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The Die-Hards: An Exploratory Study of the Process of Becoming a Highly Identified Sports Fan
Blake KosciowDepartment of Sociology and Anthropology
George Mason University
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Throughout the years, sports have become a big part of American culture. It is one of the
most popular forms of leisure and entertainment among the people in our society. Today, there
are multiple television channels, radio stations, magazines, newspapers, and websites that
broadcast and analyze games, along with spreading news on sports. Collegiate and professional
sports receive the most media attention, and their popularity seems to grow every year. Events
such as the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s March Madness and the National Football
League’s Super Bowl have become extremely popular nation-wide and receive massive amounts
of media attention. Many people have adopted these sports into their lives so much that sports
fans are considered a subculture of our society. A sports fan is someone who finds enjoyment in
watching sports and identifying with a certain sport, team, or athlete. Some fans, often called
“die-hard” fans, take this hobby to the extreme and incorporate it as a big part of their life and
personal identity. Though existing empirical research has effectively shown why people become
sports fans and how to distinguish highly identified from lower identified fans, the gap that exists
is that the process of becoming a sports fan has yet to be discovered. Fans have different reasons
for becoming a fan, so there must be different ways for one to become a highly identified fan. I
will fill this gap by conducting qualitative interviews with people who are highly identified
sports fans in order to discover the process people go through that results in becoming a highly
identified fan. In this paper I will describe the main findings and methodologies used in the
research done thus far and describe the research design I intend to incorporate in my research.
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Theoretical Explanations
Theories that specifically explain the reasons for the behaviors of sports fans have yet to
be constructed. However, there are several theories that have been used to explain certain aspects
of sports fandom. These theories include interaction ritual (IR) theory (Cottingham 2012),
balance theory (Fink et al 2002), social identity theory (Dietz-Uhler et al 2000), and Stebbins’
theory on serious leisure (Gibson et al 2002). Interaction ritual theory “conceptualized emotion
as a socially emergent (rather than socially constrained) positive energy” (Cottingham 2012:
170). In the context of sports fandom, the interaction ritual theory is used to explain the positive
energy that comes out of being a sports fan. The social identity theory holds that “people gain a
sense of who they are and derive much of their self-esteem from their memberships in social
groups and categories” (Dietz-Uhler et al 2000: 226). It is used to explain the reasons for the
vicarious achievement and identity construction that result from sports fandom. Fink et al (2002)
uses Heider’s (1958) balance theory to explain the high levels of vicarious achievement
experienced by sports fans. The balance theory “suggests that an association with a positive other
will make us appear more positive too” (Fink et al 2002: 203). Gibson’s (2002) study used
Stebbins’ (1979; 1982; 1992; 2001) concept of serious leisure to explain sports fans’ behaviors.
The theory on serious leisure is defined as “the systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist, or
volunteer activity that is sufficiently substantial and interesting for the participant to find a career
there in the acquisition and expression of its special skills and knowledge” (Stebbins 1992: 3 c.f.
Gibson et al 2002: 399). The theory on serious leisure can be used to explain the various
behaviors used to classify highly identified sports fans.
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Empirical Findings: Reasons for Becoming a Sports Fan
Vicarious Achievement
One of the most important aspects and strongest determinants of sports fandom is
vicarious achievement. Vicarious achievement is defined as “the sense of self-esteem that one
derives by being a part of a successful group/organization/team” (Fink et al 2002: 198). It gives
fans a sense of accomplishment especially when a team is successful. Fans celebrate the team’s
achievements as if they are part of the team (Fink et al 2002; Wann et al 1996, Wann et al 2001).
Fink (et al 2002) suggests that vicarious achievement is so strongly related to sports fandom
because people like to inform others of their personal achievements, but when they do not have
anything personal to share, sports fandom fills the gap by allowing them to talk about teams they
identify with and their success. Wann et al (1996) found that team success was the top reason for
team identification, as it was the highest occurring reason listed in the survey. He also found that
the team no longer being successful was the top reason for fans to stop supporting a team (Wann
et al 1996). In 2001, Wann conducted further research on the topic, finding that intrinsic
motivation was most common in highly identified fans and feelings of self-esteem resulting from
team success was the most prominent reason for team identification (Wann et al 2001).
