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Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant:
Technology as tool, the normal self, and the enhanced self
Sandra Wagemakers
[email protected]; 355628
Research Master Sociology of Culture, Media and the Arts; Erasmus School of History, Culture and
Communication; Erasmus University Rotterdam
Prof dr. Liesbet van Zoonen Dr. Marc Verboord
Supervisor Second Reader
20 June 2013
9.992 words
Abstract
RFID implants are controversial for their potential use in society. However, as the social shaping of
technology predicts, technology itself is not inherently good or bad; it is important how the technology is
used. Through an ongoing process of giving meaning to a technology, people incorporate a technology into
their lives and in this sense ‘domesticate’ it. Using semi-structured interviews with people with a cochlear
implant (CI) and do-it-yourselfers with a RFID implant, this study sheds light on the meaning individuals
give to their implants. Three repertoires were found among my respondents: technology as a tool, the
normal self, and the enhanced self. CI-users perceive the implant as a tool to be able to hear and
participate in society. This study shows that the CI-users desire a body that functions as it normally should
because they want to participate in society. The CI is a means to achieve this normalization and the fact
that it is implanted rather than attached to the body is generally of minor concern. The RFID tagged
persons can also perceive their implant as a tool, but attach different meanings to it. Whereas the CI-users
want to blend in society, some RFID implantees use their implant to stand out. Some RFID implantees
perceive themselves as upgraded and welcome a tighter integration of technology and their bodies.
Moreover, believing in an enhanced self corresponds with wanting to modify the human body to improve
the body’s capacity. This shows that desiring human enhancement is not only about the exact details of the
enhancement, but also about the mere fact of being enhanced.
Keywords
Implants, Radio-frequency identification, enhancement technology, Domestication, Social shaping of
technology
International peer-reviewed journals
The information society, Information, communication & society, Social science computer review, Social
studies of science
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Human implants are small electronic devices that are implanted under the skin. These
implants can have medical functions, enhancement capabilities, or identification
purposes. In this thesis, I focus on two types of implant: a Radio Frequency Identification
(RFID) identification implant and a cochlear implant for hearing improvement. RFID
implants are passive chips, identifiable by a reader from short distances, without the
ability to send out signals (Aubert, 2011). RFID implants can serve diverse purposes. In
the healthcare industry, RFID tags can be linked to medical records. The VeriChip is the
size of a grain and transmits a unique 16-digit code that links to a medical database.
Biomedical chips communicating physiological changes such as glucose levels are under
development (Masters & Michael, 2007). Furthermore, an implanted RFID chip could
identify a person more securely than current methods. In the future, RFID implants
could replace passports. RFID tags are already used for access control, including the
opening of doors and cars (Masters & Michael, 2007). Volunteers in the Baja Beach club
in Rotterdam and Barcelona and Bar Soba in Glasgow got a chip implanted. These
implanted customers obtained VIP access and could make transactions with these chips
(Martin, 2005; Michael & Michael, 2010). Other (future) uses mentioned in the literature
include chipping offenders to make sure they are not violating their parole, implanting
children so parents can monitor them, and chipping people so in case someone is
kidnapped or missing, he or she can be found more easily (Anderson & Labay, 2006;
Gadzheva, 2007). While GPS tracking is frequently associated with RFID implants, this is
currently impossible (Aubert, 2011).
A cochlear implant (CI) is a device for people with severe hearing problems. An
electrode array is surgically implanted in the cochlea. After several weeks of healing, an
external processor is connected to the internal part. Typically, people cannot
immediately identify what they are hearing but need several months of revalidation to
recognize different sounds and to understand speech. For deaf people, who do not
consider deafness as a disease, but rather as a common marker of identity, CI represents
a threat to their community. If all children receive a CI, the existence of this minority
culture ceases to exist (Sparrow, 2005).
The implantation of RFID tags has also caused controversy. Those opposing RFID
implants have ethical concerns, consider it the prelude to an Orwellian nightmare, or
perceive implantation as a ‘Mark of the Beast’, in other words a token of the devil (e.g.
Gadzheva, 2007; Glasser, Goodman, & Einspruch, 2007; Michael, McNamee, & Michael,
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
2
2006). Rather than continuing this trend of negativity and opposition, this research will
investigate individuals who have decided to get a RFID or cochlear implant in order to
investigate how these implantees perceive their implants. Particularly because of the
controversy in society of RFID implants and the limited research on implantees,
research is needed to shed light on implantees’ views. Examining these early adopters
leads to a better understanding of why people get themselves implanted and how
individuals have incorporated their implant into their daily lives. This research will
contribute to a better understanding of what technologies mean to people; thereby it
contributes to an understanding on how technologies may develop in the future. To do
this I will look at two types of implantees and compare them: Do-it-yourself (DIY)
implantees who use a RFID implant for access control and people with a cochlear
implant. This research is conducted from a social shaping of technology approach,
focusing in particular on the domestication of technology. Hence, I will focus on the
meaning individuals have given to their implant. First, I will look at the existing
literature on RFID implants and elaborate on the domestication perspective. After
explaining the research design, I will discuss three particular repertoires present among
respondents: technology as a tool, the normalized self, and the enhanced self. After
elaborating on three mini-biographies to give these repertoires more depth, I will
discuss the implications of these findings.
