16 ýf (

I

Studies in the Lexicography of 'Ancient Egyptian Buildings

and their parts.

ratricia Ann Spencer.

Submitted for the d6gre-e"'of -Ph*D*

University College London.

7zil3L. tLO1N.

I

Abstract

The aim of this study is to attempt to clarify the meanings of the

various terms used by the ancient Egyptians to describe the architect- ural elements which constituted an Egyptian temple* It consists of discussions of a total of fifty-seven nouns which havet in the pastp been translated by general terms such as 11shrinelly "hall"t "column't

and "wall". Each of the terms is discussed individually, and the '

entries are arranged-according to the order of the Egyptian alphabet. Each entry consistsýof-adetailed review of the evidence for

the history and'development of the meaning of the term, comparing, where possiblep the textual evidence with the plans of surviving temple-remains. The etymology of each termp, if knownp is noted tog- ether with any relationship it may have had to'a similar term in another language. Each discussion is preceded by examples of the various hieroglyphic writings of the term at different periods.

Most of the terms studied in this work have never before been thoroughly investigatedg and even those which had been studied , previously were often still poorly understood and, in some caseso mistranslated. The main result of this study has been to trace the developments and changes in meaning of the terms includedv and for some terms it has been possible either to suggest new trans- lations or to produce further evidence in support of a previously- suggested translation which had not gained general acceptance.

3.

Table of Contents.

Abbreviations. 4 Introductiong 7

Dictionaryq 10

Bibliography, 295 Eg. vp ti an Index 324

Index of Architectural Signsp 327

Topographical Indexq 328

Abbreviations 4

ASAE Annales du Service des Antiquites de L'Egypte.

Barguet, Templ Barguetq P. y Le Temple d'AmonRe' a Karnak (Cairop

1962)e

Beitrage Bf* BeitrAge zur 1gyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumsýý

kunde.

BIPAO Bulletin de 11Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale.

Borchardt, Baugeschichteg Borchardtq Lq Zur Baugeschichte des

Amonstempels von Karnakj (104zigv 1905)-

Champollion, Notices Descriptive . Chappolliong J. F. 9 YonumeAtp

de IIEP-Tpte et de la Nubieg Notices Descriptive 92 volumes, (Parisp 1844-1880-

Ch. d'Ege Chronique d'Egypte.

CRIPEL Cahier de Recherches de l'Institut de Papyrologie et WE

yptologie de 1ille.

Dilmicheng Resultate, Damichen, Jop Resultate der auf Befehl Sre

Majestat des K6nigs Wilhelm I von Preussen im. Sommer 1868 na-ch

Aegypten entsendeten Archaologisch-Photographischen Expedition,

I. (Berlin, 1869)

Faulknerp Con. Dictoo Faulknerp R. O. p A Concise Dictionary o

Middle EMTtianp (Oxford, 1962)e

Gardiner, Admonitions* Gardiner, A. H. p The Admonitions of an E

yptian Sage from a hieratic papyrus in Leiden (Pap. Leiden 344

recto)p (Leipziev 1909),

Gardiner, Grammar. Gardiner,, A. H*p Egyptian Grammarp 3rdo editiony (Oxford,

Gardiner, Onom.. Gardiner, A. H., Ancient Egyptian Onomasticat 3

volumesp (Oxford, 1947)- Gauthier, Diet. Geog,. Dictionnaire des noms geogTaphiques contenus

dans les textes hi6roglyphiques, Ig (Cairov 1925)- E61scherv Exc. Med. Habu. H61scher, U. 9 The Excavation of Medinet

Habug II-vv (Chicagov 1939-1954). JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, LFA The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Jequierg Architectureg L'Architecture et la decoration dans llanc-

ienne Egypt 93 volumesp (Parisp 1920-1924)- JNES Journal of Near EaAern Studies. KRI Kitchen, K*A., RamessideInscriptionst historical and biograph-

icalp 7 volumes, (Oxford, 1975 continuing).

5

ED Lepsius, COR99 DenkmAler aus Aegypten und Aethiopienj 12 volumes,

(Berlin,, 1849-1859)-

LDT Lepsius, C. R. 9 Denkmaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopie , Textp 5

volumes, (Berlin, 1897-1913)-

MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts far ImmUsche Alte

tumskunde in Kair - M10 Mitteilungen des Instituts far Orientforschun . Fiehly Inscriptions, Piehlq Ke, Inscriptions hi6roglyphiaues rec-

ucillies (en Europe et) on Egypte, 3 series, (Leipzig, 1686-1903)-

Pierret, Insc. Louvre. Pierretq P,, Recueil d1inscriptions inedites

da Musee Egyptien du Louvre, 2 volumes, (Parisq 1874-1878)-

PM Porter, B. and Mossp RoL. B., Topographical Bibliography of Anc-

ient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and jRLntipZsq IV-VIIq

(Oxford, 1934-1951), 2nde editiong 1-119 (Oxford, 1960-1972), 111,

(J-Malek)p (Oxford, 1974-1979).

POsener-Kri'egert Archives Nefarirkareq Posener-Krieger, P,, Les

archives du temple fanýeraire de Neferirkare-Kakal (les papyru

d'Abousir)p traduction et commentairep 2 volumes, (Cairo, 1976),,

PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeolo o Pyr. Pyramid Texts. Sethev Kov Die Altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte,

2 volumesp (Leipzigg 1908-1910)o Faulkner, RoO. 9 The Ancient E

yptian Pyramid Texts. Supplement of Hierogly_phic Textsv (oxford,

1969).

Rankeg Personennameng, Rankeg H. p Die Agyptischen Parsonennmen,

3 volumes, (Gluckstadt/Hamburgg 1935-1977)-

Rea. do Trav. Recueil de Travaux Relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archeologie 6gyptiennes et assyriennes pour swvir de bulletin

a la mission fran2aise du Caire., Rev. d'Ege Revue d'Egyptologie. SU Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur. Saunerony Esnap III* Sauneron, S*, Le Temple d'Esna (Esna, III),

(Cairo, 1968). Sinuhe. Blackman, A. 11.9 Middle Egyptian Storidso (Brussels, 1932),

1-41. irket It Sethe, K., Urkunden des Alten Reichst (LeiPzigt 1903-1933). Irk-t II, r-Sethep X. p Hieroglyphische Urkunden der Griechisch-Ii6mis-

chdn Zeit, Ig (leiPzii; p 1904)-

Urkei, III, Schläfer, 11. and Steindorfft G. 9 Urkunden der Älteren

6

Athiopenkönige, I., (Leipzigt 1905)-

Urke 9 IV. Berthey K., Urk=den der 18 Dynasti 9 lieft 1-16, (Leipzig,

1906-1909)o Helck, Weg Urkunden der 18 Dynasti , Heft 17-22, (Berling 1955-1958)-

