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7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013
1/28
FOCUSSIS
INSTITUTEOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES(ISIS)MALAYSIA
www.isis.org.myLimitedCirculation
The 26th AsiaPacific Roundtable2830 May 2012, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Asian Security Governance and Order
CONFERENCE REPORT
SPECIALEDITION
IssueNo.5 May2013 PP5054/11/2012(031098)
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Publishedby
InstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ISIS)Malaysia
No.1,PersiaranSultanSalahuddin
P.O.Box12424,50778KualaLumpur,Malaysia
Tel: +60326939366
Fax: +60326915435
Email: [email protected]
Website:www.isis.org.my
The Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS)
Malaysiawasestablishedon8April1983,inrealizationofa
decisionmadeby theMalaysianGovernment to setupan
autonomous, notforprofit research organization that
would act as the nations thinktank. ISIS Malaysia wasenvisioned to contribute towards sound public policy
formulationanddiscourse.
TheresearchmandateofISISthereforespansawidearea.It
includes economics, foreign policy and security studies,
socialpolicy,and technology, innovation,environmentand
sustainability.
ISIS Malaysia today fosters dialogue and promotes the
exchange of views and opinions at both national and
international levels. Itundertakes research incollaboration
withnationaland internationalorganizations, in important
areas such as national development and international
affairs.
ISISMalaysiaalsoengagesactively inTrackTwodiplomacy,
fostering highlevel dialogues at national, bilateral and
regional levels, through discussions with influential
policymakersandthoughtleaders.
RESEARCHEconomics
Research inthisarea isgenerallyaimedatpromotingrapid
andsustainedeconomicgrowthandequitabledevelopment
inthenation.Westudyspecific(ratherthangeneric)issues
that concern the nations competitiveness, productivity,
growth and income. Areas of research include
macroeconomicpolicy, trade and investment,banking and
finance, industrial and infrastructure development and
human capital and labour market development. The
objectiveofallourresearchistodevelopactionablepolicies
andtospurinstitutionalchange.
ForeignPolicyandSecurityStudies
Theprimary aim of thisprogramme is toprovide relevant
policyanalysesonmatterspertainingtoMalaysiasstrategic
interestsaswellasregionalandinternational issues,witha
focus on the AsiaPacific Region. These include security
studies, foreignpolicy,SoutheastAsianpoliticsandmilitary
affairs.
Socialpolicy
Demographic and sociocultural trends are changing
Malaysian society and the social policy programme was
established to respond to these developments. Research in
this area is concerned with effective nation building, and
fostering greater national unity. In particular, we look at
issues involving the youth, women and underprivileged
communities. In conducting its research, ISIS Malaysia
networks with nongovernmental organizations and civil
societygroups.
Technology,Innovation,Environment&Sustainability(TIES)
The TIES programme provides strategic foresight,
collaborativeresearchandpolicyadvice tothepublicsector,
businesses andpolicy audiences,on technology, innovation,
environmentandsustainabledevelopment. Itsfocusincludes
green growth as well as energy, water and food security.
Towards this end, TIES has been active in organizing
dialogues,forums,policybriefsandconsultancies.
HIGHLIGHTS
ISIS Malaysia has, among others, researched and provided
concretepolicyrecommendationsfor:
Greater empowerment and revitalization of a nationalinvestmentpromotionagency;
A strategic plan of action to capitalize on the rapid
growth and development of a vibrant Southeast Asian
emergingeconomy;
AMasterPlantomovetheMalaysianeconomytowards
knowledgebasedsourcesofoutputgrowth;
Theconceptualizationofanationalvisionstatement;
Effective management and rightsizing of the public
sector;and
Strengthening of ASEAN institutions and cooperation
processes.
ISISMalaysia has organized the highly regarded AsiaPacificRoundtable, an annual conference of highlevel security
policymakers,implementersandthinkers,since1986.
INTERNATIONALNETWORKINGAsamemberoftheTrackTwocommunity,ISISMalaysiaparticipatesinthefollowingnetworks: ASEANISISnetworkofpolicyresearchinstitutes; Council for Security and Cooperation in Asia and the
Pacific(CSCAP); NetworkofEastAsianThinkTanks(NEAT);and PacificEconomicCooperationCouncil(PECC).It is also a partner institute of the World EconomicForum(WEF).
EditorialTeamMahaniZainalAbidin
StevenWong
SusanTeoh
ThangamKRamnath
DesignRazakIsmail
JefriHambali
PhotographyJefriHambali/HalilMusa
ABOUTISISMALAYSIA
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 1
The Hon. Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato Sri
Mohd. Najib Tun Abdul Razak officiated at the
Roundtable and delivered the Keynote Address.
The following report covers the ten plenary
sessionsandtwoconcurrentsessionsconvenedat
theRoundtablethisyear.
AsianSecurity:OrderorDisorder
The Asian Security Order has undergone
significantchangeover time.TheColdWarorder
(19451990) based on realist and instrumental
dynamics, is being overtaken by efforts towards
the construction of a contractual order. The
eventual goal of the postColdWar order is the
formationofa communitarianorder.Thedegree
and type of order at a particular point in time
showed variations across both issues and sub
regions. In the postCold War era, the Asian
Security Order has been driven by three key
dynamics:
1. Nation andstatemaking: Most of the
conflicts inAsia,whetherbetweenNorth
and South Korea, or between China and
Taiwan,orbetweenIndiaandPakistan,all
relate to nation and statemaking.
Conflictsoverpoliticalsystemssuchas in
Thailandarealsorelatedtostatemaking;
2. Rise of Asian powers: This relates
particularly to the rise of China and the
impactthishasforthesecurityofAsia;
The 26th AsiaPacific RoundtableConferenceReport
The 26
thAsiaPacific Roundtablewas convened in Kuala Lumpur,Malaysia,from 28
to 30May
2012.Continuing its traditionofbeing thepremierTrackTwo security conference in theAsia
Pacific, this years Roundtable attracted more than 370 security experts,policymakers and
academicsfrom theAsiaPacific region. Itwasorganisedby the InstituteofStrategicand International
Studies(ISIS)Malaysia,onbehalfoftheASEAN InstitutesofStrategicand InternationalStudies (ASEAN
ISIS).This reportwas compiledbyMrWooHonWeng,with theassistanceofMrAlizanMahadi,Ms
Natalie ShobanaAmbrose, DrJorah Ramlan, Ms MazlenaMazlan,MsNor IzzatinaAbdulAziz, Mr
ShahnazSharifuddin,MrShahrimanLockman,MrBillyTeaandMsZarinaZainuddin.
(Fromleft)MuthiahAlagappaandBrianJob
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2 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
3. Economic growth, competition, and
cooperation: Economic growth has
become the primary focus of Asian
governments.Asiahasbecomeoneofthethree core world regions with the
prospect of becoming the hub of the
world.
Interactions between these three
dynamics have created a very complex security
environment. Therefore, multiple arrangements
and strategies are required for constructing and
sustainingsecurityorder inAsia.The largelyzero
sum machinations of the Cold War has been
replaced by much more complicated relationswhich makes for cooperation and crosscutting
interdependence, as well as conflict. In this
situation, there aremultiple pathways to order.
