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5

y

Dates, Dromedaries, and Drought:

Diversification in

Tuareg Pastoral Systems

EDMOND BERNUS

This chapter is concerned with the traditional pastoral system, or systems, of

the Tuareg, whose country extends along a north-south belt from the Magh-

areb to the Sudanese zone following meridians that join the Tassili of Ajjer, the

Ahaggar and

its

Sahelian offshoots, the Air and Adrar of Ifoghas (Monod,

1968:284), to the banks of the Niger, the agropastoral zone of Gourma, Ader,

and Damergou. This axis is delineated on the west and east by desert belts that

isolate

it

from the land of the Moors and the Teda-daza, the latter often

misnamed Toubou. These regions of no mans land form screens or filters

between the Tuareg and the worlds of their neighbors, who inhabit similar

environments.

It would be restrictive to conceive of Saharan pastoralism

as

simply

a

system of oases, dromedaries, and dates. Such a system is currently undergo-

ing mutation and must be seen in historical context, as

a

model that has

survived among some herdsmen but whose future viability is threatened. The

septentrional or northern Sahelian zone, south of the Sahara and irrigated oasis

culture, and north of the areas of rain-fed agriculture. Until the recent drought,

movement that, until the 1950s, were free of competition from rain-fed agri-

culture, even a t its farthest limits. This northern Sahelian system of animal

husbandry is contrasted with an agropastoral system involved in commercial

exchange with Saharan oases, camels linking these isolated desert isles.

analysis presented here centers on the pastoral system

of

Tuareg living in the

animal husbandry developed and prospered in

this

area, along avenues of

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150 PASTORALISM OF THE DESERT AND TUN DRA

TW O TRA DIT ION A L TUAREG PA STORAL SYSTEMS

Located between the 15th and 17th latitudes north, the Iwellemmeden Kel

Denneg T uareg to day depend on animai husband ry

for

their livelihood (Fig-

ure

5.1).

The ir con temporary political arrangement was gradually established

through successive, incremental adjustments. The centralized political leader-

ship so created lent coherence to a territory where pastoral life could go on

despite the insecurity

of

war and hand-to-hand combat. Bo th the diversity and

the cultural cohesion of Tuareg society, constituted out of varied and comple-

mentary elements, involve the management of herds following practices still

partially utilized despite the major changes experienced since the turn

of

the

century. However, this mode of environmental exploitation represents an

economic model whose global coherence seems now to have largely disap-

peared.

T h e Tua reg K el Geres have been established south of these Iwel-

lemmeden (between the

13

degrees

3

minutes and

14

degrees

30

minutes

latitude north) since the 18th century. Although located on agricultural land,

+ + +

National Boundaries

lOWm

contour

oundaiy of the Tuareg

__

Northern imit of rain-fedagriculture

Songhay and Zama

Hausa

Kanuri

Arabs and Teda (Toubous)

KEL A h

Tuareg groups

1

imanan

1: Tagazar

FIGURE

5.1.

T h e 'Tuareg cou ntry and its surroundings (adapted from Bernus,

1981,

P.

8).

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Chapter

i

uareg Pastoral Systems

151

they continue to exploit septentrional pastures through long summer migra-

tions and have continued to participate in the caravan trade of the Agram and

Kawar oases. The importance of their herds has forced them to leave cultivated

zones during the rainy season, to return seasonally in a sort of yearly pilgrim-

age to the site of their origins.

The Environment

Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg country is located in the interior of the arid zone,

as

defined by the aridity indicators utilized by Unesco and

MAB

(Man and the

Biosphere, 1977) for the establishment of their map on desertification. Ac-

cording to

this

map, the total area receives between 150 and 400 mm annual

rainfall and its geographical center about

250

mm. This of course represents a

very low volume of precipitation, the effects of which on the vegetation have

to be understood in terms of its distribution over time. All statistics correspond

to relatively recent data (after 1920), since data for the end of the 19th and the

beginning of the 20th centuries do not exist. Fundamental changes do not seem

to have occurred in the last century: periods of thin cows (scarcity) and

fat

cows (plenty) have been cyclic. The irregularity of rainfall remains one major

characteristic of the climate, the annual minima to maxima ratio being of the

order of 3 :12. This variability exists in time (interannual variation) as well as

in space, considerable differences being registered between two nearby pluvi-

ometers in the course of one day.

This zone has a number of Sahelian characteristics:

widely diffused vegetation, wide distribution

of

dead dunes, numerous

winter ponds,

images

of above-ground termitariums, of earthy soils (and

dirty, contrasting with

the

clean Saharan soils), development

of

seasonal

grass-land

pastures

favorable

to

bovine husbandry and

to

the

short-distance

beef and straw [ du

boeuf

et de la paille] migration, absence of brush fires,

the

critical role of food

gathering (especially

of wild

Gramineae seeds).

[Translated from Monod, n.d.1

It can be added that vegetation increases from north to south and that, al-

though diffuse on the plateaus, it is more concentrated in the valleys between

the dunes, as well as along the large fossilized valleys that cut across ancient

cliffs, plateaus, and dunes.

North of this zone, beyond the territory traversed during the 9 months of

dry season, are clay plains with waters rich in mineral salts and grassy pastures

which in good years can feed prodigious herds. Tuareg herdsmen converge on

this area in August and September with their herds, which drink the famous

waters and feed

off

rich yet short-lived pastures.

A

return toward the septen-

trional zone of the south, with

its

ponds, water holes, and scarce fodder trees, is

necessary by the end of September or the beginning of October.

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152

PASTORALISM OF T H E D ESER T A N D T U N D R A

The Kel Geres occupy the Ader Doutchi and the Gober-Toudou, which

in the south are contiguous to the Kel Denneg territories. This is a region of

contrasts, between plateaus rendered immobile under

a

ferrigenous hard layer

and deep valleys

that

cut across them; the horizontal monotony of a plateau

with its small trees contrasts dramatically with its indented edge, gullies

overhung by ledges from which valleys with majestic trees can be seen. Wetter

(500-550 mm annual rainfall) and more mountainous than the Kel Denneg

country, the Ader is subjected to brutal floods and to extensive erosion. When

the Kel Geres arrived in the territory they now occupy, valleys, now invaded

by fields, were the site of a rich vegetation of grasses and trees which consti-

tuted high-quality pasture for the herds of these northern pastoralists.

The Kel Geres converge on the corridors used by the Iwellemmeden to

reach the mineral waters and pastures south of Air. During the rainy season,

these lines of movement, which cut across or follow one another, provide

occasions for encounters with the Kel Denneg which in the last century led to

occasional battles like

that

of Shin Ziggaren (187 1), south of In Gall, remem-

bered for

its

violence and bloodshed. If their summer pastures almost overlap (the

pastures of the Kel Geres are located a little east of those of the Kel Denneg),

their starting points are distinct, the more meridional or southern (Kel Geres)

traveling twice

as

far from the agricultural zone to the beginning of the Sahara.

