I fices of the National Education and Allied Workers' Union (NEHAWU) and the General

I ~ Allied Workers' Union (GAWU). The ad-. '_ent offices of the Transvaal Students' Con­

. gress (TRASCO) are ransacked. - A powerful explosion damages the home

I of Godfrey Mathebe, a prominent opponent of KwaNdebele independence.

May - Winnie Mandela's Brandf~rt house

I and adjoining clinic are gutted by fire.

June - Arsonists destroy the cars of two Cosatu officials outside their Johannesburg homes.

I -The Johannesburg offices o~ CCAWU~A are broken into. Computers and Important In­formation are stolen.

I-The home of Rhodes University politics

lecturer Marion Lacey is vandalised after she lectures on the. Dakar talks.

July - Three minibusses belong~ng ~o dele-

I gates attending the Nusas annual restlval at

~'ts University, are stolen .. Cars CT delegates

broken into and possessions stolen. . October - The home of Cosatu's former

I ,~orthern Transvaal regional chair, Jerry . Thibedi, is severely damaged by a powerrul explosion.

I -The Johannesburg offices of Ravan Press are broken into by four men claiming to be Security Police~en. Petrol bombs are found on the premises.

I November - Flares are fired in!o the Cape Town flat of Surplus People s Project or­ganiser Josette Cole.

I December - The Grahamstown offices of Sached are destroyed by fire.

1 1988 b ... 'th January - The Johannes ~rg .omce OT e

I~ost Office and Te!ecommunlca~I(;lns Wor­~s' Union (POTWA) is broken Into and q~ipment stolen. . .

¥ Burglars break Into the Johannesburg CT-'1 fites of New Nation newspaper. March - The Johannesburg office of Cric

is vandalised. The intruders attempt to set fire to equipment and records.

I -The Alexandra home of Delmas Treason Trialist ~opo Molefe is. petrol bo~bed. This is the third attack on his home since 1985.

I-Shots are fired at the Johannesburg

home of Cassim Saloojee, Chairperson of Actstop. . .

April - The PE offices of the National 1 Medical and Dental Association (NAMDA)

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SPECIAL REPORT ' SL-)r"

are burgled, two days after their national con­ference. Along with telephones, office equip­ment, files and documents, the alarm system is stolen.

- A bomb explodes at Community House, Cape Town, while a memorial service is being held to commemorate the death of striking railway workers.

- The Johannesburg offices of Cric are gutted by fire. This is the third attack against Cric in less than two years.

May - The offices of PEN are again bur­gled. The alarm system is deactivated and stolen after keys are. used to enter the se­curity gates of the building. The gates are found locked the following morning. Files, darkroom and office equipment are stolen. This is PEN's third burglary in two years.

June - The car of Lucienne Hunter, mother of Wits University SRC president Rosemary Hunter and Defence Act prisoner Roland Hunter, is firebombed.

July - An abortive petrol bomb attack oc­curs at the Dawson's Hotel in Johannesburg, where the End Conscription Campaign were due to hold the launch of their booklet, IIKnow Your Rightsll.

- The Johannesburg office of the Trans­port and General Workers' Union (TGWU) is destroyed by fire.

August - Khotso House in Johannesburg, hom.e of tt18 SACC and various anti-apar.­heid organisations, is bombed. Extensive structural damage is caused.

September - The Durban printing unit of Cosatu is firebombed, the evening after the national anti-apartheid conference is banned.

- An arson attack occurs at the home of Jono Gunthorp, external vice-president of the University of Natal's SRC and one of the 143 men who publically rejected army con-scri~tion. :· .:. :'

- Two seperate attacks occur within five minutes of one another, at the Soweto homes of Thami Mcerwa, legal official of Nactu, and Thenjiwe Leeuw, former secre­tary to the Azanian Students' Movement (AZASM). Some days later the Soweto Divi­sional Commissioner of Police gives an as­surance in the Rand Supreme Court that no member of the South African Police will act unlawfully against Mcerwa.

- The multi-racial disco, the ·IIWhy Not" in Hillbrow, is bombed. 19 people are injured. The IIWit Wolwe ll terrorist group claims re­sponsibility, as well as for the Khotso HOUSe bomb.

Information fran Monitor, tt-.e joumeJ cf the Human Rights Trust.

Jodac News Page 7

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I Sentencing the death penalty I {'i The death penalty has recently been

once again highlighted by the Black Sash report on the process of executions in South Africa. I

launch a petition calling for an immedi­ate moratorium on all hangings while a Commission of Inquiry is set up to in­vestigate ca?ital punishment. This peti­tion :s being circulated nationwide.

began again. As a punishme:1t, the death penalty

is irreversible. Under anv leg::!.! svstem the:e cannot be a guaran'tee that those who judge are without bias. Tr.ey are human beings and they have human fc;ii­imrs.

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One newly-formed organisation campaigning against the death penalty is FOPOD (Families Of People On Death Row). This orga£1isation was formed bv relatives and friends of those people who have been senten~e~ to. death and who are currently SIttIng In the condemned cells of Pre:oria's Maxi­mum Securitv Prison.

Tne oraarusa!ion in:ends having both an active and a suooortive role in the camDaian aC'ainst the death penalty . ;, ;,

in SA. . A statement out out by the orga£1isa­

tion says: "As people directly affected by this penalty, \ve feel we must do something about it instead of waiting for other people to do it for us.

, "Our work will suooiement the work already being dor.e in the fkld by SADPSA (Society for the Abolition of the Death Penalty in SA), Lawyers For Human Rights. NADEL, Save Tne Pa­triots and the Black Sash."

FOPOD's first initiative h:lS been to

"We co-not believe that petitions automatically ensure that laws are cham:ed; if !h9.t was the case we would live in a pe~ect world. However we do believe that a petition signed by thou­sands of SOl!!h Africar.s might demon­str:ne that ",ost people in t11is country are both ci\iEsed and hopeful about their futt!!'e.

. "We have eXDerienced the effectS of the death oe:-2Itv, and can see that it is an act which dehumanises and bro­talises tte secietv we live in. We haDe for bette: things.~' -

Tne or£l!risation saYs the f2ct that SA executes more Deoole than aln:ost any otte~ country in tr:e world, is a frightening one. There ace now approxi­mately 280 people under sentence of death in SA, excluding those in the 'hor::elar.cs'. -

Tr.e olight of those se:1!enced to d:e was made core poignar.t over :1:e fes­tive season. With the season of goocy·ii!! over, the New Year eXl!c:.!tioI1.5 soon

- Suc!"! bias, however small, can mea:1 the difference between life and death.