Implants
Thus far, little research has been done on the acceptance of human chipping. In a study
examining the willingness to be implanted for different purposes, Smith (2007) and
Perakslis and Wolk (2006) show that people are more willing to use medical implants or
implants for personal security than implants used by the authorities to combat
terrorism. Such outcomes suggest that implants are not problematic in themselves;
rather the issue is for which purpose implants are used (Niemeijer & Hertogh, 2008). In
addition, research demonstrates national and generational differences in attitudes
towards implants: people from India are more likely than people from the UK, USA, or
Australia to perceive an implant as a more secure technology for employee
identification. The millennial generation is more likely to consider RFID implants as a
more secure method than Generation X, which is, in its turn, more open towards it than
Baby Boomers (Perakslis & Michael, 2012).
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Michael and Michael (2010) describe the benefits the Baja Beach Club obtained
from implementing a system with RFID implants in an access control and epayment
setting. For their research, they interviewed the IT manager of the Baja beach club in
Barcelona and performed a content analysis on online documentation related to the
implants at the Baja Beach club. By using Rogers’ characteristics of an innovation that
affect the rate of diffusion of an innovation: relative advantage, compatibility,
complexity, trialability, and observability (cf. Rogers, 1962/2003), they show the
benefits the Baja Beach Club obtained from having these RFID implants.
In another article, Michael and Michael (2013) show how the voluntarily
implanted Gary Retherford, external consultant responsible for the implementation of
verichips at Citywatcher.com, contests concerns about implants. Retherford believes
that getting an implant should be based on rational choice; hence, he considers religion,
‘paranoia’, and other personal beliefs irrelevant. He argues that privacy can be partly
given up for increased security. Furthermore, he claims that other technologies (e.g.
biometrics and cell phones) have similar issues, but people concerned with implants
generally do not lobby against those technologies (Michael & Michael, 2013). Similarly,
implantee Graafstra contends that people should take their own responsibility and
research the advantages and disadvantages as well as the risks before inserting a chip
into one’s body. Privacy is irrelevant to DIY taggers because of the use on personal scale,
but medical safety is an important issue for DIY implantees (Graafstra, Michael, &
Michael, 2010).
According to Graafstra, who has contact with many (potential) implantees, most
DIY taggers have their implants for utilitarian reasons as it assist them in their daily
tasks such as unlocking doors. He is also approached occasionally by young (under-
aged) individuals who consider implants ‘cool’ and by body modders who want
something different (Graafstra, Michael, & Michael, 2010).
Concerns about RFID implants
Several concerns have been raised about RFID implants. While carcinogenic effects have
been associated with RFID implants, the exact medical risks of an implant are
indeterminate (Foster & Jaeger, 2008). Other medical issues include irritation under the
skin, migration of the implant, and the risk of getting the implant in non-medical settings
(Gadzheva, 2007). Some people fear for physical assault assuming that someone may
want to steal the chip (Trocchia & Ainscough, 2006).
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
4
Privacy and the security of the collected data also preoccupies people (Gadzheva,
2007; Glasser, Goodman, & Einspruch, 2007; Michael, McNamee, & Michael, 2006). Chips
used for identification purposes create privacy issues when people share their data and
thereby lose control of information (Perakslis & Wolk, 2006; Trocchia & Ainscough,
2006). Perakslis and Wolk (2006) state that half of their respondents “consider ‘privacy
concerns’ as the primary hesitation when considering biometrics and/or implanting a
chip” (p. 41).
Furthermore, it is argued that implants are dehumanizing; people will lose their
individuality and dignity because they are turned into numbers and are “branded like
cattle” (Gadzheva, 2007, p. 221). This dehumanizing critique is not exclusive to implants,
but relates to technology in general as technologies miss essential human characteristics
(Haslam, 2006). Some people worry that in the future people will be required to have an
implant, which these people see as a violation of human rights (Foster & Jaeger, 2008;
Gadzheva, 2007; Michael, McNamee, & Michael, 2006). Lastly, some Christians consider
the tag to be the ‘Mark of the Beast’ as described in the book of Revelation (Michael &
Michael, 2010).
Implants in this study
To date, most of the articles on RFID implants focus on ethical and privacy issues that
scholars raise themselves or find to be present among the public (e.g. Foster & Jaeger,
2008; Gadzheva, 2007; Glasser, Goodman, & Einspruch, 2007). Some quantitative
research examined the acceptance of different types of implants but remained largely
descriptive (e.g. Perakslis & Wolk, 2006; Smith, 2007). Qualitative case studies with a
sample of one examined the implementation of RFID implants (Graafstra, Michael, &
Michael, 2010; Michael & Michael, 2010; 2013).
Research on cochlear implants frequently focuses on the ‘effect’ the CI has on a
person’s life. Frequently, such studies focus on children. Scholars not only examine how
the CI improves people’s ability to hear speech, but also the difference a CI makes on
social life, for instance social participation (Punch & Hyde, 2011) and anxiety
(Theunissen et al., 2012). Additionally, scholars paid attention to the concern of Deaf
people losing their identity (e.g. Sparrow, 2005). Rarely has research focused on the
experience of the individuals and the incorporation of technology into one’s life.
Wheeler, Archbold, Gregory and Skipp (2007) form an exception to this by examining
how young individuals experience their CI. The young CI-users perceive their implant as
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essential and many do not perceive any disadvantages. The young individuals in this
study perceived themselves neither strongly hearing nor Deaf. They recognized their
internal deafness, as without CI, they would not be able to hear, but they were not
affiliated with Deaf culture (Wheeler et al, 2007). Since research is limited on the
incorporation of a technology, the case of CI represents a good case to compare with the
RFID tag.
It is important, noting society’s fears about RFID implants articulated above, to
understand how RFID implantees make sense of their implants. Therefore, to investigate
implantees in more detail, this research goes deeper into the meanings people assign to
the implants and how this technology becomes part of their everyday life and their
identity. A richer understanding is achieved by not merely looking at this technology in
isolation, but understanding its perspective within the larger scope of technologies.
