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D . N . 17.

I I H FASCISTS

T HE

or Fascism IN

Great ·Britain. BY MRS. NESTA WEBSTER.

(Author of Secret Societies & Subve11sive Movements, Social i.st Netwo11k; etc.)

(This Pamphlet is h{/ Sed on an addr_ess given by

lvl r s. Nesta Webster at Kensington iown Hall on V ee. 17th., 1926.)

G. H . Q.,

297, FULHAM ROAD, S.W.10.

TEL. KENSINGTON 9486.- .. ·

Churchill Af'.'chives C~nt.re..._ C_hur~b_ill College.s...C.ambridge.

Supplied for private study and research only. Not to be furthe r reproduced, resold or published without permission.

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THE NEED FOR FASCISM IN GREAT BRllAIN. • During the seven years that I have been engag·ed in propa-

cra nda work aga· t S · 1· d B o .· ms oc1a ism an olshevism I have spoken or wi itten for nearly every organisation existing foL· tbat purpose and so far I have always declined to join any with one exception because I felt I I 1 b f · · ' ' . cou c e o more use as am m~ependent unit trying to he lp each 111 turn. My great hope throuo·hout has always been however that ti -· ,· · b . ' . , 1e var 10us soc1et1es, all w0rkmg for practically the_ same pu ttpose, would agree, not to amalgamation which I believe v~ould be fatal, but to so1me plan of co-operation by which ov~ rl a ppm?" ":'ould be avoided, as also t~e multiplication of appeals foi s~bs~npt_1ons. Some central cleanng Jr1ouse for information

nd ct1stnb~t1on would reduce expen,ses an at the r-,ame time add to the e_ffic1ency of our prnpa,ganda. T~e Social!ists have thi's notabl y_ 11~ the form of the Labour Research Department to which ~ti] Socialist groups an_d i1:1dividuals can apply, and ·whjch serves ,tlso t~ feed the C~:n1st1tut1onal press with misrepresentations .

r,,r, e ha·ve,·no~hing on these lines. The ~es_ult of seven years experience is therefo1·e to convince

me that 1t 1s no use working any longer for these societies in get1eral; I see no hope of co-operation between them in the in­terests of .- t he common cause. The two movements which seem tr) me to be the most alive and the most disinterested are t~1e " Patriot, '' a paper devoted entirely to expiosimg the subver­sive 1:1ov~ments, and · th e Brritish Fascists, the only disciplined orga111sat1on formed to combat the " Reds " and I bei'ieve that if we could bring about some co-operation b

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etween them it would lead to great results. The Fascists want subscriptions as much -and even more, tham other societies, yet subscriptions are not th~ fi rst consideration •with tth em. There are no figureheads amongst t~1em, I beiiev~ that to a man and to a woman they are all enthu­siasts. That 1s why, AT THE END OF SEVEN YEARS I DEFINITELY TAKE m~ MY STAND WITH THE BRITISH FASCISTS.

, The Appeal of Fa_soism.,,, , -~ 1. ): • ·, ·i , ~ .. The great thing of which British Fascism can boast is that it

has got Youth on its side > it bas suqceecled as no other movement has done in capturing the jmagination of the young men and yo ung women of the country. Fascism alone has been able to rally youth jn large numbers to its standard.

What is the appeal that Fascism makes to Youth? I think it is ~hat it gives_yom1_g people som.ething to do. It pmvides a prac_tical and exhilarntmg programme; it asks for service, self­<;ac-nncc and courage. In its recognition of the possibility that

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events may lead ·LO a fight it ackls an element of excitement. That is why its numbers 8H' so much large t' than tho ·e of other societies .

vVhat then is Fascism ? In it · spirit it is nothing new, nothing peculiar to Italy, but

a perfectly normal and na tural phenom enon. As most people kno w to-day, when the germs of disease invade the human body, certain hea lthy ce ll s, the ,,vhite cells in the blood known as the ph(l,gocytes , rise and a ttack the invaders. In this process they s how no m ercy. They do not say: " We must deal gently with these mic robes; we must nol irritate them, but try to win them ove r." No. They fight and s lay Lhem and by thi s process the body i~ preserved from destruction .