Pol i t ical and Social Organ izat ion

Tuareg social and political organization has been described extensively, and it

seems unnecessary to provide

a

detailed analysis here. After a brief rsum of

its essential characteristics,

I

will outline the specific traits of the groups

concerned and demonstrate the relations that exist between their systems of

political and social organization and pastoralism.

Tuareg political organization involves the juxtaposition of confedera-

tions or

ettebel

(drum, a mark of power), within which a variable number of

tribes, belonging to all levels of the social hierarchy, unite under the direction

of an amenokal, a leader always chosen from the same aristocratic tribe.

A

similar model exists from Djanet to Timbuktu, from Tamanrasset to Madaoua:

it varies according

to

the relative importance of the groups belonging to

various social categories. Aristocratic warriors imajeghen)almost always form

a small minority among the freemen, whereas the relative number of vassals or

tributaries, who are

also

warriors

imghad),

and Muslims

ineslemen)

varies

considerably from one ettebel

to

another. The proportion of slaves, captives,

servants, freemen, those bound by tradition to servile origins, grows rapidly as

we enter the agropastoral meridional zone.

The amenokul of the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg was always chosen from

the Kel Nan, among whom the number of imghad was very small, that of

ineslemen

being large enough to give the latter considerable influence and

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Chapter i uareg Pastoral Systems

153

economic status. From these religious groups Kel

Eghlal)

was chosen the

imam,

whose juridical and religious role was recognized by the entire

ettebel.

These religious groups were rivals of the aristocratic

imajeghen,

from whom

they seized the leadership a t the beginning of the 18th century. This double

power, military and political on the one hand, religious and juridical on the

other, often gave rise to confrontation, especially since most religious tribes

carried weapons and partook in wars. How rivalries were born is related in a

story retold in two different versions by the oral historians of each side,

supported among the religious by Arabic sources

tarikh),

sometimes ancient,

sometimes reconstituted later.

The amenokal had a political role: he decided which campaigns to under-

take and assembled warriors under

his

orders, using the beat of the war drum

ettebel)

both for attacks

far

away and for defense against outside invasions. In

the summer, groups moved toward the northern pastures guided by the

ettebel,

who had to give the sign of departure for migration to the salt cure.

Beside this supreme authority, each tribe was attached to one of the five or

six suzerain tribes who considered themselves the owners of all goods. Their

dependents, religious or tributary

ineslemen

or

imghad),

contested this inter-

pretation, affirming that they had control of the cattle they kept. The aristo-

crats, however, kept few herds for themselves: some cows for milk, animals for

riding, and beasts of burden. They could claim needed animals a t any time, and

this right tarkept) could not be challenged. The counterpart of this practice

was the obligation of warriors to assure the protection of all their dependents

(religious, vassals, freemen, or personal slaves). In cases of exaction by

strangers, any man could claim the help of his protector in righting the wrong.

These ties of dependency implied the acceptance of sovereignty when the

suzerain had enough power to maintain order, to correct injustice, and to

protect belongings and people. Payment was given both to the political susey)

and

to

the religious leaders in the form of

a

Koranic tithe

tamesadeg).

These

prestations in kind were sometimes followed by donations from leaders after

victorious wars or in celebration or thanks for services provided. The booty or

gifts distributed following a successful

rezzou

(raid) maintained social cohesion

and tightened the bonds of clientage between chiefs and their dependents.

Animal husbandry was thus managed by tribes belonging to different

levels of hierarchy. Camel husbandry in particular was handled by the suzer-

ains, whereas in ancient times smallstock was undertaken by vassals, with until

recently certain groups specializing in ovine production (the Iberogan, who

were the vassals

of

the

Zgdalen).

From the herd, animals were (and still are)

chosen

to

be sacrificed to celebrate

a

birth, baptism, or marriage, or for a

religious celebration. A young man found in the livestock herd the animals to

be given to the family of his future bride. Whether dependents were indeed

owners

of

their herds, as they claim,

or

simply managers, as the imajeghen

maintained in order

to

justify their repossession of animals ( ta rkep t ) ,is of little

importance since herds were well kept and well managed. On the other hand,

*

*

.

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154

P A S T O R A L I S M

OF THE DESERT

A N D

T U N D R A

the number and value of animals given over to the care of serf-herdsmen were,

and still are, known to their owners who kept them close at hand under careful

surveillance since, like their keepers, they represent

a

store of capital.

Among the Kel Geres, the

amenokal

is chosen from the Tatamaqaret: this

society has no tributaries and few religious leaders; beside the artisans, there

are only suzerains and their slaves, as well as the mass of dependent agricultur-

alists

ighalewen):

T he ir political organization is complex. T h e tribe tawskit)appears as a form

of conjunction between two principles, the social and political mode of

lineage articulation and th e structure of hierarchy. It has some unique aspects

among the Kel G eres , the union of

ighuwelen

and

iderfun

around one (some-

times m any) dominant imajeghen lineage to which craftsmen are bound b y a

relation of dependence and clientage. T h e tribe has a name, often a leader,

and a brand

borne

by its cattle.

It

is not, however, a political unit. As in other T ua reg g roups, it is ruled

by the

aghollu,

sometimes called the group with the drum, the war drum

being an essential although nonspecific attribute. T h e

ugkollu,

a war leader

w ith political and juridical powers, remains, however, a member of a particu-

lar lineage occupy ing an im portant p osition in the groups lineage hierarchy .

It

is named b y its ow n lineage

imajeghen

assembly,

ameni.

The fou r

aghollu

of the Kel Geres confederation exercise a type

of

collegial political power regarding their responsibilities for reciprocal con-

t ro l. T h e agkolla of the Tatamaqaret serves a privileged role as leader of the

confederation w ith the title of

ttebel.

[Transla ted from Bonte, 197 5, pp. 170-

1711

Thus, the political power of the supreme chief

ettebel

or

tambari

among the

Kel Geres)

is

less concentrated than that of the Kel Denneg, who have no

agholla.

Almost

all

the livestock belong to the

imajeghen

whose slaves

iklan)

care

for them. In a country adapted to rain-fed agriculture, the Kel Geres society

has created a true dichotomy between animal husbandry, with herds owned by

an aristocratic minority and maintained by servile manpower, and an extensive

rain-fed

a g r i c u l t u r e

(millet, sorghum) in the hands of dependents, who must

give away part of their crops

to

the

imajeghen,

the landowners.

Kel

Geres and Kel Denneg Tuareg society is dominated by the ideology

of the

imajeghen,

the aristocratic warriors. Men are part of

a

panoply of heroes

and must a t

all

time accomplish tasks at least as extraordinary as those of their

ancestors. They have the opportunity to demonstrate their extraordinary skills

in war and to be praised in songs, les

chansons

de

geste,

which are epic poems

relating their achievements. Women help maintain this ideology and favor

heroes: the warriors go to combat thinking of them, and

all

the poems chanted

before the fight speak

of

the beloved. This aspect of society testifies that the

past must never be forgotten.

