Sonderdruck

CENTRAL ASIATIC

JOURNAL

I N T E R N A T I O N A L P E R I O D I C A L FOR T H E L A N G U A G E S ,

L I T E R A T U R E , H I S T O R Y A N D A R C H A E O L O G Y

O F C E N T R A L A S I A

V O L U M E X X I No. 1

In honor of the 70th birthday of Academician Ismet Kenesbaev

1977

O T T O HARRASSOWITZ • W I E S B A D E N

Vom Verfasser überreicht - Durch den Buchhandel nicht zu beziehen

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E D I T O R I A L B O A R D

P r o f . D r . W . E b e r h a r d Berkeley

P r o f . D r . K . E n o k i Tokyo

P r o f . D r . R . N . F r y e Cambridge, Mass.

P r o f . D r . N . P o p p e Seattle

P r o f . D r . H . H o f f m a n n Bloomington, Ind.

P r o f . D r . K . J e t t m a r Heidelberg

P r o f . D r . K . H . Menges New York

E D I T O R I N C H I E F

P r o f . D r . K . J a h n

A d d r e s s : Or ienta l i sches I n s t i t u t der Universität W i e n I ( A u s t r i a )

C O N T E N T S

I s m e t Kenesbaev I

J . A . B o y l e , Birüni a n d R a s h l d a l - D i n 4

E . E s i n , A p a i r o f m i n i a t u r e s f r o m t h e m i s c e l l a n y co l lect ions o f T o p k a p i 13

I . L a u d e - C i r t a u t a s , O n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f l i t e r a r y U z b e k i n t h e las t

f i f t y years gg

N . Poppe , M a r t t i Räsänen f ß 2

N . P o p p e , O n some A l t a i c case f o r m s 55 B . Schemer , M e t a p h o r o l o g i e als H i l f s m i t t e l der S p r i c h w o r t f o r s c h u n g ,

a n e i n e m t a t a r i s c h e n S p r i c h w o r t darges te l l t 75

R e v i e w Q O

Gesamtherstellung: Allgäuer Zeitungsverlag GmbH, Kempten Preis für den Jahrgang: DM 88,—

A P A I R O F M I N I A T U R E S F R O M T H E M I S C E L L A N Y C O L L E C T I O N S O F T O P K A P I

by E . E S I N Istanbul

Under a somewhat similar title, I had published in 1963 a paper,1

followed by additional notes2 to all of which the present article will, I hope, constitute a conclusion. My research had been devoted to a pair of miniatures in the Miscellany collection H . 2152 of Topkapi, made for the Timurid prince Baysungur and mainly composed of Ilhanid and Timurid pictorial and calligraphic works.3 Stylistically, the pair of miniatures in question (pis. I a , b; H a , b) belonged to the Mongol period. They showed a scene of enthronement and banquet (called toy* in the Turco-Mongol vocabulary), with audience (tegismis, teğiSmiM) and presentation of gifts (ötük).s For the sake oí facility we will use these Turco-Mongolian words. Although the toy and teği&miS scenes were commonly illustrated in dedicatory frontispieces of the Ilhanid period, the pair of miniatures in question were out of the ordinary. For iconographic reasons stated in detail below, they fitted into a Buddhist, rather than an Islamic background. A mere comparison with, for instance, the toy and teğismis depiction on the frontispiece of the Sâhnâma H . 1479 of Topkapi, dated H . 731 /1331 a work composed in the environment of the Muslim ilhan Abü Sa'id Bahadur H a n 6 showed at once thematic resemblances with our miniatures, allied however to obvious iconographic divergences. Our pair of miniatures seem to belong to a group which show elements of Buddhist iconography and have been classified, by those who had collected works of various origin in Miscellany albums, as "the work

1 E s i n , " T w o m i n i a t u r e s " . » E s i n , " Ç a ğ a t a y " , 187-88. 3 T o g a n , " D ö r t c ö n k " , 7 4 ; id., Miniatures, 8. * Doer fe r , e n t r y no 1352. 6 Doer fe r , entr ies 927, 574. • T o g a n , M i n i a t u r e s , 22.

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of masters of Hitây" (Kâr i-ustâdün i-Hitây).1 What was meant by the word Hitây in the Mongol and Timurid period ? The answer is clearly provided in Mongol and Timurid period histories. The term "Hitây"8 then designated the lands which had been ruled by the non-Muslim Kara-Hitây and Mongol dynasties (the latter's territories were also called Cata and Moğolistan).9 "Hitây" extended from the former Turkish and Kara-Hitây residence Balasağun, eastwards to Almahk and Kayalığ, which had been residences of the Çağatay branch of the Cmggishanid dynasty, to Eastern Türki­stan and the Uyğur land, to Kara-hoto and Kara-korum, a resi­dence of Ciñggis Ka 'an , and thence to Han-bahk (royal city in Turkish) the residence of the Yüan branch of the Ciñggishanids. Several of these cities were centers of scholarship and art in the Mongol period. Rubruck mentioned around 1250 the Uyğur Bud­dhist monks who produced all the architecture and art-works of their temples at Kayalığ and Kara-kurum. 1 0 The Uygur capital Koco 1 1 was a particularly important center, as the Mongols had adopted the Uyğur alphabet and were initiated to Buddhist culture and the arts of the book by the Uyğur. Books were produced in Koco for the Yüan court. Tun-huang1 2 on the borders of China and

7 See no te 19 infra. 8 P e l l i o t , " C a t a i " ; D u g l a t , I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 30, 5 3 ; ibid., t e x t ; K a l k a s a n d i , I V , 429, 480 -83 . 8 See D u g l a t , i n d e x . 1 0 See no te 11 infra. 1 1 U y g u r p a i n t i n g was i n apogee b e t w e e n t h e X l t h a n d X l V t h centur ies , a c cord ing t o Chinese sources: F . H i r t h , c i t i n g t h e Huai-ki c o v e r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1074-1167 a n d T'u hui pau-kien, d a t e d 1368 i n Geschichte 20,35 a n d id., Einflüsse 11 , 14. U y g u r p a i n t i n g : E s i n , BMTA: 4 9 - 5 6 . U y g u r p r i n t s before a n d d u r i n g t h e M o n g o l p e r i o d : G a b a i n , op.cit. B o o k - f r a g m e n t f o u n d i n K o c o o f a T u r k i s h m s ded i ca ted t o K u b i l a y K a ' a n : ibid., 23 -24 . I l l u s t r a t i o n T M 58, a n U y g u r i l l u s t r a t e d m s o f t h e M o n g o l p e r i o d ibid., 2 5 - 2 6 . T u r k i s h p a i n t e r s i n t h e Y u a n c o u r t : B a y a n B u k a T i g i n , a n " I d i k u t " ( r e ign ing pr ince ) o f K o c o w h o d i e d i n 1350; Sa 'dul läh; K a o - k ' e K u n g ; T i n g - y e n - f u a n d o t h e r s : see Ögel , Ch 'en Y ü a n , H a m b i s , i n d e x . K u b i l a y ' s U y g u r m i n i s t e r Sengge as p r o t e c t o r o f B u d d h i s t U y g u r scholars a t t h e H a n - l i n a cademy w h e r e T i b e t a n w o r k s were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o T u r k i s h a n d p r i n t e d f or K u b i l a y K a ' a n a n d M o n ­go l p r i n c e s : Ögel , 124, 126-27 , 33, 180. O n Sengge, see n o t e 75 infra. U y g u r B u d d h i s t m o n k s a c t i v e i n a r t i s t i c w o r k i n t e m p l e s i n t h e M o n g o l cap i ta l s K a y a l i g a n d K a r a - k o r u m : R o c k h i l l , 17, 24, 113, 141-52, 157, 202, 205, 2 3 1 . M u r a l p a i n t i n g s o f K a r a - k o r u m : S. V . K i s e l e v , Drevnemongol'skie goroda (Moscow 1965). 1 2 See t h e p a i n t i n g s o f T u n - h u a n g , cave X I , p a i n t e d i n 1351 o n orders o f t h e M o n g o l k i n g o f H s i - n i n g , Y a g a n S h a h son o f Su leymän : A . S t e i n , Serindia ( O x f o r d 1921).