Therefore, I will compare the case of RFID implants with the use of cochlear implant.
This comparison allows me to see the parallels with other technologies, but also to
understand in what ways RFID implantees differ.
Domestication of technology
When analyzing technologies, it is important to study them not just as objects, but also
to understand the meaning these artifacts generate. Technologies are not neutral
artifacts, but have interpretative flexibility. Consumers actively shape the technology
they use based on institutional, cultural, economical, and political factors. Both the social
and the technological are constantly interacting with each other resulting in some sort of
synergy (Williams & Edge, 1996).
Technology has no uniform meaning; users inscribe meaning onto these
products. Through an ongoing process of giving meaning to ICT, people incorporate a
technology into their lives and in this sense ‘domesticate’ it. This approach of the
domestication of technology literally refers to the ‘taming’ of a ‘wild’ technology into the
home. While a marketer may plan a product in a certain way, users give meaning and
significance to the technology (Haddon, 2006). The domestication approach uncovers
the process of becoming familiar with an object and understands what happens when
someone takes a technology ‘home’ and gives meaning to this particular object or
system (Berker, Hartmann, Punie, & Ward, 2006; Silverstone, Hirsch, & Morley, 1992).
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
6
The domestication approach tries to understand how people experience
technologies. It focuses on skills and practices that are learned and adopted, both the
construction of new practices and the compatibility of these technologies with practices,
skills and habits of the individual. Moreover, it analyzes the meaning that is generated
within this process, including its potential role in the creating of an identity for the
individual (Haddon, 2011; Sørensen, 2006). Thereby this approach exceeds motivations
or ‘use’ alone. It focuses on the context and the generated meanings; “what people are
trying to ‘do’ with their technology” (Haddon, 2011, p. 314). Rather than a linear process
or a one-off event, meaning making is an ongoing process. People can continually
reshape their produced meaning and their relationship with the technology (Hynes &
Rommes, 2006).
Method
In domestication research, it is important to understand data within its generated
context (Pichault, Durieux, & Silverstone, 2005). Qualitative data provides in-depth and
contextualized knowledge on the subjects. Before holding interviews, I asked Amal
Graafstra, a well-known implantee, to distribute an explorative questionnaire with
mainly open questions among RFID implantees. The questionnaire dealt with the use of
the implant, the implantation, and concerns about RFID implants. Ten respondents
completed and five respondents partly completed the questionnaire. Respondents
countered common concerns and misunderstandings about the RFID implant. The
survey showed not all respondents were only concerned with convenience; some
respondents indicated the reason to get a RFID implant was because it was ‘cool’ or the
person was on a ‘life mission of cybernetic transformation’.
After this explorative questionnaire, I conducted semi-structured interviews with
eight people with a RFID implant and thirteen people with a CI. I approached the
respondents from the survey who indicated they were interested in a follow-up
interview and people who indicated somewhere on the Internet they have a RFID
implant. I posted a message on a CI-forum and sent a message to a user who forwarded
it to other CI-users. Some of them forwarded it to more CI-users in their turn.
Consequently, I got responses from interested people with whom I conducted
interviews. Because of this sampling method, the CI respondents were generally positive
about their implant and happy to elaborate on it; their views may not be representative
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for CI-users who are less satisfied about their implant. All respondents with a RFID tag
were male. While my conversations with RFID implantees showed more males than
females were engaged in DIY-implantation, women are also involved. As women relate
differently to technology and their bodies (e.g. Throsby & Hodges, 2009), differences in
gender would be interesting to explore in future research.
Similar to what other researchers did or advocated (e.g. Hanna, 2012; Hine,
2008), participants chose the way the interview would be conducted (e.g. face-to-face, e-
mail). This empowered respondents and made them feel as comfortable as possible. In
some cases, it was practically impossible to have face-to-face interviews due to the
distance and some CI-users are unable to have phone or Skype conversations. In total
one phone interview, three Skype interviews, seven e-mail interviews, one synchronous
Table 1. Interviewees
Type Year implanted Country Interview
1 RFID Feb 2010 Sweden Synchronous text-based
1 RFID 2005 – ±2010 Australian Skype
1 RFID 2009/2010 USA Skype
1 RFID 2011 US citizen living in Poland Skype
2 RFID 2005 USA Phone
2 RFID 2010 USA e-mail
1 RFID 2012 USA e-mail
1 RFID 2010 UK e-mail
1 CI 2001 Netherlands e-mail
1 CI 2005 Netherlands e-mail
1 CI 2006 Netherlands e-mail
1 CI 2013 Netherlands e-mail
1 CI 2001 Netherlands Face-to-face
1 CI 2004 Netherlands Face-to-face
1 CI 2007 Netherlands Face-to-face
1 CI 2008 Netherlands Face-to-face
1 CI 2009 Netherlands Face-to-face
2 CI 2010 Netherlands Face-to-face
1 CI 2011 Netherlands Face-to-face
2 CI 2004 & 2008 Netherlands Face-to-face
2 CI 2010 & 2012 Netherlands Face-to-face
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
8
text-based interview, and nine face-to-face interviews were conducted, see table 1. All
CI-users were Dutch while the RFID implantees came from a variety of countries:
Australia, Sweden, USA, and UK. These diverse cultural backgrounds may contribute to
differences found, but I think the results are general enough to be applicable to different
cultural backgrounds. A comparison of the literature on enhancement technologies in
different countries shows that, in general, people are quite negative towards
enhancement technologies; this does not depend on the gender or country of the
respondents (Schuijff & Munnichs, 2012). The interviews with RFID implantees were
conducted in English and the interviews with CI-users were conducted in Dutch. I
translated the quotes from the Dutch interviews used in this article.