ýrkel, Vy Grapowg Reg Religiöse Urkundeng Ig (leiPzigt 1915)-

2rk�, vit Schottg So, Urkunden Mythologischen Inhalt , Ig (leipzig,

1929). 122ice 9 'Viit Sethe, K. v Historisch-Biographische TJrk=den des Mitt-

leren Reichesq Ig (leiPzigt 1935)-

ýrket VIIIP Firchow, 0., Thebanische Tempelinschriften aMs Grie-

chisch-RÖmischer Zeitp Ig (Berling 1951)-

Tieg E=ang As and Grapowg Ho, Wdirterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprach 9 5 volumes, (Leipzig, 1926-1931)-

Wb. Belegstellen, Ermang A* and Grapowg Reg WÖrterbuch der Aeßcmt ischen Spracheg Die Belegstellen, 5 volumest (LeiPzigg 1937-1951)-

ZÄS Zeitschrift fur Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskundee

I

Introduction

The value of lexicographical studies into the language of the ancient

Egyptians was stressed by Gardiner in the preface to his Onomastical 2 and also in a review-article on the first two pages of the W! 5rterbuch.

In the latter study of only twenty words Gardiner found "all but three

urgently calling for further elucidation,, 3

and stated; "In my comr-

sidered opinion lexicography is among the most important tasks still

confronting the student of the Egyptian language in its various

phases,,. 4

Despite this,, very few lexicographical studies have been under-

taken since, and only two major works in this field have been publishec4

Harris's "Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals" 5

and Graefels 111intersuchungen zur W8rtfamilie bih. 11

6- Harris, in the intro-

duction to his study stresses the continuing need for further lexic- 7

ographical research. There are many categories of terms for which a comparative study

would be of great value, This work concentrates on those nouns which

were applied to the elements which constituted an Egypt: Lan temple.

The original intention was to undertake a review of terms relating to all the different types of building in ancient Egyptv religious,

secular and funerary. It soon became apparentp howeverv that this

would involve the inclusion of almost five-hundred terms; a number far too great to be studied in the detail required to trace the history of each term and elucidate its meaning* The nouns applied to elements in temple architecture were selected as they appeared to be those most likely to provide rewarding results. The reasons for this are self-evident. There are many more extant'texts 17hich describe Egyptian temples than which deal with houses or palacesq and there are more surviving temples than any other type of build- ing, 8 It has, therefore, been possible to compare contemporary descriptions of temples with the standing monuments, showing a far greater degree of accuracy in the application of the terminology than might have been expected.

There have been several valuable studies on terms for temple- Parts- Some of the nouns included here are discussed in Gardiner's commentary to the Onomastica9 and a list of architectural te=s, with their usual translations, is given by Badawyolo Christophe

8

has studied those terms which occur in Papyrus Harris I and Posener-

Krieger those which are found in the Abusir Papyri. 12 Another valuable

work is Barguet's study of the temple of Amun at Karnak*13 In additiong there are many detailed discussions of individual terms to be found in commentaries on the texts in which they occur* These are too zn=1-r erous to be listed here but each is noted in the appropriate place.

One main problem confronting any lexicographerg particularly when dealing with an ancient languagep the knowledge of which was lost for many centuries, is the varied nature of the textual evidence that is available for study. Although a large amount of written mat- erial has survived from ancient Egypt, it can only be a fraction of what once existedp with the result that a term may seem not to have been in use at a particular period when,, in fazt, the type of text in which it occurs simply has not survivedo For the temple-terms

under discussion hereg this is particularly true of the Old and Middle Kingdoms,

Another problem is that it is necessary to assume that each term did have a specific meaning originally and that the ancient writers usuallyp if not alwaysp applied it correctly* This may not have been the caseq but without these basic assumptions any lexicographical

study would be impracticable.

New words which entered the Egyptian language subsequent to the Twentieth Dynasty have been excluded from this studyg although the history of pre-existing terms has been traced down to the Ptolemaic

period* Words which came to be used to describe administrative dep- artments9 rather than actual built structures, have also been largely omitted, since they would require a separate study of a different nature* The main exceptions to this are pr and 1ýwt which could not be excluded from a work on temple-terms.

Since the terms discussed here are arranged alphabeticallyp they have been omitted from the Egyptian Index. The only other indexes Of value to this work seemed to be one of architectural hieroglyphs and a Topographical Index,

1 Gardinerp Onomey It ix-xxio

2 Gardiner, LA_ 34 (1948)t 12-18.

3 Lbid. t 17. 4 Ibidot 12. 5 (Berlint 1961). 6 (Cologne, 1971). 'I Harrisp Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, 9-18.

8 The exception to this is, of course, Egyptian funerary monuments, tombs and pyramids. Terms WhIch relate specifically to such struct-

ures were among the first to be omitted from this study since they

form a distinct group and require separate investigation. Mortuary temples, since they9 by and larget conform to the standard plan of an Egyptian cultus-templeg have been included.

9 Gardiner, Onom, v 11,204*-219** 10 Badawyt A History of Egyptian Architecturep 257-260. 11 Christopheq Melanges Masperop I, fase-4- 17-29. 12 Posener-Kri6gerg Archives Neferirkare$ passimt esp. p UP 429-450- 13 Barguett Templet passime

10

vw

Dyn. VI

This word occurs twice in one fragmentary inscription of the Fifth

Dynasty. The translation given by the W6rterbuch is "Teil eines Tempels? oder ein GerAt? "t and the suggestion is made that it may be connected with a verb 3" "to build" 2

which isp howeverv found

only in Late Egyptian texts*3'There could also be a connection bet-

ween this Vw and another rw which seems to have been a container for

writing Materials. 4 This second 3, w was current in the Old and Middle

Kingdomst and wasp thereforep contemporaneous with the term under discussion.

In the Fifth-Dynasty inscription mention is made of; "////, est- ablished under the acw of this 4wt-ntr/////" and "/////XI)'built the

Icw (but I) did not lay the 5 Wt/////"o Since the verb kd "to In: ad"

is used with s4w, it is likely that it does refer to a part'of the temple rather than to an object within the building. The use of the preposition hr and the comparison with "flooring" (L3 6

-x-1 _]!: t) would sugg-

est that Lw may have been a term for a ceiling or roofing, If this

were so then a connection with jw 11box or container'l would be indicated*

I Urkop It 181v 9; 10 (Quibellp Saqqarap 1907-8, Pl-1XI9 3-) 2 Wb9v It 3p 9-

3 Ibid-t It 2v 13- 4 Ibid. p It 39 7-8; Faulkner, Con* Diet*, 1. 5 1Q-rk-v It 1819 9; 10. (a See s3tv below P. 213-214-

_3htyw

Dyn, XII C-3

3htywt known only in the plural, occurs twice in Pap. Reisner I

from Naga ed-Der although the fall writing is not preserved. One

example shows the form quoted above while the other is completely lost except for the 3h hieroglyph. 2 The word was discussed by

Simpson in his publication of the papyrus 3

where he decided that

it was not the same word as the singular 3hyt 4

which has been

translated as "stockyard,, 5 and I'stillroom". Simpson then suggest-

ed that. 3htyw was a term used to describe the innermost part of

a templey which includedg in this casep the rooms ct '13t, ct 9p,

and k311 113bty. Only the last named is linked with : 5ýt in the

papyrusq in the phrase ksl 13bty n . 3htyw. 7

Further evidence is needed before a definite decision can be

made on the meaning of this te= buto since. 3t was used to des-

cribe Egyptian temples 8 and was also used in their namesj9Simpson's

suggestion may well be correct.