Bilateralism, regionalism, and the balance of
power have assumed greater significance in
sustaining order in Asia while hegemony has
declinedafteraverybriefspurt.
The roles of these different pathways
variedinthreedifferentissueareasrelatedtothe
securityorder:
1. Rules:Asia relies extensively on global
regimes.Regionalrulesmostlyemphasize
principles and norms, and rarely go into
regulatoryandenforcementrules;
2. Goals:National goals still dominate, with
veryfewcollectivegoals;
3. Instruments of Order: Force is still
relevant in a wide range of hardcore
issues, whether it be in the Korean
Peninsula,the
Taiwan
Straits
or
the
India
Pakistan border. However, force ismore
relevant in the defence and deterrence
rolethanoffensiveimperatives.
Inconclusion,securitygovernance inAsia
is still very much in the realist mode; security
governance in Northeast Asia and South Asia is
overwhelmingly in the realist mode, while in
Southeast Asia, there is somemovement in the
contractual direction; dispute settlement is
important,with significant scope for progress at
the Track Two level; and fostering the
development of nations and states in Asia isimportant,as the fundamentalbuildingblocksof
regionalcommunitybuildingarenationstates.
The impact of the burgeoning `angry
citizens in Asia, coupledwith the impact of the
information revolution, is viewed as increasingly
undermining the ability of governments to
maintaincontrol, thuscontributing toapotential
future sourceof disorder inAsia.According to a
participant, political systems that appear
legitimateatsomepoint, induecourseno longerlook legitimate,and it is importanttorealizethat
onepartysystemswhichhavebeenthedominant
mode of governance in many countries in Asia,
cannotsurviveforever,assovereigntynowresides
withthepeople,notwithgovernmentsperse.
ChinasStrategicVisionandRegionalSecurity
The`NewSecurityConceptdevelopedbyChinain
the postColdWar era proposed that traditional
security,basedonmilitary alliance, coercion andpower politics be replaced by a new security
structure based on mutual trust and benefit,
equalityandcoordination.Foroveradecade,this
hasbeenChinas fundamentalguidingphilosophy
toaddressinternationalsecurityissues.
Conference Report
TongXiaoling SimonTay
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 3
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable The new security concept is founded on
fourmajorpolicypillars:
1. Building friendship and partnership withneighbouringcountries;
2. Pursuing a strategy of openingup for
mutualbenefit;
3. Building an open, transparent, inclusive
and representative AsiaPacific security
structure;
4. Having a defensive national defence
policy.
Inmaintainingregionalsecurity,Chinahas
emphasized equally both the bilateral andmultilateral approaches. Bilaterally, it has
established security dialogues and defence
consultations with the majority of Asia Pacific
countries, at various levels. This is to enhance
mutual understanding and trust and help to
preventmiscalculationsandmisunderstanding.
Multilaterally, it has promoted the
developmentofsecuritycooperation,andactively
participated inregionaland internationalsecurity
mechanismssuch
as
the
Shanghai
Cooperation
Organization (SCO), ARF, ASEAN Defence
Ministers MeetingPlus (ADMM+), the Regional
CooperationAgreementonCombatingPiracyand
Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP),
and the Global CounterTerrorism Forum. China
hasalsoproposedthecreationoftheARFSecurity
Policy Conference (ASPC) at the vicedefence
ministeriallevel.
Regarding territorial disputes over land
and
maritime
boundaries
with
its
neighbours,
China looks for fair and responsible solutions
jointly with its neighbours. It has successfully
resolved land demarcations with all of its
neighbours except India and Bhutan. As regards
the South China Sea dispute, China proposes to
shelve the differences for the moment and
considerjointdevelopmenttoengendertrustand
fostercooperation.
Tomaintainpeaceandstabilityandcreate
favourableconditionsforclaimantstatestofinally
solve the maritime disputes, China has
encouragedadherence to international laws such
asthe1982UnitedNationsConventionontheLaw
ofthe
Sea(UNCLOS),andthe2002Declaration
on
the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea
(DOC)signedbyChinaandASEANcountries.China
is also willing to formulate a code of conduct
(COC)withASEANcountries.
AparticipantassertedthatChinadoesnot
perceive theUS pivot strategy as a threat, as is
commonly believed, because during the bilateral
talksbetweenChinesePresidentHuJintaoandUS
President Barack Obama, the Asia Pacific was
described as large enough to accommodate theinterests of both countries. However, existing
security cooperation at the diplomatic and
defence levelsbetween theUSandChina should
beusedtoensurethatonecountryssecuritywill
not be to the detriment of another countrys
security.
It isalso suggested thatChinasdomestic
politics, such as the forthcoming leadership
transition,willaffect foreignpolicy.Aparticipant
asserted that although every countrys domesticpoliticswillaffectitsforeignpolicy,inChinascase
thisismitigatedtoalargeextentbytheleadership
consensus that principles on foreign policy are
abovedomesticpolitics.
IndiaandtheSecurityofAsia
Indias rise is awork inprogress.Higheconomic
growth has enabled India to become the tenth
largest economy in the world. It has a sizeable
militarybecause ithas theworldseighth largestdefence spending. Nevertheless, India is still a
developingcountry. It isthe largestofthemiddle
powers while being the weakest of the major
powers.
One of its strategic drawbacks is the
continental securityposture forcedon itby the
fact it is located inadifficultpartof theworld in
whichtodevelopasapowerthewrongsideof
thetrack. Indiaalsosuffers fromacuteproblems
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4 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
with governance and an incomplete economic
reformprocess.
Otherfactorstotakeintoaccount
are Indias hostile South Asian geostrategic
environment (conflict with Pakistan and border
disputeswithChina),relianceon thePersianGulf
for energy, and the importance of the Indian
OceaninIndiasoverallstrategy.TheIndianOcean
is seen as a protective ring fence and strategicbackyardfortheIndianNavy,whileitsSeaLinesof
Communications (SLOCs) are regarded vital in
termsofenergyandtradelinks.
Despite having a Look East Policy, India
does not actively pursue the policy as can be
discernedfromthe dispositionofitsresourceson
the ground. Therefore, India is not yet a full
fledged strategic player in East and Southeast
Asia.
Recognizing its current limitations and to
avoid overestimating its own strength, India
follows a middle path in regional security by
focusing on its internal development incollaborationwithotherpartnersinAsiatocreate
apeacefulperipheryarounditself.
Therefore,Indiawillnottakealeadership
role in Asia despite its participation in regional
cooperationand integrationschemes suchas the
ARF and the East Asia Summit (EAS), which it
believesshouldbe ledbyASEAN.However, India
is willing to make some contributions by
promotingengagementandbuildingpartnerships
withall.
Toharness its fullpotential soas toplay
aneffectivesecurityroleinAsia,Indiamayhaveto
fasttrack the following: military modernization
andoutreach capabilities; economic reforms and
wealth creation; bureaucratic strength and
resilience; and decisionmaking and delivery of
promises.