Group Identity and Social Interaction
The need to be part of a group or community is another reason for sports fan
identification. Members of groups gain positive emotional energy from each other and the team
they identify with. Fans often use symbols, or the team logo, to show their membership in the
fandom group. Attending games causes high feelings of solidarity because people are surrounded
by other fans and the excitement is high, and they wear the symbols outside of sports settings to
represent the collective meaning and excitement within the group (Cottingham 2012; Derbaix
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and Decrop (2011; Wann et al 1996; Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Derbaix and Decrop (2011)
observed this same solidarity in their research, finding that fans develop and maintain
relationships with others through fandom and game attendance. They participate in sports fan
activities so that they can make connections with other people. Derbaix and Decrop (2011)
explain that sports fandom contains a great deal of socialization form the processes of creating
and maintaining these groups of fans and engaging in different fan activities together, such as
tailgating (Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Wann (et al 1996) found that almost nine percent, one of
the total top responses, of the total sample were sports fans because they had friends and peers
who were also fans and enjoyed being part of the fan group (Wann et al 1996). Similarly, Dietz-
Uhler et al (2000) found that the social aspect of fandom was one of the top reasons for being a
sports fan. Enjoyment in cheering with the group and watching games with family and friends
were among the top reasons for being a sports fan at eleven and seven percent of the total sample
(Dietz-Uhler et al 2000).
Aesthetics
Some sports fans identify with teams because they like style of how the team plays or
they like the team colors or symbols (Fink et al 2002; Wann et al 1996). This is referred to as
aesthetics. Fink (et al 2002) defines aesthetics in the context of sports fandom as “the artistic
appreciation of the sport due to its inherent beauty” (Fink et al 2002: 198). Fink et al (2002)
found that aesthetics was the second most common reason for identifying with a sports team. She
suggests that there is a strong correlation between aesthetics and team identification because fans
often admire certain players and their style of play. She explains, “results suggest that as artistic
appreciation increases, so does a spectator’s level of identification” (Fink et al 2002: 204). It can
also be that they like a certain team’s style of play, for example, a fan of the NFL team the
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Buffalo Bills could like them because of their offensive strategy (Fink et al 2002). Wann et al
(1996) also found that aesthetics was a top reason for team identification. Liking certain players
and their style of play accounted for over thirteen percent of the total responses. Liking the
team’s style of play and their uniforms, colors, name, mascot, or logo were also popular reasons
for liking a team (Wann et al 1996).
Excitement and Escape
Sports fans also identify with teams because it provides excitement and emotional arousal
(Fink et al 2002; Eastman and Riggs 1994; Gibson et al 2002). Fink et al (2002) describes this
with the terms drama and escape. Drama is “the need to experience pleasurable stress or
stimulation gained from the drama of the event” and escape is “the need to find a diversion from
work and the normal, unexciting activity of everyday life” (Fink et al 2002: 198). Fink (et al
2002) found that drama was the third most common reason for liking a sports team. Eastman and
Riggs (1994) also found that fans experience high excitement while watching their team play.
Participants described the emotions that they experience during a game, and feelings of an
“emotional high” that lasted even after the game were reported (Eastman and Riggs 1994: 265).
Some also explained that they enjoy watching games because it is a stress-reliever (Eastman and
Riggs 1994). Similarly, Gibson et al (2002) conducted interviews with sports fans and reported
that all fans interviewed said that being a sports fan is special and it evokes strong feelings of
joy. Participating in fan activities such as tailgating or attending a game serves as quality time for
fans and adds a sense of meaning to their lives. Many fans reported feeling very excited and
happy whenever they participate in fan activities (Gibson et al 2002).