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Kara-hoto 1 3 on the Etsin-kol were cosmopolitan centers which prod­uced many art works, and manuscripts in various languages. Naturally, the most talented scholars and artists were convened to Han-bahk, the capital of the Ka 'an . Here too, the Turks were particularly active.1 4 The Mongol dynasty, whose members had often been educated by Uygur scholars, were familiar with Turkish and the Uygur alphabet. Notwithstanding the growing influence of Tibetan culture in the reign of Kubilay, the Tibetan, as well as the Sanscrit works, had to be translated into Turkish in the Han-lin Academy. The works were then printed and distributed amongst Mongol princes.15 Notable artists of the Yüan perid, such as Kao-k'é Kung, Ting-yen-fu and Sa'dullah were of Turkish origin. One of the last scions of the Uygur Kagan dynasty, who since the acceptance of Manicheism, in 763, bore the title of " I d i k u t " , Bayan Buka Tigin, spent much of his time in Han-bahk and specialized in paintings of dragons.16

The group attributed to the "masters of Hitáy" in the miscellany collections, showed not only elements of Buddhist iconography, but also a style distinct from pre-Mongol period Islamic painting. The pre-Mongol Islamic painter, perhaps unconsciously constrained by the undesirability of figurative painting in Islam, often represented his subjects as flat figures and conventional features, unwilling as it were to portray. Not so the Buddhist painter whose militant aim was to evoke the hagiologic figures and the donors of artistic works, as convincingly as possible. To enhance the effect of reality, the Buddhist artists had long evolved a system of shading. I n a sustained effort towards realism Inner-Asian Buddhist art had even attained, sometime in the X l t h - X I I t h centuries, if not the science, at least the feeling of perspective. Compositions full of depth, dynamism and movement had been evolved (pi. I l i a ) . These characteristics of the "school of Hitáy" raised the admiration of Muslim painters. The Muslims found occasion to be acquainted with the school of Hitáy in the Mongol period, when Buddhist princes invited the balcsi (bahsi in Islamic texts: Buddhist masters) to build temples in

1 3 S. M . K o c e t o v a , " B o j e s t v a s v e t l i v j i v o p i s i X a r a - x o t o " , Trudi otdela istorii kuVturı i isskustva Vostoka, Gos. Ermitaja, I V ( L e n i n g r a d 1947), p i . 1 . 1 4 See n o t e 11 supra. 1 5 See n o t e 1 1 , reference t o Ögel. 1 8 See n o t e 11 , reference t o Ögel, C h ' e n g - Y u a n a n d H a m b i s .

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Samarkand,17 Horâsân andÂdharbâyajân.18The group of paintings with Buddhist iconography in the Istanbul miscellany albums,19

must be remnants of the period, before the adhesion to Islam of the ilhan Gazan. The Muslim painters probably kept these fragments, to use them as models. Some paintings depicting the border regions between Türkistan, Gilgit and Kashmir in the Djâmi' al-tawârîh of the Royal Asiatic Society, the paintings of Seyhi and one painting of Kalender Pasa, an Ottoman Turkish artist of the reign of Ahmed I , (1603-1617) were either direct copies or showed an inclination to emulate the school oi Hitây.20

Because of their frankly Buddhist iconography, our pair of miniatures must in our opinion be placed in the group of authentic works of the masters of Hitây. I had been inclined to see in mini­atures the illustration of a scene of the life of the Buddhist Ilhan Argun. Further study has however brought me to the opinion that the miniatures may represent a toy and teğismis of Kubilay Ka 'an . The reasons for this change of opinion will, I hope, become apparent as I describe the miniatures, in the light of my later research.

The miniatures (pis. I a , b; H a , b) are 2 6 x 3 7 , 5 cms in size, pasted side by side on fol. 60 v. of the Miscellany Collection H . 21527 , in which mainly Ilhanid and Timurid works had been collected for the Timurid prince Baysungur. The miniatures although dilapi­dated, still show the fine workmanship, the effects of perspective and movement which we attributed above to the school of Hitây.

1 7 Ğengsi (1332-38) , r u l e r o f S a m a r k a n d h a d i n v i t e d t h e bakii t o b u i l d B u d d h i s t t e m p l e s : Doer fe r , e n t r y 724. 1 8 J a h n , India, X X X I I I . R a s i d a l - D I n , I I I , 5 1 , 90, L 6 0 , 223, 295 -96 , 373 T o g a n , " H e r a t " . 1 8 M i s c e l l . C o l l . H . 2154 o f Topkap ı f o l . 7 4 v . (lokapâla). Cf. p a i n t i n g i n M i s c e l l . C o l l . H . 2153 o f Topkap ı , f o l . 123v s h o w i n g t w o m e n one o f w h o m holds t h e re ins o f a horse ( the horse is absent) a c companied w i t h t h e i n s c r i p ­t i o n "Kâr i-ustâdân i-Hitây", w i t h t h e T u n - h u a n g p a i n t i n g o f t h e p e r i o d o f t h e U y g u r Kağanate (911-1036) p u b l i s h e d b y M . P a u l - D a v i d , " L a Chine et son expans ion des H a n a u x T ' a n g " , L'art et I'homme (Par is 1958) I I , 48, w h i c h shows a g r o o m w i t h horses. Cf. f u r t h e r t h e above c i t e d p a i n t i n g i n M i s c e l l . A l b u m H . 2153 o f Topkap ı f o l . 123v a n d i t s c opy i n t h e first p a i n t i n g o f t h e T u r k i s h m s Pâl-nâme, H . 1703 o f Topkap ı , s igned o n t h e tuğra page b y K a l e n d e r Pasa a n d ded i cated t o A h m e d I (1603-1617) . T h e p l a t e is descr ib ­ed as Sey() Sa 'd i ' s j o u r n e y t o C h i n a (Sa 'd i h a d been t o Kâsğar) a n d shows one o f t h e t w o m e n o n f o l . 123 v . o f t h e A l b u m H . 2153 o f Topkapı , w i t h t h e a d d i t i o n o f a n i d o l w e a r i n g a coro l la -shaped head . T h e Djami' al-tawarih o f t h e R o y a l A s i a t i c Soc ie ty , fols . 2 0 6 1 , 2060 : see J a h n , India. S e y j p : T o g a n , " D ö r t c ö n k " , 80 ; E s i n ; " Ç a ğ a t a y " , 1 9 0 - 9 1 . , 0 See n o t e 29 supra.

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Plate Ia: T h e first o f t h e p a i r o f m i n i a t u r e s pas ted o n f o l . 60 v . o f t h e M i s c e l l a n y Co l l ec t i on H . 2152 o f t h e T o p k a p i L i b r a r y .

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Plate Ih: T h e second o f t h e p a i r o f m i n i a t u r e s p a s t e d on f o l . 60 v . o f t h e M i s c e l l a n y Co l l e c t i on H 2152 o f t h e Topkap ı L i b r a r x .