Circumstances considered to be ex:e­nuating by one jUdge may me2n so!!!e­thing quite different to another. Recent judgemer.ts by Justice Strydom, Justice l:ltegan and Justice Shearer are eX2ffi­pIes oEthis .

Five policemen tried for murcerir..g a suspect by plaCing a bl:lck bag over -his he:!d, suffocating him to de:lth, are given a susper.ded senter.ce and fined . Extenuating fac:ors are that t11is orl!ctise is usual in this oolice unit. .

Justice Shearer, who delivered this judgement, has sentenced a numiJer of other peopk to deat!"!,

FOPOD says: "We are laur:c!1ing this oetirion in haDe. We are launching this organisation because we c:lr1not, -and wi!! nor, star.d aside 2nd a!low ttis b:lrbaric pr:!ctise to continue."

For the ertenticn of the State President, Minister of Justice end Members of Parliement.

We, the undersigned, are South Africans who oppose the use of the death penalty. In doing so we note the fol­lowing:

1. Modern society is moving away from the use of capital punishf'!1~nt, to:.':ards mor~ refo~mative penal ;ystems. 2. There has been no investigatio.n .i~to the sys~em OT. capltt:.I'pur.l~nme~,,~~. Sout~ Alnca Tor more.t0an;:,0 ye~rs. 3. There exists the very real pOSSibility of error In the Imposition or the cec..n penc.lty - an error whlc:l cannot ce

rectified. . b . d .. h' h '1 4. The use of the death penalty is arbitrary and would appear to e determine by Grltena \'I IC, are necessan y subjective. . . 5. Executions add to the negative perception of the judiciary amoflgst many of the peop!e or S~uth Africa. , 6. Judicial killings teach society the les~on that dea~h ~nd ~1~len.~.e are acceptable solutions to lhe problems iac­ing us. Such killings create the impreSSion that retnoutlon IS JustlTIable.

Bearing these factors in mind we request you to consider the following:

1. To institute an immediate moratorium on all executions. 2. To set up a judicial Commis~ion of Inquiry into t~e use of the. death penalty in South Africa. 3. To investigate more appropnate methods of pUnishment, which seek to cure rather than destroy.

NAME I ADDRESS I SIGNATURE

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Cut out er copy. ar.d ser.d to: FOPOO. PO Sex 621. Melville 2109

Jodac News Page 8 Issued by JODAC, PO Box 93118, Yeoville, 2198

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POBox 93118 Yeoville 2143 South Africa

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2 April 1989

Dear friend

you are no doubt aware that Jodac has not had a high profile fo some time, but we plan to change this dramatically. Already in March we held a conference explor.ing ideas for a post-apartheid So~th Africa. The highlight was a live telephone linkup with Lusaka, when conference participants liad the opportttnity of asking questions about the ANC's proposed consititutional guidelines.

Accompanying this letter you will find a copy of the latest JODAC NEWS, and also information about an exciting series of discussion evenings.

Furthermore, Jodac will 06 co-hosting a meeting to discuss the strategy of hunger-striking detainees. It will take place at

The church hall, 14 Orchards Road, Orchards on Monday 17 April 1989 at 20hOO

As you can see, Jodac has much to offer already, and we have plenty more up our sleeves.

OONT BE LEFT OUT

We are setting up a new mailing list, as we are aware that many of the adqresses we have are out of date. We plan to send out one last ma-iling, and after that we will stop using this address list. Make sure that you fill out and return the form overleaf so that you will be on the new mailing list. Remember, unless you respond NOW you will be cut ·off from the eyes and ears of the deomocratic movement.

Yours in the struggle for democracy JOHANNESBURG DEMOCRATIC ACTION COMMITTEE

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WORKSHOP CIRCULAR TO ALL BRANCHES

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THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

The Democratic Party is a new political group which has introduced for the first time a fresh perception into the struggle for freedom. This fresh percpetion is the possibility of a more structures and integrated relationship between extra­parliamentary organisations and elements within Parliament. The DP is comprised of three separate formations : the old PFP which is committed to liberal capitalism with an intermittent association with extra-parliamentary groups and a strong "conscience" function within parliament; the NOM on the other extreme has resolved to support the extra parliamentary move~ent, has no track record in Parliament as a party and also envisages some form of liberal capitalism in a future S.A.; the Independent Party is more conservative and sees it's main r6le as winning over those undecided and unconfirmed Whites who at present either belong to the Nationalist Party or are wavering ·on the question of the continuation of Nat. rule, they probably prefer a more orthodox form of capitalism.

THE APPROACH OF THE MASS DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT (~D~)

The MOM is fully committed to a profound transformation of society and government in S.A. and the total elimination of apartheid. ' The '-10·'.-1 believes that the Freedom Charter serves as a broad set of principles on which a free, non-racial and democratic S.A. can be based. Itb~lieves .in mobilising and organising the masses of our pe~ple so th~t a\l persons across the spectrum of eVery human activity are brought into oppositio~ against the racist regime. It further believes that this broad movement should be guided and directed by those who are the most oppressed i.e. the working class and should see as it's foremost task the liberation of the African masses.

The MOM has set about achieving it's objectives and goals by building alliances within it's constituents and extendinc it's support by developing coalitions. COSATU-UDF is an alli~nce, which implies considerable agreement on goals and strategies and tactics. Coalitions, are, however, broader and looser arrangements without agreement on every issue. The ~O~ ~as made it clear that it is aiming to create the broadest coalitio~ against apartheid that is possible but will not fail as every endeavor is made to build the broadest oppos{tion to aparthe!d.

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It is within this context of a wide ranging Anti-Apa~theid Coalition that the issue of the DP needs to be discussed. The gains from drawing in forces such as the DP into the broader democratic movement are that our organisations are strengthened. the Nats are isolated and the prospects for an emerging democratic S.A. are increased. The disadvantage is the great divergence in objectives and methods of struggle which might exist. These might dilute the rigour and firmness of the MOM or some of it's constituent groups. It is clear from this approach that the MDM does not view the OP or any such organisation as cent~al to the struggle, they can be supportive at best and marginal at least. It would be a pity if the DP were to range up against the MD~ by siding with our enemies inside and outside of the state. The view of the role of the DP as seen by itself is obviously different from the perceptions of the MDM. The DP might well view the prospects of ensconcing itself as the official opposition in rarliament as being formidable. Indeed, it might even fantasize about the likelihood of being. at some stage, the majority party in power. In this scenario they probably foresee some arrangement being made with the MD~ and a transition to a S.A. based on their visions. This is not critical for us in the MOM. What is critical is that they must be allowed to dream but must be drawn positively into the struggle for freedom with the MD~. Our methods and goals are based on historical reality and will tri~mph in the end.

