided by divine signs of wisdom, the clerics transforma moral code that profoundly affects the conduct of secular affairs. Thepersuasion and force the two leaders exert alter a pernicious thought patternthat had threatened the souls of the protagonists and the life of their adher-ents. Concomitantly, the audience attained a deeper understanding of thepast and also of the present by apprehending that a change in conductcould govern the course of private and public life.

The question of audience reaction prompts inquiry into a possible chrono-logical, and by extension ideological, link between the exemplum andslendinga sagas jest. The crux is IPorgils saga ok Haflias date ofcomposition and authorship. Internal evidence suggests that IPorgils saga okHaflia dates from or shortly after 1237. Its author might then be presumedto be a contemporary of Sturla Sighvatsson,27 one of the principals of thejest. If the dating is correct, the author might have been a witness to twosignal, interrelated events at the final stage of Sturlas ill-fated career.28

While the exemplum in slendinga saga preludes events at Apavatn, thebattle at rlygsstair constitutes its sequel (1238). At Apavatn, SturlaSighvatsson appeared to be at the apex of his career. He felt strong enoughto take his rival, Gizurr IIPorvaldsson, prisoner but inexplicably, after lengthydeliberation, failed to take his life. Apavatn signalled the fall of Sturla,his defeat and death at rlygsstair. From the retrospect of events, thejest in slendinga saga sought to forewarn Sturla, implicitly but eloquently,of the hubris he would exhibit at Apavatn, his arrogance in arresting Gizurrfollowed by his apparent folly in releasing him.

Given the dating of IPorgils saga ok Haflia, its exemplum might also


be considered a critical political commentary on contemporary affairs of theSturlung age.29 Expanding upon this thought, Rgis Boyer30 suggests thatthe purpose of the exemplum transcended the narration of events withinthe saga. Just as the exemplum led, in the twelfth century, to the exem-plary conduct of an aggrieved, powerful chieftain and, subsequently, tothat of his antagonist, repeated telling of the exemplum sought to influ-ence and to calm political life also in the thirteenth century. The exemplumthus had a distinct rhetorical function.

The postulated dating of IPorgils saga ok Haflia illuminates, accord-ingly, the ideological foundation of the exemplum and the jest. The moreimportant bond, however, is the sense that solely moral responsibility, therepudiation of hubris in conducting political affairs, ensures the commonweal. In IPorgils saga ok Haflia, the exemplum had the desired effect,the establishment of peace in a polity rent by factional passion; in slendingasaga it did not. Thus the two exempla may be seen as mirror images. Bothworks probe the reason for the exemplums power or, alternately, powertoo feeble to effect significant behavioral change. In both the answer liesin the personality and convictions of the main characters. Yet IPorgils sagaok Haflia also ascribes the consummation of an acceptable settlement tomoral pressure from the clergy as well as from allies of the antagonists.In slendinga saga, this moral pressure is non-existent. Thus, the exemplasmoral tenor is directed to the problem of leadership. Implicit is the insightthat sound leadership rests upon a sound moral foundation and that lead-ership failure, caused by hubris, draws divine retribution on the perpetratorsand on their community.

The Jest in slendinga saga31

Sturla IPrarson conceptualized (ch. 125, pp. 40708), under the year1237, a private jest between father and son as an exemplum. The exemplumhad a cautionary intent to warn the son that his life and soul, as well ashis fathers, were in peril. Furthermore, it foreshadowed the bloodshedthat preceded the passing of Icelandic independence in 1263.32 Theexemplum thus allowed the audience to reflect, retrospectively, upon theextended effect of an individuals hubris well beyond death on thefate of the polity.

The exemplum is skillfully staged. By a playful mise-en-scne, the fatherhoped to forewarn the son of the consequences of superbia, of the imminentcollapse of his political ambition and of their joint power. Unintended bythe speakers was a meaning perceived only years after the son hadimprudently ignored the warning embedded in the exemplum. By chroniclingtheir deaths and the turbulence in the two decades that followed, Sturlasuggested, via this exemplum, that unrestrained pursuit of power had led


to disastrous consequences for the polity. In fact, by citing offices typicalof a feudal court, but non-existent in the Icelandic republic, the jest por-tended not only the loss of political independence but also political andsocial changes wrought by a state with feudal leanings.