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Plate IIa: P a r t i a l l i n e a r copies o f p l a t e I a .

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Plate lib: P a r t i a l l i n e a r copies o f p l a t e l b .

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Some large patches of white gouache may be repairs, or voluntary effacement of undesirable iconography. Vivid and deep colours, in blue, (lapis-lazuli ?), Vermillion, yellow, purple, violet, black, as well as profuse illumination on yellow grounding, have kept up their depth and brilliance. The toy (enthronement and banquet) representation (pis. I a , H a ) which we will call "the first miniature" is on dark blue ground. The tegismis (presentation of gifts in audi­ence) scene which we will call "the second miniature" is on red ground (pis. I b , l i b ) . (Under the impression that those who came to the audience must have been represented with their faces turned to the monarch and that there must have been an error when pasting the miniatures, we have restituted what we think to be the right disposition.) Some system of colour symbolism may have been foreseen, as usual amongst the Chinese and the Turks. An Uygur text 2 1 gives the following rules: yagiz (brown) for subjects belonging to the element earth (yellow in China), gold for the buddhas, red for subjects belonging to the element fire, "the colour of the lunar halo" (white) for subjects belonging to the element water (black in China), light violet colour, purple (yürüng yipin) for the element air, the colour of heaven for the celestial ether (kök kalık). I f colour symbolism prevails in our miniatures, the dark blue ground of the toy scene would have a heavenly and ethereal connotation, as expressed in the name Kök T a k 2 2 (Heavenly archway), given in the Mongol period to Han-bahk, the residence of the Ka 'an . The impression that the miniatures illustrate scenes which take place in an exalted environment is strengthened by the golden haloes around the heads of all the figures. The respective ranks of the figures seem to be indicated by their size, the enthroned monarch being the largest.

The surface of both paintings is pervaded with pink blooms of large size, resembling the lotus (hua-cecek, linhua in Turkish) blooms on Uygur murals showing the offering of gifts to the buddhas.23

This may represent the scattering (saJcig) of flowers, to honour a deity or dignitary, as described in Uygur texts.2 4 A large gilded branch held by a young boy above the head of the enthroned figure

2 1 W . B a n g - A . v o n G a b a i n , "Türkische T u r f a n T e x t e " V , l ines 1-23, EDTF, I I . 2 2 K a l k a s a n d i , I V , 4 8 1 . 2 3 L e Coq, Chotscho, p i s . 17-29 . L in - f oua , ( jua-cecek: see note 24. 2 4 B a n g - G a b a i n , "Türkische T u r f a n T e x t e " I I I , 209, q u o t a t i o n i n n o t e 96.

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(pi. I a , I I a ) may be the gilded artificial flowers23 often mentioned in connection with the Turks. Gilded flowers decorated the Western Turkish monarch "T 'ong " Yabğu's tent and were offered according to Uygur texts to the Buddha. The Kök-Türk also burnt aromatic plants (yipar), on branches, which were waved about.26 Such branches, which look like artificial blooms, are seen in the hand of an attendant, on a silver plate which is thought to depict the inthroni-zation of a Karluk Turkish monarch in the I X - X t h centuries.27

Flowers and the burning of incense are also described in Kutadğu-bilig, the Turkish versified allegory dedicated in 1070 to the Hâkânid (Kara-hanid) monarch Hâkân Tavğac Uluğ Buğra K a r a Han, son of Arslan Han, in connection with that monarch's enthronement:

" A thousand flowers smile in bloom, Some (attendants) hold the incenser, others scatter musk."

(KB, distiches 70, 98)

Incense was burnt also at the court of Mongol rulers, such as Kubilay K a ' a n . 2 8

I n what concerns the figures represented on our miniatures, they belong to the slanted eyed, beak-nosed typology common in Tur-kistani and more particularly in Uyğur art (pi. I I I ) . They illustrate a norm of beauty already defined in Chinese and Turkish versions of Suvarnaprabhâsa-sutra,29 in connection with Buddha images, as well as in other Uyğur texts : 3 0 a moon-like round and white face, a long nose, lidless Mongoloid eyes, bluish dark hair. There are however differences in the figures, some oi which may be portraits.

The men are clean-shaven and have long hair. These are features which in the Mongol period at once distinguished a non-Muslim from a Muslim. The Turco-Mongols who generally had long hair and shaven faces, when they adhered to Islam, cut their hair and grew

2 5 L e Coq , p i . 30. 2 6 K . D i t t r i c b , Byzantinische Quellen zur Länder- und Völkerkunde ( H i l d e s -h e i m - N e w Y o r k ) 1973, I I , 17 (Zweige m i t b r e n n e n d e n W e i h r a u c h ) . Yipar: Clauson , s .v . O f f e r ing o f g i l d e d flowers. R a d l o f f , Suvarnaprabhâsa, 18. G i l d e d flowers i n " T ' o n g " Y a b ğ u ' s t e n t ' . S. J u l i e n , Histoire de la vie de Hiouen-Thsang (Paris 1853), 55. 2 7 G . A . P u g a c e n k o v a - L . I . R e m p e l ' , Istoriya iskusstva Uzbekistana (Moscow 1965), 153, p i . 134. 2 8 Y u l e , I , 388. " R a d l o f f , 189-90. 3 0 " K ö r k ü , m e n i z i a y - t e n g r i t i l g e n i n d e n sevg i l i rek , közü kapakı t u p - t ü z " ( A . v o n G a b a i n - F . W . K . Müller, " U i g u r i c a I V " , EDTF, I , 287, l i n e 4 7 - 4 8 ) .

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a beard.3 1 Maulânâ Muhammad Kâdi said on Yûnus Han (H. 863 /1461-?) of the Çağatay dynasty:

" I had heard that Yûnus Han was a Mongol and I concluded that he was a beardless man like any Turk . . . but he was a person . . . with a full beard and the face of a T a j i k " (Duğlat, 9 7 . )

The genealogical portraits with Uyğur inscriptions of the Mongol and Timurid dynasties,32 made by the artist C i n b. 'Alîsâh, were equally pasted in the Miscellany collection H . 2152. These also distinguish Muslim monarchs from non-Muslim ones, through the beards and short hair of the Muslims and the shaven face and long hair of the others (pis. I l l b , c). The appearance of the non-Muslim Turco-Mongols of the X I H t h century may be observed on Uyğur works of the Mongol period, such as a fragment of print with Turkish text in Uyğur script (pi. I l i a ) . The illustration on the fragment may have represented a courtly scene. The central figure of the composition has however been torn off. On the right of the central figure, some riders, dressed like the portrait of the Ilhan Argun (pi. I I I c ) , are driving elephants. On the left of the central figure, a guard is seen with a lance. A scribe is squatting beside a low table and a standing figure holds a bow. A pole has been used as target by an archer. At the extreme left proper, a squatting figure seems to dictate to a scribe and a bearded person of priestly appearane.

The genealogical portraits of CMğgishanids and Timurids make no distinction in what concerns garments. All princes wear Turco-Mongol kaftans with tight sleeves, over which comes the short-sleeved coat called kulak ton33 in Turkish. Non-Muslim princes are generally shown with Turkish hats, with plain or notched brim, called kıdhılığ börk.3i Muslim princes are represented with turbans or crowns. I n our miniatures, there aie no turbans and the brimmed hats kıdhılığ börk are in majority, in black or white, sometimes with a back-veil. Children and women wear the low cylindric cap of the variety shown on young dignitaries of inal rank on Uyğur murals.3 5

The exceptional figures will be mentioned at their proper place. First examples of exceptional figures occur in the two flying

3 1 Duğlat , 15, 97. See also E s i n , " Ç a ğ a t a y " , 181 a n d notes 20, 72. 3 2 T o g a n , Miniatures, 9 - 1 1 . 3 3 Kâsğarî , s. v . 3 4 Kâsğarî , s. v . See also E s i n , " B e d ü k b ö r k " , p i s . l a , b . 3 6 L e Coq , p i . 38b .