1 Simpsony Papyrus Reisner It P1-131 Gq 6.

2 Ibid. I Pl-15t It 4-

3 Ibid., 69,3.

4 Fendleburyq The City of Akhenatent IIIP P1-93P No. 218; Pl-94Y

, Ko- 245; -Smith H. S. 9 The rortress of Buhen, the Inscriptions,

pl. LI (B. M*65739)*ý

5 Hayesp JXES 10 (19501y 92.

6 Pendleburyp op. cit p Text volume, 171-2. 7 Simpsong OP- cit-t Pl-139 G, 6; Pl-15t It 4- 8 Wb-Y It 149 10. 9 Wb. 9 It 149 13; Gauthierg Dict. Geog., 1,6-10.

12,

lwn

Dyne VI P., kn. XII 2 Dyne XVIII 3

AA Al: j HA Dyne XVIII 4 Dyn 9 XVII, 5

Dyne XVIII 6

I)yn. XVIII 7 Dyn. XIX

a Dyn. XIX 9 Ptol.

10

non

Althou4zh 1wn is not often found in texts describing particular col-

umns berore the New Kingdomp the fo= of column depicted is a very

ancient one. The sign was used with the phonetic value of 1wn at

least as early as the Fourth Dynasty in the tomb of Rahotep, at Mey. +

dum 11

where the hieroglyphs are drawn in great detail and coloured

a reddish-browng indicating that the 1wn columno as one would have

expected, was originally made of wood. The column sign continued to

be used as phonetic 1wnp for example in place-names such as , 1WnW 12

and"'Iwnt. 13

The word 1wn was also used in contexts which were logical exten-

sions Of the original meaning of "column". It came to be used figur-

ativ: ely in such expressions as; 1wn n fnd to describe the bridge of the nosev14 1wn knmt, a priestly titlep15 Imn mwt. fv an epithet of Horus and also a priestly title 16

and alone to describe a man as being thenpillar" of his family. 1711wn

was also used in one papyras

as the name for the shaft of an obelisk, 18

The type of column represented by 1wn was described by Gardiner

as a "column with a tenon at the top" 19 and, more fully., by Petrie

as a "fluted eight-sided column with a tenon on the top to fit the lintel". 20

The chapacteristic vertical lines which are found on d6tailed depictions of the 1wn would support Petrie's theory that it

was originally applied to fluted columns, although these lines

could also indicate the reeded 02 polygonal types. Both reeded and fluted columns occur in the Third-Dynasty enclosure of the Step

21 Pyramid of King Djoser and although the reeded variety did not recur the fluted column continued to be popular into the Middle Kingdom. 22

In the New Kingdom the fluted column was used mainly in Nubia, 23

while the polygonal variety increased in popularity within Egypt proper*

24 Since the fluted column is a more ancient type than the

13

polygonal the original Iwn columns must have been fluted. However

fluted and polygonal columns are very similar in appearance and are both quite distinct from the plant-form columns. It is thus to be

expected that 1wnw would describe fluted or polygonal columns where it is possible to relate a text containing the word to actual remains.

Neither the Wo"rterbuch 25 nor Faulkner

26 specify the column-type in-

volved.

The earliest texts which mention 1wnw do not refer to specific buildings 27

so that it is not possible to identify the forms of the

columns. However 1wnw has been found in a number of building inscrip-

tions of the New Kingdom which refer to columns which can be ident-

ified.

Architrave fragments from the temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Rhadim in Sinai mention sandstone 1wnw. 28 The architraves would seem to have

come from the "Shrine of the Kings" in which a similar architravet

also mentioninglMwg was found. The columns in this "shrine" are described by Petrie as "fluted 11.29

The polygonal and cylindrical columns of the Eighteenth-Dynasty

temple at Buhen 30 are called jw., jw

31 as are the polygonal columns

of the temple at Amada 32 which are so described in the stela of

Amenhotep 1,33 end on one of the colunns. 34 The parallel stelap from

Elephantinep also mentions lwnw andyalthough the actual temple plan has not survivedp architectural fragmentsp including column drums,

bearing the name of Amenhotep II were found to have been re-used oA the islands 6f Elephantine and Philae. 35 The column drums were from

sixteen-sided polygonal columns.

A block of Tathmosis IT which was found within the Third Pylon

at Karnak refers to a wsbý bf t-4r m Inr mnla n rwdt plirfwic'm ilwnw. 36

Many blocks of this king were found in the fill of the Third Pylon

and it has been suggested that these came from a hall situated before

the Fourth Pylon. 37

In such a position it would have had to have been

removed when the Third Pylon was erected iA the reign of Amenhotep III. There do not seem to have been any columns of Tuthmosis IV in the pylon to which i1wnw, could refer although blocks have been found

which Barguet estimated would constitute between twenty and thirty

square pillarsý8jt is possible, but improbablep that 1wnw was used to describe these pillars in which case it would have to be assumed that Iwn had become a general word f or a "column" or a "pillar"*

II-

Two descriptions of the temple of Seti I at Abydos almost certain- ly use 1wnw in this general way to include all the columns of the

temple. 39 The halls of the Osiris suite are called Iwnyt 40 but the

columns within., which are cylindricalp are not themselves named.

In the Ptolemaic temple of Hathor at Dendera Iwn is determined

with a single-stem papyrifo3n column 41

and so would seem again to

refer to columns in general rather than to a specific type. Erichsen

notes only one occurrence in demotic of Iwn as a pillar 42

and the

word did not survive into Coptic.

In origin Iwn mast have been used to describe a fluted column

and, if more building inscriptions of the Old and Middle Kingdoms had

surwived, then there would surely have been instances where fluted

columns were described as Iwnw, Within Egypt the fluted variety was rarer in the New Kingdom and Iwn was transferred to the polygonal column which is very similar in appearance. At the same timq and part- icularly in later periods# Iwn became a more general word for a column of any description,

I PYr-P 524d- 2 Sinubej B. 196. 3 Cernyq The Inscriptions of Sinai It pl*LX=p 317Ap a. 6

4 Lb-id-t Pl-IXX: EXP 317p a. 5 caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratio Scrimlt PLIOP 39 6 Caminos, The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, It P1-95v 4; Urk. q IV9

819-7; 1296.1; 2; Cernyq ope ci .9 pl*LXXIVv 3109 a. 7 Chevfierp ASAE 51 (1951)t 572v fig*8. 8 KRij it 1869 10. 9 Gauthiert La prande inscription dedicatoire d'Abydo. R9 5P line 32

of the text.