Fascists are the phagocytes of Lhe S lat e. The Causes ol Revolution. ·

Fascism is only a new name given lo a ve ry o ld thing. For if we con icier the lessons of history we shall not ice that w hen a country is invaded by the virus of the socia l n:volution, now known as Bolshevism-also a very old thing under a new name, once it wa known as Jacohin ism-when once a country is thus invaded o ne of two things must happen. (1) If the population is virile, that is to say if the phagoaytes are active !-resistance at once makes itself felt, as in England in 1793 when the British mob chased the British Jacobin over the housetops, or, if the Govern­ment i weak, resistance may take the form of organised counter­revolution, as in Ital y a nd Spain to-day. (2) But if the popula­tio n is wanti ng in energy, th e revolution can succeed. Nothing is more erroneous than to s uppose that revolution is more likely to break out in an inflammable nation. Quilc th e contrary. Apathy and fatalism are the best grounds for it to work on. It was because in France a nd in Russ ia the peasants were fatalists, resi·gned to their lot ancl sheep-like, that a determined minority was able to establish its domination over them. It is true that in France a few attempts at resistance were mad e , notably in La \ enclee where the peasant s armed themselves and marched in defence of church and monarchy. The rising in La Vendee has been well described by a modern French histori an as tbe only spontaneous and popular risi,\g of the Revolution. Unfortunately by the time it ·was organised things had gone too far and the Terror suppresse':i all resi s tance . Then reaction mom entarily manifested itself in the \Vhite T error that followed on the fall

of the J acobins. This is what must always happen. As s urely as the day

fo1lows night a R ed Terror ·is always fO'llowed by a TT'hite Te ,~ro~. It is the inevitable sequel. Violence begets v iolence. This 1s what happenec-1 in France <1nd again in Hun g nry, when the

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''. N!ove ,, or Awakening Magyar avenged in blood the bloody regime of Bela Kun. Once terrorism has been established re­action can only take the form of vengeance. The Prevention of Revolution.

What, then, is the moral? To organise in time and so avert both a Reel 1 error and

\Nhite. This is what Italy did-and this is why she has set a lesson

to the world. I t~ly under the '_¥eak guidance of Giolitti was trembling on

the brink of Bolshevism. A determined minority directed! from abroa~ was _a~tempting to establish its domination over a proud and h1gh-spmted people. ·v..r e cannot doubt that if Mussolini had not a~·isen and Bolshevism had momentarily triumphed in Italy ~he i-eaction w<Duld have been terrible and seas of blood wou1l~l have been shed on both sides. So Fascismo saved Italy both from the Red Terror and the White.

Tl~e. genius of Jl!itssolini was to know not on,ly how to queM the spirit of re·volution, but ho7.v to discip·line the counter-revolu­tion, to rally all the virile and patriotic elements under the banner of Fascismo-of patriotism ready to fight and die for Italy.

The Fascisti have been reproached for violence. Of course violence was at first inevitable. You cannot check the career of a mad clog down a village street without some degree of violence, and when peaceful citizens were molested and houses were being burnt down to the cry of " Viva Lenin ! " castor oil was after all a mild retort. Besides there were unruly . elements among the Fascisti who could not at once be oontrolled. . Before long, how­ever, Fascismo was able to establish not only am onulerly bmt a constructive and progressive system. Counter Intimidation .

But althowgh Fascism has put an e1il~ to acts of futile violence, nevertheless it has made itself feared. This was absoll!ltely essen­tial. The essence 0f Bolshevism is terrorism, and the only antidote to Terrorism is wholesome fear. Some system of counter-in,timidation was absolutely necessary. [t is still neces­sary. } l,-lst because Mussolii1i did ,not carry out a reign of Terrot, because he al lowed some of the disruptive elements to remain at work in the country ;- the Communist paper " Unita " continued publication under Fascism aml the Communist leader Bombacci was left at large-just because of this, measures had to be main­tained in order to prevent the incendiaries fannililg up again the flames of revolu t ion. And besides this we must remember that Bolshevism is sti ll rampant throughout E urope, a ncl I taly cannot afford yet to relax discip line. Yes, counter-intimidation has been ,,rganised in Italy. Would to God it were the same here I