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genii, holding a garland over the head of the enthroned monarch, in the first miniature. The genii have been represented in the half-naked attire of the Buddhist apsara,33 in a scarf and trousers, with bare belly (pi. I a ) . The apsaras wear the calyx-shaped hat, which from Buddhist art later passed to Islamic angelic iconography.37

This headgear's Inner-Asian character was however not forgotten. The Ottoman painter Kalender Pasa represented the calyx-shaped hat in the X V I t h century on an idol from " C h i n a " (Kâsğar was meant).3 8

Below the apsara pair, a crowd of people in comparatively small size are gathered, apparently standing behind the throne. This group includes a pair of young boys with rosy cheeks, wearing kaftans in different hues of red. One of these holds a golden bow and the other the above-mentioned gilded flower branch. The two boys may be young pages, called in Turkish ev oğlanı in the Mongol period.39 The page-boys as well as the other children in golden gowns, shown in the same group, have locks of hair on the forehead and at the level of the ears. Such locks appear on children and young men on Uyğur40 murals and were called küjik or tulun in Turkish . 4 1 The children in golden gowns behind the throne on the first miniature may be the oğlans (princes of imperial blood) also called in Turkish "golden children" (altun uruğ).i2 On the extreme right proper of the group behind the throne, a nöker (guard) is seen holding a lance. On the extreme left proper of the group behind the throne a remarkable effigy, probably the portrait of a dignitary, with a pale face and pointed nose, wearing a white hat has been depicted (PI. I a . Not seen on the linear copy, on pi. I b ) .

The throne on the first miniature (pis. I a, I I a) is of the high-backed variety, with pediment, reserved to ka'ans, such as Kubilay K a ' a n (pi. I l l b ) on the genealogical portrait of Mongol kings. The pediment on the throne's back is decorated with a golden dracontine arch. The heads of the pair of dragons are in the style of the Uyğur kök-luui3 (pi. He) , the heavenly dragon distinguished from the

3 4 See G r u n w e d e l , figs. 353, 354. 3 7 E s i n , " B e d ü k b ö r k " , p is . I a , b . 3 3 See n o t e 19 supra. 3 2 B o y l e , Rashid al-Dln, 339. 4 0 See L e Coq , p i . 8. 4 1 Kâsğarî , s. v . 4 3 A r a t , 234. 4 3 E s i n , " E v r e n " , 164.

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earthly variety through its horns, beard and flaming appearance. The dragon-heads on our miniature are not in the style of the official Chinese Yuan dragon. The thrones with dracontine arch may have been represented also in Ilhanid art, before Islam. The Muslim Ilhanid paintings show sometimes throne-backs with pedi­ments in the shape of a dracontine arch, in which however the heads of the dragons have been stylised into floral patterns.44

We now come to the large enthroned figure, frontally represented, cup in hand in the traditional royal squatting posture (also a Buddhist dsana), called in Turkish bagdaSA5 The necessity of im­mobility in the posture bagdaS is described in an Uygur text:

"When our father sat in bagdaS posture I n meditation and without any motion" (Arat, 72).

The frontal posture of the enthroned monarch, expressed according to Kutadgu-bilig, the monarch's function as axis of the world and element of universal balance:

" H e (the monarch) sat on a silver throne.

(He said) See ! I represent rectitude and tradition.

Whatever is straight expresses rectitude.

Behold, my manifestation is unyielding rectitude I f reclitude falters, Doomsday begins".

(KB, distiches 771, 800, 805, 809).

The appearance of the monarch on the first miniature (pis. I a , I I a) is that of a non-Muslim Turco-Mongol, with shaven face, long hair and brimmed hat, as described above. The monarch on the first miniature resembles the portraits of Kubilay Ka 'an (pi. H l b ) or of the Ilhan Argun (pi. I I I c ) in the genealogical portraits with Uygur inscriptions.46 The black hat, worn by the monarch, which is of the brimmed category,47 with median notch, is here shown with downwards turned brim, rather like the shape of a calyx. The same hat, with upwards reversed brim is seen on the portrait of Kubilay K a ' a n (pi. H l b ) in the genealogies with Uygur script.

4 4 J a h n , Oguzen, p i . 22 ( t h r o n e o f E r k i n ( f a n ) . 4 5 E . E s i n , " O l d r u g - t u r u g " , Kunst des Orients ( B e r l i n 1971/2) . 4 6 See no te 32 supra. 4 7 E s i n , " B e d ü k b ó r k " , p i . I a , b .

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The Mongol great kings, such as Kubilay Ka'ân, held toys (banquet held by the enthroned king) on certain fixed days of the year . 4 8 The vassals then were received in audience (tegiSmis) and presented their gifts (ötûk). The monarch, in return, bestowed offices and honorific coats at these audiences. Different symbolic colours were worn by the monarch and his retinue, according to the occasion of the toy. White was reserved for the toy held on the New year. Various shades of purple were worn on inaugural inthroniza-tions of Mongol monarchs. On the first minature the monarch is clad in purple and we may perhaps conclude that the first miniature represents an inaugural inthronization.

The monarch on our first miniature wears a golden collar and a belt, appararently in a gold-brocade textile, as described by Marco-Polo.4 9 The Turkish leather belt,5 0 with golden plaques, had fallen in disuse and the Mongols wore the textile belt, called bdz (cloth) in Turkish. These textile belts may be seen (in broader shapes) on an Uygur print of the Mongol period (pi. I l i a ) , as well as on the genealogical portraits of Mongol kings (pis. I H b , c).

The monarch on our first miniature holds in hand a golden cup, at breast level. The cup with which, in Scytho-Hunnic-Turkish tradition, one drank when pledging a solemn oath (and iömek51 in Turkish) was also a royal attribute. I n Inner-Asia, where wine was rare, the cup of wine had been the privilege of kings and heroes. I t had become a part of Turkish regalia kept up in the Mongol period. Describing the inthronization of a Çağatay prince, Duğlat said:

"They reached him the goblet of the kings of Türkistan" (Duğlat, 30).

We now come to the other personages of the banquet scene, which may best be described by Marco Polo, on a passage dedicated to the banquets of Kubilay K a ' a n :

"And when the great K a ' a n sits at table on any great occasion, it is in this fashion. His table is elevated a good deal above the others and he sits at the north end of the hall, looking towards

" Y u l e , I , 386 -93 . 4 " See n o t e 48 supra. 5 0 Dif ferences be tween t h e T u r k i s h a n d t h e M o n g o l b e l t , a c cord ing t o B a b u r ' s r e p o r t : E s i n , " Ç a ğ a t a y " , 184, no te 59. T h e M o n g o l w o r d böz ( c l o t h , t e x t i l e i n T u r k i s h : Clauson, s .v. ) was k i n d l y i n d i c a t e d t o m e b y P r o f . R ö n a - T a s .

1 E . E s i n , " A n d , t h e C e n t r a l A s i a n a n d T u r k i s h c u p r i t e s " , Forschungen zur Kunst Asiens, in Memoriam K. Erdmann (1st. 1970).