Despite its function as an exemplum, the conversation was presentedand accepted as a fact, as having transpired in 1237 as reported. As personalexperience and as contemporary history, the episode was fraught withpoignancy, not only for the speakers, who were doomed, but also for SturlaIPrarson. Father and son, Sighvatr Sturluson (11701238) and SturlaSighvatsson (11961238), his uncle and cousin, were close to him. Hewas to lose both, as the exemplum foreshadowed, at the battle of rlygsstair(August 21, 1238). Their defeat would also affect his own standing. SinceSturla IPrarson had fought at their side, the annihilation of their powermeant, for the next two decades, insecurity and diminution of his ownstature. Years later, as a historian, mature and certain of his craft, his viewof the battle transcended his trauma. Intellectually, he had come to recog-nize in the battle a watershed that, by accelerating a period of internecineunrest, ended in the control of Icelands affairs by the Norwegian crown.

The two speakers in the exemplum were, to all appearances, non-religiousin disposition and outlook. Sighvatr Sturluson33 was a gifted and popularchieftain in Northern Iceland. His intelligence and personality furtheredhis long-lasting success and leadership. He inspired loyalty by staunchsupport of his allies, trenchant wit and grace that defused anger. His intel-ligence was not only verbal, although this is highlighted in memorable jokes.Above all, he had an uncanny ability to analyze and to exploit politicalcircumstances. The exemplum he devised, as a warning to his son Sturla,illustrates his wit, political savvy, and the foresight by which he attemptedto forestall the inevitable end to Sturlas ambition and power.

Concomitantly, the exemplum functions as a means to measure the qualityof Sighvatrs chieftaincy and of his character. The timing of the exemplum,followed by its ostensible failure to instruct Sturla, highlights a characterflaw that vitiated his ability to act decisively when he clearly foresaw theruin of his son and, implicitly, his own. He continued to cherish a lovefor his son so inordinate that he could not or would not halt Sturlas courseof self-destruction. He staged the exemplum toward the end of his careerand life. This coincided with the slow political transformation of Icelandfrom an independent republic to a dependency of Norway. Leading thisdevelopment were ambitious men like Sturla who, emboldened by theNorwegian king, aspired to a power more authoritative than the traditionaloffice of a chieftain would sanction.34

The thrust of Sighvatrs mise-en-scne is Sturlas hubris. The exemplumhe staged required two players, Sighvatr himself and Sturla. In this case,the reason is not solely a traditional one, a teacher instructing a student,but a common yet profound psychological insight. Words of a counselor


may guide man to recognition of his hubris, but do not effect in and bythemselves a change of heart, a rejection of an attitude and mode of conductthat is contemptuous of the rights of others and ultimately proves to beself-destructive. Sighvatr attempted, as he had done in the past, to protectSturla from the consequences of arrogance and folly by a display of witand imagination. In this he failed.35 Nevertheless, the exemplum, abortiveat first, points to Sturlas spiritual awakening that ensued shortly after hisunprovoked capture of Gizurr, an act rooted in hubris.

That Sighvatr used a persuasive jest as a strategy conforms to theexemplums custom of masking partially or wholely the intent of the speakerin order to forestall the listeners criticism or obduracy.36 As such, Sighvatrsjest might be considered a dissuasive exemplum, or a strategemmaticum,that is any kind of prudent, cunning, witty behavior. . . .37 In the largecontext of slendinga sagas contemporary audience, Sighvatrs warning canbe thought of as part of the traditional arguments for rational decision, adecision Sturla nevertheless failed to make at the appropriate moment.

The substance of Sighvatrs jest was the imagined planning of the typeof household and retinue requisite to the most powerful chieftain of theisland. The jest turns into a remarkably clever set-up. It was designed bothto reassure Sturla of his kinsmens unswerving support and to jolt himinto the realization that his aspirations will lead not to fruition, but todisaster. The main point of the jest is Sturlas self-aggrandizement, thepresumptuous notion that nothing is beyond his reach. No estate is toowealthy to be called his own, and no one too high-placed to be in hisservice.