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It will be said: " We have nu need uf Fasc1· ... m 1· 11 c· , t B · · " E l d ·1 "' irea ntarn. . ◄ ng an w1 1 not go the way of Italy. But is she not already going the way of_ Italy he/ore Fascism, and the way of France,. the way uf Russia before their revolutions? The same apath_Y 1s apparent amongst the gene ral public, the ame weak­nE..s s in the Government and thr same dete rmination on tlie part o[ a cunning and unscrupulous minority.

Our Socialist-Conservative Party. Of course, if the GovernmenL were strong there would be no

need of Fascism. After the last Election it seemed as if thi · might be so, as if at last we had a Government that could be relied on to slay the dragon of Bolshevism and Fascism could put up the shutters . But as the months went by these hopes faded. Instead of th huge Conservative majority we imagined we ha' secured we found that a section of this was not Conservative at all. This is particularly the case with the younger members in the House of Commons, who, instead of standing up for Conser­vative principles seem to devote all their energies to proving they are not " reactionaries." They live in dread of being thought '' reactionary '' and to avoid this make continual concessions to Socialism, so much so that Ramsay Macdonald was able to daim them as Socialists in embryo. On April 18, 1925, he said in a speech at Penzance :

" There is a large section of the> Tory party, especiatly the young Tories, who are men of very great promise . .. the old reactionary machine Tories "-that is to say the Conservatives who have remained true to their principles! " have more trouble with the young Tories than they have even with us."

And Ramsay Macdonald went on to envisage the time when the partition between us and them will be so thin that they might

as well break it down and come over to the Socialists' camp." What are we to say of men who, returned to Parliament

mainly on the anti-Socialist vote so betray the trust placed in them as to arouse such expectations P I am not aware that any official repucliati9n of B,amsay Ma~dop~lcl '.s view was forthcoming. The fact is that the leaders of th,e Conservative Party seem far morf' concerned in winning the g~ocl opinion of the Opposition than in retaining that of d:eir own supporters. They do not appear to mind being suspected of Socialist leanings-some, perhaps, Jess from lack of principle than from muddled thinking. They simply do not know whfLt Socialirni is and imagine it to be the same thing as social reform. The Prime Minister himself has adm itted his ignorance on this point. In an intervie,v published in the Mornd.ng Post on May 19, 1924, Mr. Baldwin is reported a!-s<1ying:

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l . Ith\ in d1Je-.. 1101 hww •h at ·ocia li sm means how fj, ht it":' .\ 11d , ·h;it dm·-. he n1<·an by r •fe rring to " the

in \ Iii I, our l;T,rnclfatlicr:-. u..,cd th<.: w rJrd ?" _O ur grand­u •d it in p1eri Lly 1lie -..,Jtnc s<.:m,· a!-, we use 1t nr>w 1 as ;i

-.1, 1 1 111:iilini.: tlw ch- trwtion of private property rind cnler-JI' · • awl t I l' 1 ontn,I c,[ all i11cl 11 ..,try by the Stc1te . The grea t Lord . Ii d1, --bun wlto can urd) be c lassecl a~ a granclfath -r, s poke ,ii . ,., i.di ~ H ,t pl~1g-u · ,IL: •p-..,<:at<·d and ran corous, :ind !-,aw it

I .. ,-! ;1 1ltc Tf( :1t Clll' lll\ ,,r !-,IJl'ia l r ·form. 1·1 - ·• 11rri~i in,, tli<: lirni1ation · <Jf Mr . 13alclwi n nothing-, how