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the south, w i t h his chief wife beside h i m on the left. On his r ight sit his sons and his nephews and other kinsmen of the blood imperial , but lower, so that their heads are on a level w i t h the Ka'an's feet. So also w i t h women, for all the wives of the Lord's sons and of his nephews and other kinsmen, sit at the lower table . . . I n a certain part of the hall there is a square buffet . . . w i t h a great vessel of pure gold . . . These are the Lord's dr inking vessels. A n d when the Ka 'an is going to dr ink , al l the musical instruments . . . begin to play. A n d when he takes the cup all the barons . . . drop on their knees."

(Yule, I , 381-84) Otemis H a d j i , a historian of the A l t u n Orda (Golden Horde) also described the toy:

"When the players of string instruments sang the melody (called) Otek the princes knew that the ayag (cup) had come to the hand of the prince. They took off their horks (hats) and knelt , w i t h their hats under their knees. They remained i n kneeling position u n t i l the melody Otek was performed. Then they could put on their horks (hats) again.

(Togan, Ibn Fadldn, 17). I n our miniature, apparently the melody Otek has already been played as all have their hats on, but the monarch st i l l holds formally the cup i n hand.

A l l of these personages cited by Marco Polo seem to appear on our miniature. I f we admit before coming finally to that conclusion, tha t our first miniature represents Kubi lay Ka'an's toy, we may make the following suppositions. On Kubi lay 's left sat, according to Marco Polo,5 2 his chief wife (Ca'buy H a t u n ) 5 3 (died 1284). The port ly figure on the monarch's left wears the mushroom shaped hat, apparently worn in i t ia l ly by Uygur noblemen5 4 and princesses but , reserved to princesses i n the Mongol period and called hogtak.hb The figure on the monarch's left wears "a golden gown" as noted by Wassaf, i n his description of the wives of Kub i lay Ka 'an , on the occasion of the Ka'an's inaugural inthronizat ion . 5 6 The figure on the monarch's left holds i n one hand an apple-like object, and i n the

" See n o t e 48 supra. 5 3 See B o y l e , Rashid al-Din, 2 4 1 . " E s i n , " B e d u k b o r k " , p i . I V / c , figs. 8 a - d . " D o e r f e r , e n t r y 89. »« \Va39af, 6.

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other, a handkerchief. The history of the Turkish honorific suvluk51

(handkerchief: mandil i n arabic) seems to go back to Chinese ceremonial cloths i n which the seals awarded to princes were wrapped. 5 8 The kerchief which thus indicated the rank of the owner of a seal (tamga) became an attr ibute of dignity , often seen, worn on the belt, on effigies of Turkish noblemen on Uygur murals . 5 9 The handkerchief was worn also on the belt by Turkish officers i n the Near-East, since the period of Gazi b. Zengi (1146-49), as stated by Kalkasand i . 6 0 W i t h the recession, as emblem of rank, of the honorific Turkish belt, the suvluk seems to have been displayed i n the hand, by both men and women. The Turkish popular dancers impersonating epic heroes, st i l l dangle the handkerchief.

On Kub i lay Ka'an's toys, his son and heir stood on his left, according to Marco Polo . 6 1 The heir to the throne was C im-Dj im (Chen-chin)62 who died when 43 years of age i n 1289. He was suc­ceeded by one of his sons, Temur. On our First miniature, the haloed young man of large size on the r ight of the monarch wears a red kaftan w i t h golden collar, similarly to the monarchs. The b r i m of his white hat is reversed upwards. He holds i n his r ight hand an undetermined white object which might be a seal.

The personages and objects i n front of the enthroned monarch correspond to Marco Polo's description of Kubi lay 's toy. From the r ight proper to left proper, the following figures are seen. A child clad i n gold, perhaps a "golden ch i ld " (altun-urug, a prince of the blood) stands beside the table w i t h golden jugs. A n attendant i n green w i t h a golden t ray i n hand, turns towards the monarch. A musician i n very small size is seen beating a cymbal. A dancer i n golden gown, of comparatively large size, perhaps a member of the dynasty, is performing a dance. The seated musician apparently playing a string instrument has been blotted out by a white patch. Behind h i m , at the extreme left proper lower corner, the young woman i n golden gown and red cap, appears also to be a member of the royal family.

" K a s g a r i , s .v . ( the e q u i v a l e n t o f t h e arabic mandil). 5 8 J . H . M . de G r o o t , Die Hunnen der vorchristlichen Zeit ( B e r l i n 1921), 131 , 133, 182. " L e Coq , p i . 19 (large c l o t h o n t h e b e l t o f a tarkan), p i . 30a ( c l o t h o n t h e b e l t o f a tutuk), p i . 3 8 b (smal ler h a n d k e r c h i e f o n t h e b e l t o f inals). 8 6 K a l k a s a n d i , I V , 3 9 - 4 1 . 8 1 See no te 48 supra. 8 8 See B o y l e , Rashid al-Din, 298.

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We now t u r n to the second miniature (pi. I b , l i b ) which re­presents the teği&mis, the presentation of gifts by those received i n audience during the toy. The presentation of congratulary gifts on the occasion of the monarch's audiences, that ancient theme, was often depicted i n Inner-Asian art and literature. A n early example of the representation of this theme may be seen on the murals of Afrâsiyâb,63 i n the palace of Varhuman, the king reigning i n Sog-diana i n the middle of the V l l t h century, whom Al 'baum takes to be a Western Turk . Amongst the presents brought to Varhuman we w i l l dwell on the aquatic birds, a species of which appears also on our second miniature. Varhuman's aquatic birds were geese,64

an auspicious emblem of rulership amongst T u r k s . 6 5 The legendary Turkish Kağan S u , thought to have lent his name to the river C u , had a silver basin i n which he transported geese, i n the course of his migrat ions . 6 6

Kutadgu-bilig, describing the Hâkânid monarch's inthronization ceremony, mentions, not only the presence of the local aquatic birds but also of exotic species, perhaps brought as gifts:

"When the Hâkân took place on the throne, the order of the universe was established.

Therefore the world brought forward their gifts. Birds of the highest heaven, flying down from ethereal spheres. Some (are gifts) from the Râja, some from Caesar.

They bring thousands of gifts f rom the East. The Westerners rush for service"

(KB, distiches 93-4 , 99)

I n our second miniature (pis. I b , l i b ) , a pelican-like white b i rd is seen on the upper register. The exotic appearance of this b i rd and of the crowned monkey beside i t , shown together w i t h its keeper, recall Marco Polo's reports 6 7 on rare animals brought as gifts to Kub i lay Ka 'an from Madagascar, Ind ia and Abyssinia.

A large cervine, a unicorn and a zebra-like equine have also been depicted on the upper register of our second miniature (pis. I b , l i b ) .

" A l ' b a u m , 2 7 - 3 8 . 6 4 Ibid., fig. 10, 12. " Kâsgarï , fo ls . 64, 355.

Kâsgarï , I , 413. « 7 Y u l e , I I , 413, 4 2 1 , 4 3 1 .

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The cervidae and fabulous unicorn, as symbols of immorta l i ty and of auspicious rulership, were since anciently reported to live i n the royal park i n China . 6 8 The tame cervines kept i n 630 by the Western Turkish monarch "T ' ong" Yabğu, i n his wooded mountain residence Bing-yul near Talas, may have been an aspect of the same t r a d i t i o n . 6 9 The Hâkânid dynasty had also their koruğ (park) . 7 0 The image of cervines is evoked by the poet of Kutadğu-bilig i n his description of inthronization.

"The roe-deer, male and female play on flower-beds. The maral-stag and doe jump and frol ic" .