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Tuareg Pastoral

Systems

155

This short expos demonstrates that the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg es-

sentially exploited pastoral resources and that their economy was centered on

animal husbandry, whereas the Kel Geres were situated in the agricultural

zone. It remains to be asked how these systems function in the traditional

framework. How could these two pastoral groups succeed in creating an

equilibrated economic order while being threatened by a continuous state of

insecurity?

THE IMPOSSIBLE CONFINEMENT

Previous statements might have suggested that the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg

pastoral system is closed, with a self-reliant economy, whereas the Kel Geres

system is more open since it is supported by

a

caravan trade that relates it to the

Sudanese zone (now nothern Nigeria) and the Sahara. In fact, such an interpre-

tation is inadequate with respect to the Kel Denneg: just like the Kel Geres,

they could not live solely from the resources of their territory, through animal

husbandry and gathering.

The lwellemmeden Kel Denneg

We then have to ask what was the nature of the resources that the Kel Denneg

had to seek outside their territory and, more precisely, where, with which

population, and in which way these resources were obtained.

Prestations

In terms of nutrition, the Kel Denneg needed to acquire cereals (mostly millet

and some sorghum), even though the consumption of these was small before

the colonial period. Each irnajeghen Tuareg group had some serfs or freemen

iklun, iderfun, iklun-n-egef)

who cultivated on the pioneer fringe of the rain-fed

agricultural zone to the south. These colonists

of

servile origin represented

their masters cultivators by procuration: they gave part of their crops and

maintained some of their masters stock. Further south, on similar territory in

the septentrional part of the Ader, certain Hausa villages were controlled by

the

imajeghen,

who claimed part of their crops.

ampaigns o Warfare and Raids

The campaigns led by the amenokal with the help

of

warriors sometimes

provided significant booty, which was shared. Rezzous, involving rapid incur-

sions aimed at raiding others goods, were common practice among the

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156 PASTORALISM OF T H E DESER T A N D T U N D R A

imajeghen

warriors, often assisted by the

imghad.

They would take possession

of a villages crops, nomads with their

fast

horses always being able to count

on the effect of surprise to take advantage of peasants bound to the agricultural

calendar, with little freedom of movement. More often the

rezzous

targeted

other nomadic groups, to steal slaves and cattle. Any successful

rezzou

could

lead to a counter-rezzou, and this

is

why such an enterprise favored groups

located

a t

great distance, hence minimizing the risk of immediate reprisal.

Exchange

The Tuareg had excellent artisans who worked metal, wood, and leather,

making and maintaining domestic and pastoral goods, as well as weapons and

jewelry. However, since weavers were absent in the society, cloth and clothing

were among the products that had to be bartered for

or

purchased. Blankets

had to be obtained from the Maghareb and indigo-dyed cloth sought from near

Kano, in the village of Koura. These were most often exchanged against

animal products, although they were sometimes purchased with cowries, a

shell currency used throughout Africa. In

a

society that favored large, beauti-

ful clothing, requiring large amounts of cloth, the purchase of fabric consti-

tuted an important part of the budget. Products such as salt and tobacco were

also obtained by barter a t the markets.

Commerce

Except for the southern Kel Eghlal Eimiger tribe, Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg

were rarely involved in long-distance caravan trade. Only a few groups would

buy salt from Tegidda-n-Tesemt

or,

more often, gather salty soil for resale in

the southern markets.

The Kel Denneg lived essentially from dairy husbandry, pursued to serve

their own needs. Extensive gathering of vegetable foods and particularly of

wild seeds made

it

possible for them to minimize their need to purchase cereals.

The food gathered was stored underground.

A

story tells that, in the course of

the second half

of

the 19th century, the Kel Geres prevented the Kel Denneg

from obtaining millet from the Ader. The amenokal

Moussa ag Bodal (1848-

1875) obtained captives who gathered large amounts of wild seed, with which

he filled large leather bags: these were sent to the Kel Geres chief to demon-

strate that the Kel Denneg were in no way dependent

on

millet and sorghum.

The

Kel

Ceres

The Kel Geres who combined animal husbandry, agriculture, and caravan

trading could, to a lesser extent than pure pastoralists, remain confined

to

their

territory, fixed in the center

of a

region shared by crops and pastures.

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Chapter

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Exchange and Trade

At their arrival from the

Air

during the 18th century, the Kel Geres did not

reduce the size or change the composition of their herds: they kept their camel

(male for transportation, female for milk) and bovine herds. Therefore, they

had to rely

on

external grazing resources: southward, during the off agricultu-

ral season, to the fallow field of the Hausa, which they fertilized with manure,

and northward, during the course of the summer salt cure, to utilize rich but

ephemeral grassy pastures as well as mineralized waters. The valleys farmed

by the colonists from the north restricted the number of pastures available. In

fact, in the 19th century.

.

. . the strata of

ighawelen

was considerably enlarged over the course of a

generation of freed slaves, perhaps som e previous

imghad

and some servile

agricultural populations, until it represented nearly

80%

of the population.

(translated from Bonte, 197 5, p. 194 )

This led to accelerated agricultural development, with growing communities

cultivating fixed areas. Further, caravan links allowed trading relations be-

tween Sokoto or Kano and Fachi and Bilma, in other words, between the

Sudanese urban zone and the Saharan oasis, to be established.

If

they were the

suppliers of cereals essential for the survival of the oasis, they also provided a

variety of products, traded or bartered in the southern markets, which they

exchanged against salt and dates.

Wars and Raids

Wars carried out by the Kel Denneg and Kel Geres often followed the same

rules: conflicts revolved around the control of the north Ader villages and the

disposition of a portion of their crops. Occasionally, the Kel Geres would ally

with the Kel Denneg to face

a

common enemy, the Kel Ahaggar or Kel

Ataram: enemies could become allies depending on circumstances.

When conducting long-distance raids during their distant migration for

the summer

salt

cure or through involvement in caravan trading, the Kel Geres

were liable to attacks from other Tuareg coming to steal their cattle or from

T e d a

Toubou) and Ouled Sliman Arabs seeking precious cargo:

T h e reallocation of camels was made necessary b y th e insecurity that pre-

vailed after one left

the

Air .

Ara b and T ou bou raids were frequent. Well

in

advance, scouts were sent around and t o D jado and to Tib esti to ensure that

n o surprise attack was being planned. D espite these measures, caravans were

often sacked. [Translated from Bonte, 197 0, p. 2131

The Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg, and even more so the Kel Geres, had rela-

tions far beyond the limits of their pastoral territory. Neither group could

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158

PASTORALISM OF T H E D ESE RT A N D T U N D R A

remain confined to a territory defined exclusively by the grazing grounds of

their cattle without suffocating.

