Ideology and the Manipulation of Symbols: Leadership Perceptions of Science, Education, and Art in the People's Republic of China, 1961-1974

Ideology and the Manipulation of Symbols: Leadership Perceptions of Science, Education, andArt in the People's Republic of China, 1961-1974Author(s): David Lewis FeldmanSource: Political Psychology, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Sep., 1985), pp. 441-460Published by: International Society of Political PsychologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3791081 .

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Political Psychology, Vol. 6, No. 3, 1985

Ideology and the Manipulation of Symbols: Leadership Perceptions of Science, Education, and Art in the People's Republic of China, 1961-1974

David Lewis Feldman'

Through textual exigesis of Mao Zedong's thoughts on science, education, and art, and content analysis of one medium of propaganda, I examine some possible impacts of Mao's ideology upon the Chinese leadership's perceptions of these activities between 1961 and 1974. My thesis is that Maoism has attempted to induce adherence to a set of values that govern activities underlying political behavior. I examine both the frequency of appearance of certain items and the tendency of various ideas to be associated together in commentary and conclude that not only has the logical structure of Mao's thought affected the manner in which the leadership has perceived the proper conduct of these activities but also that various "weights" have been given to various themes at different times. This reflects the shifting priorities of the elite. Moreover, these varying emphases reflect an assumption on the part of the leadership of the malleability of the human mind, as well as considerable faith in the power of propaganda as a tool for reinforcing desirable perceptions. KEY WORDS: Maoism; propaganda; elite perception; People's Republic of China.

INTRODUCTION

Philosophy is of no value unless it is learnt from society, the masses, and from nature.... I did not understand much when I read logic. The understanding came to me when I used it. (Mao Zedong, 1964:23).

'Department of Political Science, Moorhead State University, Moorhead, Minnesota 56560. 441

0162-895X/85/0900-0441$04.50/1 @ 1985 International Society of Political Psychology



442 Feldman

Ideology is a tool of political control. Whether precariously held or dogmat- ically disseminated, it constitutes a powerful device for influencing perceptions of appropriate social conduct. For a "forensic" political ideology-one predicated upon the revolutionary reconstruction of society - to effectively induce control, the author of one classic study has suggested, "common cultural experiences" must be interpreted through "certain common premises" in the light of "certain social conflicts" (Lane, 1962:13). This is one role, he further stated, of propaganda.

The thesis of this paper is that Maoism's influence upon the values which underlie politics - including, but by no means limited to, education, scientific research, the creative arts, and personal morality - has been ignored in light of its more overt political influence upon the reconstruction of Chinese society.

Like most ideologies, Maoism consists of a vast array of epistemologi- cal and axiological components which have been disseminated in such a manner as to constructively shape perceptions of value without alienating the traditional political culture of China. As Robert Lane has noted, ideologies cannot be dismissed as "unoriginal" rationalizations or meaningless rhetoric. They "have consequences which shape a society's social and political institutions; when institutions and ideologies are out of phase, one may expect trouble" (Lane, 1962:356). Ensuring that this phase is maintained is one role of journalism in a revolutionary society.

After a brief discussion of Mao's observations on educational method, art, and the philosophy of science, I examine the results of a content analysis of journalistic commentary on these subjects between 1961 and 1974-a period roughly covering the tail end of the "Great Leap Forward" and ex- tending through the 5-year period following the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." This was an era of tremendous political upheaval in China. The categories selected for this analysis were chosen because of their relevance to forming the values which underlie political development.

As we will see, not only did Mao's ideas have an obvious practical impact upon reports of these activities, but also - of far greater importance -

there were varying assessments or "weights" given to certain aspects of Mao's thought on these subjects by the official keepers of the ideology at different times between 1961 and 1974. These varying assessments reflect the chang- ing priorities of the regime during this period.

In essence, an examination of journalistic commentary in the Peo- ple's Republic not only yields an understanding of the influence of an ideology upon the interpretation of social and cultural activities during this period but also reveals the relative importance given to various components of an ideology as a result of the subjective states of mind of the originators of propaganda.



Ideology and the Manipulation of Symbols 443

I conclude by arguing that if, as many China specialists assert, the ef- fectiveness of Maoism can be evaluated by examining its applicability from one period to another, then Maoism has indeed been broad and inclusive enough in its application to pragmatically adapt to the varying needs and perceptions of the leadership (Solomon, 1973:40). Not only is this conclu- sion important for understanding the direction of the political leadership since the death of Mao, Zhou Enlai, and other leaders of the Communist revolution of 1949, but it offers significant insights into the practical connection between revolutionary ideas and the psychological manipulation of symbols which has remained a part of Chinese politics under Deng Xiaoping.