(KB, distich 79).

The figure of the unicom "ku-tu'"!1 (from the Turkish kutlug i n Eberhard's research) was also called i n Turkish kelen from the Chinese ch'i-lin and kiyand-kat. The unicorn on the upper register of our second miniature may figure here as an auspicious symbol, or perhaps i n evocation of a gi ft of the precious unicorn's horn which was considered to have medicinal qualities.

The zebra-like equine w i t h white coat, striped w i t h blue on the upper register of the second miniature (pis. I b , l i b ) could be interpreted as a wi ld horse (tagt i n Turkish, takı in Mongolian).7 2

The tagt,13 a precious possession of Turkish kings, including the Hâkânid, were sometimes described i n fantastically multicoloured coats73 (the tagt reputed to be the fastest of horse species were used for cross-breeding). The name Çağatay (wild ass) given to a son of Cinğgis Ka 'an shows the esteem i n which these w i l d equines were held by Mongols. However, the striped equine shown on the second

" 8 M . G r a n e t , Danses et légendes de la Chine ancienne, (Par is 1959), 1 4 0 - 4 1 . C. A . S. W i l l i a m s , Encyclopaedia of Chinese symbolism and art motives ( N e w Y o r k , 1960), " U n i e o r n " , " H o - t ' o u " , " S h e e p " , " D e e r " , " G o d o f l o n g e v i t y " . T h e Chinese " k u - t u " is d e r i v e d f r o m t h e T u r k i s h " K u t l u ğ " (auspic ious) : W . E b e r h a r d , Çinin Şimâl komşuları ( A n k a r a 1947), 70. T h e T u r k i s h kelen is d e r i v e d f r o m t h e Chinese ch'i-lin: A. Caferoğlu, Uygur sözlüğü ( I s t a n b u l 1934), s .v . T h e T u r k i s h kat (un i co rn ) is d e r i v e d f r o m t h e Sanscr i t khadga ( rh inoceros ) : Clauson, " K a t " . T h e kiyand-kat represented as a u n i c o m i n t h e U y g u r ms n a r r a t i n g t h e legend o f Oguz K a g a n : B a n g - R a c h m a t i , l ines 22, 48. " S. B e a l , Si-yu-ki ( C a l c u t t a 1963), 95. 7 0 Narsafcî, Târih i-Buhârâ (Par is 1892), 2 7 - 8 . 7 1 See n o t e 69 supra. 7 2 C lauson, s .v . 7 3 T a ğ ı : KB, d. 5375. O n t h e tagt see E . E s i n , " T h e horse i n T u r k i s h a r t " , Proceedings of the Vllth meeting of the Perm. Intern. Altaistic Conference, Central Asiatic Journal X / 3 - 4 (Wiesbaden Dec . 1965), 203 -207 .

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miniature may be an authentic zebra. I t was reported that a zebra had heen brought as gi ft to Kub i lay Ka 'an from Madagascar.74

Three figures have been depicted on the extreme r ight proper of the upper register of the second miniature (pi. I b . Only one of these is seen on the linear copy on p i . I b ) . The upper figure is a noker (guard) holding a lance. Below are two men one of whom wears a hat and golden gown (pi. l i b ) similar to those of the enthroned king (pi. I I a ) . The monarch may have been here represented again. Beside h im, at the edge of the plate, appears a t a l l and t h i n man i n white, w i t h a pale face and pointed nose seen i n profile (pi. I b ) . We recognize here the figure represented i n the area above the throne, at the extreme left proper, i n the first miniature (pi. I a . Not shown on p i . H a ) . This str iking face, which appears on both miniatures beside the monarch, may be the portrait of a dignitary of high rank, such as a minister, whom the artist wanted to include i n the commemorative depiction of events. I t w i l l be seen below that both events i l lustrated on the second miniature may be episodes which had taken place during the term of office of the Buddhist Uygur minister Sengge75 (minister before 1280, died 1289). Sengge was a mi l i tant Buddhist T u r k who gathered, at Kub i lay Ka'an's Han- l in academy, the scholars amongst his Buddhist countrymen from the Uygur land. Sengge sought to undermine the influence of the Muslim Turks at Kub i lay K a ' a n court. As a diligent promoter ol Buddhism, and as minister of Kub i lay Ka 'an , Sengge might have figured i n a work representing the K a ' a n on a Buddhist background.

The standing figures on the extreme r ight proper, at the upper register of the second miniature seem to greet a group of four dark-blue skinned men, i n half-naked att ire , leading a violet-coloured elephant (pi. I b . Only two of the dark-blue skinned men appear on the linear copy on p i . l i b ) . The dark-blue men, like the flying apsara on the first miniatures (pi. I a) wear only a scarf and trousers. We noted that these garbs were reserved to hagiologic figures i n Buddhist paintings of Eastern Turkistan. The kneeling, comparatively larger dark-blue skinned figure wears his hair i n a top-knot (didim76 i n Turkish, an equivalent of the princely diadem), t ied i n a white cloth and bound w i t h gold ribbons. His scarf is also golden and his trousers

7 1 Y u l e , I I , 43, 421 (note 7) . 7 8 Sengge: B o y l e , Rashid al-Din, 2 9 3 - 9 7 ; Y a l e , I I , 422. O n Seiigge's c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s see no te 11 supra, reference t o Oge l . 78 Didim: F . W . K . M i i l l e r , " U i g u r i c a I I I " , EDTF, I ; 30, l ines 2 6 - 2 7 .

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are i n a violet hue. The other three somewhat smaller dark-blue skinned figures wear red scarves and yellow trousers. Their skulls are either shaven or t i ght ly bound i n a white cap.

I had i n my first art ic le 7 7 on this subject, l inked these dark-blue skinned figures to the episode of the sarıl (sarîra), a Buddhist relic brought to the I lhan Argun on March 13th 1288, on which occasion a toy had been he ld . 7 8 Indeed the flaming Sarıl is seen floating i n the air on the upper left proper corner of the second miniature. However i n the episode i n question the sarıl had been brought to Argun by the retinue of the Mongol prince Boka and no mention of Indians was made. B u t a similar episode occured i n the life of Kub i lay K a ' a n 7 9 i n which the Ceylonese and Indians appear. I n 1284 Kub i lay sent ambassadors to Ceylon to bring to h i m the relics of the teeth, hair and purple porphyry dish belonging to Buddha Sâkyamuni. Marco Polo narrated the episode:

" A n d when they drew near to the great c i ty of Cambaluc (Han-bahk: the royal c i ty i n Turkish) . . . the great H a n was passing glad and ordered al l the ecclesiastics and others to go f o r th to meet these reliques"

(Yule, i i , 320).

Another Chinese report, dated 1350, narrated the same episode "Thus did the Emperor (Kubilay) cause the sun of religion to rise . . . he also procured f rom India images and relics of the Buddha; among others the patra of Buddha which was presented to h i m by the four kings (of the cardinal points)"

(Yule, i i , 329). The four dark-blue skinned men on the second miniature probably

depicted the kings of the four quarters who, according to the semi-legendary Chinese report, presented the Ceylonese relics to Kubi lay K a ' a n i n 1284 (during Sengge's term of office).

The lower register of the second miniature seems to illustrate an episode concerning the gift of prey-birds which also took place while Sengge was minister of Kub i lay Ka 'an . The prey-birds presented to Cinggishanids were generally the rare l ight coloured gerfalcon (ak-sognkur*0 i n Turkish, Sonkar*1 i n Mongolian, hai-ch'ing or hai-tung 7 7 See no te 1 supra. 7 8 J a h n , Ğazan, Pers ian t e x t , 67. 7 8 Y u l e , I , 319 -23 . 8 0 D o e r f e r , e n t r y 1237. 8 1 D o e r f e r , e n t r y 237.