THE DP WITHIN THE WHITE SECTOR

Given the lack 6f a boycott tradition amongst Whites, the DP represents a viable option to those to the left of the present government. Being far more widely based than the former PFP the DP has a more realistic chance of becoming the official opposition with links to the MD~. The DDA ,itself not beino in Parliament supports the movement of dem6'crati~ 'Whites into-the DP and therefore supports a link with the MOM: Progressive Whites understand the parliamentary process and look to it as a means of change.

THE DP AND THE MD~: STRATEGIC CONSIDERATIONS FOR BRANCH DISCUSSIONS

The first issue is whether or not there is PRINCIPLED objection to talking to and perhaps developing some relationship with the DP.

The DP is a fledgling party whose constituency and membership is by no means homogeneous. A central issue of current debate within DP is whether or not to field candidates within HOD & HOR. What needs to be assessed is our capacity to constructively and concretely influence and inform this decision.

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A more central issue is whether or not we view the DP as being part of orhave the potential to be part of the broad Anti­Apartheid Alliance. If we answer in the affirmative, there might be a dec 'ided advantage in cultivating a long term relation­ship with the DP.

A shorter term advantage might be to engage the DP in a public manner which would give us a platform to articulate our non participation position in the run-up to the elections, in spite of the State of Emergency. '

!n arriving at a decision we also need to assess realistically the potential of the DP to use and foster division within the MDVI .and to understand their political agenda clearly.

This process of consult~tion does not onty me~n arriving at a NIC position, but affords us the opportunity to contribute to a cohesive UDF . position with regard to such alliances. On.lya clearly defined and unitary n~tional position will ensure that our best intentions do not come to nought.

The central issue is:

How should the democrati~ movement relate to the Democratic Party bearing in mind: .,

V 1. The strategy to build the Anti-Apartheid Coalition of all forces prepared to taka a stand in Action agai~st Apart~ei~i

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2. Whilst building this broad unity, how do we handle the problem of the DP's attitude to participation in the HOD/R. In other words how do we struggle on this issue and at the same time build the coalition?

3. 't/hat can be done lito persuade" the DP a) rank and file and b) leadership to change their position?

N. B . BRANCH POS ITIONS TO BE COW~UNICATED TO EXECUTTVE WITHIN 10 DAYS.

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I ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!

NUIYIBER 1: 1989

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1989 - Year of Mass Action for People's Power Journal of the Alrican National Congresa

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MASS ACTION FOR PEOPLE·'S POWER

THE CHALLENGES AHEAD

I .' oncludin!! the mes.~a!!e of th'~ African :,ational C()I'!!re~.~ on the occasion of its 77th annrversary on January !lth. PreSident OR rambo swtcn:

" The period ahead plJses mun_v Krca! chailengl!s til all of ux • singly and cnllecti\'ely -precise/.v because iJcontains wilhin iJ the Sl!I!dxfor majorlJ.dl'ances. Tht! i.Hue of a new p(llitical I order hn. been placed on the agenda." ...

[t is in this conlext that the ANC declared

11989 the Year of Ma.~s Action for People's Power. What is the actual mC3ning of this declaration? Do we havc lhe capacity to make giant strides. in view of the difficulties created

I bY the Slate of vicious repression and the <:onspieuous absence of strcet han\cs ::nd barricades? These and many other crucia l questions confront us because it is only when

l our plans hingeon the actual balance of forces that they can be translated into action .

One of th.: major incices of the strategic halanC; e. is the outcome. last year. of the

Ithfr Local Affairs elections . Our rejection is;exercise. in struggle. dealt a sha nering

lJ " lhe regime's schemes. To the extent

Ihat [jotha and his generals depended on the

:ucccss of the elections to concoct a political 'solulion"to the crisis they face. to this extent - and more - we have deprived them of the

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btfonn from which to move onto the allack. When patriotic soldiers in Bophuthatswana

rallied around thcir demands a'nd rose to temporarily remove Mangope from power.

movcmcnt might h.; far from matching the preparcdncss of the people to act. It might be ~ufkring from many Ilrganisatio:1al wC<lkncsses. But its capacity l() mobilise when sn geared. the entry of many (;hureh leaders into the sphere 01 militant action. the progress made tOW<lrtlS an anti -apartheid cl'alition and towards <lnll -apartheid w.aeher unity. to name hut a few inslill1(;es - all these point to the growth amlt:onso lidation of the forces that arc suing for fundamental change.

I" Angola the rcgime has suffered a humiliating defeat. Further. it has been force~ ; .

I hey gave concrete expression to their correct erccption that the root cause of the problems

we face is the fact that the people do not wield politil·a] power. [n the Venda bantustan. the

lInassl\'e challenge to the Ravele clique was a to agree to the process towards the transfer of .emarkahle offensive on yet another local scat pOlitical power in Namihia. This shift in the

of apartheid rule. regional balance of forces constitutes om: of There might be no mass street battles. but the high watermarks of the 19HO·s. ,\11 these

t lions sllchas the unprcccdeOled J-day general developmenL~ have wrought havoc on the trike:>.;e ample demonstration that the fighting confidence and cohcsion of the ru ling bloc • .od

SpIrit and capacity of the masses arc as solid as the white community in generaLClcarly.their

thc irnn fist has indCC-d dented the opposition r"n;c~. but these for;;es shail always come back consolidated and ever prepared to intensify the frc.:.dom strugg le.

Cun,-Tctely. whal are thc tasks before us? The perspectivc of p.:oplc·s powcr is the

centra] question on the agenda. It is not a far -ofi dream. but a terra in of immediate struggles. The October boycott victory provides an impor..ant rallying Foinllo rCnder the regime's structures unworkable. r-:ow - when thc reg ime

is reeling from this dcfeat- is the time to go onto the attack . This would entail taking up day-to­day gnevances to confTontthe stooge councils . Above :111. we should heightcn the many-sided campaigns we waged against the Octoberelec­tions: this time in order to bring rhese counci ls down.' .