THE EPISTEMOLOGY, ANXIOLOGY, AND PEDAGOGY OF MAOISM: APPLICATIONS AND RELEVANCE

FOR POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Philosophy of Science

According to Mao, scientific inquiry requires "discussion," "objectivity," an appreciation of the essential "corporeality" of the universe, an awareness of the consequences as well as causes of natural activity, a recognition of the "dialectical" nature of causation, and the need to "fuse" theory and practice. By discussion, Mao meant that the validity of all ideas must be tested through a dialectical process of criticism and self-criticism in the presence of others. The essence of intellectual growth is debate and dialogue. In the particular case of social phenomena, question pertaining to validity are often suppressed, Mao argued, because they are controversial or threatening to an entrenched elite. "Free discussion" helps the ends of scientific inquiry become more discernible (Mao Zedong, 1972:181).

Mao placed some obvious but nevertheless important restraints upon this process of criticism, however. It must avoid "metaphysical and dogmatic" rhetoric; or, in other words, it must conform to Marxist-Leninist materialism. It must also accept the intrinsic validity of contradiction. Finally, it must be "useful" and constructive (Mao Zedong, 1929:112).

Mao's notion of "objectivity" has a meaning quite at variance with most Western rationalist philosophy. It means the apprehension of the "thesis" and "antithesis" of a phenomenon. To be "subjective" would mean, for example, studying the proletariat in isolation from the bourgeoisie; that is, without regard to the latter's effect upon the former (Mao Zedong, 1937:26). Objectivity not only relies upon contradiction, but also requires a height- ened perception of how an object or phenomenon "feels" when first encoun-



444 Feldman

tered (Mao Zedong, 1954:286-288). To know the contradiction of a thing, Mao said, "you must come into contact with it" (Mao Zedong, 1937:286).

In regard to materialism, Mao shared the basic tenets of Marxian cor- porealism. He asserted that "dialectical" awareness requires an ability to abstract from the particularity of objects their essential unity with all other phenomena. Matter itself can only be comprehended when it is realized that contradictions transform objects into higher qualitative stages (Mao Zedong, 1937:22).

"Red and Expert," the most controversial element of Mao's epistemology, refers to the "political" motives of scientific inquiry. To Mao, one does not study something "for the mere sake of study." Instead, one studies something because it is felt to be socially important. In order to be examined ac- curately, the object of one's study should have a correct purpose and be relevant. To be "red and expert," then, means to apply Marxist-Leninist ideas to one's scientific specialty (Mao Zedong, 1972:177).

Mao did not originally intend for this concept to imply that the scholar should sacrifice critical standards of inquiry for the sake of doctrinal adherence. He noted, for instance, that some ideological meddling with scientific work is unwarranted because it is crude (Mao Zedong, 1972:177). Instead, the concept was originally meant to signify that the philosopher-scientist can only get at the root of social and natural reality through recognizing the relevance of Marxism-Leninism to the sociology of knowledge-especially the concept that our ideas are shaped by labor and class consciousness. Com- munism offers relevant insights into scientific matters. Thus, "we must. . .dis- tinguish communist theory and method applied in...pursuing scientific studies...." (Mao Zedong, 1940:153).

Mao tried to develop some significant and distinctly original modifica- tions of the Marxian concept of dialectics which are especially relevant for his philosophy of science. Dialectical motion is contingent upon internally generated contradictions within an object, according to Mao (Mao Zedong, 1937:16). Moreover, all contradiction has an internal and external dimen- sion. Internal contradictions generate mechanical, quantitative changes in a phenomenon. External contradictions - tensions with other phenomena - determine the course of qualitative change. Social development stems from internal contradictions within productive forces. External contradictions are brought about through these internally generated changes (Mao Zedong, 1937:23).

An understanding of internal and external contradictions generates an appreciation for "the particular quality which distinguishes one thing from all others..." and also furthers understanding of "a certain field of phenomena," or, in other words, a particular branch of science (Mao Zedong, 1937:23). Thus, Mao believed that scientific disciplines develop from the specific to




the general - an idea which sets him apart from earlier Marxists (Glaberman, 1968:102; Cohen, 1964:21).