Rather than considering one type of interview to be superior to another, the
different types have their own merits. The e-mail interview, which is by nature
asynchronous, allowed the respondents, but also the interviewer, to be reflexive (James
& Busher, 2009). Whereas a researcher should always be reflexive during an interview,
having more time increased reflexivity. On the other hand, synchronous communication
gives rise to more spontaneous answers. Similar to James and Busher, I conducted the e-
mail interviews over a longer period. Every e-mail consisted of several questions. Asking
supplementary questions after receiving the answers created an ongoing dialogue.
Based on the domestication literature and the literature about concerns on RFID
implants, the following topics were elaborated upon in the interviews: getting familiar
with implants; reasons, advantages, and disadvantages; daily life; the body;
surroundings; and identity. The topic of human enhancements was originally not
included in the topic list, but naturally arose in all interviews with RFID implantees and
one CI-user. I therefore included this topic in the interviews despite its absence in the
initial interviews.
After conducting and transcribing the interviews, the answers were placed in a
data matrix. Relevant codes were assigned in the transcript using ATLAS.ti. The
grouping of these codes formed the basis of a thematic analysis. I constantly compared
the answers within their group and between the different groups. The observed themes
were for RFID users: combating common misunderstanding, convenience, being
upgraded/having a special skill, and the body as modifiable. For CI-users, the themes
included belonging to society, technology as a tool, and focus on its use rather than the
technological details of the implant. Based on this, I will elaborate on three repertoires
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in the next section: technology as a tool, the normal self, and the enhanced self. After
these reflections, I will provide three mini-biographies of two RFID implantees and one
CI-user to get a richer understanding of this everyday context.
Technology as a Tool
Both CI and RFID users talk about their implants as an instrumental tool. Before
implantation, the CI-users were either deaf or had severe problems with hearing. After
the activation of the internal elements with the external elements, some respondents
were able to distinguish sounds immediately. For others the revalidation process took
longer. The CI does not work as well as ‘normal ears’ and users continue to identify
themselves as hard of hearing. The respondents emphasize it is and remains an aid.
Moreover, results differ significantly between CI-users. While some still depend on lip-
reading, others completely rely on their CIs. Only one respondent, who had two CIs,
identified himself as hearing, while all other respondents still considered themselves
hard of hearing. However, even the ‘hearing’ respondent mentioned situations in which
he felt hearing-impaired.
Respondents chose a CI because hearing aids were not sufficient anymore. The CI
was their last possibility to hear again. The implantees perceive the CI as an aid, similar
to hearing aids, but technically more advanced. Respondents mention that sound is an
important aspect of life and when you are unable to hear, you have to pay a lot of
attention to your surroundings. This implant makes life, and hearing in particular, less
exhausting. While there are large differences in the extent to which it was easier, most of
the respondents expressed how their CI was a tool used to improve their hearing.
I don’t see myself a something strange or something. It’s an aid what you…just like you
need shoes to walk on, and a coat against the cold, and this is to hear. (Edith, CI)
While for most respondents speech was an important part of this tool, speech was
irrelevant for Evy to get a CI. Evy turned deaf when she was eight years and saw the CI
as a tool to hear sounds. In contrast to the others, at the time, Evy believed that lip
reading alone was sufficient to understand speech.
I wasn’t thinking of speech at all. (…) It [the CI] was for me about hearing sounds, to not
live in silence. So it would be less dangerous to walk on the street for instance, that I
could hear a car coming, those kind of things. (Evy, CI)
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
10
The RFID respondents also talked about their implant in their hand as a tool that made
life easier, but in this case, the tool is for access control. In contrast to the CI-users, the
RFID implantees were well versed in technology, had experimented with the tag before
the implantation, and continued to tinker with the tag after the implantation. The tag
was sometimes also used as an outreach tool to tell about their geeky lifestyle. The tag
was usually used for access control, including opening doors and opening and starting
cars. Implantees talked about the convenience of always having their keys with them
without the possibility to lose or forget them. Some implantees mention the objective of
replacing all keys with RFID technology. The technology adds convenience to their daily
life as it is a reliable gadget.
So, for me being able to just put my hand up there, and have it scanned, you know,
reliably every time, very quickly and not a lot of inconvenience uh– that’s that’s key. So,
that’s what I’ve been enjoying about the technology uh since the first day. (Randall, RFID)
Implantees were indifferent to the fact that this tool was in the body. Although the tag
was operating in an unusual environment, it remains similar to holding a RFID card in
one’s hands.
I really see as what I’ve done as simply moving the uh– you know the RFID access card
from your pants pocket to your skin pocket. (Randall, RFID)
The CI-users had equivalent thoughts about crossing the skin-boundary. In contrast to
the RFID-users, the CI-users were unaware of the exact technological operation. Some
respondents were anxious to have technology inside their head because of the risks of
having surgery. One respondent thought it was weird to have something in the body that
does not belong there, though she was not thinking about this any longer. The CI-users
saw the CI as similar to other aids, electronic or not. However, because the tool was
placed inside of the body, both RFID and CI users considered the implant to be a part of
themselves in a similar vein as other body parts with their specific functions are part of
someone. Respondents who regarded the implant as a tool were impassive on the
location; what matters is that the tool makes life easier, either in terms of convenience
and reliability or in being able to hear.
The normal self
While both groups talk about the implant as a tool, they tell different stories about the
meaning of the implant for their self-understanding. For the CI-users, the implant is a
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tool to become “normal”. Most of the respondents’ hearing had diminished over time
which caused communication problems. Consequently, these hearing-impaired persons
increasingly detached themselves from everyday society. With a CI, the world of the
respondents became larger again. CI-users cannot only hear better, but their social skills
also improve because of their improved ability to communicate.