10 DZimichenq Baugeschichte des Denderatempels Pl-XILP 3- 11 Petriep Medumv pl. X; XIII and frontispiece, 12 Gardinerp Cnom. t 119 144*9 1-4-0-01

- 13 Ibid. 9 30*9 Mn-

14 Breastedy The Edwin Smith Sargical Papyruep II, pl. VP 10. 15 Crum, PSBA 16 (1894)t 135-

16 Wb-P It 53P 16; CaparttlZAI-S 41 (1904)v 88-

17 E. g. Bethel Aegyptische Lesestuckep 69v 23; 74P 4-

is

18 Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts 54P 5- (Ln-I, 15,3-)

19 Gardinerp Gramm Sign Listt 0.28.

20 Petriep op. cit p 30.

21 Lauerv La Pyramide 'a' degie'sp 119 pls. XL; XLVI; IXVIII; IXIX,

22 Newberryp Beni Hasan , I, pls*IV; XXXIX.

23 El- 12, It 113 (Semna and Kumma); 115 (Sedengal with Hathor-

headed capitals); Roedert Der Felsentempel von Bet el-Wali pls*

10; 11; Macadam, The Temples of Kaw It Pl-39; 119 31-32; Pl-39-

Pluted columns were still found, although less often, in Egypt.

(UPIP 83. The temple of Mat at Karnak).

24 E! ý- Jequierq Architecture, It Plo-30-32 (DdUd el-Baha=i); 42 (Med-

inet Habuq temple of Tuthmosis 111); 53 (Ka=ako festival hall of

Tuthmosis 111); 54 (Karnakt temple of Ptah); 73 (El-Kab, with

Hathor-headed capitals). 25 Wb-, It 539 10-

26 Faulknerp Con. Dict, q 13-

27 EZE-9 524d; Sinuh , B. 196; Caminosq Literary Pragments in the

Hieratio Script, Pl-109 3t 1J-. An inscription within the tomb of

Ankbtifi at Moallat presumably describing the tomb itself , mentions fvnw. (Vandierg Moallaq 232, Insc. Noollp Vt--co 4. ) This is a diff-

icult text, full of obscure mythological references, and it is

not possible to be certain as to what was intended. Vandier (op.

2it. v 236, note g. ) suggested that lwnw was part of a compound

noun, 1wnw-prw, R .....

lwnw designe lea montantsp en pierre, de

iteneadrement de la porte et prw ...... peut-etre, lea pi; ces de-

bois qui bordaient verticalzmeAt lea battants de la porte et qui

lea consolidaient. " Possibly 1waw describes the rock-cut pillars

of the tomb which, although very roughly cut, arep in the majority

of cases, polygonal in cross-seotion and so could have been called

iwnw. (See plan; ibid*# pl. I and photographs ibid, q pl, V. )

28 Cerny, -cop. cit-; It Pla-UXIV9 310, a (found in the 11-13hrlne of the

Kings"); IXXIX9 317y a; 317At a (exact provenance at Serabit el- Khadim was not recorded).

29 Petriel Researches in Sinaiq 84 and fig-97 Opposite- 30 Caminosp The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, 1,12; Pls-7; 93; 94-

31 Ibidop Pl-95t 4- (Also Urk., IVP 8199 7-)

32 Barguet and Dewachterl Le Temple d'Amada? 119 pls. XXXIII-XXXI7.

16

33 Urk-9 IV9 1296.1. 34 Barguet and Dewachterv op. cit-P pl-XXXIVY 75- 35 Borchardt, BeitrAge Bf. 2. A"gyptische Tempel mit Umgangt 44-45 with

abb. 13; De Morganv Cat. Mon 9 It 113- 36 Chevrier, ASAE 51 (1951)t 5729 fige8; Chevriery AM 52 (1954)9

pl. VIII. 37 Barguetv Templet 94-96. For the latest views on the nature of this

building see; Letellierv HommaCes 9 Serge Sauneronp It 51-71. 1 38 See further under 3. wnytj, p*18-19.

39 Ydat It 186,10; Gauthierp loco cit.. 40 Kul it 162y 12; 162p 14; 165P 14; 169P 5- 41 Damicheng loc. cit. t 42 Erichsenj Demotisches Glossarv 23 (citing Griffith and Thompson,

The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leident 119 Pl-XIIIP 3-)

III

lwnyt

Dyne Xl Dyne XVIII 2 4rn. XV1113 nn0

C-3

Dyne XV1114 Dyne XV1115 Dyne 26z; xviii 8144

C-3

Dyne XVIII7 Dyno XVIII8 Dyne XIX9

Dýmo X3X! o 2CAq 93 fwv. ^^ C-3

The WO"rterbuch translates 1wnyt as a "pillared baitat" or "columned

hall" 11 while Faulkner describes it as a "pillared hall". 12 Neither

dictionary specifies the type of column concerned although one would

expect a 1wnyt to have been, a prior ,a hall or court containing the

polygonal or fluted iwn columns. 13 As has been noted previously the

1wn column was a very ancient typet although the word has not sur-

vived in many texts earlier than the New Kingdom. The same is true of

iwnyt Apart from the isolated example from the TehtL- Dynastyq all

of the known occurrences are from the New Kingdom* It can be assumed

that the word was in use in the intervening periodt the Middle King-

domp although no texts which describe the building of &. Irtyt have

been preserved. The earliest known 1wnyt can not be identified. The word occurs

in the tomb of Kheti at Siut where the deceased is promised that his

name will be forever in the temple of Wepwawet and his memory will

be fine in the Innyt. 14 This was presumably a hall o3ý court in the

local temple of Wepwawet but no more positive identification is poss- ible.

In the Eighteenth Dynasty lwnyt. was used by Tathmosis I to describe

the colonnaded court which he erected behind the Fifth Pylon at Kar-

nak. 15 A dedication inscription still survives on one of the sixteen-

16 sided columns which was later enclosed by masonry of Tuthmosis III. Here the court is described as being "a noble iwnyt which adorns the

two lands with its beauty. " 17 Before this area was altered by Hat-

shepsut and Tathmosis III, the 17wnyt was a large open court encircled by a colonnade of poly9ohal columns and Osiride statues. It wast thus,

a true 1wnytq containing 1wn columns.