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All Ihe structures that the regime ha..~ or intends to set up must feel lhe full weight of popular rejection. The fact that the regime might .;"ii elections into the tri-cameral par liament this year. provides another avcnue for intensified ma~s struggles . [n the Coloured

Continued on page 2 I"c'o"'~~:;;:; "', m~' ""mom'" poli"," '".~'~ ',io "h=bl~. Th"" 0'

BROAD COALITION - NAMIBIA - RELEASE OUR LEADERS CONSTITUTIONAL

~ GllDELINES - WOMEN AXD DEFIANCE - TASKS OF THE YOUTH-

~&'====~==========================~ consult we must.

ii ffJ}Jli J(/i!Jljjil~~;l 1 I ( i,!;.'.' , This issue of MAY IB UYE represents a new s·tep in the propaganda effort

" of the vanguard movement. In it we taJu a step further towards the

In planning our actions, we are confronted witt. the fact that the reg1m"'. ~k!; by all con· • ceivable means to prevent all resistance. The "legal space" within which democratic forces can operate - as defined by the regime. is virtually non· existent. Thus it is crucial that we reva:;eany psychological stance to want to act only within the confmes of Pretoria's regula· tions. The bold actions of church leaders. white conscientious objectors, democratic activists and otha:; to defy the regime's laws and regulations are a pointer to the path we must adopt: militant mass deiiance.

,I realisation ofa task. we have ~tforourselves: to conso/iliateand streamline ·

I I: our information drive such thal we reach as nw.ny democralic organisers !~ and activists, and as as nw.ny people as possible.

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'j From now on,MAYIBUYE will also carry two-page columns dedicated · 1 to women's and youJh issues. By this effort, we consolidate three uruIerground .

11 .. : spirit of defiance should be harnessed into an organised and purposeful movement encompassing the broad masses. We should carefully identify areas where we can mobilise

i journals, MAYIBUYE, Voice of Women and FORWARD into one. The latter two - as journals of the women and the YOUlh respectively - are not being relegated to a secondary sto.tus. Ralher, they will form part of the , national underground voice of the ANC. Through this one journal, our . readers w;lI beneftJfrom the whole movement all aI once. MAYIB UYE will also run other columns on the development of people's war, workers'· : struggles, rural areas .... It will be complemented, on the issue of armed ' struggle in particular, by the undergroundjournal ofUmkhonto we Sizwe • .

The basic task facing the African National Congress is to forge the overwhelming majority of South Africans into an active and efJectiveforce to rid our country of the scourge of apartheid. Therefore, the media of the vangUlJrd movement and other democratic forces must educate, activate and organise all the forces that sto.nd to benefit from the victory of the . national democratic revolution. Under the present staJe of severe repression, this task has mUltiplied many-fold. We have tofill withfacts and analyses the yoid that the regime seeks to creale.

. ···'·for mass defiance, such as the group Areas Act, anti.sq,uatting legislation, the provocative regulations introduced by the Conservative Party in a number of towns, high rents and service charges, conscription into the SADF, restrictions on organisations and individauls, and so on.

This new edition ofMAYIBUYE shall always strive to play its part in this effort. But to do so, it should receive the input of all members of the movement wherever they might be. A special place in this respect belongs to the underground structures wilhin the country, We are the ones who should see to the reproduction and distribution of this jo urnaL We must · contribule articles, letters and comments. We must discuss the con-tents O} the journal in our unils, translate the articles into local languages and monilor the reception of the journal by the people.

But MAYIBUYE is more than a journal by the undergroundfor the underground. Like our movement as a whole, it belongs and is responsible to lhe people in their totalily. Therefore, all patriots should see this journal both as a source of information and analysis and as a forum to air their ~·iews. MAYIBUYE must also serve as an organisalional weapon: a stepping·stone towards strengthening existing underground structures and building new ones. ., .

All ANC unils are duty-bound to distribute MAYIBUYE and should indeed check lheir general perfonw.nce also on this basis. All democrats musl see it as their duty to do the same, and to create circles which will discuss and find ways 0 f translaling the message of MA Y IB UYE into action. Out of such circles should emerge underground units of the ANC.

In this issue we examine the nw.in perspeclivesfor the current period, lhe Year of Mass Action for People's Power. This is a period of major challenges. For, in Slruggle we have created the conditions for decisive advances, despite enemy repression. We must to.kefull advanto.ge of this favourable climale and sue for victory.

~ol1til1ued from page 1

and Ind ian areas. we must respond to this elcc· tlon ~ hailenge with a maSSive campaign for an act ive boycott. The stoogecandidatcs must feel the pcople 's wrath. ,

Evcn in thc while scctor. we cannot prctcnd that the racist parliament can be a platform to hring about rcal change_ '\5 ailmhCT apartheid

structures. it must go. Yet. the mechanisms to achicve th is need to be worked out jointly among theanti .apartheid forccsat the centre of wh ich is the mass democratic movement. It may be that out of such consult.:l!ions we might decide that · within me white community . anti·apartheid participation in the election campaign and/or selective disciplined participation in parliament are the most appropriate,~ctics at this point in time_ But

Our approach has to be selective, depending on our assessment of the strength of our structures in each given instance. In this regard, we must also draw lessons from our history of struggle: in panicular, the 1949 ANC Programme of Action, the 40th anniversary of which we observe this year. This programme set the stage for the legendary Defiance Campaign of the 1950's.

But the criteria for strong organisation are much more than just numbers. committees and meetings. Our structures must aim at galvanising the people into action. Thcrefore. the urgent task is to ensure that we weld all democratic forces into an active. efficient and purposeful organisation· a political centre at local regional and nationallevcls; an organised force linked to the masses and giving them day. to-day guidence.

.\t the levcl of underground organisation. it is the task of AI'lC cadres and ali patriots to furiher raise our level of professionalism. ensure proper planning and puproseful activity. build effective networks ... and constantly cement our movement into a more and more effective vanguard.

The challenge of 1989 • the last year of the Decade of Liberation· is for us to muster and activate the army that will create the conditions for the removal of the Pretoria regime from power.

JimLP SPREAD THE MESSAG~ OF THE ANC

PASS MAYIBUYE ON!! • Give it to your friends and family; • Drop it in & nearby postbox or yard; • Stick it onto a public wall or bus "helter at night: and • Discuaa the ifJlrUes raised with the lPeople you meet and friends.

BE CAREFULL!!

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I(~ BROAD FRONT: II -. STILL ON THE AGEND

I · ~ ast September. all the forces genuinely

( . working for ch.ange in our counlr)' scored a great victory. Exccpt for the

banning ofthe anti·apartheid conference itself. a lot of ground had been covered to bring together as wide a spectrum of anti-apartheid

forces as possible.

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During this process. some organisations pulled out advancing various reasons. Rut what is that central issue that shou Id bring us together"!