I didn’t really talk with people I didn’t know well. The CI changed this considerably. I can
remember the amazement of [my husband] when, on the first holiday after the
connection, I started to talk to a fellow camper about the weather. I never would have
done that before. (Ingrid, CI)
However, the CI is not a magical solution for the deaf to belong to society. Not the tool
itself, but how CI-users apply the tool connects CI-users with society. One of the
respondents, who had been born deaf, still struggled with integrating within hearing
society. The ability to hear gives respondents the opportunity to integrate in society, but
people still have to come out of their isolation themselves.
The respondents clearly indicated that they are depended on their CIs. Most of
the time respondents wear their CIs, though many also took the outer part out when
they wanted to have some peace and quiet. They indicated that if the technology
suddenly stopped working, they would be in more trouble than before their
implantation. Because their CI is constantly used, the CI-users cannot live without the CI
and the CI becomes part of their identity.
It are my ears, I can’t take them off… well I can take them off but it’s not convenient
(Edith, CI)
All respondents got their implants at an adult age and none of them had a clear affinity
with Deaf culture. Most respondents were hearing impaired or turned deaf in their later
years. One respondent who was born deaf went to a deaf school, but she believed there
was more to life than Deaf culture. She believes that everyone, including hearing people,
should mingle with all kinds of people, including hearing, hearing-impaired,
handicapped, etc. Another respondent who had been sudden deaf since childhood did
not belong in any group, neither with hearing-impaired, nor with Deaf people. When
confronted with the concerns of Deaf people on CI, some respondents understood the
concern but disagreed with it, while others did not understand why someone would
deny a CI. The responses of the CI-users illustrate their choice for a CI. The CI is a tool to
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
12
hear better and to function within a society in which the majority is hearing. Without CI,
my respondents indicated that they probably would be caught between two worlds,
rather than be part of Deaf culture.
While most respondents expressed a desire to belong to society, one woman did
not get the CI to improve her communication skills. At the time, Evy believed she could
communicate fine despite her inability to hear. When she just got her CI, she felt
uncomfortable when people commented on the ease of communication because it gave
her the feeling she was not a full person while being deaf. Additionally, Evy is scared of
where society is heading.
It is also the idea that nowadays people are in charge. That is not good; change that! That
is not good; change that! I think that is a very scary idea and a really dangerous
development. (Evy, CI)
Her problem with enhancement technologies, including CIs, is that it contributes to the
idea that in contemporary society everyone should be perfect, including having a normal
body. Evy recognizes her contradictions and struggles with her own position within this
development. However, despite these objections, she still chose to have a CI and become
more normal because of the utility of having a CI.
Even though CI-users do not hear as well as hearing persons, they are now closer
to being hearing and thereby being normal. CI-users also embrace other possible
enhancement technologies that allow handicapped people to overcome problems. Most
respondents with a CI are negative towards enhancement technologies that go beyond
repairing but try to enhance the human body above its normal functioning. Some
respondents think the aim of the technology is important; enhancement technologies are
justifiable for particular situations and aims. A neurosurgeon may benefit from a bionic
eye and an astronaut may benefit from another enhancement technology. In general, CI-
users were reserved about the idea of enhancing the body. This was contrary to what
was found among the RFID respondents where enhancing the body was part of what the
RFID tag enabled.
The enhanced self
While some RFID users got their implants for convenience reasons alone, it would be too
simple to assume this is the only reason. Some respondent thought the precise function
of the tag was less important than having the tag. The RFID tag can still have a practical
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function, but also represent an upgrade of the self. Some respondent do not even
mention the function of the tag when explaining their motivation. They focus on the
novelty of RFID implants or articulate that they want to merge with technology. By
getting an implant, one upgrades one’s body and thereby gains a secret skill that others
do not have.
I have always been interested in things like transhumanism, cyborgs, augmentation, and
integration of computers and humans so when I heard people were doing implants that
let them communicate directly with the computers it seemed natural that I would do it
too. (Gale, RFID)
Some implantees who saw themselves as upgraded also showed a love for the implant
beyond its functionality. The implant was not only part of their body and thus part of
their self, respondents articulated love for the tag outside of its functionality. Steven
expressed this affection when he talks about the moment he took out his implant.
When I first took it [the implant] out, I missed it immensely actually, I missed having it…
even in and of itself. If that makes any– even outside of its functionality, I still felt that I
was taking a part of myself away. Uh that I was somehow… less able, afterwards. (Steven,
RFID)
Moreover, within this repertoire of the enhanced self, not only the first time the
respondents used the implant was exciting, using the tag remained exciting. The
respondents believed that the implant gave the individuals a sense of uniqueness. While
the reason to get the implant may not have been to be unique, and being unique is not
only manifested by this implant, some people associate uniqueness with the implant.
Moreover, respondents talk about their bodies as something that can be
enhanced. Respondents do not have spiritual views on the body; rather they believe that
their bodies are their own and while they have personal responsibility over it, they can
customize it to their wishes. Some respondents show interest in transhumanism, but
even implantees who did not mention this specific term talk about how they see their
body as something that can be modified.