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ch'ing i n Chinese).82 The latter names signified "Grey-blue (bird) f rom the sea" or "Grey-blue (bird) f rom east of the sea." According to Pelliot's research, the "sea" i n question was the Lake Bay kal and the light-coloured gerfalcons were brought to China from the lands of the Kırgız, of the Barğu and of the K o r i , a l l situated around the Baykal l a k e . 8 3 The Sonkar was the emblem of Cinggis K a ' a n . 8 4

A t the beginning of his career Cinggis had received a white Sonkar, w i t h red eyes, beak, and claws, as a gi ft f rom Urus I n a l , the prince of the Kırgız T u r k s , 8 5 who thereby had expressed his submission. The Cinggishanids sought therefore this emblematic b i rd , by sending messengers to the Northern climes where i t l ived. The reports on the colour of the eyes, beaks and claws of the Sonkar vary i n different sources from red to white. The Sonkar came to the Ilhans sometimes f rom Northern Europe. The Yüan however received their "grey-blue" (Sonkars) from lake Baykal .

A n exceptional event i n what concerns light-coloured prey-birds, took place during the reign of Kubi lay . There came from the Baykal region, not only some grey Sonkar, but also a white eagle:

" D u r i n g the vizierate of Senğge, a group of Muslim merchants came to the Ka'an's court from the country of the K o r i , Barku (Barğu) and Kırgız and brought as their audience-offering, white-footed, red-beaked gerfalcons and a white eagle."

(Boyle, Bashid al-Din, 293).

Kubi lay was so pleased at these rare gifts tha t he offered food from his own table to the merchants. However, as the meat of animals sacrificed to idols are forbidden to Muslims, the merchants, suspecting that Kubi lay 's food included such meat, refused to eat from the polytheist monarch's table. This f rankly uncompromising att i tude prompted the incensed Kubi lay to issue i n 1280 an edict which brought hardships to Muslims. I t w i l l be seen that this may be the episode i l lustrated i n the lower register of the second miniature (pis. I b , l i b ) .

We must however first mention that the brown horse w i t h golden saddle on the foreground of the lower register i n the second miniature (pis. I b , l i b ) depicts the horse i n attendance of the monarch. Such saddled horses are represented on the side of the plate, or i n an 8 4 P e l l i o t , " B a r ğ u " . 83 Ibid. 8 4 See n o t e 80 s u p r a . 8 5 A b ü ' l Ğâzî , 8 4 - 8 5 , c i t i n g R a s i d a l - D i n , v o l . I .

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accompanying p a i n t i n g , 8 6 i n most Mongol period miniatures. On our second miniature; the horse's bridles are held by a heavy figure i n green, seated on a chair. The r ight to sit on a sandalwood chair, outside the tent or audience-hall of the monarch, was awarded to high-ranking Mongol princes.87

Behind the horse are seen five haloed standing figures, w i t h brimmed Turco-Mongol hats, who probably represent the monarch's falconers. I f the episode of the prey-birds brought to Kubi lay K a ' a n by Muslims is here depicted, the Muslim merchants who insulted the Ka 'an (as a polytheist), were probably not represented. Three of the falconers hold light-coloured prey-birds w i t h golden beaks and claws, on their gloved fists. From the left proper towards the r ight proper, a man i n yellow kaftan holds an eagle w i t h light-coloured golden back-plumage and white belly. The next falconer wearing a green kaftan, holds i n hand a prey-bird w i t h l ight mauve plumage and white belly which may be the "grey-blue from the sea" (the ak-songkur from Lake Baykal) . The t h i r d falconer, i n a patterned white and blue kaftan, displays a b i rd w i t h pure white plumage and red eye.

The concordance of several indications, may permit to conclude that the pair of miniatures represent a review of Kub i lay Ka'an's reign, starting w i t h his inthronization in purple robes and continuing w i t h the memorable events during the term of office of the Buddhist Uygur minister Sefigge: the presentation of Buddhist relics i n 1284 by the four kings of the cardinal points and the gift of the " w h i t e " eagle and " w h i t e " Sonkars (grey-blues), sometime before 1280.

Stylistically, the miniatures belong, as remarked above, to the school of H i t a y (the non-Muslim areas of the Mongol empire). Yet they are not Chinese works which are more subdued i n colour. These miniatures show the br i l l iant hues and the gold i l lumination which were features of the Uygur school.88 The Chinese sources of the Yüan period particularly refer to the i l lumination, i n gold and silver, practised i n Koco . 8 9 Yet , the abundance of authentic details, the portrait - l ike aspect of some figures, suggest that the paintings may have been produced i n Han-bahk. I n this case, the painter was

8 8 See n o t e 6 supra, ( the f ront isp iece o f t h e m s descr ibed b y T o g a n , Mini atures, 22.) 6 7 K a l k a s a n d i , I V , 427. 8 8 See E s i n , BMTA, 5 2 - 5 3 . 8 8 See n o t e 1 1 , reference t o H i r t h .

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Tek-Esin Vakfı

34 E M E L ESİN

probably one of the Buddhist Uyğurs who under the aegis of the zealous Uygur Buddhist minister Sengge, worked i n the academies of Kub i lay Ka 'an .

L I S T O F C I T E D W O R K S A N D A B B R E V I A T I O N S

A b ü ' l ö ä z i B a h a d u r i f a n , Seçere i-Türk, ed . P . Desmaisons ( A m s t e r d a m 1970).

L . I . A l ' b a u m , Jivopis' Afrasiaba (Taşkent 1975). R . A r a t , Eski Türk siiri ( A n k a r a 1965). W . B a n g - A . v o n G a b a i n , "Türkische T u r f a n T e x t e " I - V , EDTF, I I . W . B a n g , G. R . R a c h m a t i , " D i e Legende v o n Oghuz Q a g h a n " , Sitzungsberich­

te der preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ( B e r l i n 1932). J . A . B o y l e , Juvaini. Juvaini's History of the World-conqueror (Manchester

1958) J . A . B o y l e , Rashid al-Din: The successors of Genghis Khan, translated from

Rashid al-Din ( N e w Y o r k 1971). Ch 'en Y u a n , Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols (Los

Angeles 1960). G . C lauson , An etymological Dictionary of pre-Thirteenth century Turkish

( O x f o r d 1972). G . Doer fe r , Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen (Wies ­

b a d e n 1963-75) . Duğlat ( M i r z a H a y d a r ) , Târih i-RaSidi, t r a n s l . D . Ross ( L o n d o n 1895). EDTF: Ergebnisse der Deutschen Turfan Forschung ( L e i p z i g 1972). E . E s i n , " B e d ü k b ö r k " , Proceedings of the IXth meeting of the Perm. Int.