Moreover, this same method of inquiry which allows the observer to appreciate the unity of all phenomena also allows for recognition of the fact that, among the many contradictions prevailing at any given stage in a phenomenon's development, only one is the principal contradiction- the others are secondary (Mao Zedong, 1937:35). This too is original with Mao, and it allowed him to address a number of practical concerns related to the conduct of science in a revolutionary society, such as the transformation of the old into the new (Cohen, 1964:22), the notion of "antagonistic" versus "nonantagonistic" conflicts in the progressive development of ideas (Mao Zedong, 1937:49-50), and the irreconcilability of some contradictions -a problem which Mao suggested reinforces the "humble" perspective of the scientist (Cohen, 1964: 18), relative to the "active" role of the political revolutionary.

This theory of nonantagonistic contradictions allowed Mao's philosophy to be psychologically reconciled with the Confucian tradition. Because he considered contradictions among two phenomena to be more important than contradictions within a phenomenon, Maoism "is reminiscent of the duality of Yin-Yang, especially since antimony (contradiction) is found between two entities, one Yin and one Yang" (Hsiung, 1970:102). Mao was quite cognizant of these parallels and deliberately stressed them in his political writings in order to emphasize the complementary rather than antithetical relationship between social and economic entities (Starr, 1971:626).

Finally, Mao's notion of 'praxis,' like that of Marx, was predicated upon the idea that cognition is a product of man's activity "in material production" (Mao Zedong, 1954:282). Through such activity, we come to "gradu- ally understand nature's.., characteristics.., laws.., and the relations between man and nature...." (Mao Zedong, 1937:233). Moreover, productive activity "allows one to know a thing in its essence," and thus grants "understanding of the internal contradictions of objective things" (Mao Zedong, 1954:285).

In reference to our concern with the impact of Maoism upon the reconstruction of leadership perceptions, Benjamin Schwartz has aptly noted that this aspect of Mao's philosophy of science is strikingly similar to "the inductive-pragmatic view of... the Anglo-American world" which posits that the precepts of social and natural science "are immediately derived in social practice and then applied in practice" (Schwartz, 1973:356). Moreover, Schwartz suggested, there are revolutionary implications in the application of science to politics within this philosophical model:

If science is basically a process of learning from practical experience (then) it should be...immediately accessible to all. (Schwartz, 1973:357).



446 Feldman

Theoretically, technological development should be democratic and participative; the worker, peasant, and student should all be able to work directly alongside the scholar and engineer in fashioning a revolutionary society.

Educational Methods and Goals

Mao argued that the principal purpose of education is to serve the people. To do so, it must fuse theory with practice, it must acknowledge that awareness develops in stages, that learning occurs by doing, and that criticism and self-criticism are necessary steps in attaining self-awareness. In short, this conception of education was, at least in part, a critique of the elitism of Chinese education before 1949. In Mao's own words, prerevolu- tionary "students of history, philosophy, and economics (had) no concern with studying reality; they were ignorant of things of this world." In a revolutionary society, this situation must be rectified; above all else, the subject matter of education must be utilitarian: "... if a thing does not represent the peoples' wish, it is no good" (Mao Zedong, 1964:22).

The concepts of learning from experience and of fusing experience with practice logically depart from this outlook. Mao urged children "to use their four limbs" as well as their minds in learning about nature and society (Mao Zedong, 1964:21). Since man is primarily a productive creature whose self- fulfillment emerges from his labor, "praxis" constitutes the productive process which initially generates all learning - it is the exercise of physical and men- tal labor. In essence, "it is a man's social being which determines his think- ing" (Mao Zedong, 1963:267).

Learning in stages refers to the belief that knowledge emerges from a dialectical process. Contradictions at one level of analysis must be resolved, according to Mao, before the apprehension of a higher, more complex level, be- comes possible. All learning begins as perceptual apprehension. From this incipient stage, contradictions inspire "a leap to conceptual knowledge" and later, to a stage of cognition termed "consciousness." Finally, when this "consciousness" is applied to society, "praxis" has been achieved (Mao Zedong, 1963:268). For this to occur, dialectical reasoning must be utilized to resolve contradictions of a thing - this can only be accomplished through practice and experience (Mao Zedong, 1937:291).