It is simply opposition to racism. It means the recognition of the fact that the apartheid system must 20 and that it mu~t be replaced hy . democratic-state in which the colour of an)' trson's skin will not be the determining factor

in the political system. All the organisations that had e.'pressed

their willingness topanicipate in the conference met these basic requirements. These organisations indeed had ideological. tactical and srrategic differences.But it is the very existence of these differences that necessitated the form.ltion of snch a coalition. Without such differences we would be acting as one organisation. guided hy one ideological approach and usc the same strategy and tactics.

The ANC welcomes all moves towards unity in struggle against our common enemy which is thc apartheid system. In this broad coalition we be'lieve that the primary aim of all

whopa:1icipateshould octo thwart theenemy's .Ige old rusc of divide and rule. We should not ourselves be the cause of divisions. At all times we'should look for areas of agreement and use

to come together to work out methods of

..lancing the struggle. ~he e.\an1rle of co-op;:ration between

Cds,\ TU and NACTU is instructive. If. for argument's sake. some other unions which had pre'liously cooperated with the regime and the bosses had offered to mobilise the workers under its wing tojoin in thestayaway. would we have shut our door in its face? We would have sat d,1'';," and analysed its intentions and the implications of working with it. If we found t"ese to be genuine and fruitful to us. we would have agreed.

I . The same approach must guide us as we

continue to build the broad front of action against the apartheid system. Noorganisation's participation must be rejected because we "know" the organisation! We must study it. Ji5cuss witn it andscck to win itovertoourside

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in the struggle. Of course. this must not bedone in such a way that it is used to promote the image of reactionary organisations. and thus advance the intcrests of the regime.

It is not surprising when some black organisations misrrust white organisations that seem to have done an about· face. Nor is it surprising if another organisation would refuse to work with an organisation deemed to be working within the system. Yet we must not allow ourseh'es at any stage to he guided by inllex ihle approaches that may jcorpardise the advance of the struggle. What nc'eds to be ascertained. in ~Ich instance. is the current

order to engage in joint action~. Th,: con!al-!.' and working relations forrncd during the

preparations for the Septemncr Conferenl.e must hcmaintained and strengthened. We must

inten~lfy our actions again~t apartheid both within our vanous sector~ and as a United force.

Unity is what has been thc bedrock of the ANC throughout the years . Unity is .... hat wdl

weaken the enemy and render its huge arsenal ineffective. Wcshould not allow any room for disunity on any grounds other than that a particular org:Jnisation supports lnd promotes apartheid . . But as long as .... e ~.re sure that an~'

Pear!:::; !lttiL; ..!gafnst Botha and Apcr~hefd.

track record (lfthe organisation concerned and its commitmem to act fllr th·! eradication of apartheid.

In the past few years the ANC has met , many groups with different political views on

the solution of the Soulh '\frican prohlem. Through most ofthcse contacts it has widened the soc;"l b$:: Gf the South African liberation movement. and narrowcd that of the enemy .

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The process of coming together in actIOn must he accelerated. Those organ isations and institutions which agreed to form part uf th is coalition must co-ordinate thcir actions un the basis of the minimum demands agreed upon. We do not have to walt for a Confl-Tcncc :n

given organisation wants Botha and his fncnds

to go. as long as that organisation wallis an ena to racism and the establishment oi democracy in our country. then that organisation has a place in the coalition.

However. as a stnct word (If caution : The doors of such a cualition sr,ou ld not he made open to those who proclaim the ahove hy mouth and do the opposite. \Ve have pkmy of hlack "lc.aders" who proclaim an anu-apanlle:d -'l.lnd and want to meet \lur lc.aders hut m"rd<.':' our people and often SpC;JK anti act on hcnalf of Botha. These have no place \\ Ililin lIur ranKs.

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The si~n.ing of the peace agreements by the South African regime; Angola and Cuba has been ~a.i1ed ~ a ~igni~cant move in the right direction by all progressive mankind. Irthe Pretoria regime does not renege on these agreements • as It IS typical of dOing· the young Angolan nation will at last know peace after many years of bruW South African aggression and occupation. The Namibian independence process, on the basis of UN Resolution 435, will start by Aprillst.And, over a period of27 months. Cuban internationalist troops will triumphantly go back home to a heroic welcome.

We of the African National CongrCS$ welcome the agreements as a viclOT)' ior the pc:oplesof AngoLa.. Narnibiaand therestof thesubc.ontinent. In the words oftheJanuary 8th National Executive Comminee statement. the agreements· ... constitute an advance of great significance for OUT

r::gion and for our own sttuggle." Africa and humanity are taking yet another giant stride towards total independence.

There are, however, many weaknesses in the process under way: thl; insistence on tile pan of the US government to continue supporting the UNITA bandits; the fate of Walvis Bay; the numba of UN troops to suocrvise the elections and many others. But nothing can subtract from th~ immcnse possibilities provided by these agreements and the shift in the regional balance of forces that brought them about. Whatever the difficulties, South Africa's hold onto Namibia is on its last lap. Its dreams to continually destabilise and finally conquer Angola have been buried

forever. Thischangedsituation isaresultof the military defeat suffered by the

racist arr:Jy in Cuito Cuanavale, at the hands of the battle-steeled Angolan armed forces supported by the heroic Cuban forces and the fighters of SW APO. The people of South Africa also contributed enormously towards this victory, It is our heroic mass struggles which pinned down thousands of racist troops within the country . The calculated assaults of the people's army, Umkhonto w~ Sizwe also contributed towards dispersing the regime's armed forces. Add to that the ever­growing campaign by our white compatriots to resist conscription to the South African Death Force, and the international campaign to boycott apartheid South Africa economically and militarily.

, In the same vein, for the agreements to be fully rqi)sed will require heightened sttuggle on all fronts, We must intensify our mass and armed actions. including the campaign against conscription intotheSADF. The international isolation of racist South Africa must be consolidated. This must be complemented by inereased support to the peoples of South ~frica and the rest of the sub-continent. In panicular, the people of }lamibia - under the leadcrship of SW APO - need the support and ~olidarity of progressive mankind at this crucial moment in their sttuggle.

We in South Africa have an imponant role to play in this regard. In an organised manner, we must monitorthedevelopments within Nantibia and help e~pose the vile schemes of the racists to prevent a people's victory. The awareness of the people must be raised through publicity campa ignsand other actions. In cc:rordination with our sister-organisations in Namibia we must organise meetings. rallies and other actions to strcngthen the hand of the Namibian democratic forces and cement the fr:lIernal bonds between our peoples. What is happening in Angola and NamIbia is certainly going to havean impact on the morale and confidence of the South African people. What the democratic movement should ensure is that the resultant energies released are channeled into purposeful action for the transfer of power within South Africa itself.