A mindset of "Hey, I can play with and hack my body, just like anything else!" and
suddenly it [the body] doesn't quite seem so sacred and impermeable. (John, RFID)
Besides the RFID implant that they already have, respondents talk about possible future
implants they would like to have. All respondents with a RFID tag are favorable towards
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
14
human enhancements, but those who see themselves as upgraded, talk about integrating
these enhancements in their own bodies. In fact, these respondents are looking forward
to these new developments. One of the implantees mentions that he would like to be a
cyborg in the future. When Kevin Warwick implanted a tag in his arm, he called this
Project Cyborg. A cyborg is short for cybernetic organism, which means that cybernetic
parts and organic parts are interacting with each other. A RFID implant is not interacting
with but hosted in the body; therefore, implantees usually do not consider themselves
full cyborg. Some do not consider themselves cyborgs and other implantees see
themselves as extremely basic cyborgs. However, while they do not consider themselves
full cyborgs yet, respondents expressed interest in the possibility of technology and
body integrating further. The tag was a small step towards more integration between
technology and the human body.
Thus, both implants are tools, but the RFID tag can be used to enhance the self
whereas the CI is used to normalize the self. To get a fuller understanding of the
everyday life context, three mini-biographies of three people who differed substantially
in their views on their implant are presented.
Lars: simplify my everyday life
Living in Sweden, but with a job for which he travels a lot, the RFID implant in Lars’ hand
allows him to leave without taking a key with him. As a tech nerd, who “lives and
breathes technology”, he is extremely familiar with the technological details of how a
RFID tag works. This is crucial because having this knowledge means Lars knows what
he is doing. Consequently, the RFID tag can be easily integrated into his habits and
everyday life.
Before the implantation in February 2010, Lars had four different key fobs that
used RFID technology. Not only did he dislike his big key chain as it gave him the feeling
of being a janitor, Lars also disliked that he always had to carry his keys at work to
prevent being locked out. When trying to find an improvement, he stumbled on RFID
implants. He “gave it a week of thought back and forth” before a doctor friend inserted
the tag. Within this week Lars, for instance, considered whether there were equally
convenient but less intrusive ways and whether there were limiting factors. As he did
not foresee any problems, he had the tag implanted.
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While the first time Lars used his implant, he thought it was “awesome”, it
stopped being special within a week. As he got used to the implant, he stopped thinking
about it but simply used the tag to open doors. This resembles not thinking about using
keys to open a door or using a knife to cut food: people simply do it. Lars incorporated
the use of the implant into his habit; instead of getting his keys out of his pocket, he was
simply waving his hand in front of the reader.
Lars had not considered other body modifications, as they do not fulfill a purpose
in his view. This illustrates how for Lars the functionality of the tag was crucial.
Moreover, in Lars’ view, his body was not upgraded; rather the tag was simply in an
unusual environment.
Well, I have mentioned that I verified that it [the RFID tag] would have no interactions
with my body (to a high degree of certainty) so it's just operating in an unusual
environment perhaps, but it's not interacting with my body.
In a similar vein, Lars did not see himself as a cyborg because the RFID tag is not
interacting with his body. He did not perceive himself as upgraded and disliked the term
of cyborg for RFID implantees.
I would say: that's people talking out of their ass, because "cyborg" by a common
definition is when organics interact with the cybernetic parts.
For Lars not only is the RFID tag a tool to open a door, but the body in general is a tool
for him to implement the ideas his mind creates. The utility factor appears to be the only
important aspect for this respondent. When asked about enhancement technologies,
Lars noted that enhancement technologies are awesome as they can enhance people’s
everyday life, but he did not directly relate this to his own body. In support of this view,
Lars mentioned that we take many existing technologies for granted, e.g. a car. While
these artifacts are not permanently attached to the body, in his view, they still represent
enhancement technologies as they enhance our everyday lives. In this sense, for Lars the
RFID tag is just another technology – just another tool – that enhances his everyday life.
Jeff: expanding the horizon of human capability
Jeff is a 31-year old atheist living in the rural south of the United States. With many
religious people in his surroundings, Jeff is the odd one out. Jeff familiarized himself with
RFID implants in 2005 when he started to examine what was inside his company’s
keycard. Before implanting the tag in 2009/2010, Jeff researched and tested how RFID
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
16
tags work. When he first got the implant, Jeff was mostly experimenting with writing
codes on his computer and testing whether the implant would react on it. The RFID
implant fits with his identity and his geeky lifestyle:
A lot of the people that are close to me, that know me, were not surprised that I would do
something like that.
The reason for Jeff to get the implant was to have access control over among other
things his household server on which files are stored; however, his responses also show
that Jeff, in contrast to Lars, sees the implant as more than simply access control. Even
though Jeff uses his implant every day and he forgets most of the time it is there, he is
still excited about it.
I still think it’s [the RFID implant] really cool ((laughs)) I love it. it’s my… some of the
people that I worked with started calling me cyborg… And I can’t say I didn’t like that. It
was pretty cool ((laughs).
While Jeff does not consider himself a cyborg, in contrast to Lars, Jeff is happy to be
called a cyborg as it shows his special status. Although he acknowledges that as time
passes, implantation is becoming more normal, Jeff perceives the implant not only as
cool, but also unique because there are only few others who can be called cyborg. Having
something that most others do not have gives Jeff an increased sense of individuality.
While Jeff already uses the implant multiple times a day, he is also looking forward to
integrate his tag further in his life; for instance, by using it for every door in his house.
His girlfriend could use a swipe card or wristwatch enabled with RFID technology. Jeff is
also looking forward to other technologies that can be implanted in his body. When I
asked him whether he wanted to get other body modifications, he answered positively
enthusiastic and elaborated on this by talking about specific enhancement technologies
such as an internal flash drive and a brain implant. That these enhancements alter his
body is not a problem for Jeff. While Lars sees the RFID tag as operating in an unusual
environment, Jeff sees it as a body enhancer and expresses the desire to improve his
body.