, , r. <•uld b<· more latctl tha n to play into th· hands of hi riva-1 1

L ,rd Hirl <!nl .td. TJii.., 11 li r~ l-c la-;s brain " has s how n iL e lf ns arn •11:dJl • 10 lpli ·f in tl11· inl<'g-rity of the ·oc ialisL leaders a s hi ~

ir pJ1 r mind d c hi1•l. ' f liu s, aft •r cl· la rin g in lii s Election p · l1 • that thv Su, iali~ t go\crnnwnl had been a " nigh1 mar·

g-1 ,, rnrn ·n t .. ;mcl l hat " one foo]i:-,h . pcecl,, one ,cl isho A s t pee ' h a 1 ·r :111 ,1 her ·' had b1 -,· 11 nrnrle by , 1 r. Ramsr1y Macclonalcl as I r,mi ,·r, 1 L,,rcl Birl·<·11lll':1c l proc rTdccl, afte r th e: El ect ion, to ,1 kn, "l1•d~ · " 1)11 cl,· lJI "r g I a l itucJe O\IV ·cl l o i-hose ·who, placed i , I <1 • •r ud<il·nl:, lw< ,1nic t lie t ni...,l<:e~ of th e majes tic fabrk of

l, Lriti l1 J•,mpin ·, :rncl of \\ hom he wou ld s a y , plainl y and lr:rnl h. that . .. tli ·r \H· n : nc,t unworthy trustees of the British f~111pi,.-;._ \ \"Ii ·11 iiL -..;i\ I t Ii i-.. he h,rd in m inrl men uf th e ca librc ul • Ir. 1',1111 : , .\ l:i1 cl1111;tl<I, 1 Ir . Snowden :ind i\lr. Thomas."~

I 1,cl1· ·cl J..,~r<I Hirl c-1d1t ;1d \\ t:nt on 1o HS. ure hi s heare r . tlwt :1 ll 11111 '" t lw f<,rrn of g<1\(-rn m ·11I which hml prov -•cl "a nighL-11,:111• ,, inn i1abl1 i11 1lit· futur('. Thev had had in AustraliH ., tr1 (. 1 • t1w J)l/ .... ibi liti, ·-. ,, f L :1 bour Co,;· rnmcnts. vVe shall I;, , 111 111_- l1uml,l1• jwlgml'nt," li e ..,~,id, '' ,1 sim il <1r exp rience

u, ;i d.,, lc,llr>\\ 1'1 • nig-ht, c1 change of Govern-011 r tl11ty then fo (' :- 11.., Con~C( Htives, is to pr<:-

1,111 <,Ur <·I •· f,11 tl1at , l1,t11g,· o f g"ln't·n1m(·nt ,111d pu~lpone it s , 1 n i, , a lc,11 , ~ • c ;111." Htiu ing- word~ inclcul fur t·lc:ctor...,

111, f1.id j 1 I pL11 uut :ill tl1t •ir lrt'ng-111 11.1 makt· ;i ",O-cfill('d Labour <,,, <· 111111111 l11r 1•.1, i111p(J :-.i l,l1 · ! II a Hriti .... h g uwral had dt11.m I, cf1 1· d~1_, :1ff1 ·,· tlw ' 11'101) of tl1t· 1:un!', t h at Belg ium I, rl, nd11 1c-d a CP11n;111 i11 •:,-,io11 :ind fli.il w · m11o.;t frn·L·" a .., imil:ir 1 r ·ritl lf ' (Jt 1J1 1-1 01 J:1tt· 1, Oil! dllf) ,l', Fngli l1111enlwing thc •11· ­

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lacki 11V' tu our pn: ·n1 rulers, \\bu e ,n·<,·11 , p -_ 4 r1.;1w1 up,1t11lf1 s~ •rn

to b_e lo ke ·p on roorl t<~rm vith ,vhat th<·~, b1•1'if• , to b , ·he C'<Jmin,. power, o: a_lte_rnat 1vely t<J r~t,1in their h<Jlrl 1,n 1hr; co1Lnlr. by : tcalm g- the _Soc, ~tl1 b' thund·r. . ·,Jthin r <ould b,· more mi·­tak(~n than to rmag in · that ~u h a polic1 \.ill '11n th, m vote:-. I f lhe l~u111ll_ry wcwts \ocialirnL it 7,.rill ;r,J f,,r ii tu Ila· S"tialist JJurly; 11 wil l n<Jt a<-cl:pt it scn,ndbancl frum tl11 C,111 PL ..,~,t i\• Th <mly way lh, Conservative P arty can ret, in i l. hol<l cm th1~ country is lo ' land firm on th<' prin ipJc.., of Cun 1·r ·,11i.., n1. The Right to Criticise.