Sighvatr started out slowly. For the exemplum to be effective, he hadto put Sturla at ease. He began with flattery, that sported an ironic tinge.Referring to Sturlas recent victory in a singularly merciless battle withkinsmen, Sighvatr stated that Sturla deemed he had risen significantly inpower and stature: IPat er sv aust, that is very easy to see.Disregarding Sturlas pleasure at the praise and ill-assumed modesty ekkihefi ek IPar or gert, I did not say this (p. 407), Sighvatr focusedon the type of estate suitable for a man of Sturlas prominence. Sighvatrintimated that no secular estate was beyond Sturlas grasp, with solely theepiscopal seats being pre-empted from his control. Furthermore, Sturlawould need capable and energetic administrators of the estate he aspiredto: a shepherd, followers, fishermen, stable-hands and merchants. The ironyis that while the assignments are those common to farming estates, theconcept of appointing great men to offices of lowly origin is one linkedexclusively to the feudal court, not to indigenous political practice.

To the thirteenth century audience, appreciation of the jest lay foremostin the accurate characterizations of the well-known, putative retainers.Psychological interest resided also in Sighvatrs clever and astute wordingas well as in the gamut of Sturlas reactions to Sighvatrs suggestions: pride,


realistic assessment of outlandish proposals, trust in his kinsmen and in theirwillingness to serve his purpose and, finally, displeasure at, rejection of, andanger at Sighvatrs preposterous proposal to appoint the top chieftains ofthe island as Sturlas retainers or servants/vassals.

The exemplum, building up to a climax, did lead to Sturlas clear-sightedassessment that not all men would serve him. His anger, visible in his abruptturning away from his father and his untimely departure, stemmed fromthe sarcasm he perceived in his fathers jest. For the moment, the lessonthe jest intended to convey fell on deaf ears. The exemplum failed to awakenthe recognition of his flawed attitude toward power, his hof, immod-erate pride. Sighvatrs jest sought to convey that Sturla had arrogatedto himself power so broad and unlimited that it surpassed the authoritytraditionally vested in chieftains.

In communication theory, the structure and purpose of Sighvatrsexemplum is common to that of exempla, mundane conversations ordialogues.38 The salient structural component is the serialization of examplesin which, for example, one type of conduct or, in Sighvatrs jest, one jobprofile and candidate, is followed by another, then a third, and so on.Constant analogues, as G. Buck points out, serve, in such speech situa-tions, as a means to elicit praktische Erkenntnis, practical cognition.By this Buck means insight that leads the self to a probing of motivationand to a change in conduct. In Sturlas case, this would call for an exerciseof free will, a recognition of his hubris followed by its repudiation.

In an exemplum that is perceived to form part of a biographical accountand, by virtue of its actors, to have affected the dynamics of thirteenthcentury Icelandic history, the traditional structural components are dis-jointed. The moral, followed by Sturlas self-examination and change ofconduct, is separated from the exemplum proper by several chapters.Nevertheless, even though only in retrospect, the moral or dictum thatarrogance is short-lived undergirds and cements the serial elements of thejest. A few chapters further on, Sturla himself articulates his hubris, astate of mind. His recognition of his hubris and subsequent contrition, hiswillingness to atone by attempting, fatefully, to rectify a sinful and foolishact, follow on the heel of his open confession. Thus, the exemplum keepsto its purpose, the ability to induce future action. The jest has as its goal,in Assions phraseology (p. 234), an aktionistische Tat-Wirkung-Motorik,an impetus to generate a dynamic interplay between action and effect.

The moral is expressed during a conversation between Sighvatr and anold friend. For Sighvatr, this was a time of apprehension and, typically,he attempted to aid Sturla as best as he could. He endeavored to probepeoples feelings on Sturlas planned ventures. No one, not even his oldfriend, responded to his ingenuous question of what Sturla was up to inhis journey to the Westfjords. Each one, including his friend, deferred orpassed the answer back to Sighvatr. Sighvatrs enunciation of the moral


came in the form of a question and its answer, an answer riven by uncer-tainty. The question: Hv lengi mun haldast ofsi sj inn mikli, howlong will this {Sturlas} inordinate arrogance persist?, is in one respectrhetorical. The answer to that aspect of the question contained the proverbthat arrogance seldom lasts long.39 The other aspect was a practical mattersince Sturla, as his friend well knew, could count on the power and per-suasion of his kinsmen, particularly Sighvatrs, to back him no matterwhat he did. Sighvatr took this into account as well as the sudden turn infortune that errors in judgment precipitate. He acknowledged that Sturlasarrogance might well be long-lived, if he were not felled by a misstep(ch. 127, pp. 41011).