For education to be politically "relevant" it must look for obvious ways to apply Marxism-Leninism to academic preparation and social change. Stu- dents are expected to learn about the ways in which Marxism-Leninism can aid their specialities. Specifically, they should give priority to those fields of inquiry which are socially "useful." In short, academic progress is to be measured ". . .both ideologically and politically" (Mao Zedong, 1972:177).




Finally, for academic work to be deemed relevant, the intellectual must learn to recognize the needs of the people, and he must place these needs above his own wishes (Mao Zedong, 1944:226).

Learning by doing requires not only the achievement of "praxis" but also a sense of imagination, spontaneity, and vicarious participation in the process of learning as opposed to what Mao disparagingly terms "injection" (Mao Zedong, 1964:21). Criticism and self-criticism constitute a logical ex- tension of discussion. Neither of these practices should utilize compulsion or intimidation. They should involve "persuasion" in order to help persons realize the essence of contradiction within their own minds (Mao Zedong, 1972:14).

That Mao intended his theory of education to aid revolutionary causes is attested to by the fact that he had abundant faith in the ability of an ideology to remold and reshape the human mind (Mu-Fu-Sheng, 1962). Educa- tional theories, he believed, must not pose abstract conceptualizations of cognitive development, but should instead offer practical frameworks to delineate the processes involved in the common man's immediate apprehension of technology and politics (Rejai, 1968).

The Visual and Performing Arts: Aesthetics and Ideology

Classical Marxism posits that all cultural activities reflect the dominant class conditions of a society at any given stage of development. Mao accepted this thesis and argued that art, literature, theatre, and music should be aesthetically judged by how well they mirror the needs of the dominant historical classes in postrevolutionary Chinese society-the peasantry and the proletariat. An "artistic or literary work is ideologically the product of the human brain reflecting on the life of a given society" (Mao Zedong, 1942:76).

One obvious reflection of this claim is that art must be evaluated on utilitarian or "consequential" grounds. Art, literature, and music should popularize themes valued by the masses. They should demonstrate an interest in social change and in raising the consciousness of the people. Moreover, artists should address the peoples' critical faculties in a manner appropriate to their intellectual level. Aesthetic production and criticism should never be "above the heads of the people" (Mao Zedong, 1942).

To serve the people, and to ensure that their aesthetic wants are taken into account, the artist must demonstrate a familiarity with their lifestyle, and he must become sensitive to their tastes. Sensitivity requires ". . . avoid- ing awkward expressions which are opposed to popular usage" (Mao Zedong, 1942). It also requires painful evidence of study and personal struggle, a



448 Feldman

familiarity with Marxism-Leninism, and the undergoing of a personal "remolding" or ideological rebirth (Mao Zedong, 1942).

The latter can only be achieved by the artist immersing himself in the study of history and class struggle, and through the subordination of art to political imperatives (Mao Zedong, 1942). In essence, the proper evaluation of the artist's work requires an evaluation of "the effect his works have upon society and on the masses" (Mao Zedong, 1942:84).

Benjamin Schwartz, whose comments we cited earlier, argued that the utilitarianism of Mao's aesthetics reflected his vision of the "good society" and his insistence upon the transformation of the people through study, re- form, and psychological remolding (Schwartz, 1968:173). This is why Mao argued that the artist must become "immersed" in the daily milieu of the people by totally abnegating his self-interest and by emphasizing romantic themes such as "nostalgic allusions to the heroic guerilla struggle of China's revolutionary past" (Schwartz, 1968:174).

Jerome Ch'en concurs with Schwartz and suggests that this aesthetic utilitarianism also reflected Mao's wish to eradicate the cultural "inferiority complex" of Chinese society. By citing past Chinese accomplishments, art, literature, and music could be used, Mao believed, to overcome political in- competence. The artist, notes Ch'en, was viewed as a catalyst in this transformation: "since any man could, by his will, determine the course of history," art can serve as a vehicle of propagandistic remolding (Ch'en, 1973:105).

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

A content analysis of Beijing Review (English language version) was undertaken for the years 1961 - 1974. Because Beijing Review is intended as propaganda for internal as well as foreign consumption, it constitutes an excellent source of material on the motives and political perceptions of the elite. The methodology employed was developed by the political psycholo- gist Charles Osgood for the specific purpose of analyzing the symbolic content of "cleaned-up" propaganda texts. This methodology, termed the "representational model," postulates that all of the events cited in propaganda messages are causally dependent upon subjective events of "states of mind" within the individuals producing the messages (Osgood, 1959).