My friends know me as the guy who is kinda like I don’t really care what it’s meant to do
I care what it can do, talking about all of my tools or computer, everything is great, but it
can be modified to be better. Cars, computers, I really don’t care, it can always be
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modified to be better. Same thing with the human body. The human body is, you know, a
stock part. It’s (I see it) this way, it can be enhanced. It can be better.
Jeff also sees the implant as a part of who he is. Because it is now in the body and it
cannot be put down like other devices, the implant has become part of Jeff’s identity.
Similar to how we do not consciously think about using our hands, Jeff forgets that the
implant is there most of the time and uses it naturally. However, having a RFID implant
remains special. Overall, for Jeff the implant is a tool that not only helps him to secure
his files, but that also enhances him as a human being. The function of the implant is for
Jeff important, but it is even more so that he alters his body in something that is better
than what it originally was.
Judith: An aid to continue to live
When I met Judith, her long hair was covering her CI; however, Judith noted that she has
no problems with the visibility of a CI and is happy to wear a ponytail as well. During the
eight years she has had the implant, she has been active in providing others with
information about and her experiences with CIs. Usually she is wearing her CI, but at
times, Judith takes the processor off to live in silence. As long as this is a conscious
choice, rather than that it happens because of malfunctioning of the processor, Judith
can easily live without the CI for a short period.
Judith was born with one deaf ear and one hearing-impaired ear. While her
hearing was decreasing, Judith had never felt handicapped. When she was 37 years,
Judith’s working ear stopped working all of a sudden. She had to stop working and after
many hospital visits, Judith thought she would have to learn to deal with her deafness.
However, the doctor suggested getting a CI. While astonished at first that technology
could bring her hearing back, she looked into CIs and chose to be implanted.
After the activation of the internal part with the processor, Judith could not make
anything out of the noise. Only after the ninth or tenth visit to the audiologist who re-
programmed the settings, Judith was able to understand some speech. This was an
emotional moment for Judith and her husband. The first few months, Judith was doing
exercises for hearing words every day with her husband. Unfortunately, not everything
went according to plan. Judith got an infection on her head that eventually led to the
removal of her implant. The doctors were happy to retry getting the implant in her ear,
but Judith was not ready for a new implantation right away. Having been sick from the
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
18
implant for a long period, spending time in the hospital away from her children and
husband, she considered the risks of getting yet another surgery. The period she had
worn the first CI had made her nonetheless realize how good it was to be able to hear.
The people surrounding Judith also remarked on how easy communication with Judith
had become while she had the CI.
You could hear so well with it, it all went so nicely and this and that. And I thought well,
that’s true in some ways.
Without the implant, Judith noticed that her world was turning smaller again. Similar to
when she had suddenly become deaf, Judith experienced severe difficulties
communicating. Constant lip reading was tiresome and she did not know sign language
at the time. In the end, Judith decided to try another time. Deciding to get the CI for the
second time was directly connected with participation in society and to communication
with others. Without the ability to hear, it was hard for her to take part in normal social
life.
Judith considers the CI to be a tool to belong to society and to enlarge her world.
The CI makes the world more similar to how it is for a hearing person. Now that she has
the implant, it enriches her life every day by simply being able to hear. While she still has
difficulties with communicating with others (e.g. on the phone), the CI facilitates
communication in a hearing-oriented society. Nonetheless, Judith does not think the CI
changes her identity; but rather looks at it as a tool to assist her with hearing.
You remain the same person only you hear a bit better… It [the CI] is a bit of support
with hearing.
While Judith considers this tool to be part of herself, she does not view herself in a
cyborg-type way. When I asked her if she considered herself a cyborg, she answered
with a resolute no:
No absolutely not. No, no, no, I am not the bionic woman or something, totally not. No,
no, no, no, no. No. It’s just a part of me. No. I see it like glasses really, only now it has
something to do with electronics. No. no.
This last quote also shows how the CI, although having been inserted in the body, is not
that different from other tools. It is a simply an instrument that helps her to participate
in society.
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Conclusion
These three mini-biographies illustrate how these implantees have incorporated their
implant into their lives in different ways. For Lars, for whom the tag is merely a tool, the
tag becomes part of his body, but not of his identity. Using the tag becomes a habit and
works just as naturally as using his arm. Judith perceives her CI as a tool to participate in
society. While Judith is trying to blend in society, Jeff wants to stand out. Jeff has given
meaning to the implant that exceeds the tag’s functionality by considering himself
upgraded. These three biographies show the differences and similarities of having an
electronic implant.
Within this article, I examined the meaning people give to their technological
implant. While the literature was mainly negative towards RFID implants, particularly
keeping the risks in mind, the implantees themselves debunked these arguments with
logic. Previous research already focused on the implementation of a RFID system in an
access control and epayment setting (Michael & Michael, 2010), on how an implantee
considers the risks and rewards involved (Michael & Michael, 2013), and on the socio-
technical issues from an implantee’s perspective (Graafstra, Michael, & Michael, 2010).
This article enriches the literature by looking at multiple RFID taggers within a broader
perspective. While the literature implied that implants are used for convenience, this
research suggests that for some users the meanings implantees give to their tags goes
beyond mere utility.
By contrasting RFID users with CI-users, a better understanding is generated on
what RFID implantees distinguish from others. The analysis indicates that for both types
of implantees the incorporation of this technology into their daily lives was relatively
easy. For the RFID implantees, the tags fit within their techie lifestyles; they are
interested in technology and know what they are doing. Using the implant quickly turns
into a habit. As acknowledged in the domestication theory, particularly because it fits
with existing habits, implantees are able to adapt to their implants quickly. Despite
turning into a habit, some RFID implantees indicate that having the tag remains exciting.