The misstep occurred at Apavatn. As fate would have it, Sturlasexpedition to Apavatn was, to all appearances, gratuitous. The purposehad been to collect a sum promised to an ally, but an accord made withoutSturlas knowledge and consent no longer justified an action. The expedi-tion was hence deliberate and suspect. The drawn-out description, thepreparations for an armed expedition, the review of its ostensible purpose,the collection of monies owed to an ally, Sighvatrs warnings againstcondoning, by a show of force, the allys misdeed and, finally, the wantof a rationale for Sturlas campaign draw attention to Sturlas intent andstate of mind. Of importance was the exercise of his free will to commitevil. As stated in the introduction to another contemporary saga, Hrafnssaga Sveinbjarnarsonar, ch. 1, p. 1, Gods great patience is seen in eventsand sjlfr{i at, er hann gefr hverjum manna, at hverr m gra at,sem vill, gott ea illt, the free will that He bestows on everyone, thateach may do what he wishes, good or evil.40 At Apavatn, Sturlaexercised his free will, both for evil and for good.

No excuse or exoneration is given for Sturlas capture of Gizurr, neitherby the author who was a witness nor by Sturla Sighvatsson himself. Whenquestioned by Gizurr, Sturla admitted: hann {tlai sr meira hlut en rummnnum slandi, he intended to have more power than any other manin Iceland. Gizurr was the only rival he feared (ch. 123, p. 414). Theentrapment of Gizurr and his men represented thus an egregious outbreakof his hubris, an act of evil intent. Paradoxically, it also initiated an actthat bespoke the exercise of the free will to do good. Sturla spent thehours after the capture and the disarming of Gizurrs men in introspec-tion. His internal struggle is evident in his surliness and in the silence thatshrouded him as he stopped after a long ride in the volcanic wilderness.Gizurr himself testified to the conflict in Sturlas soul. Commenting onthe halt of the ride, with the men still on horseback, on the silence brokenby Sturlas curt order, rium enn, lets ride on (p. 414), Gizurr sensedthat, at that point, Sturla was debating his fate and that of others.

The spiritual insight he had attained and the conversion he had experi-enced subsequent to the jest are evident in a number of actions prior to


his death in the battle of rlygsstair.41 Sturla is led ever so slowly to therecognition of his hubris, first by unwittingly articulating his hubris, his willto exert his power over all of Iceland, then by attempting to diminish, ifnot to right, the wrong done to Gizurr and finally by exercising conduct thatwould be pleasing in the eyes of God. In the battle of rlygsstair, Sturlasdefense was half-hearted. His defeat and death were, therefore, caused inpart by disavowal of his former ambition and arrogant, cruel conduct. Heno longer wished for the blood of his rivals, although his reluctance to reveala premonitory dream indicates that he clung to life.

The jest in slendinga saga may be termed a sophisticated adaptationof the exemplum to the compositional strictures of a historical work. Theexemplum is not self-contained, although it evidences typical features of thegenre, its serial structure and its use as a strategem to effect change ofconduct. It is acted out with the two players assuming the traditional rolesof speakers/actors. There is a moral stated by the speaker. Evidence ismarshalled to illustrate the listeners change of heart and his willingnessto submit to his fate, as ordained by God.

In Sighvatrs personal life, stubborn loyalty to Sturla overrode hisprescience of the debacle that killed Sturla, himself, and three other sonsand that ultimately destroyed the power of his clan. Thus the exemplumstructured and explained the fall of Sturla and the collapse of the familyspower. In the context of thirteenth century Icelandic history, the exemplumassumes, however, an importance that transcends the immediate occasionof its composition. The exemplum foreshadows the demise of the Icelandicrepublic and the imposition of a hierarchical order typical of a feudal state.

Conclusion:

An avid interest in historiography and the interrelationship between fateand character informed Old Norse literature. The exemplum and the facilitywith which it could be adapted to various uses served this purpose. Allfour exempla share this historical interest. Snorris exemplum in the formof a folktale not only is placed in a historical context, but also serves toexplicate the future. It has no moral function, solely a predictive one, toillustrate the inevitable course of history.