TRAUMA: FROM COLONIALISM

TO

INDEPENDENCE

The Multiple Consequences

of

the First Encounter

The colonial shock had asymmetrical consequences among the Iwellemmeden

Kel Denneg and the Kel Geres. The latter, located in agricultural zones and

without possible escape, were in the front line to face the arrival of the French.

The confrontation was immediate, violent, and definitive, with the military

initially aiming a t controlling the agricultural zone. Among the Iwellemmeden

Kel Denneg, the shock wave was broken into two successive tremors, that of

the penetration (1 899-1 901) and then that of the revolt (19 17), separated by a

long pause, during which Tuareg warriors submitted but were not broken. For

the Kel Geres, the meeting was violent; they were conquered, but not without

having fought in two confrontations (April and June 1901) with

a

courage

that surprised the French officers. From then on, it was either submission or

exile: rebels escaped to Kanem (Tchad), from which they returned in 1903.

During that time the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg refused to sustain any

contact. The

amenokal

Mokhammed ag

El

Kumati remained confined to the

septentrional territories, and neither were the French military received nor

were their invitations honored; instead, several blacksmiths were sent to deal

with them. Finally, without there having been a decisive confrontation, an

agreement was signed, which concerned both the Kel Denneg and the Kel

Geres, as was

a

submission act, which concerned only the Kel Denneg (De-

cember 3 l , 1901). Both acts were signed by

a

blacksmith. The amenokaldied in

1903

a t

Afukada, south of In

Gall,

without ever having met the French

authorities. Yet he had succeeded in rendering an apparent submission while

avoiding violent confrontation, this being justified by the superiority of guns

over his spears and swords.

The Kel Geres were broken during this first encounter, whereas the Kel

Denneg surrendered only some of their power. However, the consequences

soon became visible in the sociopolitical organization and economy of the

latter.

Among the Kel Denneg, if the imajeghen refused

to

collaborate with the

invaders, their religious leaders and the Kel Eghlal, headed by the

imam

Abdul

Karim, accepted first contact and then submission, and finally took on them-

selves the rule of intermediary between the French and the

amenokal.

The

bicephalous nature of power, political and military on the one hand, juridical

and religious on the other, was not overlooked by the conqueror who sup-

ported collaborators against rebels and other hostile parties. The internal

tensions of the society were thus exploited.

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Chapter i Tuareg Pastoral Systems 159

The military authorities requested that the obligation to pay an annual

tax in animals to the Tahoua captain be inscribed in the submission acts as well

as the obligation to ensure that French goods would be transported by camel.

In other words, the supreme chief had to pay in the name of the confederation a

tax that effectively ensured the transfer of his suzerainty to the new authorities.

Furthermore, the authorities eliminated, or tried to eliminate, Tuareg

claims to part of the millet crop from the Ader villages. Associated with this

was the aim of bringing them to submission by depriving the Kel Denneg of

millet:

Even thou gh this stra tegy did not have the economic consequences sou ght , it

led to a dramatic political end: the severing

of

ties between the sedentary

people and the nom ads, which the latter wou ld no t accept as long as they still

had a way to avoid it. (translated

from

Marty,

1975,

p.

7 2

Lastly, following the death of Mokhammed ag

El

Kumati, a disagree-

ment

as

to the nomination of the amenoka l allowed the military to have some

influence over an extremely delicate domain. The tax was changed from being

for the whole of the confederation to involving each tribe (it was not yet

personal) and was claimed primarily in cash. This led to considerable change in

the economy and imposed on the administration tighter control of populations

through

a

census that would be completed only after some years of work. The

new forms of control led to fundamental social changes: the new tax implied

monetization but also tighter control and therefore increased security;

rezzous

became rare. As a consequence, the protection provided by the a m e n o k a l and

his i m a j e g h e n to all the nomads

of

the confederation was now ensured by the

administration and its military representatives, who received, judged, and

arbitrated complaints. Dependent tribes suffered less and less from the stric-

tures of their suzerains (especially claims on their cattle) since the latter could

no longer compensate for wrongs incurred by their dependents. The Kel

Denneg perceived this transfer of responsibility as an unbearable loss, since

they were never conquered through armed confrontation.

The Revolt and

Its

Consequences

The combined effects of war in Europe and a long severe drought in Sahelo-

Saharan Africa encouraged

a

revolt among the Tuareg, which spread from

west to east. Among the Kel Denneg, there was no decisive confrontation but a

series

of

incidents that ended in the massacre of their main body of warriors,

surprised and deceived by a bloodthirsty captain who killed them one after

another without their having

a

chance to defend themselves (April 1917): this

was murder without trial. From then on, resistance was broken among the Kel

Denneg, even if the amenoka l El Khorer remained free and the revolt continued

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160

PASTORALISM

OF

T H E D ES ER T A ND T U N D R A

in the east, in

a

war of movement that resembled

a

crusade under the leadership

of Kaosen and the Kel Air.

The Kel Geres remained on the reserve during this period, but, being

close to English territory (Nigeria), they were viewed with suspicion. The

1906 border shift placed the Kel Geres under the control of the French, but

they took advantage of the antagonism that then existed between the colonial

powers. The Kel Geres remained outside the revolt, burned by their past

defeats and conscious of their economic interests, which inhibited them from

opposing the authorities.

Following the revolt, the colonial administration took action to prevent

such events from being repeated. Even though facing a destroyed military

power, impoverished by repression and drought, the administration sought to

destroy the political and social structure of Tuareg society. The supreme body

ettebel) of the Kel Denneg was abolished; groups were created on the model

of sedentary cantons, and each was given a portion of the now dissolved central

power. Among the first six groups created in 1918, four came from suzerain

tribes, one came from the rich religious tribe of the Kel Eghlal, detached from

its suzerains as a reward for its collaboration, and a final one united the Arab

tribes incorporated into the confederation in the second

half

of the 19th

century. These groups were in constant flux until independence: tribes were

detached from one to be attached to another; some groups were split to create

new ones at their expense; two groups were formed by detaching religious

leaders from their suzerains, giving the former autonomous authority. By

providing punishment and reward, the colonial administration aimed

a t

secur-

ing docility.

After the revolt, the aristocracy of the Kel Denneg, as with the Kel Geres,

constituted only

a

small proportion

of

society. Except for the first, the geo-

graphical entities

that

were created on the model of sedentary cantons over-

lapped with one another, and it was not rare

tha t

two, three,

or

four groups

shared the same water hole. Therefore, from previously existing relations

of

dependence, only relationships

that

were freely accepted survived within a

new economic order

that

saw each tribe, each family, practicing animal hus-

bandry for

its own

profit. However, personal relationships survived, and,

at

the ideological level, the prestige

of

the irnujeghen remained in the eyes of all

categories of the population,

a

model sustained through the memory

of

heroes

whose achievements are still recalled and who remain the reference point for

the whole society through collective nostalgia.