USStrategicInterestsandRolesinAsia
The Obamaadministrationsconceptofpivoting
and rebalancing denote the new US policy in
Asia. While some countries welcome the move
others receive it with caution. The policy is
acknowledged as the natural progression of US
foreign policy following the focus on theMiddle
East in recent years. The gridlock in domestic
politicswhich constrainObamas domestic plans
hasfurthercontributedtothefocusonAsia.
TheUSdoesnotconsiderthisconceptasareturn of US interest to the region since it
believes that it never left the region in the first
place.Militaryanalystsmayagreewiththisnotion
based on existing US military bases in the Asia
Pacific region.Scepticshowever,believe that the
US return to the region isdue to theeconomic
andmilitaryexpansionofChina.
The six key linesof action introducedby
theObamaadministrationinordertoachievethe
Conference Report
CRajaMohan CarolinaHernandez
Sandy
Gordon
SDMuni
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 5
new US policy in Asia were : strengthening
bilateralsecurityalliances;deepeningUSworking
relationships with emerging powers including
China; engaging with regional multilateral
institutions such asASEAN, APEC, EAS, andARF;
expandingtradeandinvestmentbymeansofsuch
toolsasAPECandTransPacificPartnership(TPP);
forging a broadbased military presence; and
advancingdemocracyandhumanrights.
TheUSisdeterminedtocontinuetoplayacentral role inmaintaining peace and stability in
theregionandtobean integralpartof regional
economic integration. It is willing to work with
partnersintheregionbilaterallyandmultilaterally
bases, and to be a copartner in supporting the
liberalorder.
US interests and roles inAsiaareviewed
with caution bymany countries with respect to
the impact of these on domestic and regional
securityandoneconomicdevelopment.WhiletheUSdenies itsobjective is tomaintain primacy in
AsiaandtocontainChinaseconomicandmilitary
development, its current economic and military
policies are perceived to be contradictory to its
declarations.
Some participants highlighted examples
such as the TPP initiative and the exclusion of
China in TPP, the geographical dispersal and re
deployment of the US military to Darwin,
Australia, and to Guam, and the proposal for a
separate secretariat for the EastAsia Summit as
signsoftheUSenlargingitspolitical,strategicand
economicfootprintintheregion.
SoutheastAsianPerspectivesonRegional
SecurityOrder
Regional order needs to serve at least fivemain
strategicobjectives,according toASEANmember
states: preserve ASEANs centrality (SoutheastAsias autonomy); accommodatemajor powers;
prevent strategicrivalryamongmajorpowersas
well as concerts of power among them; ensure
ASEANs unimpeded access to material benefits
(defence,trade,investment,financialcooperation,
marketaccess,and soon);and facilitate regional
integration(ASEANcommunitybuilding).
The current regional security order from
Southeast Asian perspectives is driven by three
strategicdevelopments: the riseofChina; theUSattempt to retain itsprimacy; the implicationsof
bothforSinoUSrelations.
This in turn brings about three strategic
implications for ASEAN: polarization of ASEAN
should the SinoUS rivalry intensify;
marginalizationofASEANs roleasa `managerof
regionalorder;unsustainablecentralityofASEAN
whileregionalunitywouldhavetobeabandoned
bymemberstatesthatareforcedtotakesides in
26 th AsiaPacific Rou ndtable
DuaneDThiessen HidekiAsariNorodomSirivudhJusufWanandi
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6 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
the emerging SinoUS rivalry, for the pursuit of
nationalsecurity.
Southeast Asia can be likened to an
airportandASEANtoacontroltower.ASEANhas
the capability to become this control tower that
wouldmanageallpowersandaccommodatethem
in order to provide a secure environment for
everyone. The hedging strategy is aimed at: 1)
moderatingthepotentialnegative implicationsof
the rise of China for regional order, and 2)
reducingUSdominanceasahegemonicpower in
theregion,byemphasizingthecentralityofASEAN
inregionalsecurity.
However,ASEAN stillneeds toovercome
threemain constraints: theperceptionofASEAN
as a crisisdriven institution; the lack of
commitment towards communitybuilding,
exemplified by the relatively low level of
investments in ASEAN by its ownmembers; and
the imitating form rather than substance of the
securitycommunityconcept.
Unless these constraints are solved,
ASEAN will continue to have difficulty in
convincing its detractors, and crucially, its
dialoguepartnerswhohaveinvestedintheTreaty
of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), and ASEANs
wider complex of regional institutions, that
`ASEANCentralityisworthsupporting.
MiddlePowersandRegionalGovernanceand
Order
Middlemajor powers are countries that sitjust
below thepowersat the topof the international
hierarchy.Theypossesscapabilitiesbeyondthose
of the next tier of countries and have surplus
capability that allows them tomore than simply
meet the basic necessities of statehood and
statecraft.Theycanactautonomouslywhentheir
interests are threatened, and they possess the
resources and capabilities to defend their
homeland. They are principal players on the
international stage rather than the supportingcast. These characteristics aptly describe Canada
andSouthKorea.
Despite the view that it is declining in
global importance, Canada still exhibits the
characteristics of a middle power. The nation
retainsitsnetworksofexpertise,anditscontinued
Conference Report
TanSeeSeng
RizalSukma HitoshiTanaka
NguyenHungSon
(Fromleft)KojiWatanabeandDavidDewitt
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 7
presenceontheworldstagethroughmembership
inahostofkeymultilateralorganizations.
Canadas technical competencies in the
financial regulatory sectorhavebecome amajor
and highly regarded diplomatic asset, and mostrecently it contributed considerably to the
international response to the global financial
crisis. Canada can leverage on its credentials,
especially in institutions such as the G20, to
support East Asian diplomatic, economic, and
developmentgoals.
Canadian bilateralism with Asian G20
memberswillnotnecessarilyoverlook important
states likeSingapore,Malaysia,andNewZealand.
Relationswith nonG20 Asian states can also bedeveloped through Canadian membership in
newlyemerging multilateral arrangements,
possiblyincludingtheTPP.
The prominence of the South Korean
developmentmodel,giventhenationssuccessful
economic transition and political transformation
from authoritarian politics to one of Asiasmost
vibrantdemocracies,hasenabledSouthKorea to
branditselfasamiddlepower.
For South Koreas longer term stability,
the major focus has to be on fostering
institutionalized trilateral cooperation and
enhancedtransparencybetweenChina,JapanandSouth Korea, as exemplified by the launching of
the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS) in
September2011.Suchcooperation isessentialto
ensure that the transition to a unified Korea is
achievedwithminimalfallout,andwithmaximum
security,economicandpoliticaldividendsforallof
theprincipalplayers, includingthecoremembers
oftheSixPartyTalks.
AsiaintheEyesofChina
China generally sees AsiaPacific countries in
terms of geopolitical distance the closer, the
more important and as divided into mainland
AsiaandOceanicAsia.Patronclient relationsare
regardedbyChina as central in the international
relationsofAsiaPacificcountries.Asiancountries
meanwhile are seen as having mixed feelings
aboutChina.