There ar' peopl e w ho :-.ay wt· have OtJ ri rJJL o I ntin . e th Uovcrnmenl. Thi · might lw -.o if th Briti h (; <JV ·rnment we·r an aulocracy. The principle of " our~ not to r •;i:,on vii), u11r not to make reply " i-; all very \\ ·11 under th•· I ·ad >r ·hip <>f a trusted clit'lator; iL i-:; ab...,1ircl in a democrau· l ere '\.\C: li,1 L a government e lec ted by th<> people. If ,v , the ~ hinkin.,. ,ind ·diKa­ti vc c lemen ts in the electorate, arc to . ay " r,ur l' .:1rty (1r uu,· leaclcrs 1 right or wrong '' and to l ullow thtm blindl) \\ h ·rev(·1- tfl('y 11rn y le<1<I us how can ,,-e blanw ignonnt min ·r-. for foll(lwing­Cook blindly? \ Ve know that it i · thi · mi . tahn !oj ,tl ty "l1i 11 i-. destroyi ng- sane Trnde l'nioni..,m and hall we commir th · anw ·rn>r :1 We lia vc b 'l' l1 g-ivcn brain · and it i our dut) ,L l i ti/cu~

o f' a frcl' ·ountry to think for uur:d\'l~S. Face Fatts at Once.

Let us l'c1 c<: t h t: fnch uf the ituatiun. I-: l'f) ,, lw1 l' tlil' pre: ·cnt (iovernnwnt by ib \\' ·akn •::, · i lo in~ it: ·uppc rtL-r:- . Everywht:r · pt'ople arc ·a_:in,r: " \ 'e will n<:v ·r Yole for the Con­~e rva tives c1g-ain." The dang-er i: tli:n at till· th-. t C~ m~ral El •c tion the Sol ialists nrnY ,-!"el in nwin.,. tP th t: an ti-~ oc,alt h ,1 b'.'-itc1ini11g- from voting. Thi~ " ill be roll . . To l ·I tlw .'01 iaii-,1 in c,wt or <li sg-ust \\ ith tlic l'1>n. l·n·a ti · P,trty will ht· tu pla,:. int() th e lrnn<ls ()r tho:-.• ,er) cienH:n h in lli · Part., \ lip , 11l· th.: ,·ath 1

()f it~ disintegration. C,in-,idcr thl•n ,, k1l rn,1\ happvn if at ~l futu,t· Elt·( ti()n , u,,in,:..:

11> l'o1hen.11i,c!-- ah ta inin~ !"rum \"•>ting. ;1 ~rn i.il i c :o L'nHn<'lll i-; ., ,a in 1T1urned l<> Jo, t· r . Eitlwr it \ ill tlii..; time hav'l· :1

111 ;1jc.1rit~ in tltv JIL>tht' ,ind b• :1bil' t< impP e ,'111 i.di-.n1 nn t l_1t' co111llr\'. b, 1·ll1i-.tituti,111 ;d mv.111-. \\iLh t lw i11t· it.ibk 1· · ult pf ri11 11

11nd n1i u \ th:11 h.1-.. ·1tk111kd ,di prl'viou S,wi tli:-.1 t· p ~im~n~!-, or il will bv in a mint rit, .1 ·b ·f,in and uuahl · 11) P· ..,.., .S~ri.tli 1

l1·~i:-.l.1ti11n . \ ·1i~,1 1h ·n if .1 1t· 11r1 j..., rn ·id t: tD fp11· · ;rnd •' <,, ,,wn1: St, ikt· i.._ l·, tllvd i11 11>-P(h'rarinn \ ith tltL· 1,·.11h- u11i111 1 lt, tdi·r ~ . 111tll' or tlH' tlr~a n i--.:iti11n \\hi, -h -.. ;l \l·d tht• l'llllllll .\ l.t I \1.t _\ ~ ' Dtil• 1

hl ' bn ll!..;lll i11l1) I l'i11 ,-!, for t'lw (~u l'f\llllt•nt \\1J1i!d l.x· tin· i!IIH· · of

lil t • Jl'\'t->lt1Li,m II il'"· _ . ' I 11·. l' :1111,.t_V It i 11 ,i ,, 1d .i,·in~ th1Jt' i, n11d :11l'''1· ,il t11 .