The approach is reliable, Osgood argues, because general inferences are founded upon the probabilistic assumption that "... if in the past reference to [messages] A and B have appeared together, we may expect this to be true in the future" (Osgood, 1959). Since ideologies compel ideas to be lumped together in the minds of people, we can assume that messages on




a given subject in a medium such as Beijing Review should be accompanied by another idea also contained in the ideology (Osgood, 1959).

The basis for article selection and the character of message content were important considerations in this research. The articles selected were feature length pieces abstracted from newspapers and party documents and were directed at a general, internal audience. Two specific characteristics of message content were examined; attention - the frequency of occurrence of certain relevant themes - and associational structure- the association of two or more ideas contained in the ideology (Osgood, 1959).

The validity of this approach has been addressed by another specialist on content analysis, Bernard Berelson. According to Berelson, although content analysis is an inherently indirect approach to assessing attitudes, since one does not actually survey attitudes of the elite or of those whom they are trying to influence, one can assume that because "...the content [of propaganda] has such and such characteristics, ... the communicators have such and such an intention" (Berelson, 1952). The logical structure of the communication, in other words, confirms the motivation of the communicators.

More important than these assurances, however, are the findings of specialists on Chinese politics who concur that there is a definite convergence between the structure of Maoist ideology and the Chinese leadership's perception of the proper conduct of science, education, art, and morality. Most political scientists familiar with the preoccupations of the elite insist that the use of ideology to foment revolutionary change through the dissemination of propaganda has been of paramount importance during the period covered by this study (Mu-Fu-Sheng, 1962). Moreover, the utilization of science and art as vehicles for expressing the relevance of Marxism-Leninism for Chinese political development has often been acknowledged by political scientists (Schwartz, 1968; Lindbeck, 1961; Hsi-en-Chen, 1961; Schram, 1968). Final- ly, not only has the political elite actively disseminated the ideology through commentary on these activities but also certain components of the ideology have had particular salience at a given time. This was especially true, as we shall see, during the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" (Solomon, 1973:40).

THEMATIC PREOCCUPATIONS OF THE ELITE

Science and Technology

Tables I, III, and V show the frequency of appearance of various components of the official ideology, in commentary on these subjects between



450 Feldman

Table 1. Appearance of Maoist Ideological Component in Articles on Science and Tech- nology in Beijing Review

1961-1965 1966-1969 1970-1974 22 Articles 16 Articles 25 Articles sampled sampled sampled

Referent (N) %7o" (N) wo" (N) %" A. Discussion 5 23 2 12 2 8 B. Objectivity 2 9 3 19 7 28 C. Materialism 7 32 4 25 8 32 D. "Red"/"Expert" 9 41 14 87 12 48 E. Dialectics/con-

tradiction 7 32 6 37 11 44 F. Experience/praxis 15 68 13 81 18 72

TOTALS (N) 45 (N) 42 (N) 58 "Denotes that percentage is based on number of item appearances divided by total number of articles sampled during a given period.

1961 and 1974. According to Osgood, those percentages over 50% (i.e., those referents appearing in over half the sampled articles of a period) are especially significant.2

Table I indicates that in the period 1961-1965, during the tail end of the "Great Leap Forward," there was a preponderant emphasis upon "experience and praxis." During this period the regime espoused rapid economic growth and mass participation in political development. As Schwartz has noted, the concept of praxis encourages democratic and participatory norms in scientific and technological activities (Schwartz, 1973).

The phenomenal growth in emphasis upon being "Red and Expert" during the period 1966-1969 would appear to reflect the "Great Proletarian Cul- tural Revolution's" stress upon the need for scientific work to be "relevant" as well as the desire of the leadership to gain adherence of the scientific intelligentsia to the official ideology (Solomon, 1973). It would also lend credence to the claim that intellectual freedom yielded to a regimented conformity during this period (Schram, 1968). After 1969, Beijing Review's emphasis upon "Red and Expertness" declined to pre-1966 levels.

2For each subject (science, education, etc.) a Maoist "paradigm" was established based upon the the preceding analysis. A data matrix was set up in which articles on each subject constituted a unit of analysis. If an item referred to an idea or component from Mao's analysis of that subject, a "plus," indicating "presence," was placed under the column heading for that subject. Its absence, in turn, was denoted by a "minus." Percentages were then computed for each heading to determine the stress given an idea during a particular period. Although these articles were randomly selected, care was taken to ensure that they were relatively equal in length and constituted feature pieces on these specific subjects.