China therefore needs a new foreign
policy that will see it becoming a `responsiblestakeholder but the region also needs a new
China policy. In the future, China may have to
reformitsdomesticeconomyandforeignpolicyin
order tobecome apillarof theglobalorder and
not just become a conditional and occasional
participant inthe`Western liberalorder.China is
likely tobecomeboth the largestmarket for the
restoftheregionandalso `aproviderofsecurity
insuranceforAsia,byallowingotherstorelyonit
fortheirsecurity.
Asia remains `divided and vulnerable,
despite the emergence of regional security
cooperaon. Progress is constrained by the
compeon between the old, USdominated
militaryalliancesandthenew ARF,EAS,SCOand
SixPartyTalks(SPT)frameworks.Thecombination
ofold(border,historicalgrievances)andemerging
(maritime, strategic) disputes contributes to the
complexityofthesituation.
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable
LeeChungMin
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8 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
ChinaseestheTPPasanewUS initiative
to maintain its primacy by casting China as an
outsider. It also views the US `back to Asia
strategyasadirectandstrategicthreattargeting
it. If the TPP were to supplant current efforts
withinAPEC,thespiritofAsiaPacificcooperation
maybeweakened.
The US and China will however remain
cautious and pragmatic in managing bilateral
tensions due to the shared interests of both
countries.Othercountries inAsiawill increasingly
hedge their policies due to Chinas increasing
importanceandinfluence.
Governance in Asia: Whats Best and What
WorksbytheHon.TunDr.Mahathir
Governance in Asia, according to Tun Dr.
Mahathir,the formerPrimeMinisterofMalaysia,
facesadilemma,asthere isnoperfectsystemof
governance. Imperfection is inevitable and
thereforehastobetolerated.
Inademocraticsystem,thegovernmentis
formedby representativeschosenby thepeople,
but achieving unanimity and consensus is
problematic.Sopeoplesettledonamajority,and
even that is not problemfree. The benefit of
democracyliesintheabilityofanationtochange
itsgovernment if itdoesnotdeliver.However,by
manipulating elections, such as through bribery,
even an unpopular government can come to
power.
Administrating and implementingpolicies
in a democratic system isnot easy either. Some
rights can be disruptive when they are abused,
such as the right to freedom of expression. In
somedeveloping countries, the right to freedom
ofexpressionisbeingmisused,tothedetrimentof
theeconomiesofthesecountries;investmentsare
deterredandemploymentcreationdisrupted.The
tendencyofcertaingroupstowardsdisruptiveand
destabilizing activities creates a challenge to
governments.Governments now need the rightskillstomanagesuchgroups,especiallyinthisage
of information technology that undermines
governmentsabilitytocontrolthemedia.
ZhangYunling
HuangXiaomingOngKengYong
PangZhongying
MahathirMohamed
Conference Report
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 9
Theproperpracticeofdemocracymeans
the ability to change a government through the
ballot box. There is now a new notion of liberal
democracy. However, Malaysia is not liberal inseveralways,suchas in issuesofgayrights.Even
in countries that practice a liberal democratic
system, undemocratic practices will be
undertakenwhentheneedarises,andpeoplewill
give liberalismasecondthought.Aclearexample
wouldbethedetentionofpeoplewithouttrialas
theterrorismriskproliferates.
While reformshave to be undertaken to
achievebettergovernance,theyshouldbecarried
out gradually, without risking instability. RussiaandChinaaredifferent inone importantrespect:
theextenttowhichthereformoftheireconomic
andpoliticalsystemshasemulatedtheWest.
Russiatriestoreformbothsystemsatthe
same time,and facesgreatdifficulty indoing so.
China on the other hand maintains its political
system,changing itseconomicsystemonlypartly,
and finds itself more successful. In its present
formofgovernance,Chinahasalsoexemplifiedits
successin
managing
ahuge
and
diverse
population.Indiaiscomparativelymoredifficultto
manageduetoexcessivedemocracy.
Role of NonState Actors in Promoting Conflict
Resolution
Nonstate actors such as NGOs and civil societyworkonwaystomitigatethefalloutfromconflicts
andalsotopreventfutureconflicts.Theyaremost
effective in providing confidencebuilding
measures that enable the transformation of the
conflict narrative and offer a new vision for
society.However, support from the government,
bothatthecentralandlocallevels,isessentialfor
their efforts to be successful, as seen in case
studiesofThailand,Indonesia,andthePhilippines.
In the case of Thailand, throughout the
history of the nations dealings with the Patani
Malayseparatistmovement,the ideaof including
civilsocietyinaformalpeacenegotiationprocess
never materialized in a meaningful way. Thai
militaryandcivilianofficialsseetheconflictasan
internalmatterandgenuinelybelieve itwouldbe
a waste of political capital to bring in outsiders
who could very well put the discussion of the
legitimacyoftheThaistateintheMalayhomeland
onthetable.
With the exception of the NationalSecurity Council (NSC) initiative, in which the
process tried tobringonboardmembersof civil
society and other stakeholders to form a
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable
(Fromleft)RizalPanggabean,CharlitoManlupig,JohnBrandonandDonPathan
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10 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
`partnership for peace, other initiatives were
mainly looking to secure a onetime peace
agreementtoendtheconflictonceandforall.
In Indonesia, the issue of whether civil
society was able to mitigate and prevent
communalviolencewasdeterminedbythetypeof
civicengagement.From19992002,duringatime
of regime crisis and the ensuing political and
economic turmoil, violence erupted in Ambon
between Christians and Muslims while peace
prevailed in Manado. Interreligious, daytoday
civic life was found to be higher in Manado
compared to Ambon, contributing to peace and
preventingviolence
in
local
communities.
TheMindanaocasedemonstratesthekey
role of civil society: organized and concerted
efforts by stakeholders, both local and
international, to manage conflict and prevent
violence. In August 2011, the peace process
betweentheMoroIslamicLiberationFront(MILF)
and thePhilippines governmentwas failing,with
the strong possibility of renewedwar, and both
sides swapping accusations and counter
accusations
in
public
statements
as
well
as
interviews with the media. Local, regional and
nationalcoalitionsofcivilsocietypeaceadvocates
helddialoguesandissuedcallsforsobrietyasthey
urgedbothsidestocontinuetalking.
The Consortium of Bangsa Moro Civil
Society (CBCS)asked theopposingcamps to `talk
toeachother insteadoftalkingabouteachother
in the media. International civil society
organizations represented by the International
ContactGroup (TheAsiaFoundation,Conciliation
ResourcesandCentreforHumanitarianDialogue)
alsodidanexcellentjobinbridgingandfacilitating
backchannelnegotiations.
NewDawninMyanmar:Possibilitiesand
Prospects
The previous military government in Myanmar,
theStatePeaceandDevelopmentCouncil (SPDC)
fulfilled the 7step roadmap to democracy and
transferred power in accordance with the state
constitution, adopted via the 2008 referendum.