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Empirical Findings: Characteristics of Highly Identified Fans
Performing Rituals
Highly identified sports fans conduct and partake in rituals to show that they are part of
the fandom and separate themselves from outsiders (Cottingham 2012; Eastman and Riggs
1994). Rituals are done both in groups and by oneself. Cottingham (2012) observed group rituals
among fans of the NFL team the Pittsburg Steelers. These include attending games, tailgating, or
going to sports bars. In these settings, fans show their team support by wearing the team colors,
cheering when the team did well, and booing when they performed poorly. It is really important
for fans to outwardly show their support for the team and separate themselves from fair-weather
or non-fans. Eastman and Riggs (1994) also observed fan rituals and found that their purpose is
to show membership, participation, connection, and reassurance. Similar to Cottingham (2012),
Eastman and Riggs (1994) found that fans partake in rituals to show their membership in the fan
group and to gain social acceptance. Wearing fan apparel, such as t-shirts or jerseys, is a ritual
that reinforces group membership. Rituals of participation serve the purpose of allowing the fan
to feel like he or she influences the success of the team. It makes them feel as if they are part of
the event. Fans also use rituals to feel connected to the team and to other fans. Reassurance is a
reason why fans partake in rituals because they are so emotionally attached to a team that their
success can determine their mood. An example of this is when fans have superstitious rituals
they perform to assure themselves that their team will win (Eastman and Riggs 1994).
Identity Construction
Highly identified sports fans will use their fandom to construct their own identity
(Derbaix and Decrop 2011; Gibson et al 2002). Fandom becomes part of sports fans’ personal
identity. He found that fans most often do this by showing a preference for the team’s colors.
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They wear the team colors and refuse to wear other colors as a way to set themselves apart as a
fan. Some people are fans because their family members are also fans, which results in
incorporating the fandom into family and individual identity. The city the team comes from can
also play a role in identity construction if the fan comes from the same area. It is a way for them
to represent where they come from (Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Gibson et al (2002) also found
that fandom plays a big role in fans’ identity construction. It is really common for serious fans to
own and wear a lot of fan clothing and other memorabilia. Fans find any way to incorporate their
fandom into their personal lives. For example, many people Gibson et al (2002) interviewed said
that they wear fan apparel at any chance they get, decorate their cars and homes with fan
memorabilia, and even name their pets after the team’s mascot. Interviewees also shared that
they include their fandom when introducing themselves to new people, and they enjoyed being
known as a big fan of their team to others (Gibson et al 2002).
Knowledge
Research has shown that knowledge on a sport or team is a necessary component in being
classified as a serious fan (Gibson et al 2002; Fink et al 2002; Wann and Branscombe 1993).
Fink et al (2002) suggests that “the more an individual knows about a team, players, and
coaches, the more connected the individual would be with the team” (Fink et al 2002: 199).
Though acquisition of knowledge is not a prominent reason for people to become sports fans, it
is a motive that can be used to predict the level of identification among fans (Fink et al 2002).
Gibson et al (2002) supports the claim that “Stebbins (1982) suggested that long time experience
in a role, coupled with personal effort and attaining knowledge and skills in a chosen pursuit,
distinguishes serious leisure from casual leisure” (Stebbins 1982 c.f. Gibson et al 2002: 411).
Results showed that being knowledgeable about a team was a distinguishing factor among highly
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identified fans, and that they used it to separate themselves from other fans (Gibson et al 2002).
and Branscombe (1993) also found correlates between team allegiance and knowledge of a team.
He states “due to the increased involvement and exposure to the team that the highly identified
fans reported in this research, it appears reasonable to expect that persons high in identification
will be in fact the most knowledgeable fans – or at least for their preferred team” (Wann and
Branscombe 1993: 10).
Loyalty
Loyalty is a strong indicator of high team identification (Gibson et al 2002; Ware and
Kowalski 2012. Gibson et al (2002) found that perseverance was very important to highly
identified fans. This means that these fans stayed loyal to their preferred team whether or not the
team performed well. Not doing so is considered being a fair-weather fan, a type of fan that is
looked down upon by highly identified fans. The highly identified fans would use their strong
perseverance and loyalty to distinguish themselves from these fair-weather fans (Gibson et al
2002). Ware (2012) measured fan loyalty using the concepts of BIRGing and CORFing, which
stand for Basking in Reflected Glory and Cutting Off Reflected Failure. “BIRGing behavior
among sports fans involves publicly displaying one’s association with a successful team to
enhance one’s social image and self-evaluation” (Cialdini et al 1976; Cialdini & Richardson,
1980; Cialdini & DeNicholas, 1989 c.f. Ware and Kowalski 2012: 225). On the other hand,
“CORFing behavior occurs when fans decrease their association with an unsuccessful team to
protect their social image and self evaluation (Snyder et al 1986 c.f. Ware and Kowalski 2012:
225). Through research it was found that highly identified fans were more likely to BIRG and
less likely to CORF than fair-weather fans (Ware and Kowalski 2012).