19

However this is not true of another hall of Tuthmosis I at Karnakq

that situated between the Fourth and Fifth Pylonsp which was described

by Hatshepsut as a 1wnyt on the base of one of the obelisks which she

erected in the middle of the hall. The text tells of the erection of

the two obelisks "in the noble iwnyt between the two great pylons (bb. nty wrty) of the king". 18 This hall was originally built by Tath-

mosis I, although no dedication inscriptions of hisp refe=tg to this

hallp have survived intact. 19 The biography of Ineni is, unfortunatelyp

damaged 0 the point where one would expect the description of the

1wnyt to occurt immediately before that of the pylons which are said

to be "on its two sideull. 2D Sethe, in Urkunden IV, has restored the

damaged text to read [2'hý ILwnyt 'spsst m w>dw].

21 This could be 22 corrýSt as a feminine noun is certainly required but both W3ýlyt and

wsht were also used to describe the same hall and either Of these X_

could be restored in place of Imnyt. The name of the hall in the reign

of Tuthmosis I could noto in any case, be established by this text

since Ineni lived on into the reigns of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III

and may have used a contemporary term which was not the name origin-

ally given to the hall when it was erected* However this hall was

regarded as a imnyt by Hatshepsut so one can only conclude that it

was then taken to be a general word for a columned hall as the columns

of this hall were papyriformt not polyg6nal or fluted. 24

The Speos Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsutj where the queen describes her benefactions for the gods, mentions their :? Lwnyt (in the

plural) 25 implying that a iwnyt was a characteristic part of'each

temple. The word also occurs on two building Ostraca of the Eighteenth

Dynasty. 26

ýIwnyt is found on the parallel stelae of Amehhotep II from Amada 2T and Elephantine. At Amada this refers to the colonnaded court immed- iately behind the pylon which contained polygonal 1wn columns and was, therefore, a 1wnyt. 28 The temple of Amenhotep II at Elephantine

also contained poýygonal columns, parts of which were later reused on the same island and on Philaep 29

so thatt although the plan of the Eighteenth-Dynasty temple has not yet been recovered, it is not un- reasonable to assume that the 1wnyt at Elephantine was a colonnaded court similar to that at Amada.

The sandstone blocks of Tuthmosis IV which were found in the fill

of the Third Pylon at Karnak also bear the term imnyt on certain

19

architrave inscriptions, These blocks mast have come from an edifice of some sizeq whether it was a hall within the temple proper or a separate building. 30 The texts describe it as a wsht jt3l and a wsbt dic bft-hr m Inr mnb n rwdt pLirw m 1wnw 32

as well as a 11wnyt. 33 The rep- o ts of the recovery of these blocks give no indication that there

were any polygonal columns, or parts thereof, found; the only col- umns which were discovered are square in section.

34 It is possible that the blocks which mention the 11wnyt and the 17wnw are not from the same building as the square columns but, as the blocks have not yet been adequately pAblishedt the nature of the iwnyt can not be

ascertained. Finally the columned halls of the Osiris suite of the temple of

Seti I at Abydos are both described as 17wnyt. 35 The columns in these

halls are not polygonal or fluted but are circular in section with flattened faces for hieroglyphic inscriptions 36

and aret therefore, not dissimilar in appearance to the original 1wn column. Such columns, which do not have capitals, could be regarded as a simplified form of the polygonal ) wn.

Since the lyn column, and consequently halls or courts containing such columnst ceases to be common in Egyptian temples after the New Kingdom, one would not expect 31. wnyt to continue in use* This does, indeed, seem to be so. 2Iwnyt is found in neither Ptolemaic nor demotic and does not recur in Coptic.

On the present evidence ' 1wnyt can be regarded as having been

current only in the period from the Tenth tp the Nineteenth Dynastiesq although it is probable that it was in use from the Old Kingdom as

7 the-1wn column certainly existed then. It is, also likely that it was more widely used in the Middle Kingdom than can be proved at present.

7 Essentially a 1? wnyt was a hall or court containing iwn columns. The main exception to this is the hall between the Fourth and Fifth pylons at Karnak w. hich, although it underwent several changes in design in the Eighteenth Dynasty, never seems to have contained : Lwn columns. It must, therefore, be assumed that the term could also be used for a pillared hall regardless of the column-type involved. 37

1 Griffith, The Inscriptions of SitLt and Der Rlfeh, P1-13t 24- 2 Urk. p IVv 929 10; 1295v 16.

20

3 Lr-k-, IV, 365,3- 4 Ibid-, 384,5 (see also Gardiner, JEA 32 (1946)9 pl-VI9 5)- 5 Erk. t IV9 1174,15; Gardiner and Cerny, Hieratic Ostracal 5 1, pl-XXII,

1, recto, 6. 6 Urk., IV, 1295,15- 7 Unpublished architrave from the sandstone building, blocks from

which were found in the Third Pylon of the Amun temple at Karnak and are now in the north-east corner of the enclosure. Barguet

4z 173 (Temple, 95) notes that this building was called q bob

4--= a writing which I, during a brief inspection of these blocks, was unable to find (see further under note 33 below). For details of the blocks so far published see PM, 11,72 which, howeverwrongly equates the sandstone building of Tuthmosis IV with the wooden- roofed porch before the door of the Fourth Pylon.

8 As note 7. 9 KRI, 1,1659 14; 169,5- 10 Ibid,, 16?, 12 and 14- 11 Wb,, I, 54t2. 12 Faulkner, Con. Dicte, 13- 13 dsing, Nomina2lAldung, 290o 14 Griffith, loc. cit.. 15 For a plan of the temple in the reign of Tuthmosis I see; Borchardt,

Baugeschichte, 9f abb-7. 16 A photograph of this column is published by Borchardt, op. cit*, 8,

abb. 6 where it is wrongly labelled as "hinter Pylon 4% 17 Urk., IV, 92,10. 18 Ibid., 365,3- 19 Traces of original texts of Tuthmosis I can be seen on some of the

columns which were reused by Tuthmosis III (Borchardtg op. cit. y 10-11; Barguet, op. cit. t 98)0

20 Urk-Y IV, 56,1. 21 Ibid., 55,11- 22 Ibid*, 157,13; 158,8; 374,11; 1328,1-ý* 23 LbLid-t 1331,11- 24 Borchardt, op. cit., 11. 25 11-rk-, IV, 3849 5- 26 Ibid., 1174,15; Gardiner and Cerny, loc. cit.. 27 Irk IV, 1295,15 and 16.