The new elected civilian government which
assumedpower inMarch2011 implementedon
going political reforms which saw the
establishment of democratic institutions such as
nationaland regionalparliaments,and respective
administrative, legislative, andjudicial bodies, to
exercisestatepower.
Effortswere alsomade towards political
reconciliation. An opposition party, the National
League for Democracy (NLD) was permitted to
participate and win most seats in a historic by
electionwhich saw theelection toparliamentof
NLD leader,Aung San Suu Kyi. Engagementwith
thevariousrebelethnicgroups(Shan,Kachin,and
Kayin) continues apace. Strong commitment has
been given to carrying out economic reforms to
TinMaungMaungThan RichardGrant
YinYinMyint PatrickCronin
Conference Report
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 11
attractforeigninvestmentsandestablishamarket
economy for rural development and poverty
alleviation. In recognition of the positive
developments made by the Myanmargovernment, the US, EU, Canada, and Australia
suspendedeconomicsanctions.
However, it remains to be seenwhether
political stability can keep pace with the
momentumof the reformprocess.The reactions
amongst the rank and file of the military to
currentpoliticaldevelopmentswilldeterminethe
futuretrajectory.Thecoreinterestsofthecurrent
crop of military officers are not affected by
reforms thus far but the government mustcontendwith the issue of diluted privileges and
frustratedaspirationsamong itsyoungerofficers.
The institutionofelectoraldemocracy stillneeds
tomatureandtomeetthehighexpectationsand
increasingdemandsofapopulation inthefaceof
limitedavailableresources.
None of the domestic and external
stakeholderswantthereformstobereversedbut
the reforms can yet stall. This is likely because
high expectations and small setbacks can have
magnifiedeffects.Therefore,other countrieswill
need to temper their irrational exuberance or
`Myanmarmaniathoughtheymustembracethereformmovement.
Some participants pointed out that the
NLD needs to transform from being merely an
opposition party by first establishing its position
and then formulating policy prescriptions to
demonstrate its readiness to govern. Otherwise,
disillusionment amongst the people may induce
them to vote for the rulingparty. This is among
the possible developments that could affect the
outcome of the nextMyanmar general electionstobeheldin2015.
Securing the Sea Lines of Communications
(SLOC):ThreatsandResponses
The gap in state capacity, stability andeconomic
development between the western and eastern
portions of the Indian Ocean Rim resulted in
divergingsecuritydynamicsalongtheirrespective
Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC). Piracy and
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable
(Fromleft)EuanGraham,VijaySakhuja,NoorAzizYunanandDiegoRuizPalmer
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AlainAeschlimann WendySouthern
onference Report
12 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
searobberyaregraduallybeingrelegatedtothe
lowerorder realm of maritime crime, and in
futuremight
no
longer
be
considered
amaritime
security issue in Southeast Asia. Specific
responses from within the Southeast Asian
region, improved shipping industry 'selfhelp'
measures, and external pressure and capacity
provisionhavealsoplayedarole.
This contrasts with the situation in the
Gulf of Aden, and off Somalia, where strategic
progress in counterpiracy remains elusive.
Nevertheless, internationalefforts in theGulfof
Aden
are
laudable
and
effective.
Maritime
forces
have managed to cooperate despite the
differences in politicalmilitary command
structures. This ispayingoff in termsofshared
experience,as thewestern IndianOcean littoral
statesgraduallyacquire theirownmaritime law
enforcementcapabilitiesandcooperationforums
such as the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium
(IONS)establishedin2008.
NATO also played an important role as
exemplified byOperationOcean Shield for the
purpose of counterpiracy in the Indian Ocean.
This is inaccordancewith theAllianceMaritime
Strategy and Maritime Security Operations
Concept which authorized its naval forces to
support lawenforcement efforts at sea within
thelegalframeworkofinternationallaw.
However, piracy is a law enforcement
problem that should be addressed by
constabularyforcessuchascoastguards instead
of the navy. Despite the successes thus far,
counterpiracy addresses symptoms rather than
therootof theproblem;piracyoriginates in the
failureofgovernancewhichresultsinfragileand
failed states. Therefore, the focus should be
directedatrebuildingcountriesandhelpingtheir
recoveryfromconflicts.
ManagingIllicit
Transnational
Migration
in
Asia
The crimes of trafficking in persons and people
smugglingareseriousconcernstomanycountries
due to the trend of the increasing number of
victims.Asthesecrimestakeplaceacrossborders,
concerted efforts by states are required to
prevent and prosecute the perpetrators, aswell
as to protect the victims. This requires not only
efforts by governments, but stakeholders at all
levels,includingNGOsandcivilsociety.
Relevant laws and procedures should be
in place to enable impartial humanitarian
organizations such as the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the
International Organization for Migration (IOM),
and the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) toallowallmigrantseffective
and safe access, without discrimination, and
irrespective of their legal status. Screening and
identificationof thedifferentmigrantcategories,
including victims of trafficking, asylum seekersandrefugees,isnecessary.
Duetothetransnationalnatureofhuman
traffickingandpeoplesmuggling,theseproblems
cannotbeaddressedbyanynationactingalone.
Thebestchanceofalastingsolutionmustinvolve
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MelyCaballeroAnthony MulyaWirana
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable
ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 13
cooperative arrangements under regional and
international frameworks. The 2002 Bali Process
Regional Cooperation Frameworkwas borne outofsustainedregionalandbilateraldiscussionsover
a significantperiodof time.Arrangementsunder
the framework, such as the Transfer and
Resettlement Arrangement between the
GovernmentsofAustraliaandMalaysia,have the
potential to make a real impact on illicit
transnationalmigration.
Although international cooperation has
many advantages, the disparities in legal
frameworksbetween
countries
have
led
to
discrepancies incooperationon lawenforcement.
Thesediscrepancies sometimesbecome themain
obstacle in the implementation of assistance
providedbytheBaliProcess,makingitdifficultfor
countryparticipants tocooperate in tackling the
issue in the region.Thus,harmonizationof legal
cooperation procedures within the region iscrucial inmanaging illicit transnationalmigration
activitiesintheAsiaPacific.
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14 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
Good evening. I am delighted to be back at the
AsiaPacificRoundtable and I thank ISISMalaysia
and ASEANISIS for inviting me to deliver the
KeynoteAddress.
We live in challenging times. There is adarkclouddescendingoverusasEuropestruggles
tofind itsfeetintacklingthedebtcrisis.Greece's
possiblewithdrawal from the Eurozonemay be
the precipice looming over greater economic
stress. At the same time, the Chinese economic
juggernaut is losing steam and the US economy
shows littlesignsofsustainedrecovery.Closerto
home, theonce calm and tranquilwatersof the
SouthChinaSeahavebecomeincreasinglystormy.