The three others, however, have at their core a moral concern. Theydemonstrate that, ultimately, moral decisions effect or influence successor, alternately, cause failure. In Auunar ttr, the titular heros magna-nimity and probity are responsible for his rise from poverty to a man ofwealth, respected as an equal by kings. While Auunar ttr focuses onan individual outside of his homeland and his interaction with powerfulkings, the perspective of the exempla in IPorgils saga ok Haflia andslendinga saga is wider. Both exempla are concerned with the pernicious


effects of the misplaced honor and arrogance that leaders are prone to.Not solely they themselves but the polity itself will suffer. In IPorgils sagaok Haflia, cause and effect are clearly drawn without a trace of ambi-guity. In slendinga saga, complexity and ambiguity distinguish the narrationof the exemplum and its aftermath, including the statement of the moraland Sturlas initial, fateful disregard of the exemplums injunction. SturlaSighvatsson died in a brutal assault on his person. By that time he hadforesworn the arrogance that would have fuelled a vigorous defense ofhis power. In structure and matter, the jest is a sophisticated device. Itsaim is to convey a moral in a historical context,42 to illuminate the ambi-guities and agony that attend individuals in a state of crisis and todemonstrate that private acts of public figures unwittingly shape the courseof history. The exemplum, despite its formulation as a jest, delivers a sternwarning against arrogance, the concomitant abuse of power and its conse-quences to the perpetrator and the community at large.

Rutgers University MARLENE CIKLAMINI

Notes

1. Hermann Bausinger (1968) Exemplum und Beispiel, Hessische Bltter fr Volkskunde59, particularly 3134; (1968) Zum Beispiel, Volksberlieferung. Festschrift fr Kurt Rankezur Vollendung des 60. Lebensjahres, eds. Fritz Harkort, Karel C. Peeters, Robert Wildhaber.Gttingen: Otto Schwartz, 918; Jacques Berlioz and Marie Anne Polo de Beaulieu, eds.(1992) Les Exempla mdivaux. Introduction la recherche, suivie des tables critiques delIndex exemplorum de Frederic C. Tubach. Carcassone: Garae/Hsiode; Hartmut Breitkreuz(1971) Literarische Zitatanalyse und Exemplaforschung, Fabula 12, particularly 12; ClaudeBremond, Jacques Le Goff, and Jean-Claude Schmitt (1982) LExemplum, Typologie dessources du moyen ge occidental Fasc. 40. Turnhout-Belgium: Brepols; Christoph Daxelmller(1984) Exemplum, Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. Handwrterbuch zur historischen und vergleichenden Erzhlforschung, ed. Kurt Ranke. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, IV, cols.627649; (1985) Auctoritas, subjektive Wahrnehmung und erzhlte Wirklichkeit. DasExemplum als Gattung und Methode, Germanistik. Forschungsstand und Perspektiven.Vortrge des Deutschen Germanistentages 1984. 2. Teil: ltere Deutsche Literatur-NeuereDeutsche Literatur, ed. Georg Sttzel. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 7287; Bronislaw Geremek(1980) L

Exemplum et la circulation de la culture au moyen ge, Mlanges de lcole franaise de Rome. Moyen Age 92, 15370; Rudolf Schenda (1969) Stand und Aufgabender Exemplaforschung, Fabula 10, 6985.

2. Karlheinz Stierle (1972) LHistoire comme Exemple, lExemple comme Histoire.Contribution la pragmatique et la potique des textes narratifs, Potique 10, 17698;J.-Th. Welter (1927; rpt. 1973) LExemplum dans la littrature religieuse et didactique dumoyen ge. Genve: Slatkine Reprint, 150151.

3. Frederic C. Tubach (1962) Exempla in the Decline, Traditio 18, 40717; (1968)Strukturanalytische Propleme (sic.) Das mittelalterliche Exemplum, Hessische Bltterfr Volkskunde 59, 2529.

4. Hans D. Oppel (1976) Exemplum und Mirakel, Versuch einer Begriffsbestimmung,Archiv fr Kulturgeschichte 58, particularly 96105. See also Berlioz and de Beaulieu, 11,18, 26.