CI-users undergo a longer revalidation process in which they learn to use their new
skills. Also for them, even though it sounds mechanical, using the CI has become a
natural way of hearing. They cannot live without their CI. All respondents perceive their
implant to be part of their selves, simply because it is located in the body and they use it
as natural as other body parts.
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
20
While all respondents perceive the implant as part of themselves, they perceive it
as part of their identity in different ways. While the RFID implant is hosted in the body,
the CI interacts with the body. However, although the CI users are blending technology
with their bodies, they do not perceive it this way. The CI-users see the CI as a tool, like
any other aid, that helps them in their everyday life. While the cochlear implant remains
an aid, implanted by doctors, aimed to make people normal, the RFID implant can be
considered an upgrade and fulfills the desire to have a tighter incorporation of
technology and the human body.
Some RFID tagged persons mention that CI-users are (basic) cyborgs because
cybernetic parts are interacting with human parts. However, the CI respondents with
whom I have discussed this do not consider themselves cyborgs at all. Most do not
understand why someone would consider them a cyborg as they consider the CI to be a
natural part of themselves. Rather than having the exact definition in mind, CI-users
think of cyborgs as people with electronically enhanced bodies that have functions
normal bodies do not have. This shows that the mindset of CI-users differs from RFID
implantees. The RFID implant is for some people about enhancing the human body,
hence the notion of cyborg comes up, whereas the cochlear implant is about normalizing
the human body, hence the notion of cyborg does not come up. It is therefore not strange
that the CI-users were generally more reserved about enhancement technologies; having
similar views as the general population in Dutch society (cf. Schuijff & Munnichs, 2012).
RFID users are more positive about enhancement technologies and look forward to have
these technologies. As shown in this article, this difference in the aim of the technology
(normalize vs. enhance) is essential in explaining the meaning of the implant and the
justification for having enhancement technologies.
Furthermore, the literature suggested chipping people leads to dehumanization
because people are turned into numbers and technology and humans blend (e.g.
Gadzheva, 2007). While respondents may agree that technology is turning people into
numbers, RFID tags are not the only technologies doing this and certainly not the first.
When perceiving RFID tags as a tool, people do not consider the implantation to differ
significantly from external devices with similar functions. Yet when seeing the RFID as
an upgrade to one’s body, the tag makes the users feel special. These implantees
perceive this blending of technology with the human body as expanding the range of
human capacity rather than diminishing humanity. Unlike RFID implantees, CI-users do
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not pay much attention to the fact that technology and humans are blending. On the
contrary, their implants are part of their bodies just as organs are. That the tool is
electronic and is implanted is of minor importance, it is the fact that the tool helps them
that matters to them.
Discussion
This research illustrates that a simple RFID implant is not solely about adding
convenience to one’s life, but also about upgrading the self. This state of affairs gives us
an insight into the significance future human enhancement may acquire. While
obviously the functionality of an enhancement is important, this research shows that
enhancement technologies could also be appreciated for the mere fact of being an
enhancement. The debate of human enhancement technology should not only be about
what the technology can do, but also what the enhancement means to the individual.
Within this research, I have talked to responsible RFID DIY taggers. They did their
research and chose to implant the tag in what is considered a safe place: between the
index finger and thumb. While I have not spoken to them, there are also people who put
the tag in body parts that are less suitable for this type of implantation. Indeed, not all
DIY implantees consider (medical) safety. It is important in such cases to distinguish
between personal responsibility and the degree to which the artifact itself is to be held
accountable for the possible damage it produces. Some people practice water sports in a
reckless fashion and face the risk of drowning. Do we blame the water or the person?
Implanted people have personal responsibility. As the Social Shaping of Technology
illustrates, technology in itself is not ‘good’ or ‘bad’, what people do with it is what
matters.
Furthermore, this research contributes to the domestication theory by showing
that even when individuals have incorporated the technology into their lives to the
extent that it becomes a natural part of their self, people in their surrounding can still
perceive it as strange. In this research, other people called the individuals cyborgs,
talked about them, and gave negative comments on the RFID tag. The outside world is
constantly reminding implantees of their special status and thereby has contributed to
the feeling of being special among the implantees. Precisely because implantees are
‘othered’ by their surroundings, they perceive themselves as having a special skill. It has
been suggested that the invisibility of technology could make it more difficult to
Giving meaning to a RFID or cochlear implant
22
domesticate a technology (Berker, Hartmann, Punie, & Ward, 2006), but this research
shows that even when the technology is physically invisible, its presence is still visible to
the outside world even beyond its psychological presence. In fact, this presence can even
create or strengthen the meaning of the technology.
This research sheds light on how implantees incorporate their implants into their
life. Unfortunately, no female RFID implantees were interviewed. As mentioned earlier,
women have both a different relationship with technology and with their bodies. It will
therefore be interesting to explore the differences between men and women on RFID
implants in future research.
Furthermore, regarding the acceptance of RFID implants, there is a difference
between accepting technology in general and wanting the technology for oneself. My
respondents mentioned that some of their friends or family members thought the RFID
implant was cool, but did not want to be implanted themselves. Future research could
take this into account when looking at the acceptance of (RFID) technology.
Finally, future research that focuses on the acceptance of technology among users
and non-users, and (DIY) RFID implants in particular, could focus on the technological
expertise people have and their perspective on the body. One has to be open to cross the
skin boundary in medical and/or non-medical settings. Additionally, RFID implantees
perceived the body to be their own and some RFID implantees considered it modifiable.
If individuals do not posses technological knowledge, they could rely on a local expert
(cf. Stewart, 2007). If someone helps implement the system, RFID implantation is still an
option. Implanted wives of my respondents with less technological expertise illustrate
this possibility.
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