As we utilize our collective minds and
resources to address these challenges,wemust
not lose sight of the bigger picture. The most
importantandcritical issueof the21stcentury is
not the rise of China or the shifting of the
economicpendulumtoAsia.Don'tgetmewrong.I
am not belittling the positive transformational
effectsChina's ascendancyhas andwill continue
tohaveonAsiaandbeyond.Farfromit.Malaysia
is abeneficiaryofChina'seconomic growth, and
China isour largesttradepartner.Iwas informed
that theChineseEmbassy inKualaLumpur is the
second highest issuer of Chinese visas in the
world.Thesearebuttwoindicatorsofthevibrant
relations we have with China. Managing
competing interests and visions is the most
important and critical issue of the 21st century.
ThefutureofAsiarestsonourabilitytodoso.
Asiahascomea longway in the last few
decades. At the turn of the century, Asia
accounted for 10.7 per centof theworld'sGDP.
Today, that figure is 19.2 per cent and growing.
Success,however, canbe fleeting. Itwouldbe a
mistake to focus myopically on the economic
success story alone. Prosperity cannot take root
unlessaccompaniedbystabilityandpeace.Herein
lies the most important strategic challenge for
Asia:themanagementofintramuralrelations.
Howdowemoderateourdifferencesand
ensure that conflicts,whenand if theydooccur,
are managed in a manner that is fair, just and
mostofimportantofall,withoutthethreatorthe
useofforce?Thethemeofthisyear'sconference,
Asian Security Order and Governance, is highly
relevant and speaks to these questions. I am
confident that your deliberations will help to
unpack this strategic puzzle and provide the
impetusforapeacefulandsecureAsia.
KEYNOTEADDRESS
26th AsiaPacific RoundtableThe Hon Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak
Prime Minister of Malaysia
MohdNajibTunAbdulRazak
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ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 15
Thispivotalquestionisurgentlyinneedof
ananswertoensurethatthefruitsofourtoiland
sweat are not wasted away by our destructive
questforpowerand influence.Tobeginwith,wein Asia must take greater responsibility for our
ownsecurity.Whilewevaluetheassistancefrom
our friendswho have contributed immensely to
regional stability,Asiamust transform itself from
beingaconsumertoaproducerofsecurity.More
specifically,wemustassumegreaterresponsibility
forourownsecurityandestablish frameworksto
ensureoursafetyandtoupholdourinterests.
Italsofollowsthatweneedtochangeour
mindsetsthat
have
heretofore
been
programmed
tofocusoneconomicdevelopmentattheexpense
ofsecurity issues. IfAsia istobeaforce inglobal
politics,we cannot shy away from speaking out
andtakingpositionsonseeminglysensitive issues
such asnucleardisarmament, armsbuildup and
military alliances. Asia must stand up and be
counted.
In charting our future, we should be
mindful of two important considerations. Firstly,
relationships must be founded on a broad
spectrum of areas, and not be defined by single
issues. Just as we should not be fixated on
economicbenefitsalone, itwouldbeharmful for
regionalstability ifweweretoallowourselvesto
be condionedbymilitary concerns.TakeASEAN
as an example. The three pillars polical
security, economics and sociocultural need to
be equally strong;otherwise, the stabilityof the
10memberorganizationwillbe injeopardy.Asia
cannotstandononeleg;itneedstostrengthenits
foundation, and that will include among other
things,deepeningitspeopletopeoplerelations.
Secondly, there is no place for rivalry in
Asia.Wehavelivedthroughthesecondhalfofthe
20th centurydividedby ideology.We shouldnot
allowconflictandthejostlingforpowertodivide
us again. What we need is cooperation, and
thankfully there is an abundanceof that inAsia.
Since 1967, ASEAN has recognized the value of
stability and has founded its relations based on
theprinciplesofmutual respectand prosper thy
neighbour. This spirit of cooperation pioneered
by ASEAN has since been extended beyond
SoutheastAsia.
Whenthefivevisionarystatesmensigned
the Treaty of Bangkok to establish ASEAN, they
were guided by the idealism of a peaceful and
prosperousSoutheastAsia.Never intheirwildest
imaginations would they have envisioned that
ASEANwouldbecome the focalpoint for region
wide cooperation. Without a doubt, the
investmentin1967haspaidoffhandsomely,and
it is time forus tomake a similar investment in
ourfuture.
Iam
confident
that
as
long
as
we
continuetomakecooperationthecentrepieceof
ourrelations,Asiaispoisedforagoldenage.
Youwillrecallthat lastSeptemberwhenI
addressedtheUnitedNationsGeneralAssembly,I
calleduponallpeace lovingpeoples tojoinus in
embracing, and striving toward, a way of life
based on tolerance, mutual respect and
moderation.TheGlobalMovementofModerates
(GMM)buildsontheinspirationalworkandideals
of our forefathers. Manifestations of GMM arefoundeverywhere.TakeASEAN'sTreatyofAmity
andCooperation(TAC),forexample.TAC,whichis
the bedrock of intraASEAN relations, and
engagement with friends far and near, is the
epitome of moderation. Eschewing
confrontationalpoliticsandrecognizingthatmight
is not necessarily right, TAC institutionalizes the
normofpeacefulresolutionofconflicts.
Keynote Address
wemustassumegreater
responsibilityforourownsecurity
andestablishframeworksto
ensureoursafetyandtouphold
ourinterests
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It is easy to advocate peace, and the
peaceful resolutionofdisputes.But,asmembers
of the diplomatic corps will no doubt agree,
putting these ideals intopractice is anythingbuteasy. Be that as itmay, Iwould like to venture
some thoughts for consideration. Ioffer that the
worldwillbeabetterandcertainlymorepeaceful
place,ifwetakeheedoftheGoldenRule,dounto
others, as you want others to do unto you.
Mutual respect is the foundation of all
relationships.
We reject extremism in all forms, but
recognize that when differences and diverging
interestsmanifest themselves, the outlier voicesmustbeheard.Marginalizingopposingopinionsis
counterproductive andwill only serve to harden
old grievances and fuel new ones. The great
Britishstatesman,WinstonChurchill,wiselynoted,
jaw jaw is better than war war. Only through
communicationanddialoguecanweworkoutour
differences.
On a positive note, I am heartened that
GMM has found traction, and has received
encouraging support from the internationalcommunity. I am particularly grateful that my
ASEAN colleagues have endorsed GMM at the
18th ASEAN Summit in May 2011 and that a
concept paper to implementGMMwas adopted
at the recently concluded ASEAN Summit in
PhnomPenh.Asgratifyingasthesedevelopments
are,weneed your support tomainstreamGMM
aroundtheworld.
Asproofofourcommitment toadvocate
andsustaintheGMMconceptandcoreprinciples
regionallyandglobally,Malaysiahas initiated the
Global Movement of Moderates Foundation,whichisbasedinKualaLumpur,inJanuaryofthis
year. I amhappy to announce that currently the
GMMFisfullyoperational.
Asia's economic prosperity has been
accompanied by alarming concomitant effects.
Throughout history, states have been taking
measures to bolster their defences and military
powerastheybecamericher.Historyisrepeating
itself in Asia. The top five country recipients of
arms
transfer,
from
2007
2011,
are
Asian:
they
are
India,SouthKorea,Pakistan,ChinaandSingapore,
andtheyaccountfor30percentofthevolumeof
internationalarmsimports.