5. Exempla from European sources are from well-known collections, such as those byPetrus Alfonsus, Disciplina clericalis and the Vitae patrum and are edited by Hugo Gering(1882, 1883) Islendzk ventyri. Islndische Legenden, Novellen und Mrchen. Halle, I, II.See Hermann Plsson (1993) Mannfri, dmi, fornsgur, Twenty-Eight Papers Presentedto Hans Bekker-Nielsen on The Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday 28 April 1993. Odense:University Press, 31012.

6. See the Aesopian exempla in the prologue of Adonias saga, ed. Agnete Loth (1963)Late Medieval Romances, III, Editiones Arnamagnan, Series B, Nr. 22 Copenhagen:Ejnar Munksgaard, 7173; also Hemings ttr slakssonar, ed. Gillian Fellows Jensen (1962)Editiones Arnamagnan, Series B, Nr. 3 Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 3536. SverrirTmasson (1986) The frisaga of Adonias, Structure and Meaning in Old NorseLiterature. New Approaches to Textual Analysis and Literary Criticism, eds. John Lindow,Lars Lnnroth, Gerd Wolfgang Weber. Odense: University Press, 37893, posits that theAesopian fables suggest that the saga is to be understood as an exemplum (291).

7. Hans Bekker-Nielsen, Thorkil Damsgaard Olsen, Ole Widding (1965) NorrnFort{llekunst. Kapitler af den norsk-islandske middelalderlitteraturs historie. Kbenhavn:Akademisk Forlag, 24, 131; Finnur Jnsson (1924) Den oldnorske og oldislandske litteraturs historie. Kbenhavn: G. E. C. Gad, II; Fredrik Paasche (1924; 1957) Norges ogIslands litteratur inntil utgangen av middelalderen, 2nd ed. Anne Holtsmark. Oslo: H.Aschehoug; Kurt Schier (1970) Sagaliteratur. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 12527; G. Turville-Petre (1953) Origins of Icelandic Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press; Jan de Vries (1964)Altnordische Literaturgeschichte, 2nd. ed. Berlin: de Gruyter. Major exceptions are entriesin the following reference works: Anne Holtsmark (1959) Eksempel i vn. litt., Kulturhistoriskleksikon 4, cols. 9798; Rudolf Simek, Hermann Plsson (1987) D{misaga, Lexikon deraltnordischen Literatur. Stuttgart: Alfred Krner, 5253; Peter A. Jorgensen (1983) Exempla,Medieval Scandinavia, An Encyclopedia, eds. Phillip Pulsiano, Kirsten Wolf, Paul Acker,Donald K. Fry. New York: Garland, 17374. Generally, the discussion focuses on discreteaspects of the exemplum. Literary relationships, its surge in popularity during the later MiddleAges, its prominence in the corpus of preaching orders and translations from well-knownLatin works predominate.

8. Ed. Jnas Kristjnsson (1956) in Eyfiringa sogur, slenzk fornrit 9. Reykjavk. Fora discussion and bibliographical references to the exemplum, see xxxixxlii. The exemplumby Petrus Alphonsus is represented in 2 Old Norse versions, Ns. L and XCI, ed. Gering, I,16465, 28691. For the use of a motif from Gregorys Dialogues in a classical saga, seeEinar l. Sveinsson, ed. (1954) Brennu-Njls saga, slenzk fornrit 12, lxxii, lxxiii, lxxivand first discussed (1943) in Njlsb. Bk um miki listaverk. Reykjavk: Hi slenzkabkmenntaflag. The latter work was translated and revised, in consultation with the author,by Ludvig Holm-Olsen (1959) Njls saga. Kunstverket. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget andby Paul Schach (1971) Njls Saga: A Literary Masterpiece. Lincoln: Nebraska UniversityPress, relevant pages, 1317 and 1216 respectively. For a discussion of the extantfragmentary Old Norse versions of Gregorys story, see Holm-Olsen, Noter 1, p. 136.See also The Life of St. Gregory and His Dialogues. Fragments of an Icelandic Manuscriptfrom the 13th Century, ed. Hreinn Benediktsson (1963) Editiones Arnamagnan, SeriesB, Nr. 4. Copenhagen: Munksgaard and Rgis Boyer (1973) The Influence of Pope GregorysDialogues on Old Icelandic Literature, Proceedings of the First International SagaConference, eds. Peter Foote et al. London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 127.For the telling and enjoyment of exempla that Bishop Jn Halldrsson (132239) had heardabroad, see Jns ttr Halldrsson, Byskupa sogur. Sklholtsbyskupar, ed. Guni Jnsson(1953), I, ch. 1, p. 461, and cited in Peter Hallberg (1987) Imagery in Religious Old NorseProse literature: An Outline, Arkiv fr nordisk filologi 102, 166, 167.