21

28 Barguet and Dewachter, Le Temple d'Amadaq Jig pisXxXjj-XXxIV,,

29 Borchardt, Beitrage Bf. 2. Agyptische Tempel mit Umgangý 45, abb. 13;

46; see also De Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments, It 113 where one druln appears to be cylindrical but Borchardt, havinIt inspected it

himself, states that it is polygonal* 30 Barguet, Temple, 94-96. For the latest views on the nature of this

edifice see; Letellier, *Hommages .a Serge Saunerong 1,51-71- 31 Barguet, OP- cit-, 95- 32 Chevrier, ASAE, 51 (1951), 572, fig. 8; Id-P ASAE 52 (1952),, 25(), Pl-VIII- 33 The architrave inscriptions are incomplEbe and read as follows;

///I C1113 01

///j al= C= nn OR" ll

34 ASAE 28 (1928) 59 (1966).

35 KRI, 1,162,12 and 14; 165,14; 169,5-

36 Calverley, The*Temple'of King Sethos I at Abydos, III, pl. 2 and 51-

22

iwm

Dyn. XII Dyn- XVIII9 2 Dyn. XV11113 C-2 xix ýl14 Xmt =

Dyn. XV1115 Ptol. 6

,

]fl Dyn. XVII, 4

pto, 07 Ptole Ptol. M c-a

. an

'Iwnn is essentially a term of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties*

If it was in great use before and after the New Kingdomy then the

evidence has not survived. Cne isolated example is known from the

Middle Kingdom whichg howeverg gives little indication as to the mean-

ing of the word. It occurs on a leather roll in a hieratic text which

describes work of Sesostris I in the temple of Heliopolis, including

statues in the 17wnn of the gods. 10 No determinative is used to help

with the identification of the type of temple or shrine involved.

Unfortunately few of the occurrences of this term are at all instructive. In the majority of cases the 1'w= is described as belong-

ing to a god or gods so it must have been some kind of cult-place

although further information about the nature of the irnn is lacking

in such texts* 11 There are, however, a small number of examples which

can provide a little more detail concerning the 1'wnn,. Several texts suggest that 1wnn could be used for a small shrine

within which the cult image of a god could sit, In only one text is

the term actually determined with such a shrine and, in factv the

determinative is the only sign preserved. 12 The rest of the word has

been restored as lwnng although this restoration is not absolutely certain. This "great [31wnn] in Nubian ebony"

13 has been identified14

with the ebony shrine from the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari

although a text on the shrine itself describes it as a sJi-ntr. i6

It is possible that this one shrine could have been called by both names. StL-ntr was often used for the cult-shrine of a temple. 17

Another text in which Ivnn may refer to a shrine for a cult-image mentions each god being "in the : 'Lwnn which he has desired. " 18

In other contexts9 however, lynn is certainly equated with an entire cultus-temple. This is particularly so with the temple of Aman.

23

at Karnak where 11wnn is used to describe the entire temple"and with

the temple of Seti I at Abydos 20 where the "Osiris Suitell is also

called a 1'wnn. 21

In the Eighteenth Dynasty an unidentified temple or shrine called

ntr mnw 22 is described as a 1T; nn

23 in a building inscription of

Tuthmosis III from Karnak whilep on a block from the sanctuary of

Hatshepsut, a building of the same name is listed within a. ]Xwt-encl-

osure. 24 The same shrine is also called bwt-nt .

25

Further texts would seem to indicate that 1wnn could also be used

of the temple-complex since it could be provisioned with wild fowl 26

and endowed with property and offeringst 27

It is likely that 1'wnn originally had a specific meaning and

referred to one particular kind of shrine or temple. Howeverp the

examples which have survived indicate that, from the Eighteenth Dyn-

asty onwards it was used primarily as a synonym for other "shrine"

or "temple" words and no more specific translation than these two

terms can be supported. 28

'ýIwnn occurs in Ptolemaic 'texts by which time it has acquired an

ending in t. 29 but it is not found in either demotic or Coptic texts,

1 Stern, ZIS 12 (18709 89- 2 Urkoj 379 16,1; 279t 11; 3849 2; 6121,5; 20279 9; 2029s, 3; 21079,

2; KRIt Ij, 42P 3-4- 3 urk., IV, 1669 3 (partially restored); 2999 3; 6189 12; 834p 2;

8549 9; 1259v 18; Arytonp Currelly and Wegallp Abydosp 1119 pl. XXIq Noel; Mariette, Abydosy 11 pl. X3: Xv e; KRI, Iq 1319 2; 154t 5;

155,8; 164,11; 203,5; Navillev Goshen and the Shrine of Saft El-Hennehq P1-5t Cq 2; Berlin K6niglichen Museen, Aegyptiache Inschriften, 11,226.

4 ILr-k-P IV, 423,16 (only the determinative is preserved, see note 12).

5 Lbid., IV, 1673,6; 1957t 12. 6 Mariette, Denderahq IIP Pl-349 ao 7 Ibid. t Up pl. 82, c. 6 Chassinat, Edfoup 1,18,44-

9 Urk., VIII, 16, d; 30P c- 10 Stern, loc. cite* 11 E. g., Urk., IV9 16,1; 2799 11; 2999 3; 16739 6; 19579 12; 2107,,

2+

2; Ayrton et al. v loc, cite; Berlin K6nigliche Museen, loc. cite,

12 Northampton et al*! p Theban Necropolis, frontispiece.

13 11-k-9 IVP 423,16. 14 Northampton, op. cit-9 15; Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, 119

156.

15 Navillep Deir El-Bahari, IIP 1-49 Pls*XXV-=-

16 Ibid, P 3; Pl-XXVII-

17 See below, sb-nt P P*252ff. 18 Urk, v IV, 384,2o 19 Ibid. p IV, 612t 5; 618,12; 8349 2; 854,9; KRI, 1,203,5-

20 Mariette, Abydos, 1, pl*XIX, ea 21 M. I. 155,8; 164,11- 22 For discussions of the evidence relating to this shrine or temple,

see; lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout ý. Karnakq IP

849 1138; Nims, JNES 14 (1955), 114; belowt 4wt-ntrp p, 182o

23 Irk., Up 166,8. 24 Lacau and Chevrierv op, cit- 9 -19,849 f 136. 25 Urk-, IV, 4769 7- 26 Ibid.,, IV, 1259P 18- 27 Ll! Ld- 9 Up 20299 3- 28 Wb*9 1,55,12 describes 37. wnn as "Wohnung (oao) eines G6ttes"

while Faulkner (Con.. Diet*, 13) gives "sanctuary".