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Methodological Approaches
Survey
The most common method used among these empirical studies was a survey design. Fink
et al (2002), Dietz-Uhler (2000), Wann and Branscombe (1993), Wann et al (2001), Wann et al
(1996), and Ware and Kowalski (2012) all used a questionnaire format in their surveys. Fink et al
(2002) distributed five hundred surveys at an intercollegiate basketball game. The surveys were
given out at various entrances of the game to create a random sample. The questionnaire was
constructed with questions to be answered by indicating a number from a scale of "Strongly
Disagree" (1) to "Strongly Agree" (7) (Fink et al 2002). Dietz-Uhler et al (2000) had 76
undergraduate students complete a survey as extra credit for a class. It included a questionnaire
where participants answered questions by indicating a number on a scale that ranged from one to
eight, as well as open ended questions where respondents wrote their own answers (Dietz-Uhler
et al 2000). Wann and Branscombe (1993) distributed surveys to 75 male and 113 female
undergraduates which contained a seven item questionnaire. The questions were answered by
indicating a number on a scale of one to eight. Wann et al (2001) used the same questionnaire
format given to 45 male and 43 female college students and the responses were indicated on the
same eight-point scale where 1 represented “this is not at all descriptive of me” and 8
represented “this is very descriptive of me” (Wann et al 2001). Wann et al (1996) surveyed 44
male and 47 female undergraduate psychology students with a five page questionnaire packet. It
consisted of five questions where respondents were given a page to list their responses for each
question (Wann et al 1996). Ware and Kowalski (2012) had 273 students at a Bowl
Championship Series (BCS) university complete a survey of over 500 items. The questionnaire
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included questions to be responded with a number on a five point scale as well as open ended
questions (Ware and Kowalski 2012).
Many of these survey designs have used the same or similar measures. Fink et al (2002),
Dietz-Uhler (2000), Wann and Branscombe (1993), Wann et al (2001), and Wann et al (1996) all
used the Sports Spectator Identification Scale. Though using previous measures increases
reliability, it can limit research. Focusing on the same measures prevents from finding ones that
have yet to be discovered.
Interview
Gibson et al (2002) conducted interviews with sixteen white males and four white
females about their fandom of the University of Florida Gators football team. This interview
portion is part of a long term study, so participants were selected randomly from the group of
181 participants of the initial study. Letters were sent out to these participants inviting them to
participate in an interview. The interviews consisted of various questions asking about fan
behaviors and lasted for twenty to sixty minutes (Gibson et al 2002).
Participant Observation
Cottingham (2012) used formal observation and participation at Pittsburg Steelers
football games at Heinz Field, tailgates in the parking lot before the games, and two sports bars
showing Steelers games on television to observe the ritualistic behaviors of sports fans.
Cottingham (2012) selected a Steelers fan to be the informant who introduced her to a group of
8-10 Steelers fans who she went to tailgates and sports bars with. Observations were noted and
transferred to a computer for analysis (Cottingham 2012).
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Mixed Methods
Derbaix and Decrop (2011) used both interviews and participant observation to
understand why sports fans wear their team colors and what influence it has on their identities.
Ten Belgian, French, and Spanish football clubs were selected and thirty fans were interviewed,
observed, and filmed on game days or during other football-related activities. “Purposive
sampling was implemented in order to provide variety in the sample’s composition to the extent
that football spectators are coming from broad geographical, socio‐economical and cultural
population strata (Bromberger, 1995). Preliminary short ‘gate keeping’ interviews were carried
out with a few supporters in each club” (Derbaix and Decrop 2011: 274). Eastman and Riggs
(1994) observed and had informal discussions with sports fans to discover the meanings fans
give to ritualized behaviors. “The 46 observations and interviews were conducted mostly of
college students (76% male, 24% female) and were supplemented by 112 interviews with self-
identified sports fans” (Eastman and Riggs (1994): 255-256). Sampling was done by selection
only friends and acquaintances so that they felt conformable being observed at home. Informal
discussion was chosen over a structured design to avoid putting “words in the person’s mouth”
(Eastman and Riggs (1994): 255).