Thc victory in the south-western part of Africa conslitutes one of the grca'test achievem<!nts in this dccade. It will ccrtainly lay the basis for an even speedier advance towards the eradication of apartheid. As a

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contribution to this strategic achievement, the African National Congress has agreed to move its mili~ personnel from Angola. in consultation wilh the fraternal government of that country and other friendly African states. As such, we have deprived the racists and their allies of the excuse to use the presence of our military facilities in Angola in order to block or otherwise delay the process now in motion. An e~cuse indeed, because the racist regime massively invaded Angola long before the ANC acquired such'miiitary faciliiies.

A natural question then arises: What will be the effect of lhis development on lheconductof armed struggle in South Africa! Certainly, movement of military personnel of lhis magnitude does result in some dislocations.But iflhe racists and their allies believe that this will result in the lowering of armed sttuggle they are in for a rude shock. The Angolan government has given us enough time to reorganise ourselves. Africa has, to differing degrees, opened its arms to MK combatants: to its own freedom fighters. Further. we have all along conducted an intensifying armed sttuggle without a rearbase directly bordering on South Africa. The main lynchpin of our military strategy is to base the army among the people wilhin South Africa. spread the skills of people's war and mob lise the masses into an all-round fighting force. It is up to the vanguard movement- including the people's army - and all patriots to ensure that we take full advantage of the strategic shift in the regIOnal balance oi forces and minimise whalever tactical setbacks might arise.

The armed sttuggle will conlinue to escalate as it must!

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l"tA YLJ~ UYE 5

PEACE AMONG THE .PEOPLE

That is the .plrlt of President OR Tambo'. mesaage when he called upon all patriota to -leave no atone unturned in our efforts to resolve the conflicts that may erupt among the people-, clergymen. youth, womcn, students and

others: you sharc the responsibility oi bringing an end to this ullnecessary con­flict You share th.e responsibility of bring­ing an end to the system of apartheid which has brought such conOicts into being. loin forces and pr.:sent a formi­dable front against the violencc of apart­heid.

The January 8th statement captures our people's heartfelt desire for peace and unity among the opprcssed. Thus our people can conecntrate on the strugglc to defeat apartheid.

Despite efforts to bring about peace, the violence continues. In October, 70 people were kil\ed in Mpumalanga. Patriots must undcrstand the root of this violcnce and spare no effort to remove it from our society.

Certain elements among the oppressed masscs have bcen bribcd, fooled or terrified into "witdockc", .. vigilantes..... a varicty of labels for Botha's informal death squads conscripted 10 defend apartheid. The regime has manipulated thc desperation \rising from uncmployment, housing shortages and poor wages - conditions which arise from apartheid itsclf.

Enticed by misled elemcnts of our communities these groups ha vc created havoc and destabilised some arcas like Crossroads and a major part of Natal. Backed, trained and armed by the regime thcy, however, have had to nee wher. faced with the organised strcngth of thc masses.

In reality, the connict is betwecn thc people and the apartheid regime and its a!lies. The coml)1andcrs of the dcath squads arc very few individuals with no r;nass base. But these elements arc ablc to exploit the suspicions and fears within our eommunitics to mobilise somc of our ~ple into the murdcr squads. Last year il>r example, the differences which existed betwccn comrades of old and ncw KTC were used by the regime.

Thc comrades there, had differcnces of approach and hislOries of struggle. Instead of overcoming these differences wc allowed them to widcn, creating a climate of distrust. The local administration madc use of this, setting one sidc off against thc' other. Instead of uniting as one community the people started seeing each other in terms of "legal" and "illegais".

It was in this climate that connict erupted, nearly causing the destruction of what. is a powerful community standing steadfast against apartheid. But through extensive consultation among our people the problem was resolved.

As our struggle intensifies, the regime will try even harder to hinder progress. As we' becnme stronger the more vicious will

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.thcir attacks become. Thc spate of vio­kncc in Pmburg began when strong com­munity and youth organisations were thriv­ing in Imbali and Edendale. We can only defeat the regime's machinations through unity among the people_ We must work towards a rowerful movcment for peace among the oppressed. The spirit of re­solving connicts politically must permeate throughout our communities. We must deny the encmy any op-

Isolate Bothol and his warlords!

portunitics to drive w~.Jges within our communities. By closing ranks, wc shall isolatc the most notorious and unbcnding thugs.

This docs not mean that we must halt our efforts to defend our communi tics. Self­def"nce committees must be an il'tcgral part of the process of attain ing peacc. Wc cannot at any time afford to lcave our nanks open to attack by thc cncmy of our people.

Thc achievemcnt of pcaee and unity among thc people in Natal is a national rcsponsibility. All South Africans must strive for this goal as thc basis for an even more effective offensive again~' thc rcal encmy of our pcople: the apartheid rcgime. Solidarity must be shown with the peoplc of Natal who have had to carry a major pan of the burdcn of thcsc assaults on the democratic movement

Cosatu anc.l UDF must work in harmony to rcalisc this objective. Thc overwhelming majority of South Africans stand to gain from an end to the connict among the people in Natal - as well as in other areas of the country. Members of Inkatha, the U OF, COSA TU, businessmen,

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I I I The campaign for the release of political prisoners has reached a crucial

stage. Cla1m1ng to have suddenly turned humane, the racist jailers have released Govan Mbeki, and more recently, Harry Gwala and Zephania Mothopeng. yet on the s~e grounds, they continue to hold onto Nelson

I Mandela with the cosmetic change in the conditions of his imprisonment. They slapped severe restriction orders on Govan Mbeki. And they contin ue to sentence many leaders and activists to long terms of imprisonment and to death. Further, the regime is deliberately fanning rumours about the

1 possible release of our leaders. What lies behind this seemingly strange ehavlour?

I Already. the reglme's su pporters and Illes have latched onto selective

aspects of these developments to claim that Pretoria has had a change of heart. In the same vein. we are then

1 persuaded to "keep calm". to call off the political prisoners campaign. lest we upset the apple-cart.

Such Is the aim behind the racists'

1 behaviour: that we must sit on our laurels and wait for the jailers voluntarily to unlock the prisons. In other words. we must expect what the

1 regime would never do on its own aecord. For. rclieved of pressure. the rulers would be too happy to continue

1 keeping our compatriots in gaol. to imprison and to hang more patriots.