Altaistic Conference ( N a p o l i 1970). E . E s i n , BMTA: Buddhist and Manichean Turkish art s u p p l . t o t h e Hand­

book of Turkish culture, v o l . I I ( I s t a n b u l 1967). E . E s i n , " C e n t r a l A s i a n T u r k i s h p a i n t i n g before I s l a m " , Handbook of Tur­

kish culture, I l / l a ( I s t a n b u l 1972). E . E s i n , " Ç a ğ a t a y " : " S o n Çağatay d e v r i n d e D o ğ u Türkistandan r e s i m l i b i r

(jan silsilenâmesi", ITED, V / l - 4 , Z . V . T o g a n hâtıra sayısı ( i s t a n b u l 1973). E . E s i n , " E v r e n " , Selçuklu Araştırmaları Dergisi I ( A n k a r a 1968). E . E s i n , " T w o m i n i a t u r e s f r o m t h e co l lect ions o f T o p k a p i " , Ars Orientalis V

( M i c h i g a n 1963). A . v o n G a b a i n , " D i e D r u c k e der T u r f a n S a m m l u n g " , Sitzungsberichte der

deutschen Akademie der Wissensclxaften zu Berlin ( B e r l i n 1976). A . Grünwedel , Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chinesisch-Turkestan ( B e r l i n

1912). L . H a m b i s , Le chapitre CVII du Yuan-che (Le iden 1954). F r . H i r t h , Einflüsse: Über fremde Einflüsse in der chinesischen Kunst (Mün­

chen 1896). F r . H i r t h , Geschichte: Geschichte der chinesischen Kunst (München 1897). ITED: Islam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi. K . J a h n , Gazan: Ta'rih i-mubärak i-Gazani des Rashid al-Din Fadlulläh

(s ' -Gravenhage 1961)." K . J a h n , India: Rashid al-Din's History of India (The H a g u e 1965). K . J a h n , Oğuzen: Die Geschichte der Oğuzen des RaSid ad-Din ( W i e n 1969). al -Kalkasandî , Şubh al-a'sâ (Cairo 1958). Kâsğari (Mahmûd) , Al-dîvân luğât al-Turk, ed . B . A t a l a y ( A n k a r a 1940-43) . KB: see Y û s u f Bâşş H â c i b , Kutadğu-biliğ.

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A . v o n L e Coq, Chotscho ( B e r l i n 1913). B . Ögel, Sino-Turcica ( T a i p e i 1964). P . P e l l i o t , Notes on Marco Polo (Par is 1959-1975) . W . R a d i o f f , Suvarnaprabhäsa, das Goldglanz-sütra aus dem Uigurischen ins

Deutsche übersetzt ( L e n i n g r a d 1930). R a s i d a l - D i n Fadlul läh, Djämi' al-tawärih ( B a k u - M o s c o w 1957-74) . W . R o c k h i l l , The journey of William of Ruhruck to the eastern parts of the

world, 1253-55 ( P e k i n g 1943). Z . V . T o g a n , " D o r t c ö n k " : T o p k a p i s a r a y m d a d o r t c ö n k " , ITED, I ( I s t a n ­

b u l 1953). Z . V . T o g a n , " H e r a t " , Islam Ansiklopedisi (1st. 1957). Z . V . T o g a n , Ibn Fadläns Reisebericht ( L e i p z i g 1939). Z . V . T o g a n , Miniatures- On the Istanbid miniatures ( I s t a n b u l 1963). Was§af , Tarih ( T e h r a n 1346 H . ) . H . Y u l e , The book of Ser Marco Polo ( L o n d o n 1929). Y ü s u f Ifa§? H ä c i b , Kutadgu-bilig, R . A r a t ed . ( A n k a r a 1947).

Tek-Esin Vakfı

Tek-Esin Vakfı

ON T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F L I T E R A R Y U Z B E K I N T H E L A S T F I F T Y Y E A R S 1

by I L S E L A U D E - C I R T A U T A S

Seattle

1.1 The Uzbek l iterary language, or as i t is also called, the New Uzbek l iterary language, came into existence during the early 1920's. Since that t ime the language has undergone many substantial changes. I t is st i l l i n a stage of fluctuation, which contrasts sharply w i t h the rather static nature of the previous stage of the l i terary language, called Chagatay or Old Uzbek.2

Throughout its prevalence, from the early fifteenth century up to almost the 1920's, Chagatay permitted relatively few morpho­logical and lexical changes. As the medium of an Islamic l iterature, Chagatay had become heavily influenced by Persian and Arabic, and above al l , by the strict rules of Islamic poetry which d id not encourage innovation. To some extent the conservatism of Chagatay can also be explained by the overwhelming prestige of Mir ' A l i Sir Navá'i (1441-1501), whose style and language were, for centuries, carefully imi ta ted . 3

1 T h i s paper was presented to the R u s s i a n and E a s t E u r o p e a n Seminar at the U n i v e r s i t y of Washington. I w i s h here to thank the members of the Seminar , especially Professor Nicholas Poppe and Professor Peter Sugar, for their most valuable crit icism. Transliteration: I n the following the U z b e k material has been s imply transliterated from the C y r i l l i c . N o attempt has been made to establish pronunciation. T h e transliteration system used is the same as in S l a v i c linguistics w i t h the following addit ions : y = ü; F = y ; ]¡c = q ; x = h . 2 T h e term Old Uzbek, though not accepted in Western scholarship ( J . E c k m a n n , Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta [henceforth: PTF], V o l . I (1959), 141) has generally been used b y Soviet Turkologists since the Second W o r l d W a r . T h e term Chagatay is avoided, part icularly by U z b e k scholars. T h e reasoning behind this is explained i n y. Abdurahmonov a n d S . S u k u r o v , Üzbek Tilining Tarixij Grammatikasi (Toskent , 1973), 19. 2 T h e l i terary influence of N a v a ' I (Navoij ) extended far into the twentieth century a n d is even felt today. See H . J o k u b o v , " N a v o i j v a üzbek sovet a d a b i j o t i " a n d L . Qajumov, " N a v o i j v a H a m z a " in S . yanieva a n d A . A b d u -yafurov, eds., Navoij va Adabij Ta'sir Masalalari, (Toskent, 1968), 4 1 - 5 2 ;

Münchener Ostasiatische Studien Herausgegeben v o n Wolfgang B a u e r u n d Herbert F r a n k e

Letzterschienene Bände

12 Das Hung-ming chi und die Aufnahmen des Buddhismus in China V o n Hei wig Schmidt-Glintzer me. via, gig s., brosch. DM go —

13 Interpreting the F u A study in Chinese l i terary rhetoric. B y Friedr ich A . Bischoff me. xviii, ue s., broach, DM 68,—

15 Politische Funktion und soziale Stellung der Eunuchen zur späteren Hanzeit (25-220 n. Chr.) V o n Ulr ike Jugel

me. XVI, 467 S., broach. DM 68,— 16,1- Sung Biographies 16,3 E d i t e d b y Herbert F r a n k e

me. Zus. XXX, mg S., broach. DM 66,—

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18 Affixes in Proto-Chinese B y Axel Schüssler me. ggg s., broach, DM I S , —

In Vorbereitung

14 Sun Yat-Sen's Parteiorgan Chien-She E i n e Quelle zur Geschichte der R e v o l u t i o n u n d der Marxismus­rezeption in C h i n a . V o n Corinna H a n a 1677. Ca. g30S., broach, ca. DM 61,—

Sonderreihe

1 Zur Archäologie der Pei-Ch'i- (550-577) und Sui-Zeit (581-618) Mit einem F u n d k a t a l o g . V o n Käte Finsterbusch 1676. X, 147 S., 83 Taf., brosch. DM 68,—

2 Die moderne chinesische Tagespresse I h r e E n t w i c k l u n g in T a f e l n u n d D o k u m e n t e n . V o n Wolf gang Mohr 1676. Teil 1: Text. XII, 606 S., Teil 2: Tafeln. XIV, 178 S., Teil 3: Dokumente. XXX, 664 S., 3 Teile zus. brosch. 176,—

F R A N Z S T E I N E R V E R L A G G M B H • W I E S B A D E N

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Alfons Gabriel

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