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r a "n.>J- ! lt i - idle t say thi c ukl h~t dH leadt>r:-. of th e Lc1bour Party had , ~o ulcl J n if 111 y werL~ in p wcr. Th , : fon· ,.._ of I. w a1H

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I nn.kr being under th ir of ,l IL ,~.ith· constitttl •d ~m-crnmcnl-thc-11' lw ~:t\T(( b,· unctn1~titutional action, b;

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1t the ·so l' ,dlcd mod rn 11..•s would put It. i"r\ of thl' Communi ls. I[, ii"

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:; Iv·. int() ,i fig-hting for Fran - ;1111 R11 -.ir uh ::-.h;ill .. ·in. Thi ,~ ·he order on ·hid, all < ur nation d pend . . i o\'cr hn>, n be that ·l: hall · · a mom ·nt· tion and the in~tallatinn o f a

It i · said that Eng-alnd \ ,,·ill . he not hail «t dictator hi the dictator hip )f a r cl minori ; ? H. ta . te of ·hat the dictator. hip of the Hh ~e cndur d th humiliatin..,. e. pcri 'nc

about London h1bell <l " B) p rmi -.. in th I r _ s ! The ~rreat po t-rf ul pre-, · clown in a da · b, ~n on.[,tni <1ti in c at1in~ hea<le I b, one ·1 -.a;·1 -_- !

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Party which is supposed only to number 12,000 and so litll · sympathy with the British Fascists who number approximately 200,000? Is it because th e Fascists do not threaten violence, and the,-e 1s at present no counLer-intimiclat ion to Communi . I ten-orisrn?

Let us realise that we are at ·war. No a rmy ca n n1arch to victory unless some penalty attaches to incompetence, still rnor · to desertion. The armies of the French R evolution owed th eir efficiency less to revolutionary a rdour than to the fa t tbat they had th e ·perambu1ating guillotine behind them, and th e general who surrendered got it, very literally, in the neck. ·

There is no guillotine behind the Conservative Party! No penally attaches to desertion or the betrayal of principl es . \ i\/ hv shoulcl not Fascism, ·whilst remaining constitutional and law­abicling suppl) this elem ent of wholesome fear? "\i\Thy should ·we not make ourselves a force to be reckoned with? Already Fascism has put fear into the hearts of the enemy. At the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of Great Britain in June 1925 one of the delegates observed : " I believe that the Fascists in this connlr_v are quite capable of doi11g the smne here as they have done in Italy a.nd ot1ie·r pa1,ts of Eu-rope" and the Fascist Women's 'Unit we1·e held up as a n example of effic iency to Com­muni sts. No other anti-Socialist organisation was mention ed in the discussion. It is the name of Fascist that inspires respec t !

Let Fascists then stick to their name! That name stands for · a policy that cannot be expressed by any other_ word. Patriots, loyalists, all sorts of other names have_ been tned b~t they h~ve never brought the following that has rallied t_o the 1~ame of Fascist. Patriotism and loyalty may be expressed in various ways such as fighting for one's coun~rY_ again~t an alien foe. _ Fa~cisrn stands for a form of patriotism designed to meet a particular emergency-disintegration from ~ithin. In ~ne_ v~ord it com­prises a whole programrn~-organ_1sed and chs:-1phnecl c~ut~ter revolpti'on by means of ac t1 ve and 1f nec~ssary mil1tant pa~not1sm and counter intimidation as a preparation for constructive and progressive ·social reforms. . . . . . . .