Granted that the right to selfdefence is
permitted under the UN Charter. However, it
bears reminding that history is replete with
instancesofwars foughtunder the guiseof self
defence. While, it is difficult to ascertain the
underlying reasons for the arms buildup, it is
critical that mechanisms and structures are in
placetoensurethatthisregionwillneverdisplay
theproclivity to theextreme actionof takingup
arms.
Because the stakes are high, we cannot
leave the protection of the region's peace and
security to chance. We have to take proactive
steps towards the construction of a pluralistic
security community inwhich the use of force is
not an option. We cannot rely merely on
pronouncements of friendship and peaceful
16 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
Marginalizingopposing
opinions
iscounterproductiveandwillonly
servetohardenoldgrievances
andfuelnewones
26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable
itiscriticalthatmechanismsand
structuresareinplacetoensure
thatthisregionwillneverdisplay
theproclivitytotheextreme
actionoftakinguparms
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intent.We need towork through our problems,
and toaccommodatediverging interests, if these
emerge.
Agoodstartingpointwouldbetoforgea
common vision for the region. What is the
preferred regional order? How do we
institutionalize our strong bilateral and
multilateral bonds of partnership and friendship
into workable arrangements that are nimble
enough to accommodate diverging interests
without sacrificingorganizationalefficacy? In this
regard, I look forward to the East Asia Vision
Group (EAVG) II's final report which will be
submitted to the15thASEANPlusThreeSummit
inNovember2012.
IcongratulateandcommendISISMalaysia
and ASEANISIS for proposing the timely and
relevant theme of Asian Order and Security
GovernancefortheRoundtable.Iamkeentohear
your thoughts and suggestions, generated over
the course of this conference. I wish you a
productive round of deliberations and I am
honoured to declare open the 26th AsiaPacific
Roundtable.
ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 17
Keynote Address
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DAY1
28MAY2012
20:15 - 22:00 WELCOMINGDINNERANDKEYNOTE
ADDRESS
Venue:GrandBallroom,Level2InterContinentalKualaLumpurWelcoming Remarks
Keynote Address and Official Opening
DatoPaduka
Awang
Haji
MOHD
ROSELANbinHajiMohdDaud
Chairperson, ASEANInstitutes of Strategic and
International Studies (ASEANISIS),
Permanent Secretary at the Prime Minister's
Office & Chairman of Centre of Strategic and
Policy Studies (CSPS), Brunei Darussalam
TheHonDato'SriMOHDNAJIBTun
AbdulRazak
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Day2
29MAY2012
O8:OO 09:00 REGISTRATION
Venue:Foyer,BalIroom1&2,Level209:0010:15 PLENARYSESSION1
ASIANSECURITY:ORDERORDISORDER?
Venue:Ballroom1&2,Level2Moderator:ProfDrBrianJOB
Director, Institute of Asian Research
The University of British Columbia, Canada
Speaker:Dato'DrMuthiahALAGAPPA
The Tun Hussein Onn Chair in International
Studies, Institute of Strategic and International
Studies (ISIS) Malaysia
10:1510:45 REFRESHMENTS
Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level210:45 12:00 PLENARYSESSION2
CHINA'S
STRATEGIC
VISIONANDREGIONALSECURITY
Moderator:AssocProfSimonTAY
Chairman, Singapore Institute of
International Affairs (SIIA) & Associate
Professor, Faculty of Law, National
University of Singapore
Speaker:AmbTONGXiaoling
China's Ambassador to ASEAN
12:00 13:30 LUNCH
Venue:Ballroom3,Level213:30 14:45 PLENARYSESSION3
INDIAANDTHESECURITYOFASIA
Chair:EmeritusProfessorDrCarolina
HERNANDEZ
Founding President and Chief Executive
Officer, Institute for Strategic and
Development Studies (lSDS), The Philippines
Speakers:ProfSDMUNI
Visiting Research Professor, Institute of
South Asian Studies, The National University
of Singapore
DrCRajaMOHAN
Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research
Foundation, India
DrSandyGORDON
Visiting Fellow, Regulatory Institutions
Network (RegNet), The Australian National
University
14:45 15:00 BREAK
15:0016:15 PLENARYSESSION4
USSTRATEGICINTERESTSANDROLES
INASIA
Chair:HRHPrinceNorodomSIRIVUDH
Chairman, Board of Directors, The
Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and
Peace (CICP), Cambodia
Speakers:LtGenDuaneDTHIESSEN
Commander, US Marine Corps Forces, Pacific,
USA
MrHidekiASARI
Deputy DirectorGeneral, Japan Institute of
International Affairs (JIIA)
18 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
26TH ASIAPACIFIC
ROUNDTABLE28 30May2012
INTERCONTINENTALHOTEL,
KUALALUMPUR,MALAYSIA
PROGRAMME
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DAY3
30MAY2012
08:30 09:45 PLENARY
SESSION
6
MIDDLEPOWERSANDREGIONALGOVERNANCEANDORDER
Chair:AmbKojiWATANABE
Senior Fellow, Japan Center for International
Exchange (CIE) & Former Deputy Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Japan
Speakers:MrAllanGYNGELL
DirectorGeneral, Office of National
Assessments, Australia
ProfDrDavidDEWITT
VicePresident of Programs, The Centre forInternational Governance Innovation (CIGI),
Canada
ProfDrLEEChungMin
Dean, Graduate School of International
Studies, Yonsei University, Republic of Korea
09:45 10:00 REFRESHMENTS
Venue:Foyer,BallroomI&2,Level210:00 11:15 PLENARYSESSION7
ASIAINTHEEYESOFCHINA
Chair:HE
ONG
Keng
Yong
High Commissioner of Singapore to Malaysia
& Former ASEAN SecretaryGeneral
Speakers:ProfZHANGYunling
Director, Centre for the Study of Global
Governance, Renmin University, China
ProfDrPANGZhongYing
School of International Studies, Renmin
University, China
ProfDrHUANGXiaoming
Director, New Zealand Contemporary China
Research Centre, Victoria University of
Wellington, New Zealand
11:1511:30 BREAK
11 :30 12:45 CONCURRENTSESSION1
SECURINGTHESEALINESOF
COMMUNICATION(SLOC):
THREATSANDRESPONSES
Venue:BallroomI&2,Level2Chair:ViceAdmiralMaritimeDato'NOORAZIZ
Yunan (R) DirectorGeneral, Maritime
Institute of Malaysia (MIMA)
ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 19
MrJUSUFWanandi
ViceChair, Board of Trustees, Centre for
Strategic and International Studies (CSIS),
Indonesia
16: 1 5 16:45 REFRESHMENTS
Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level216:45 18:00 PLENARYSESSION5
SOUTHEASTASIANPERSPECTIVESON
THEREGIONALSECURITYORDER
Chair:MrHitoshiTANAKA
Chairman, The JRI Institute for International
Strategy &
Former Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Japan
Speakers:
DrRIZALSukma
Executive Director, Centre for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS), Indonesia
AssocProfDrTANSeeSeng
Deputy Director, S Rajaratnam School of
International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang
Technological University, Singapore
MrNGUYENHungSon
Deputy DirectorGeneral, Diplomatic Academy
of Vietnam
19:30 21 :00 DINNERTALK
RETHINKINGASIANSECURITY:
JAPANESEPERSPECTIVE
Venue:Ballroom2&3,Level2Moderator:ProfDrAnthonyMILNER
Basham Professor of Asian History, The
Australian National University & Professorial
Fellow, The University of Melbourne, Australia
Speaker:ProfDrTakashiINOGUCHI
President, University of Niigata Prefecture,
Japan
21:00 TETE-A-TETE
NORTHKOREAAFTERKIMJONGIL:
REFORMOR
PLUS
CA
CHANGE?