9. Eds. Bjrn K. IPrlfsson, Guni Jnsson (1943) in Vestfiringa sogur, slenzk fornrit6. Reykjavk, 361368.


10. Eduard Neumann (1958) Exempel, Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte,eds. Werner Kohlschmidt and Wolfgang Mohr, 2nd. ed., Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, I, 413418,particularly 414.

11. See, for instance, Hemings ttr slkssonar.12. Haralds saga ins hrfagra, in Heimskringla I, ed. Bjarni Aalbjarnarson (1941)

slenzk fornrit 26. Reykjavk, ch. 14, pp. 10911.13. Eds. Jn Jhannesson, Magns Finnbogason, Kristjn Eldjrn (1946), in Sturlunga

saga. Reykjavk: H. F. Leiftur, I, chs. 2830, pp. 4748; ed. Ursula Brown (1952) Oxford:University Press, chs. 2830, pp. 4043.

14. Sturlunga saga I, ch. 125, pp. 407408.15. Heimskringla, I, 4. Frssbk adds the phrase frsognum ea, or in prose stories.

See also Hennig Brinkmann (1975) Zeichen erster und zweiter Ordnung in der Sprache,Positionen der Negativitt, ed. H. R. Jauss, Poetik und Hermeneutik Nr. 6, 45, 8, whodiscusses tales in classical tradition and medieval authors acceptance of the assumptionthat narrative elements of tales, though fictional, convey truth.

16. H. R. Ellis Davidson (1974) Folklore and History, Folklore 85, 7392. Brian S.Lee (1981) This is no fable: Historical Residues in Two Medieval Exempla, Speculum56, 72830, considers only factual truth rather than the broader issue of what constituted truth.

17. See Knut Liestl (1933) Kjetta p Dovre. Til spursmlet um pilegrimsvegar ogsegnvandring, Maal og Minne, 35, for the usage of the name for secondary characters inDenmark.

18. Compare the Biblical analogue in Konungsskuggsj to kis use of the two separateand distinct halls to indicate discrete spheres of achievement or historical mission. Thepartition of power between Moses and Aaron is described in the image of two halls createdby God, both of which were to serve Him: a thing hall and palace in which a king residesand judges; a church which dispenses spiritual sustenance. See George T. Flom, ed. (1916)The Arnamagnean Manuscript 243 B

a. Folio. The Main Manuscript of Konungs Skuggsjin phototypic reproduction with diplomatic text. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois, 160; LudvigHolm-Olsen, ed. (1945) Konungs skuggsi, Norsk historisk kjeldeskrift-institutt Nr.1. Oslo,123124.

19. Stefn Einarsson (1939) fintyraatvik Auunar tti vestfirzka, Skrnir 113,161171; Edward G. Fichtner (1979) Gift Exchange and Initiation in the Auunar ttrvestfirzka, Scandinavian Studies 51, 249272; Joseph Harris (1976) Theme and Genre inSome slendinga IP{ttir, Scandinavian Studies 48, 128; Liestl, 2448; A. R. Taylor(194748) Auunn and the Bear, Viking Society for Northern Research, Saga-Book 13,8187. See Donald Fry (1980) Norse Sagas Translated into English, A Bibliography. NewYork: AMS Press, pp. 46, for numerous translations.

20. Harris, pp. 7, 8, 17.21. See Einarsson, 16471, for a discussion of this episode as an exemplum, Strokes

shared.22. See Hermann Plsson (1979) P leting etter rttene til Viga-Glums saga, Maal og

Minne, 20, on the theme, Do not mock an unknown man.23. Sturlunga saga, I, chs. 2830, pp. 4748.24. Richard Bauman (1986) Performance and Honor in 13th-Century Iceland, Journal

of American Folklore 99, 143.25. See also Stephen Norman Tranter (1987) Sturlunga Saga. The rle of the Creative

Compiler. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 82, who emphasizes the extent of thecommunitys contribution to the settlement.