But there is more to the regime's aetjons: The racists have been knocked -e-balance by the intensil1edcampaign

r !the relcase of political prisoners. Jvtr the years. this campaign has

aCdumulated Into such a massive

MA nBUYE 7

so as to be let off the hook: now Is the time to Intensify our offenSive. Building on theexperienccwe have gained. we must redouble our efforts to secure the unconditional release of all political prisoners and detainees.

Through the strueture~ the democratic movemcnt has created and many other orgunisational formations. we must unite the broadest spectrum of forces iI,

action . Let us organise pt: titiOllS. meetings . demonstrulions. cultural and sports evcnts around this demand. Already. a grou ndswc II of actlvi ty has formed to secure the release ' or our compatriots in cnemy capti'w1ty. Developing on this. we mest furthcr defy enemy restrictions. and involve cver larger numbersof people everywhere. Rallying around this call. we shall al~o con lribu te to the formation. re\ival and strengthening of demcx:ratic and broad anll·apartheid slructu res.

This campaign forms an Important part of the aemocrutic

"lruAAle as a whole. to a large measure because we want them to join us in the offensive against the regime. As stalwarts and experiellced activists. Lhey have a valuable contribution to make. N;

statesmen and leaders of all our people. Nelson Mandcla and his colleagues must be released to participate at the forefront of the all -round

effort to rid our country of the scourge of apartheid.

United in action. let us sPeed ' up this process. and

ensure that they rceeive the accolades due them on their releasc.

1 torrent that the jailers ean no more brush It aside. In mass aetlons and various organisational formations -

1 within South Nrica and abroad - literally millions of people have eome out In support of the demand for the release of

I Mandela and other political prisoners. Even the govemmen ts which otherwise support

'We are pleased to welcome to our midst that great stalwart of our revolution. Harry Gwala. who hasjust emergedfrom a second term in Pretoria'sjails. and whose contribution to our cause has been of great significance. It is a great pleasurefor me to announce the deciSion of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress to invest Harry Gwala with the highest award of the struggling people of our country. Isithwalandwe . Seaparankoe"

Pretoria. and clements within

I . the ruling group. have been forced to echo this demand.

Precisely now: when the ruling clique Is In ·a state of

I Imbalance and completely Isolated on this Issue: now when the jailers are devising new t.r1eks

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'We welcome him into the ranks of that honoured group of men and women who carry this high .title. fully confident that he will continue along the path of struggle to which he has dedicated his life. ,.

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January 8th Statement

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F:STION: The ANC he come up wilh Instllullonal Guidelines ror a locnl/c: South "rrlu". What prompt~ the movrment to

juce this document at thi, icular timr1

·" ·ER: l'e background 10 Ille documenl. Iy slated. is tile realisation within eading bodiM of the ANC and ~ gsl a numberor rurconstilulionaJ 'ers and experts thaI U1cre was a Ie aboul U1c whole issue of. new lilulionthal was Ltkingplaccimidc h Africa. This debale has been & on now for quile somelime ~ning from the mid·I970·s. We ror example. tile now defuncl

,ured People's Reprc.~enlalive

,eil which produced what il called tcrnalive Conslilutional Propos'

We tllen had the racist regime r producing the new conslitulion which il ba.~M Ihe Tri-<:ameral iamentary arrangernenl.lhere was O,e Duthele1.i Commission which

c wilh • number of conslilutional lOsals aner conducting a lenitl,y 'mission of enquiry. 'ur fcelinj:- wu Ihal all Ihese lmals that had come up.lhis enlire u~~ion tllal WI.' laking place inside :ounlry. wa.~ being cooducled very :h within tile parameters or an 1heid framework. 11,eTri'Clmenl ianlCOl was jusl tllC re·mangcmenl I,e piece., of tile cnlire aparlheid CIIl. 11le con~lilulional proposals eh came from Ihe Colourcd ple's Represenlalive Council were he ~ame vein. 11lCre was also a lher or con~lilulionallawyers and Ilical sdentim inside Soutll Africa ) were dehaling tI,is is~ue. I wu found necessary tI,al tile iUllal Liberaliun MovemenlmakM mervenlion in Ihis discu5Sion. We c confider' thaI ~incc our prO(lOsal~ arl ve~amctrically from any

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HEAD OF THE RESEARCH DEPARTMENT OF THE ANC

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GUIDELINES FOR A DEMOCRATIC IN-v . " sorl of apartheid (ramewOlk. ___ I

would bocomc a focal poinl of new,' ! . discussion. And the National , CONSTITUTION Liberation Movemenl would once more show thaI il is tile only force that has a viable allernalive 10 the aparl· is a.n examinalion or Ihe Freedom heid arrangements tllalprMently exisl Ol3llcr and an allelllpllo transl~le inlo inside our counlTy. conslilulionalle;ms Ihe programmalic

Whallmusl stress is tI,al although demands which arc conlained in tile many other bodies inside ti,e counlTy OIarler. and ma.ny oOler pundits and experts 11le Freedom Olarler is a program· havesocn ilfillOproducccOflstilutions " malic slalement:a Slalemenl of (or South Africa. tile ANC fell tI,al il objeclivM loward~ which our people was improper 10 do tlul. We lhoughl .' .. arc striving. It i~ a beacon we huld up thaI whal was required was the ' beforc O,e people and say O.allhcsc arc mapping OUI of I broad framcwork of, tI.e objccl" M lowards which wc arc a dcmocralic conslilulion bUI nol tI.e slriving. Assuch.lhe Freednm Olarlcr aClual conslilulion. No poup of ' Iaysdown whal would need lu be done experts, no mailer how cxperllhcy arc by a democralic governmCnll\) hring in tlleir field. no group of lawyers no aboul delllocracy. In ils prcallllJle. for mailer how well·lrained tlley arc. no ' in~lancc. illalks al~JIIIlhe facllhallhe group of polilical scienlisL~ no mailer ' country belongs 10 all OIOSr. who live how good thcy arc schooled inpolilics. in il. IJlack and whilc. and lhal any have Ihc riChllodo Ihal. So. inslead of governmenl muSI base and dcrive ils spe~ing of a conslilulion. we ~pcak auOlOrily and mandalC rrom all Ihe in lerms of conslilulional guidelines. people of SOUOI Africa. E<jually il Now tllescguidclinM mapoul broadly Slales. in lerms or ilS firsl clause. tI,al" whal we Ihink we would like 10 sec in 11,c People Shall Govcrn". This is a a democralic conslilulion while tI.ey Slalemenl of a democralic principle renecl Ule tllinking of Ihe ANC allhis tI,al any governmenl Ihal comc~ into poinl in lime.lhey arc in a sense also exislancc after liberal ion mUSI be a dran proposals subjccllo discussion. governlllcnt tI,al is ba,edon ucmocracy amcndmenl and evcn rejeclion if tile allli on inslilulions which cvcry man majorilY in our counlry feel Olal tlley and woman irrespeclive of Ihcir racc. arc inadequale or thaI Ihey a,re religion or any oOlcr creed will have inapP'oprialc. U,e richllo p:ulicipale frOllllhe lowes I