From Colonial Power to Independence

During these long years the colonial power, with civilians replacing the

military, strengthened its control over Tuareg country: the administrators

learned to know the people they administered by touring the country to obtain

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162

PASTORALISM

OF THE:

DESERT AND TU ND RA

PASTORAL SYSTEMS BEFORE THE DROUGHT

It

would have been difficult to analyz,e the range of Tuareg pastoral systems

without having previously described the evolution of their society, subjected

as

it was to successive shocks, and the divergence of those who opposed,

submitted to, were transformed by, and adapted to new circumstances. This

analysis applies to the period before the drought, which began in

1969,

and

continues until today, when climatic conditions

still

allow the pastoral system

to continue.

The Environment

The pastoral activities of the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg were carried out in

the regions between the

400-

and 200-mm pluviometric lines, and extended

into the

Sahara

up to the 150-100-mrn lines in the course of the summer salt

cure migration. Their territory is bounded on the west by the Malian frontier

and on the east by a line through In Gall-Dakoro.

To

the north and south of this territory, the vegetation thins and becomes

impoverished in proportion to rainfall. To the south is a steppe of shrubs with

prairies of annual vegetation and trees of varied species Acac ia nilotica, Acacia

ehrenbergiana, Acacia raddiana, Acad ia laeta, Maerua crassifolia, Zi zi phu s mauriti -

ana, Balanites aegyptiaca, etc.); to the north, the vegetation is sub-Saharan but

contracted, with trees becoming rare and reduced to a few varieties Acacia

ehrengiana, Acacia raddiana, Maerua crassifolia), with perennial grasses increas-

ingly bunched, and with Panicum turgidum omnipresent. If the vegetal scenery

becomes poorer along this south-north gradient, it

is

also locally modified,

depending on topographic and edaphic conditions. Annual grasses develop

freely on the terraces of fossil valleys and on slopes having limono-clayish

soils, whereas perennials colonize the dunes. In the southern meridional and

central zones, true forests occur in valleys, while on plateaus and dunes trees

are widely dispersed.

Before the drought that started in 1969, agropastoralists estimated that,

for the western part of the Kel Denneg territory, comparison between the

actual number

of

animals and the forage available in the wet and dry seasons

. . . demonstrated

that, globally,

this

area, located south

of

Tamesna, was not

overstocked.

However,

given

the

limited

number

of

permanent water holes, the

stocking

levels

around

these water

points attained

a certain

limit, which

cannot

be exceeded. [translated from Rippstein Peyre de Fabregues,

1972,

p. 2391

In other words, the extra animals could be accommodated: the overstocking

only appears in the few places where water bore-holes have been dug.

For

the

eastern part of the territory,

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Chapter fi. Tuareg Pastoral Systems

163

. . .most

of

the

forage

in

this region is, in all seasons, of high pastoral quality.

Nitrogen needs are largely met

in

the dry season, except for the group

in

the

undulating dunes

of

the

south,

which

experiences

a

small

deficit toward

the

end of the dry season,

given

the low density of desirable woody vegetation.

(translated from Rippstein Peyre de Fabregues,

1972,

p.

247

We can therefore conclude that the grazing needs of the herds were generally

satisfied during this period, despite their rapid expansion.

Environmental Exploitation

The summer migration involves a general northward movement, allowing the

successive utilization of two ecological zones with complementary forage and

water resources.

For

2 months, the clayish plains of Eghazer wan Agadez in

the north yield grassy pastures that, although varying with the rains, provide

generous yields (2,000 kg of dry matter/l ha).

For

the summer period,

1 hectare is sufficient to feed 1 to 2 tropical livestock units (TLU) and

sometimes more, whereas, theoretically, the greater part of the northern sep-

tentrional course can sustain

1

T L U

for

2

to

3

ha. Both annuals

Sorgho

aethiopicum, Schoenefeldia gracilis, Aristida funiculata, lpomoea verticillata)

and

the perennial

Panicum turgidum

are found in this small area, the latter occurring

on islands of dunes.

Ipomoea verticillata

is believed to provide vitamin

A

to

animals, and herders have begun noticing the presence of specific illnesses, such

as

hemeralopia (weak sight and night blindness), in herds that have not been

able to make the summer migration. This move is traditionally called the salt

cure because of the high concentration of sodium chlorine and sodium Sul-

phate present in the surface layers of the soil and in the wells and springs. T he

best areas are the clay plains near Tegidda, where the mineral

salts

found in the

water and earth have a laxative effect on the herds, stimulating the elimination

of

intestinal parasites.

In good years the Iwellemmeden successively utilize these two different

areas, but since surface waters and annual pastures are ephemeral in the north,

they can make only temporary use of the region for 1 to

2

months. In the dry

season, the Kel Denneg then leave the place to its permanent inhabitants, the

Kel Air and the Kel Ahaggar, and return to the southern regions, where each

family goes back to its usual wells and valleys. At this time, the herds disperse

around each camp, utilizing the pastoral resources (ponds, pastures) that suit

each species. The productivity of this area

is

less than in the north, yet the area

can be used throughout the year (1 TLU/8-15 ha). In the dry season, each

family, each tribe, exploits a given valley, a small region within the whole of

the Kel Denneg territory, and, in the rainy season, each converges with

its

herds on the plains for the salt cure. Thus, while their points of departure

differ, the ultimate end point appears to be the same for everyone.

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164 PASTORALISM

OF THE

DESERT AND TUN DR A

Before 1969, the salt cure involved each and every person and all the herds

from several tribes: it represented a collective movement with which everyone

was associated, with pauses and delays, depending on births, sicknesses, or

deaths. Only southern agropastoralists, former serfs and freemen, practiced an

accelerated salt cure, in which only

a

part of each family was involved in order

to carry out both field chores and the tasks of mobile pastoralists simultane-

ously. But a few camps among the richest renounced the collective salt cure: a

few aristocratic (Kel Nan) and religious (Kel Eghlal) tribes initiated a counter-

move toward the north, while continuing to send their herds with herdsmen in

a

kind of limited transhumance. The weight of their possessions,

a

decreasing

desire to face the discomfort of seasonal uprooting and movement during the

tornado season, and the availability of herdsmen encouraged and made possible

the subdivision of their herds.

An Op en bu t Depen den t Pastoral Economy

The Iwellemmeden Kel Dennegs herds grew steadily until the 1969 drought.

Comparing the relative proportion of men and animals in the Tchin Tabaraden

department to

that

of the whole country for 1972,2 the importance of pastoral-

ism there is evident. This department, making up 2.6 of Nigers total

population, owns 7.1 of bovines, 4.2% of ovines, 5.5 of caprines, and

2 1.7 of camels.

The Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg, whose dry-season pastures are dispersed

between the 15th and the 17th latitudes north, possess a diversified husbandry

with balanced distribution between different animal species: taken

as a

whole,

no single species actually predominates. Looking more closely

a t

the statistics,

variation in relation to the herds establishment in the more or less arid zone

and specialization related to sociological criteria are seen to occur. Camels

dominate in the northern (septentrional) zone, whereas bovines are more

numerous further south. The majority of the sixth group (Arab), which

migrates north of the 250-mm isohyet, occupying the Saharan zone, owns the

largest troop of camels but few bovines. According to an administrative census

of the time (which, although certainly underestimated, still gives an idea as to the

distribution of animals), the sixth group had 727 bovines, 1,159 ovines, 1,443

caprines and 3,564 camels, revealing species specialization according to eco-

logical zone-camels north of Tassara and Tillia.

If

their herds are diversified, in contrast to those of the Fulbe WoDaaBe

who live in the same area and hold mostly bovines, the Kel Denneg economy

is, more than in the past, open to the outside. Animal products occupy an

important place in their diet: milk and its products supply close to half their

calories (44.7%; INSEE-Cooperation-SEDES, 1966, p 186); meat plays

only a small role since it is consumed only on the occasion of social or Islamic

religious celebrations (births, baptisms, marriages, with guests). Milk, the

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Chapter 5 Tu are g Pastoral System s 165

daily food, nourishes men of all ages and in all circumstances: fresh, soured,

transformed into butter and cheese, it

is

drunk or served

as a

side dish with

cooked

or

raw cereals. Meat

is

obtained largely through sacrifice and only on

special occasions. If Kel Denneg herds contribute largely to the provision of

milk, they also serve as means to obtain outside resources. Cereals, especially

millet, now supply more than

half

(52.9 ) their daily calories, and with the

consumption of cereal having increased since the turn of the century, the Kel

Denneg have increasingly sold animals to secure these needed grains. The

dietary importance

of

milk varies inversely with

that

of cereal; the need to

purchase cereals is usually limited in August-November, when milk produc-

tion is abundant, animals benefiting from green pastures and frequent births.

A

statistical census demonstrates that clothing

(25.7 )

and taxes (23.9 )

constitute half of the Kel Denneg household expenses. Pieces of European

fabric

or

clothing sewn for the markets, like the Hausa artisans turbans with

30

to 40 strips, shiny as carbon paper, constitute indispensable expenses for a

civilization

that

focuses on clothing (cf. Exchange, p. 156). The third source

of monetary expense is food, especially cereals (19.5 ). Tuareg household

expenses are numerous and diversified (there are still the expenses for equip-

ment, 16.2 , and for cattle, 10.8 ), whereas their income is derived essen-

tially from cattle (89 ).

Despite the difficulties of an average budget telescoping social differences

that are irreducible for an average Tuareg (the budget

of

an artisan, e.g., would

show income from his work), these data demonstrate that nearly

all

purchases

were secured through the growth of herds at that time. In Tuareg camps, located

away from villages, a man would bring to market some steers

or

a few rams or

goats to fulfil1 his need for cereals, sugar, tea, and tobacco. The currency

for

barter (small cattle for cereals at the wells)

or

cash was based on the herd.

Despite efforts of the authorities, animal husbandry remains centered on

milk and its products and is not geared toward meat production. Programs that

have favored the development of ranching for the cattle market and slaughter for

meat export have not succeeded in transforming the practices of these herdsmen.

A

Society in Mutation

During this long period, Kel Denneg sociopolitical organization has been

subjected to the constant pressure of the colonial and subsequently national

administration. As independence was proclaimed, there was no revolution, no

brutal mutation, but instead slow evolution marked by periodic crises. The

bonds between the groups leadership, between traditional suzerains and their

dependents, were loosened following more frequent administrative interven-

tion. Each tribe, each camp, whatever its place in the social hierarchy, now

aimed at diversifying its herds, as previous specializations disappeared. Every-

one tried to increase his cattle-capital and to diversify as much

as

possible,

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Chapter i Tuareg astoral

Systems

1 6 7

developed an equilibrium between water resources and pastures, between human

and animal needs, for the forage of the latter and the food gathered for the former

(fruits, melons, wild seeds, etc.). In favorable years, pastoral excesses had a

negative effect only near pumping stations, which were points of great concen-

tration. Herdsmen, frustrated at having to share and

at

their loss of control over

land, requested that the pump be closed, and when this request was dismissed,

many left the area to dig new wells a t points in a surrounding radius of

30-50

km.

From then

on,

no body of leadership could assure the protection of its

dependents in territory invaded by strangers, whether they belonged to the same

cultural and political community (Tuareg) or were strangers

of a

different

language and origin (Fulbe WoDaaBe). The administration installed pumping

stations near the homes of prominent chiefs, but the revolution initiated by

these changes, which brought clean water without

it

being manually pulled from

the ground, had more to do with administrative services and techniques than

with the traditional order. Nomadic Fulbe, who had been infiltrating the Kel

Denneg territory since the

1940s,

occupied certain well-defined interstitial areas

in the agricultural zone. When expelled from the meridional territories, where

pastures were limited and insufficient (owing to the spread of cultivation and

withdrawal of fallow ground), they invaded the pastoral zone, which was not

yet overpopulated. They were seen as strangers by the Tuareg and the adminis-

tration alike, and the latter continued to include them in the census

of

distant

departments near Nigeria from which they came, even though they then lived

permanently in the more northern

region^.^

Fulbe concentrated their herds

around pumping stations, which the dark mass of their cows surrounded like an

insurmountable wall, much to the frustrated annoyance of Tuareg herdsmen.

Fulbe herds, always kept, followed, or guided by herdsmen, often displaced the

Tuareg cow

or

camel, which were left to water by themselves. Two types of

animal husbandry, two modes of pastoral management, confronted one another

around the watering place, and tensions unknown until then found expression in

the hot days of April

or

May, sometimes leading to clashes. Th e administrative

authorities first considered limiting the Fulbe to two watering stations and

controlling the number of users for each station. These limitations were never

implemented, however, since exclusive rights could not be given to strangers

while being refused for locals, and refusing the water to some while offering it to

others, a numerous clausus, could not be implemented.

During the same period, Hausa agriculturalists (and former Tuareg serfs)

spread into the land to the south and soon into the pastoral zone: this rain-fed

agricultural intrusion hurt the herdsmen

of

the northern area by monopolizing

their pastures and, through leaving the soil bare after weeding, creating an

increased threat

of

erosion by wind and water. Legislation was established in

1960

to try

to

limit agricultural expansion, and

a

precise line was established

beyond which cultivation was forbidden and where, if the land was seeded,

destruction of crops by herds could not be prosecuted. Despite this dissuasive

and repressive law, the agricultural front moved forward.

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168 PASTORALISM

OF

THE DESERT AND TUN DR A

Toward 19684969, the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg collectively had be-

come richer: their herds were bigger, protected by systematic vaccination

campaigns, and favored by the mechanical pumping of water that replaced

servile labor. The arrival of Fulbe herdsmen, who in a 1963 demographic

census accounted for 18 of the total population but owned

a

bovine herd

two-thirds the size of that of the Tuareg, showed clearly that the Tuareg were

no longer masters of their own territory. Individual agreements had made

possible this progressive infiltration, the Fulbe entering in small groups led by

guides

(arda).