There neecl be no question of 1m1tat111g Italy. Im1tat1on, as Emerson said, is suicide- as much nationally as indiviclually. Pri tish Fascism will not model itself slavishly on the Italian patuern a:,ncl follow · the example of the C:ommuni~ts by ta_king its instruc­tions from abroad, it must be ,:in essentially national movement, suited to the need5 and cha1'acter of ou.r race. · The Ideal of British Fascism. · .

This being so British Fascism · has very defirnte tasks to perform. It must keep up the spiri_t of patrio:ti_sm ~nd c~n:nbat eve,·ywlicre the attempt~ -to L1nderm111e our national tracl1t1ons.

ll.

Already by means of the Fascist Children's Clubs it i. . ·<l · · 1 . I · . . • .sprov1111g a n antic ote to t 1(' an t1patnotic and anti-religious teaching of th <:: Red Sunday Schools. It can co-operate w 1"th the Pat · t · h

k f · · · YLO 111 t t' :vor o enl1ghten1ng th? public. . If we could only raise the mone\ tor a ce°:tral_ bureau of 1nformat1on for arming propagandists witli really sc1ent1fic knowledge of Socialism l bcli evl:' we could SWC'I:' the country. P

Then _Fascism has a lready e~1sured free :,peech. Only -,j x

y~ars a~o, tn October, 1921, a meet ing of th e British Empire Union with_ Sir Ernest. Wild in the Chair was broken up by the Com­m~rnst , the Urnon Jack was torn to pieces and Lord Derby wa-, driven from the hall. Fascism has changed all that. It is 1r i the whole~ome fear inspired by the British Fascists tha1 wt 11 0 w owe the liberty to hold patriotic mee tings in peucc- .

A to the .. future,, I would urge t\1at Fascists should refrain from_ prov<?catJve acts bu_t should train themselves in discipline and m patience for the time wl:en they may be called upon to fight .. At the next General Election let us concentrate on ensuring a hearing for tho e parliamentary candidates who show courage and stand by us now. Let no politicians think that they can di~­par~ge the _Fasci . t in time o_f peac~ and that when the fight begm_s F~sc1sts_ will ,·~sh t<? ·the,r def~nce. Let th m furth ( r r~alis~ that 1f ever this country 1s thrown into the chaos of revolution through their cowardice or treachery they shall answer for it to the outraged patriots on whom the task of restoring order will devolve.

If only all those disgruntled elements throughout the country who now content themselves with grumbling at the weakness of the government would rally to the standard of Fascism and do some_ practical work instead of talking I believe that British Fascism would become in a short time a formidable body, a power to be reckoned with, a power that no Government could afford to ignore.

It is often said : " Where shall we find our Mussolini? " Here again it seems to me a mistake to imagine that British Fascism must necessarily develop along exactly the same lines as Fascismo. We have always had our own way of doing th1ng~ and we shall evolve our own form of Fascism. Of course. if Heaven sends us the man we need, as Italy was sent the man .-ht needed, we shall hail him with thanksgiving, but I think the 01w

leader, the great popular hero, is less essential to us than t(J Italians. It may be then that instead of a one-man dictatorship we shall have the leadership of a group of patriots. There was no Mussolini in the General Strike, but there vvas organisation and leadership, moreover the same spirit prevailed throughout the L·otrntry and won the day. \Vhat was th~t spirit? The Rriti<di

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Spirit l Above all th is unconquerable!

12.

spirit of British Youth! And that spirit

TE TA H. WEBSTER,

MEMBER OF G.H.Q. COUNCIL, BRIT{ H FASCISTS.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

Contribution!'> to th Special Fund f<..>r .\n t i-B ol hevi l- Propagnn<l~ .\ re ur~r11,tly tH'l'dcd . l

10 a m ount ron -. m; dl or too l~rgr.

.\II inf 1r1n a1 iun frnm : • I ll'l'.'. I ,\RY,

BR11h11 F , ..,u..,1-., '!.97. l· n 11\ \ t Ro w.

f ,0. DO , ~ . \\ .10.

H rbert Flack, Print r. 315, Kin1' · llood, Chel~. Loadoa, S. W.3.