29 Mariette, Denderahp III Pls, -349 a; 82, a; Chassinatv loc. cit..

The last example is quoted by the Wrterbuch (Belegsteltleng 19 10

(ref-55,13)) as the only writing of iwnn to refer to individual

temple rooms. The word is written with the t1hare" sign (Gardiner,

Grammar, Sign List, E-34) instead of the "bubalis" (Lbidep E*9),

and couldp thereforev be a writing of wnt ('Lb., 1,315,1)e The

text in question refers to "every 17wYM/wnt of the lawt-ntrlle

26

7 inb

Dyn. II Dyno 111 2 Dyn. IV3 Dyn. V4 up

DYil,. XII, XVIII, 5 Dyn. XIII 6 Dyn o XVII 17

XEC XVIII 9 X11VI 15" 111 = Ptol. 9 Dyn. XVIII

11ý4 -11- Dyn. XVIII

3Dyno XVIII10

AAM %II

Dyn. XVIII 11 Dyn. XIXl 2 Dyno XX1 3 ff

I -=I C-3 AAO'. %

A 5L,

Dyne XX14 C-3

Dyno XXV1 5 Dyn * XXX 16

pto, 617 Ptol. 18

As can be seen immediately from the writings quoted abovey Inb is an

ancient word which is found in all stages of the Egyptian language,

including in the demotic script. 19 It does nott howeverg occur in

20 derived from Coptic in which the main words for "wall" are COB"r

obt 21

and XOG 22 from d tz. 23

Etymologically one would expect Inb "wall" to be derived from a

verb of the same stem meaning "to enclose" or "to wall in" and such

a verb is known, butg unfortanatelyg so far only in a text of the

Eighteenth Dynasty. 24 There is also a feminine noun i? nbt which was

a term for some kind of fortress. 25

7 The earliest writings of inb seem to show a buttressed enclosure

rather than a wall and it has, aocordinglyp been suggested that the

"wall" sign originally represented a rectangular enclosure. 26 Later

writings which use the ideogram were depicted in less detail and

seem to have been interpreted as walls. Since the same hieroglyphic sign was uded as the determinative

for other wall-nouns27 (and also of related tez! msp such as the verb ]ý, d "to build" 28)

when the sign is used as an ideogram it is often impossible to be certain as to which te= is intended. This can be illustrated by an Eighteenth Dynasty example in which the seige-wall built by the army of Tuthmosis III around the town of Megiddo is

7 29 described in one text as an inb wmtt in others as a sbty30 or a obty n wmtt3l 1ý. .

11 . 32 while a final text uses

01 glin In view

26

of the fact that the adjunct is n wmtt and not just vmtt it would seem

preferable to take this as a writing of ebty n wmtt. The use of Inb

to describe a seige-wall at Megiddo is unique. More usually the term

was used for the walls of a town or a temple*

It would seem to be likely that 17nb was used for all kinds of

walls, from the brick walls of private houses to the stone walls of temples and massive enclosure walls around a town or temple. Howeverv

as usualp the surixiving textual evidence relates primarily to mon-

umental architecture. There are several texts which use Inb to describe

the walls of private houses33 9 once in contrast to the town enclosure

wallp sbty. 34 )Inb could also be used for the walls around a garden35

and those of a storehouse. 36

As the name of a townwall : Lnb occurs at a very early period* The first known occurrences of the term are in the name of the city of Memphisp inbw 44,37 whichp presumably refers to the walls of the town.

Other tawn walls which are called i7nb are at Lisht38 ThebeS39 and 40 Megiddog where the walls of the town are distinguished from the

encircling seige-wall erected by the beseiging Egyptians. It is poss- 7 ible that 3. nb was used for a town-wall at all periods although gbt

seems to have been p=efe=edv particularly from the Eighteenth Dyn-

asty onwards.

"Inb was most frequently used to refer to the walls of templesp

both the large brick enclosures4l and the stone walls of the temple

proper. 42

In the case of some examples it is not possible to be

certain as to which of these was intended. 43

The term also occurs in the names of fortresses such as'Inbw 4ks, "Walls of the Faler"I 44

which was a fort on Egypt's eastern frontierp

and thbw "Imn-m-li3tv IlWalls of Amenemhat 45 which was probably

the name of a fortress in Vubia. 46

There is little that can be usefully added concerning this term. 'Inb was the most common word for a wall particularly in the earliest periods and it was in continuous use until the hieroglyphic script was abandon-ed Its basic meaning of "wall" cannot be doubted, even if the ideogram, which was later interpreted as a wallp originally represented an enclosure. It is possible that some of the examples in which the ideogram alone is used and which have been treated here as writings of inbl are, in fact, writings of other wall-nouns

21 I but, since inb is the most ancient and also the most common word for a

wallp this is unlikely.

I Petriev Royal Tombsp Jjt pi. Xxiiit 193 (in the name of Memphis,

inbw 2 Garstang, Ma4asna and Bet Khallafp pl*IX (also in Inbw 4! j).

3 Junker, 2ýlzaq 1,2529 abb. 63; pl*XLt be

4 Daviesp N[ormanj de Gq Ptahhotep, Iq pl. XIII 240-

5 Pierret, Insc. Louvrep 119 29 (Louvre C-15); Sethel Aegyptische Lesestucke, 67,6; Urk., IV9 173s, 17; 834,15; 10419 15; 13309 3

and 4; LD-P 1339 1529, b; 170; 171; Christophet BI. PAO 60 (1960), 78. 6 Scharff, AS 59 (1924)v 10-11 (of autographed text); Urkeq IVý

18649 11; LD-P IIIP 1949 24; Maoadan, The Temples of Kawal Iq ple 149 2; Traunecker, in Karnakp Vt 1970-197 t 142, fig. 1; Urkeq 1119 47P 14-

7 Caminos, Litorary Fragments in the Hieratic Scriptq P1-10P 39 4- 8 llayesp JEA 46 (1960), 44-45; PLXIIP 179 recto. 9 Ndvillef Das Agyptische Todtenbuch, 119 pl. CXXXVIII; Urk, v IV9

1235v 14 (omitting 10- 10 (In plural)p ný_id*q IVP 1ý95t 3..

11 Ibid., IV, 16509 15-

12 KRI9 It 186P 4-

13 Gardinerg Onomeq pl*XI3: A, 14o

14 Erichsenq Papyzus Harris., I, 69,7 (with c--3 added); 259 7 (with-=,

added). 15 jjrk. 9 1119 26 v 15- 16 E=an and Wilcken, US 38 (1900)t 129, 17 Chassinato Edfoup 1.328. 18 Fakhryp AUE 34 (1934)v 89 (see also; Trauneckerv ope cit-, 147,

No. 19 and 1499 note 7)- 19 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossars 35ý, - 20 Cnim, A Coptic Dictionmyt 323a.

21 derny, Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 148- See also sbtyp below

p. 238ff-

22 CnImp op. cit-9 7-55b-754a.

23 6erny, op. cite, 309. 24 Met 19 959 11 (untranslated). Faullmerv (Con. Dict-I 23) translates

is

as "to wall off (a place)". The verb occurs in the Karnak decree

of Horemheb, in which the king describes the inspection and or6-

ganization of the country (Irk-ey IV9 21559 11)-

25 Mb- Y Iv 95v 10-

26 Scharffq Archa6logische BeitrBZe zar Frage der Entstebung der

Hieroglyphonschrift, 18-19; Ga=dinerq Grammarq Sign 'List, 0-36.