26. Frederic Amory (1991) Speech Acts and Violence in the Sagas, Arkiv fr nordiskfilologi 106, 57.

27. Hallvard Magery (1964) Sturla Sigvatsson, Norsk biografisk leksikon 15, 181188;Gunnar Benediktsson (1954) Sturla Sighvatsson, sland hefur jarl. Nokkrir rlaga{ttir


Sturlungaaldar. Reykjavk: Heimskringla, 4556; Marlene Ciklamini (1988) SturlaSighvatssons Chieftaincy. A moral probe, Sturlustefna. Rstefna haldin sj alda rtSturlu IPrarsonar sagnaritara 1984, eds. Gurn sa Grmsdttir and Jnas Kristjnsson.Reykjavk: Stofnun rna Magnssonar, 22241; Fredrik Paasche (1948) Snorre Sturlasonog Sturlungene, 2nd. ed., Oslo: H. Aschehoug, 20959, 280307.

28. For a discussion of narrative technique during the final phase of Sturla Sighvatssonscareer, see Preben Meulengracht Srensen, Historiefortlleren Sturla IPrarson, Sturlustefna,114119.

29. See Jn Jhannesson, in Sturlunga saga II, xxivxxxv.30. (1984) Vita Historia Saga, Athugun formgerar. Erindi flutt vi hskla slands

20. September 1983, Gripla 6, 11819.31. Sturlunga saga I, 229534.32. See Einar l. Sveinsson (1940) Sturlungald. Drg um slenzka menningu

rettndu ld. Reykjavk; trans. Jhann S. Hannesson (1953) The Age of the Sturlungs:Icelandic Civilization in the Thirteenth Century, Islandica 36. Ithaca: Cornell University; JesseL. Byock (1986) The Age of the Sturlungs, in: Elisabeth Vestergaard, ed. Continuity andChange. Political institutions and literary monuments in the Middle Ages: A Symposium.Odense: University Press, 2742, suggests that political life was less turbulent than previ-ously assumed.

33. Hallvard Lie (1956) Sigvat Sturluson, Norsk biografisk leksikon 13, 331336.34. On Sturlas role, see lafa Einarsdttir (1992) Skulis oprr og slaget ved

rlygsstair. Norsk og islandsk politik 12201240, Festskrift til Grethe Authn Blom,107108.

35. See lfar Bragason (1990) Sturlunga saga: Atburir og frsgn, Skldskaparml1, 86, on arrogance as a structural device in Old Norse contemporary sagas and Franz Dornseiff(19241925, publ. 1927) Literarische Verwendungen des Beispiels, Vortrge der BibliothekWarburg, 206, on the function of the exemplum as a guide to conduct.

36. Peter Assion (1979) Das Exempel als agitatorische Gattung. Zu Form und Funktionder kurzen Beispielgeschichte, Fabula 19, 231232. Although Assion discusses the exemplumwithin a narrow definition, excluding the experiential exemplum, his insights hold true alsofor Sighvatrs jest.

37. Peter von Moos (1984) The use of exempla in the Policraticus of John of Salisbury,in: Michael Wilks, ed. The World of John of Salisbury. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 219, 228.

38. Gnther Buck ber die Identifizierung von Beispielen Bemerkungen zur Theorieder Praxis, in Positionen der Negativitt, particularly 6769; Angela Keppler (1988)Beispiele in Gesprchen. Zu Form und Funktion exemplarischer Geschichten, Zeitschrift frVolkskunde 84, 3957.

39. The proverb structures the jest as well as its aftermath, confirming Breitkreuzs thesis,Literarische Zitatanalyse. See also above.

40. Ed. Gurn P. Helgadttir (1987). Oxford: Clarendon Press.41. Ciklamini, 23438. For a discussion of Sturla Sighvatssons death, see lfar Bragason

(1986) Hetjudaui Sturlu Sighvatssonar, Skrnir 160, 6478.42. Gabrielle M. Spiegel (1975) Political Utility in Medieval Historiography: A Sketch,

History and Theory. Studies in the Philosophy of History 14, particularly pp. 31622.


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Exempla in an Old Norse Historiographic World