QUESTION: Is this documenl a devialion frolll

Ule Freedum Charter 7

ANSII'ER: II i~ nOI a devialion rrom Ihe

Freedom OlUter .llhinK anyone who has actually examined Ihe guidelines ea.n recognise tl131 whal has been.done

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local level 10 Ihe highesl .111al i~ whal tI.e Freedom O.arler is all alJoul.Now. a constitutiun seeks 10 lay nut thc paramcters in which the govenllllcnl will lake place. Theconslilution would say. forcumple.lhal inlhc praclicenr democracy Ihere would lJe a rc.~ponsihle body for making laws. 11lcre would perhap~ be a sccond chamber tI,al reviews Ihe laws tlulare

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madc by Ihe firsl chamber. A conslilutinn seeks aim 10 say

U,al U.e IlOwers Ihallhcse law. making chall,bers would have. would be such and such. It may also say Ihal aftcr Ihose la ws ha vc'bccn made Oley can be Icslcd or can be reviewed by ajudicial body. clc.11lal is whal Uleconslilulion scck~ 10 do.

Whal we Iry 10 do in Ihe Conslilutional GuiUclinc.~ islo Iran.dalc Ihe programmalic slalcmelll, Ihe Free· dom Olarlcr. inloconslilulionallerms 10 lay Ihc hasi.~ fur whal Ihe con~lilu· lion will conlain. I am nol saying Ihal we have done il in Ihe besl possihle way. I am sure il can be improved upun. ·Il.e Con~lilulional Guidelines arc nOl a devialion frOIll Ihe Frcedolll Charler. 11.cy arc of a dilferenl char. ~clcrthan Ihe f'rcedorn Olarler.1 Ulink Ihey lIIu~1 be under~\(~x1 as such. Dul if you look al cvery a~pecI of Ihese Guidelines wilh referencc 10 Ihc Frce· dom O.arlcr. you can sec Ihal cvery parI is drawn and lJased on Ihc pro· gralllmalic demands of Ihe f'reedolll Charier.

QUI:'Sl'ION: 11.is documenl has hecn crilicised

lJy some on il~ suppu~edly cursory rererence 10 Ihe econolllY and land reform. Would you say Ulis is jusli. fied'!

ANSWER: I would nOI ~ay 50. Whal one w(jllid

ag~in wanllO say wilh re.~[lCC1 10 Ihal is. unlcss une was dealing witll Ihe wriling or U,e aClual conslilulion or

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unle~s one was aClu~lIy dealing wilh tile Iegi~I~live bill.~ passed inlo aClual I~ws. you cannOI say Ihal il deals cursorily wilh Ihe economy.

Whallileguidcline.~say with regard III U,e economy. firsl of all. is thaI a delllocralic govemmerll will have cert.1in powers 10 dcfine. delimil and also impose olJligations ~nd rig!:ls on privalc property.l1.al means Ihat you will havc Ulepower lopass legislalion affecling tllC privale properly. 11131 ' mcans thaI you can pass U.e law loday saying Ihal Ihcrc will be unre~lricled 0'i'ncr.~hir of privalc properly for cx'amplc. if il was Ihe govcnllnenl of O.al ch~racler . Allhesame lime if il is ~ governOlenl uf a diffcrcnl characler. ircan pa~s a law which says tI,al we ahmg.lle Ihe righl of all privale prop· erty and we n~lionalise all privalc properly. II is a very vcry IJroad (lOwer and il can do anYlhing in-bel ween Ihosc Iwoexlrell1es.1 donol til ink tI.al is. cur~ory Ircalment.

Again inlhe conslilulion you w~nl 10 define the sort of powcrs you walll 10 CI;duw Ole governmcnl wilh wilh· ulII ~ayinglhallhegovcrnlllcnl will do A.Il. C. D. or E. You say il will have Ihe power 10 du Ihis ~nd ~I ils discre· lion il will dUlho~elhing~ ur il will nol du lhcm.

E<Jllally wilh re.'[lCC1 10 land rc· forlll. unlcss onc was going lu lay down quile specific lIIeasures · which is differenl frolll whal a conslitulion should conlain -alllhal you can say is U,al Ihe governmcnl will havc Ihe powcr 10 instilulC land rcform and 10 acldres~ basic grievancc~ ofU.c people relalive 10 Ihc land. Now. Ihe gricv. anccs oflhe pCllplc rel~live 10 O.c land arc land hunger, dispossessiun. forced removals.lhefacllhaI87%oflheland

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alea of our counlry i~ cxclu~ivcly for while U.IC. CIC. Now. whal Ihe Con~lilulional Guidelincs say is lhal Ihe governlllc.nl will be cJI1(lOwcredlo address all tllC.~C issues. Ilow il wiil address Ihem and wllal discrelion it will usc will be be left 10 U,al democralic governm~nt.

0111 as wiU, respecllo olher aspecls of . lhe e'llnoIllY. il can cither do absolulely nOlhing or il can do Ihe 01051 cXlrcme of cvcrylhing. Dul il has Ihose powers and il is al ils diserelion huw il will cxercise Ihosc powcrs. Whal Ihe Comlitulion.J Guidelincs ~eck 10 do i~ lu lay down OIC sort or power we would like 10 ~ee a democralic j:ovemmenl endowed wilh 10 handle properly malters . I do nOllhink tI,al is a cursory Ircalmcnl al all. I tllink perhaps OICSC crilics had looked for recapitulalion on U,C clauses of Ihe Freedom Charlcr in Ihc Consl ilUliunal Guidelines.

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C1i TIlE NEXT ISSUE WE

DISCUSS TilE QUESTION

OF CROV1'S AND NA·

TlONIIL RICIn'S

rart of !he Jr.lrgal •• " the Congre .. of Ihe reop" adopllng Ihe Frttdom CharIer.

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Collection Number: AK2117 Collection Name: Delmas Treason Trial, 1985-1989

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