Table II. Associational Structure of Ideological Components on Science and Technology: Contingency Matrices"

1961-1965 1966-1969 1970-1974

A B C D E F A B C D E F A B C D E F

A - .02 .07 .09 .07 .16 A - .02 .03 .10 .04 .10 A - .02 .02 .04 .03 .06

B 0 - .03 .04 .03 .06 B - .05 .16 .07 .15 B 0 - .10 .14 .13 .22

C 0 - .13 .10 .22 C 0 - .22 .09 .20 C 0 - .15 .14 .23

D .09 - .13 .28 D @ .12 - .32 .70 D .04 - .21 .31

E .04 0 ( - .22 E 0 .06 ( .25 - .30 E 0 ?4

--.34 F ( 3 .09 .27 .18 - F .12 .19 (D (1) - F .20 .16 .24- "All circled obtained contingencies are significant joint appearances. (See Charles Osgood, The representational model and relevant research methods. In Trends in Content Analysis, de Sola Pool, Ithiel (ed.), University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1959, pp. 33-38.

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452 Feldman

During the entire period under study, "experience and praxis" was consistently emphasized in commentary, while "discussion" declined in importance, perhaps reflecting an increasingly intolerant attitude toward opposing or iconoclastic schools of thought. On the other hand, "objectivity," "dialectics," and "materialism" held steady - probably an indication of their essen- tiality to a Maoist outlook on science.

The existence of what Osgood terms an "associational structure" among themes, similar to the cognitive structure of Mao's writings, constitutes a significant measure of the degree to which various ideas are linked together in the minds of the commentators and thus, of the leadership itself. Table II consists of three "contingency matrices" which illustrate the association of themes in Beijing Review. Most of these themes appeared together more often than by chance alone. Moreover, as we would expect, many themes such as "dialectics," and "materialism," for example, are felt to be ideologically inseparable by the ideology's practitioners.

During the Cultural Revolution, some unique associational themes came into play, including "discussion" and "objectivity," "discussion" and "Red and Expertness," "materialism" and "praxis," "Red and Expertness" and "praxis," and "dialectics" and "praxis"-each of which constituted a reflection of the unique priorities of the regime during this period.3

Education

As Table III indicates, prior to 1966, the most frequently stressed ideological component was the fusion of theory and practice. This finding would appear to confirm the suspicion of those who have observed in Maoism an emphasis upon the idea that all new educational concepts, in order to become politically "relevant," must "... have the ability to direct revolutionary action" (Rejai, 1968). It also lends credence to the hypothesis that Mao's stress upon praxis and being red and expert discourages "pure" research divorced from practical experience (Lindbeck, 1961).

The stress upon praxis and relevance during the Cultural Revolution underscores the degree to which educators and students were encouraged to study those subjects which fused learning with "production and socialist con- struction" (Hsi-en-Chen, 1961), under the assumption that "... the study of

3The right side of each matrix consists of the "chance" or expected frequencies of joint appearances- derived by multiplying the percentage of article appearances under each theme. On the left side, the obtained frequencies are derived by "pairing" together A with B, etc. Osgood notes that if the obtained frequencies exceed the expected by even a narrow amount, we can assume they are being deliberately "paired" together. Moreover, sampling error is approx- imately one or two points.




Table III. Appearance of Maoist Ideological Component in Articles on Education in Beijing Review


Referent (N) %"7 (N) %" (N) 07%" A. Serve people 6 32 11 79 19 76 B. Fuse theory/practice 14 74 19 71 22 88 C. Stages of knowing 0 0 1 7 3 12 D. Pol consciousness/

relevance 9 47 9 64 19 76 E. Learning by doing 3 16 8 57 14 56 F. Criticism/self-

criticism 1 5 3 21 8 32

Totals (N) 33 (N) 42 (N) 85 "Denotes that percentage is based on number of item appearances divided by total number of articles sampled during a given period.

ideology is fully as important as the study of science"(Hsi-en-Chen, 1961:94). In addition, the relatively minor stress upon "stages of knowledge" may reflect the belief that this concept is too difficult to be understood and absorbed by the great majority of workers and peasants.

It is also worthy of note that education was a topic of considerable discussion in Beijing Review. Numerous articles stressed the fact that education was to be viewed as the single most important device for counteracting "revisionism" and "right dogmatism." In fact, some of the most vehement condemnations of revisionist practices in Beijing Review were allegedly written by university and trade school teachers and students.