Venue:JuniorBallroom,Level2Moderator:MrBUNNNagara
Associate Editor, TheStar, Malaysia
Speaker:ProfDrAndreiLANKOV
Social Science Department, Kookmin
University, Republic of Korea
Programme
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Speakers:DrVijaySAKHUJA
Director of Research, Indian Council of World
Affairs (lCWA), India
MrDiegoRUIZ-PALMER
Head, Strategic Analysis Capabilities Section,
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO)
DrEuanGRAHAM
Senior Fellow, S Rajaratnam School of
International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang
Technological University, Singapore
CONCURRENTSESSION2
MANAGINGILLICITTRANSNATIONAL
MIGRATIONINASIA
Venue:JuniorBallroom,Level2Chair:AssocProfDrMelyCABALLERO-
ANTHONY
S Rajaratnam School of International Studies,
Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
& Former Director of External Relations,
ASEAN Secretariat
Speakers:DrWendySOUTHERN
Deputy Secretary (Policy and Program
Management), Department of Immigration
and Citizenship, Australia
MrTATANGBudieUtamaRazak
Director, Protection of Indonesian Citizensand Legal Entities Abroad, Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Indonesia
MrAlainAESCHLIMANN
Head of Operations for East Asia, SouthEast
Asia and the Pacific, The International
Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC),
Switzerland
12:45 14:00 LUNCH
Venue:SerenaBrasserieCafe,LobbyLevel
14:00 15:15 PLENARYSESSION8
GOVERNANCEINASIA:WHAT'SBEST
ANDWHAT
WORKS
Moderator:TanSriDato'SeriMohamedJAWHAR
Hassan
Chairman, Institute of Strategic and
International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia
Speaker:TheHonTunDrMAHATHIRMohamad
Honorary President, Perdana Leadership
Foundation & Former Prime Minister of
Malaysia
15:15 15:45 REFRESHMENTS
Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level2
15:45 17:00 PLENARYSESSION9
THEROLEOFNON-STATEACTORSIN
PROMOTINGCONFLICTRESOLUTION
Chair:MrJohnBRANDON
Director, International Relations Program,
The Asia Foundation, USA
Speakers:MrCharIitoMANLUPIG
Chairman, The Balay Mindanaw Foundation
The Philippines
DrRIZALPanggabean
Center for Security and Peace Studies,
Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia
MrDONPathan
Director of Foreign Relations, The PataniForum, Thailand
17:0017:15 BREAK
17:15 18:30 PLENARYSESSION10
ANEWDAWNINMYANMAR:
POSSIBILITIESANDPROSPECTS
Chair:Dr.RichardGRANT
Consultant, Executive Director, Asia New
Zealand Foundation, New Zealand
Speakers:DawYINYinMyint
DirectorGeneral, Training, Research andForeign Languages Department, Ministry of
Foreign Affairs & Secretary, Myanmar
Institute of Strategic and International
Studies
DrTINMaungMaungThan
Visiting Senior Research Fellow &
Coordinator, Regional Strategic and Political
Studies Programme, Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore
DrPatrickCRONIN
Senior Advisor & Senior Director of the Asia
Pacific Security Program, Center for a New
American Security (CNAS), USA
18:30 CLOSINGREMARKS
Dato'DrMAHANIZainaIAbidin
Chief Executive, Institute of Strategic and
International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia
20 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013
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INSTITUTEOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES(ISIS)
MALAYSIA
The InstituteofStrategicand InternationalStudies (ISIS)wasestablishedon8April1983asan
autonomous, notforprofit research organization, ISIS Malaysia has a diverse research focus
which includes, economics, foreign policy, security studies, nationbuilding, social policy,
technology,innovationandenvironmentalstudies.Italsoundertakesresearchcollaborationwith
national and international organizations in important areas such asnationaldevelopment and
internationalaffairs.
ISISMalaysiaengagesactivelyinTrackTwodiplomacy,andpromotestheexchangeofviewsand
opinions at both the national and international levels. The Institute has also played a role in
fostering closer regional integrationand international cooperation through forums suchas the
AsiaPacificRoundtable,theASEANInstitutesofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ASEANISIS),
the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) and the Network of East Asian ThinkTanks
(NEAT). ISIS is a foundingmember of the Council for Security Cooperation in the AsiaPacific
(CSCAP)andmanagestheCouncilssecretariat.
AsMalaysiaspremierthinktank, ISIShasbeenattheforefrontofsomeofthemostsignificant
nationbuildinginitiativesinthenationshistory.ItwasacontributortotheVision2020andwas
consultanttotheKnowledgeBasedEconomyMasterPlaninitiative.
ASEANINSTITUTESOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES
(ASEANISIS)
ASEANISIS (ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies) is a network of non
governmental organizationsregisteredwiththeAssociationofSoutheastAsianNations. Formed
in1988, its foundingmembership comprises theCentre for Strategicand International Studies
(CSIS) of Indonesia, the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) ofMalaysia, the
InstituteofStrategicandDevelopmentStudies(ISDS)ofthePhilippines,theSingaporeInstituteof
International Affairs (SIIA), and the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS) of
Thailand. Itspurpose is toencourage cooperationand coordinationofactivitiesamongASEAN
scholarsandanalysts,andtopromotepolicyorientedstudiesandexchangesofinformationandviewpointsonvarious strategicand international issuesaffectingSoutheastAsia'sandASEAN's
peace,securityandwellbeing.
ASEANISIS is comprisedof the regions leading think tanks:CSIS Indonesia, ISISMalaysia, ISDS
Philippines, SIIA Singapore, ISIS Thailand, Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic
Studies(BDIPSS),CambodianInstituteforCooperationandPeace(CICP),theDiplomaticAcademy
ofVietnam(DAV), InstituteofForeignAffairs(IFA)oftheLaoPeople'sDemocraticRepublicand
theMyanmarInstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(MISIS).
ORGANIZERS
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SPONSORS
SUPPORTERS
EMBASSY OFJAPANINMALAYSIA
THEASIAFOUNDATION
TELEKOMMALAYSIA
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InstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ISIS)Malaysia
No.1,PersiaranSultanSalahuddin
P.O.Box12424,50778KualaLumpur
Malaysia
Tel: +60326939366
Fax: +60326915435
Email: [email protected]