The centralized leadership of the Tuareg could neither refuse nor

consent, but allowed each tribe, each camp, to decide for itself a t the local level,

without realizing that the aggregate of incomers represented a real invasion.

Despite the unfavorable sentiments they held toward the pagan Fulbe, accused

of immoral customs (the abduction of women) and immodesty (lack of cloth-

ing, mens faces made up for celebrations), the Tuareg accepted them

as

coresidents. The favorable climatic situation did not allow Tuareg society to

control the anarchic development of herds and cultivation, but, when rainfall

conditions started to progressively decline, this double rivalry led to damaging

effects on the environment.

The Kel

Ceres

The region occupied by the Kel Geres, over which they exercised actual

control until the colonial era, always had a diversified population, where

Tuareg, Hausa peasants, and more recently Fulbe nomads and agropastoralists

lived in association with one another.4 Already densely populated, the region,

like most agricultural zones, experienced high demographic growth.

The Kel Geres economy was still based on both animal husbandry and

agriculture, their cattle part of an important line of trade, revived by increasing

demand from Nigerian cities. Subsistence agriculture was replaced by cash

crops, with cotton preferred to peanuts. Despite being producers, the Kel

Geres were also buyers of cereals, both for the caravan trade and to fulfil1 their

own dietary needs. Market places multiplied until any camp or village was

close to one: the Kel Geres sold cattle, salt, and crafts (for the

ighawelen)

for

money

to

buy cereals. Their monetary needs constantly increased (taxes,

market purchases) and, during a crisis, cattle were sold and land, which had

become an object of commerce, was often rented.

Transformations in the agropastoral system were not the same for the two

parts of Kel Geres society, the imajeghen and the ighawelen, whose tributary

relationship was finally eliminated in 1959. In order to limit their cereal

purchases, the imajeghen started cultivating, compensating for their lack of

servile manpower by introducing the practice of cultivation by invitation-

labor by occasional workers from the neighborhood ighawelen,Hausa) who

were compensated by being magnificently fed, so

that

the imajeghen could

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Chapter i Tua reg Pastoral System s

171

resist better than those who were more specialized, who, even if their C O W S

died in greater numbers, still retained female camels and goats. To the south,

the Kel Geres located in the agricultural zone suffered fewer losses.

After this period of exceptional rainfall deficit (1968-1973), the govern-

ment favored

a

program of restocking through offering loans to herdsmen.

With the help of financial assistance and some technical support from the

public service, this program was successful, as shown by the figures from the

Service de 1Elevage (see Table 5.2 .

The Kel Denneg herd is included in the Tchin Tabaraden departmental

registers, to which the Fulbe herd has been added. During restocking, the

composition of herds was modified. The 1981 figures exceeded that of 1968

for smallstock, but they remained below for bovines.

If,

globally, the 1981

herd has not recovered its 1968 size (in

T L U ) ,

it is because

of

uneven growth.

This new pattern of herd composition is due primarily to more rapid repro-

duction of smallstock and to the superior resistance and better adaptation to a

dry environment of caprines and camels.

Global figures for this rapid restocking do not show local social dispari-

ties; the number of herdsmen has not recovered as much

as

the herd

to

pre-

1970 levels. Many families have been forced to find revenues outside the

pastoral system, and young people have migrated toward cities in the south, to

Nigeria, or to the mining towns of the north (Arlit, Akokan). After 1973,

impoverished families of free status could no longer meet the needs of their

ik lan , who, having no incentive to stay with masters without resources, left the

pastoral zone, like others before them, to try farming in the south. Some were

rejected by the pastoral system and blended into the world of peasants, which

welcomed them. Whereas the Fulbe WoDaaBe sought resources within the

pastoral system, earning income through tending the herds of outsiders, such

as

government administrators, agriculturalists, or merchants, the poorest Tua-

reg left the pastoral country altogether. Some attempted to copy the values of

and identify with their former masters while others, in contrast, tried to erase

the traces of their past, of their culture, and to forget or cover up their servile

origins. The Tuareg tended not to become involved in wage service to one

TABLE 5 2 Comparison between the 1969 and 1981 Estimated Herd Population

Bovines Ovines Caprines Camels

T L U

Agadez

19.5 114 .0 48.5 49.9 40.3

Tchin Tabaraden

69.7 157.6

113.8 90.0

81.9

Agadez and Tch in Tabaraden

55.3 137.0 89.0

69.0 66.1

Total Niger

76.9 113.8

110.2 110.8

86.4

Source. Bernus, Fauck, and Peyre de Fabrgues (1983).

Departments

( > ( > ( > ( > ( )

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172

PASTORALISM OF T H E D ESE RT A N D T U N D R A

anothers herds, which allowed the poorest Fulbe to remain pastoralists. Bo-

vines were given out to them for herding, the Fulbe having a legitimate

reputation for being excellent herders, which the Tuareg lacked since their

livestock were left free in the pasture. Artisans inadan) were the only Tuareg

who found new resources outside, with the development of tourism, which

drew interest to their products; thus, they acquired

a

double market, that of

herdsmen and that of tourists.

The Pastoral System and th e Dro ug ht

The 1968-1973 climatic crisis was riot an isolated event; the 1910-1915

drought was in fact more intense. However, the recent drought hit a zone

where populations of people and herds had multiplied and where the societies

affected were undergoing change. Until the drought, each tribe, each family,

depending on its capacity, could benefit from increased sanitary and veterinary

protection provided by new techniques. They could increase the size of their

cattle capital, but not without widening the disparity between poor and rich,

creating

a

certain anarchy in pasture management and accelerating the decline

of traditional authority. Inequality was previously corrected at the familial and

tribal levels by the loan of milk-producing stock, while the existence of global

abundance masked the fact that it was linked to overall grazing potential,

which depends on the vagaries of rain.

In 1968, overall precipitation was adequate, but, when abundant rain in

May was followed by no rain

a t

all in June, the annual grasses were killed and

the years grazing resources were jeopardized. Deficits were experienced over

the next 5 years, and herds suffered gireat losses from starvation. One of the

first consequences of the drought was a reduction in the number of animals that

participated in the

salt

cure, which was generally abandoned during the height

of the crisis. Thus , the complementarity of the two zones no longer obtained,

as people no longer left dry-season pastures with their herds.