The matrices in Table IV show that social practice, political consciousness, and learning by doing tended to appear jointly in commentary on education in Beijing Review. During the Cultural Revolution, there appeared a significantly high number of "associational structures" on education close- ly paralleling the logical structure of Mao's selected writings on education.

After the Cultural Revolution, the joint appearance of "learning by doing" and "criticism and self-criticism" would seem to indicate that the regime still adhered to the concept of "participative education." Articles in Beijing Review often pointed to numerous opportunities for students to learn through working in factories, shops, and on farms.

Aesthetic Values

Table V indicates that "familiarity with the needs of the people"- a concept long conceived to be pivotal by Mao - was significantly cited, especial-



Table IV. Associational Structure of Ideological Components on Education: Contingency matrices"

1961-1965 1966-1969 1970-1974

A B C D E F A B C D E F A B C D E F A - .23 0 .14 .05 .01 A - .55 .05 .50 .44 .16 A - .67 .09 .58 .42 .24

B .21 - 0 .35 .12 .04 B - .05 .45 .40 .15 B - .10 .67 .49 .28

C 0 0 0 0 0 0 C O O - .04 .04 .01 C .08 - .09 .07 .04

D .26 0 - .07 .02 D .50 @ - .36 .13 D .56 - .42 .24

E .05 .10 0 - .01 E .43 0 .29 - .12 E ) .44 .48 - .18

F 0 @ 0 - F .07 .14 0 (3)- F? F)0D 8 @ -

"All circled contingencies are significant joint appearances. (See Osgood, 1959; 33-38).

a =




ly after 1965. In his "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Art and Literature" (May, 1942), Mao asserted that "art and literature are intended for the people,... and especially for the workers who lead the revolution..." As a consequence, the artist must "popularize what is needed and what is easily accepted by the workers, peasants, and soldiers" (Mao Zedong, 1942:71). In answer to the rhetorical question, "Is this attitude of ours utilitarian?" he emphatically answered, "Yes!" (Mu-fu-Sheng, 1962:117).

Throughout this period, commentary in Beijing Review on art frequently stressed its political importance. The artist's major role was conceived to be contributing to the development of a "new" consciousness. As Mu-fu-Sheng has suggested, Maoist ideology attempted to "offer a solution to ethical and aesthetic problems long before the Cultural Revolution" (Mao Zedong, 1939:69).

Other findings lend support to these conclusions. Before 1966, "serving utilitarian ends" was frequently cited. During the Cultural Revolution, "evidence of study and struggle" and demonstrating an interest in "social change" was increasingly stressed in Beijing Review. This was probably a reflection of the fact that the basic thrust of the Cultural Revolution was to reverse the "bureaucratization" and "elitism" of intellectuals. Mao actively sought to involve artists in the "struggle against revisionism, a fact reflected by his bold assertion that "without participation of [artists and intellectuals] a revolution cannot achieve victory" (Mao Zedong, 1939).

The stress upon "study and struggle" during this period seems to reflect Mao's view that intellectuals can only become transformed through concen- tration, self-discipline, patience, and receptivity toward the masses. After 1969, it is noteworthy that some of the more dogmatic concepts relating to the role of the artist were deemphasized. During all three periods, however, the regime acknowledged the importance of art consistently. Indeed, Beij- ing Review often characterized anti-regime artists as "capitalists," "bourgeois reactionaries," and servants of the wrong "historical classes."

Table VI demonstrates that during the period 1961-1965, the only obtained frequencies not significant were those pertaining to "evidence of study and struggle," with "serving the needs of the people" and serving "utilitarian ends." At this time, there appeared to be priorities of greater importance. After 1966, however, artists were urged to take a greater role in learning the "needs" of the masses. Between 1966 and 1969, while other factors declined in importance, an "associational structure" took shape between serving "utilitarian ends" and "evidence of study and struggle." The decline of this structure after 1969 may signify a decline in concern in compelling artists to conform to a rigid ideological paradigm.



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Table V. Appearance of Maoist Ideological Component in Articles on Visual and Per- forming Arts Beijing Review


Referent (N) %" (N) %" (N) 70o" A. Reflect class

conditions 7 21 10 62 17 65 B. Serve util. ends 24 71 12 75 14 54 C. Familiar with

peoples' needs 30 88 16 100 26 100 D. Evidence study/

struggle 11 32 9 56 14 54 E. Interest soc. change 15 44 14 87 17 65

TOTALS (N) 87 (N) 61 (N) 88 "Denotes that percentage is based on number of item appearances divided by total number of articles sampled during a given period.