Research Design
In order to discover the process through which people become highly identified sports
fans, I will be collecting primary data using qualitative interviews. I believe this is the best
design for my research because most of the past research on this topic used surveys to identify
the motives and behaviors of sports fans, and interviews to gain more detail on these motives and
behaviors. My research will be an exploratory study since the process of becoming a highly
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identified sports fan has yet to be discovered, and I believe the best way to do so would be to
conduct semi-structured interviews with highly identified sports fans and have them describe the
process in a narrative form. Conducting interviews will be more effective than using a survey
design because interviewing will allow me to gain more detail on the process and the fans’
personal experiences. I believe engaging in discussion with fans would give me the best
understanding of the process they went through to become a highly identified fan.
I will meet ethical standards but giving each participant informed consent which will
include that their participation is voluntary, the purpose of the research, the risks and benefits
involved, and ensuring confidentiality. I will ensure confidentiality by giving each participant a
pseudonym and promise not to share their personal information to protect their identity. I will
also explain the process and ensure confidentiality of audio recording, transcribing, and
analyzing their interviews. Each participant will receive a five dollar gift card as compensation
for participating in the interview.
I will be conducting this research within a five month time period, so I will be using a
cross-sectional design. Time and funding limitations prevent me from conducting a longitudinal
study, but I will use oral histories analysis to look at how the process of becoming a highly
identified sports fan occurs over time. Damaske (2011) used a similar design in For the
Family?: How Class and Gender Shape Women's Work to discover women’s work pathways and
what decisions they made over time to choose a certain path. She conducted qualitative
interviews with women to along with life history analysis, which she says “offers the possibility
to examine the intersection of people’s personal choices and the time period during which these
decisions are made” (Damaske 2011: 174). This is an appropriate design for me to use since both
Damaske’s (2011) and my studies examine processes that occur over time.
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My sample will be George Mason University students who are highly identified sports
fans. They can be fans of any sport of any competition level. I will characterize highly identified
sports fans by randomly distributing questionnaires to George Mason students that include the
Sports Spectator Identification Scale (Wann and Branscombe 1993). This scale has been used by
many to measure the level of allegiance one has to their preferred team where higher scores
mean higher allegiance. Participants with high scores will then be contacted and invited to
participate in an interview describing how they became such a big fan over time.
I will analyze my data by audio recording, transcribing, and coding the interviews to find
patterns in the narratives provided by the participants. This will effectively answer my research
questions because the analysis will result in an outline of the process of becoming a highly
identified sports fan of various people which will allow me to see the possible ways one can
become a highly identified sports fan and if there are any variations between them. In my semi-
structured interviews with highly identified fans, I will ask questions that will guide their stories
of how they became a fan. These questions will ask participants about when they first became a
fan and why, what influenced them to become and stay a fan, and how and why their fandom
intensified.
There are several problems with reliability in qualitative studies. A different researcher
may not ask the same questions or note the same observations I do, which is the problem of
personal bias. Using a semi-structured interview design increases reliability because it will
decrease my personal bias by asking questions to guide a conversation with the participants
rather than asking specific questions that could influence or limit their answers.
I ensure validity, or that I will accurately measure the experiences of highly identified
sports fans, because observations from qualitative studies are valid in their own right because
15
you are observing a phenomenon in its natural setting. Interviewing will allow me to observe the
process of becoming a sports fan in depth and as described to me by the participants. Using a
semi-structured design ensures internal validity because it allows participants to openly discuss
their experiences while keeping them on subject. Out of the eight sources of internal invalidity,
history and maturation could possibly affect the interviews. The participants could get distracted
by something that happened or by being tired, hungry, or bored. I will avoid this by sustaining
the conversation by asking questions. The external validity, or the generalizability of my
empirical findings is limited by the fact that my sample will only be about 10 people who are all
students at the same university. Though the representation of highly identified sports fans is not
ideal, my design will gain a lot of detail for the process of becoming a highly identified sports
fan from people who fit the characteristics of such a fan as found by the existing empirical
literature.
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References
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