As

early as 1970,

the Fulbe WoDaaBe fled to the south, temporarily deserting a region where

their cattle could no longer find forage. the Kel Denneg undertook only short

migrations and did not attempt to reach the more luscious pastures along the

watercourses of the south. In 1972, after

a

season of scarce rain and facing the

threat of losing their herds, an official mission by the Minister of Saharan and

Nomadic Affairs in Tchin Tabaraden proposed to the Kel Nan leader, chief

of

the third group, son of the last amenokal, and major figure of the Tuareg world,

that he send his herds to the Gaya area, which had been spared by the drought,

where, it had been agreed, he would be received. This proposition was re-

jected, and most Tuareg remained in place. They were more attached than the

Fulbe to the land, to the wells that served for them as a frame of reference in a

world where the political and social structure was formed out

of

allied tribes

and ties with chiefs with strong personality, who were admired and loved. The

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Chapter J. Tuareg Pastoral Systems

1 7 3

Tuareg preferred to avoid hazardous moves toward unknown destinations;

furthermore, their varied herds made them less mobile than the Fulbe, whose

Bororodji cows were resilient and capable of long migrations.

No

major changes occurred in pastoral organization until the 1984 rainy

season, which was a catastrophe for the whole of the pastoral zone. The

situation is presented in Table

5.3.

In the course of the rainy season,

it

became

obvious that grazing resources were insufficient, virtuslly nil. Not only was

the salt cure aborted, but by August-September, Kel Denneg herdsmen in-

itiated movements in the opposite direction. As in the past, the authorities

favored this migration of herds and this time the Kel Denneg, contrary to their

inclinations and having realized the seriousness of their situation, accepted

this

exodus. In all tribes, the majority of families departed with most of their herds,

leaving behind only a few dairy cows to serve the small camps of those who

could not or would not undertake the long migration. The end destination was

located in an agricultural zone

that

received greater rainfall: the departments of

DOSSO,

aya, Dogon-Doutchi, or Birni-n-Konni or in Nigeria for the people

from the west or from Tchin Tabaraden; and the departments of Dakoro,

Maradi, and Tessaoua and in Nigeria for those from the east.

The

Illabakan,

imghad of the Kel Denneg who lived in the valleys south-

west

of

In

Gall,

close to In Waggar, are

a

good example. Acknowledging

the exceptional deficit in grazing resources, the chief of the tribe went south

with a rented vehicle to survey the Mahayi area. He returned to In Waggar to

get his brother and his herd; some animals, guarded by their herdsmen, died

along the road but the majority of the herd reached the surveyed pastures.

Their families followed. At their arrival, they found that the pastures were

sufficient, but, soon after, newcomers arrived, mostly from Kel Air (Igdalen,

Kel Fadey, Kel Ferwan), and the local peasants started cutting straw for their

own use

or

to sell. From then on, scarcity of forage jeopardized their livestock.

In the beginning the peasants did not welcome this invasion, but they soon

realized that as the dry season persisted they could buy animals for next to

nothing from the weakened herders and sell them forage a t high prices. The

tribal chief went back to In Waggar to take care of the distribution of food to

those camps

that

had remained, and

to

obtain the use

of a

truck

from

the

administration to return his people after a few months of absence; the families

TABLE

5 3

Comparison between the 1984 Rainfall and the 1951 1980 Average

7

1984

total

Average

Deficit

(mm>

1951-80

(mm) (mm) ( >

Agadez

3.9 146.5

-142.6 -98

Tchin Tabaraden

122.0 219.4

-97.4 -44

Tahoua

297.4 412.4

-155.0 -2 8

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176 PASTORALISM

OF

T H E D ES E R T A N D T U N D R A

N O T E S

1. Aridity indicator:

K

coefficient

=

(rains in mm/Penman evapotranspiration);

2 The 1972 census does not yet include losses due to the drought.

3 T h e y were included in the Tch in Tabaraden census in 19 74 and formed the ninth

4. Material in this section is taken from Bonte (1975: 166-215).

5. O n e of these projects was financed by Cooperation Francaise (South-Tamesna, in

0.03 < K< 0.20

:

arid zone; Agadez: K = 0.06; Tahoua: K

=

0.16.

group.

the west) and the other b y U S A ID (pastoral development in central Niger).

R E F E R E N E S

Bernus, E. Les Illabakan Niger): Une tribu touargue sahlienne et son aire de nmadisation

(Atlas des Structures Agraires au Sud d u Sahara No. 10). Paris: Maison des Sciences

de lHomme,

Office

de la Recherche Scientifique

et

Technique Outre Mer, 1974.

Bernus, E. Touaregs nigriens: Unit culturelle et diversit rgionale dun peuple pasteur

(Mem oire No. 94). Paris: Office de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre

Mer, 1981.

Bernus, E., Fauck, R., Pey re de Fabrgues, B. Mise a jour de ltude de cas sur la

dsertification et renforcement de la strategie nationale

en

matiere

de

lutte contre la

dsertification

(Rapport Final) . Paris: UNESCO-UNS0 1983.

Bonte, P.

Production

et

change chez

les

Tauareg Kel

Gress (Thse de 3 cycle). Paris:

Institut dEthnologie, 1970.

Bonte, P. Lorganisation conomique des Touareg Kel Gress. In R. Cresswell (Ed.),

Elem en ts dethnologie

(pp. 166-2 15). Paris: Colin, 1975.

Institu t National de la Statistique et de

Etudes-Cooperation-Economiques

Socit pou r

le Dveloppement Economique et Social Et ud e dmographique en mi lieu nomade: I

Dmographie, budgets et consommation.

Paris: Rpublique du Niger-Rpublique

Franaise, 1966.

Maliki, A., Swift,

J. J .

Pastoral production systems. In

J J.

Swift (Ed.),

Pastoral

development in Central Niger: Report

of

the Niger Range and Livestock Project

(pp. 225-670). Niamey: Ministry of Rural Development and U S . Agen cy for

International Development, 1984.

Man and the Biosphere (MA B).

Carte de la repartition mondiale des regions arides, notice

explicative

(Notes Techniques du MAB, No. 7).

Paris:

UNESCO, 1977 .

Marty, A.

Histoire de IAza wag h nigrien.

Paris: Mmoire de 1Ecole des H autes Etud es

en Sciences Sociales, 1975.

Monod,

T.

Les Bases dune division gographique d u domaine saharien.

Bulletin ZFAN,

1968, ser. B, 30(1), 269-288.

Monod,

T.

La zone

sahlienne nord-quatoriale.

Unpublished manuscript, n.d.

Peyre de Fabrgues, B. Quel avenir pour llevage au Sahel?

Revue dlevage et de

Mdecine Vterinaire des Pays Tropicaux,

1984,

3

7(4), 500-508.

Rippstein, G ., Pe yre d_e Fabrgues, B.

Modernisation de la

zone

pastorale du Niger.

Niamey: Institut dElevage et de Mdecine Vtrinaire des Pays Tropicaux,

Maison-Alfort, Lab o. dElevage Niamey, 1972.

Swift,

J.,

Maliki, A. A cooperative development experiment among nomadic herders in

Niger .

London: Overseas Development Institute, Pastoral Development Network,

1984.

.a

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