CONCLUSIONS: FORENSIC IDEOLOGIES AND POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Although the impact of a transformational or "forensic" ideology can be gauged on several levels, as Richard Solomon has noted, its ultimate ef- fectiveness must be judged by its salience at given stages in a political revolution (Solomon, 1973). Of greatest significance is the fact that Maoism has been a doctrine broad enough to allow for its particular component themes to be emphasized differently during periods of sudden political change, in accordance with the priorities of the leadership.

A summation of our major empirical findings lends evidence for these shifting priorities. Coverage and content of scientific and technological activities, education, and art were markedly different during the periods 1961-1965, 1966-1969, and after 1969. With science and technology, while pre-1966 articles stressed ideological themes most appropriate for political development, after 1966 there was a marked emphasis upon being "red and expert" and upon the need for widespread "discussion," both of which declined in emphasis after the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution's demise. Simi- larly, coverage of educational issues increased after 1965 and greater emphasis was placed upon "praxis" and "relevance" in learning in Beijing Review. This greater emphasis remained after 1969. Finally, whereas pre-1966 articles on aesthetic issues stressed the Maoist dictum, "serving utilitarian ends," the ability of the artist to reflect class conditions and to evidence greater struggle markedly increased as critically important issues in Beijing Review dur-



Table VI. Associational Structure of Ideological Components on Visual and Performing Arts: Contingency Matrices" 1961-1965 1966-1969 1970-1974

A B C D E A B C D E A B C D E A - .14 .18 .06 .09 A - .46 .62 .35 .54 A - .35 .65 .35 .42 B - .62 .22 .31 B - .75 .42 .65 B - .54 .29 .35 C O g - .28 .39 C .62 .75 - .56 .87 C .65 .54 - .54 .65 D .18 .26 - .14 D e .56 - .49 D .35 . .54 - .35 E (0D 3 - E 06 .87 - E .65 .35 - "All circled contingencies are significant joint appearances.

O

0

O

0 cr

tA

O

0

&

-,



458 Feldman

ing the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution - and continued in importance afterwords. All of this exemplifies ideological flexibility.

At the base of this flexibility lies an essential quality of the ideology itself- an ultimate belief in the nearly complete malleability of the human mind -exemplified by "an almost mystical faith in the capabilities of the masses if they can be thoroughly indoctrinated and motivated" (Powell, 1968:251). Along these lines, it should be noted too that not only has journalistic commentary been rewritten to reflect these shifting priorities, but there is evidence that, at various times, Mao's works have been rewritten to reflect contemporary priorities-such as military doctrine, strategic policy, civil- military relations, and even the problem of political corruption (Powell, 1968; Jencks, 1981; Liu, 1983).

Finally, it may be suggested that the most important result of this adaptability is the manner in which the ideology has been disseminated. As Lane has noted, although ideologies are structurally held together by logic, they are psychologically maintained by moral fervor (Lane, 1962). This fervor, fostered by propagandistic commentary, must "concretize" the elements of the ideology through reference to specific political events. Beijing Review, as we have seen, constitutes an excellent form for this concretization. It has "named names," cited specific cases of conformance and dissonance, and otherwise encouraged adherence to specific scientific, ethical, educational, and aesthetic goals. This philosophical adaptability has been a critical fac- tor in its success. As noted by Lane:

... a forensic ideology cannot survive without a strong moral component in which there are specific evils, villains exploiters, usurpers, devils on the one hand, and some- what vaguer,...salvation on the other. (Lane, 1962).

Although this "morality" must be predicated upon an assumption of psychological malleability, it must simultaneously- and in apparent contradiction- insist upon psychological rigidity. Once the psychological "transformation" of masses is presumably assured, the propaganda commen- tator typically gears his messages to reinforcing an inflexible and unyielding commitment to that transformation (Lane, 1962:356). Thus, the same as- sumptions that underlie the optimistic tendency to assume the malleability of persons' minds, and which encourages an emphasis upon change, also underlie the psychological capacity of the propagandist to command dogged adherence to political ends - an unbounded faith in the power of propaganda.

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Documents

Ideology and the Manipulation of Symbols: Leadership Perceptions of Science, Education, and Art in the People's Republic of China, 1961-1974