27 Seep for example, writings of sbtyp sit, tsmt, etc*. 28 Wbop V9 74-

29 Ga=dinerq LE-A '38 (1952)9 pl. IVp 14 (ILrk--9 Ivi, 12549 9)-

30 Ibidol, 1849 16; 894t 17-

31 Ibid*v IV, 6619 4- See also; Lbidy 758,12-13 (sbty swm ). For

further discussion of these terms with regard to the seige-wall

at Megiddoy see; Grapow, Studien zu den Annalen Thutmosis des

Dritten, 56-57j, and sbtyq below p. 239-

32 Urk*p IV, 7679 11-

33 Pierret, loco cit*; Habackiq The Second Stela of Kamosep ploVIp 9.

34 1jrk. p 1119 26,15-

35 Ibidop IV9 10471 15-

36 Ibide, IV9 1330P 3 and 4; Wreszinskit Der Papyrus Ebersq 203,17;

Scharffy ZIS 59 (1924)t 11, P. 10096,12o

37 Petrie, loc-ci .0 Garstang, loc, cit*. See also; Kb-p Iv 95P 6-7;

Ga=dine=,, Onom. 9 II, 122*-123*p 139410 Sethep Beit3Fage zu= Altesten Geschichte Agyptensp 121ff.

38 Caminost loc. cit.. 39 Leclantp Montuemhaty 88; pl*XXIV* 40 Urkep IV9 12359 14-

41 Ibid., IV, 1739 17; 7659 16; 1295Y 3 and 4; 18649 11; Christophop loc. cito; KRIO I, 186Y 4; LDoq 1119 152, b; Traunecke=p op. cit., 142ý fig. 1; Fakhryp loc. cito; Enaan and Wilckenp opo cit*, 124- 125; Masperot ZIS 23 (1885)v 5; Daressyt ASAE 19 (1920)9 164-

42 Hayesp loc. cit.,; Urk, q IV,, 1650Y 15; LD*p IIIp 170; 171-F 43 Erichsenp Papyrus Harris Iq 299 14; 68,16; 699 7; Macadam, loc.

cit,; Erman and Wilcken, op. cit*, 129; Monteý, Kgmi 8 (1946), pl. V (after P-400-

44 Sinuheq B, 17- 45 Reisne=9 Excavations at Kermaý W-Vq 5099 fig-3439 NO-30- 46 Hintze, ZiS 91 (1964)9 84- See further belowv snb(t , p. 248-

29

47 'Inb (spelled Inbt) occurs in the Onomasticon of Azenemopej after

sbty (spelled sbtt) and tsmt (Gardiner, Onom., pl. XIIA, J)* Gard- iner (Ibid., 119 213* F4-4ý1) expressed some doubt as to whether this was a writing of Inb "wall" or 17nbt "fortress", but in view of its position in the listt and also taking into account the fact that sbty also has an extra tq it is almost certainly to be

understood as Inb.

30

cz

Dyn - XII Dyn - XII 23 Dyn- XII xviii, xx

Dyn. XII4 Dyn. X115 Dyn. XII

0-. = 15: 77ýý

t.. w--4 . o_ c? £3 NX. 7

«C. ==» e :, ý Dyn o X2

Ptol. 9 Ptol. 10

e -BZ,

The `3 column was a light wooden one with a tenon at the topp by which it was set into the architravel-The exact form is depicted in Old King-

dom inscriptions, both as the hieroglyph with the phonetic value 413

and as the supporting column of the booth M '12 These "tent-pole"

columns were used principally to support light structures such as the

covering of a shipts cabin13 or a kiosk14 and, consequentlyp the term

occurs only rarely in hieroglyphic building inscriptions.

This column-type must be a very ancient one since the sign is used as phonetic 13 on a jar-seal of the Early Dynastic Period15 and the

column Uself was often depicted, from the Old Kingdom onwards, in

representations of cabins and kiosks.

In a mythological context '3W occurs in Spell 60 of the Coffin Texts, in a very corrupt passage,

16 and also in Chapter 159 of the

Book of the Dead in the New Kingdom. 17 Jequier 'a thought that `3 in the latter example referred to the W3! ý-amulet which is depicted at the head of the chapter* However, this is referred to throughout as w3d and is unlikely to have had two names. Budge 19

regards this 113 as the word for a door-leaf rather than the column,

Fortunately there are also more tangible examples of the term. The earliest is a title of the Middle Kingdom, ss- -3w, "the decor-

ator of 113-columns". 20

These could have been made of stone but are more likely to have been of wood. The only known stone columns of this type occur in the festival hall Of Tuthmosis III at Karnak 21

and it is gratifyihng to find that these are described as "aw. A damaged text on one of the columns records that the king erected

c3w 22

and the determinative of the term hrt-lb which is used for the festival hallp shows that the columns were of the c3 form. 23

These

columns may also have been described as t_3W 24 although this reading

31

is not certain. Although these are the only monumental stone tiw which have been

foundq it is possible that others were erected by Ramesses III. In a

hymn to Amun-Re in the king's temple at Karnak Ramesses claims to have

made for the god 1111tt in stone // /., in ypur wb3-11 25

The columns of the temple itself are all either Osiride 26

or stylised papyrifor-m-

clusters. 27

However, the expression m wb3. k indicates only that the

columns were within the temenos of Amun so that they could have been

anywhere at Karnakp or even, if wb3 is taken in its widest senset on the west bank. 28

Papyrus Harris I records a more typical example of the use of "IW

as the supports of a shrine on a barque. 29

The term was still in use in the Ptolemaic period,, occurring both

at Edfu30 and Dendera0l In the latter case c3w is determined by a W3q-column so that it must be assumed that the term has come to be

used with the general meaning of "columns".

The W6rterbuch defined 13 as a pillar of wood or stonev as part of

a building or a ship. 32

It WOuldl perhapsv be more accurate to define

the term as a wooden column used primýxily- to support ship's cabins

or shrines since the stone examples are so fww. This term does not recur in either the demotic or Coptic stages

of the Egyptian language.

I Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurobý pl, XII9 1,1, 2 Be Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 1,2531, d and f; Urk., IVv

857Y 17; Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Ramses III's Temple within the Inclosure of Amm, pls*229 Aq 18; 23, A, 18 (dual).

3 De Buckv op. cit., 2539 d. 4 Loc. cit.. 5 Loco ci , 6 Ibidot 253, f-

1 7 Lepsiusy Das Todtenbuch der AgYPtert P1-76. 8 Erichsenv PAPYrUs Harris 1,51,15; 51,16 (with -. o i instead of

9 'Mari'ettev pLindar v IIIP Pl-379 i. 10 Chassinat, Edfoug It 554-

3Z

11 Petriev Ile , pl. XIII; Gardiner, Grammarg Sign List, 0.29; Davies,

H[o=an] do G1, Ptahhotep, I, pl. XII, 250-

12 Petrie, loc. cit. * 13 Jequier, BIFAO 9 (1911), 69-70; 'Id,

p BIPAO 19 (1922)9 8-10. For

actual examples of the c3. -column used in this way, in the Khufu boatq

see; Abu Bakr and Mustafa, BeitrAge Bf. 9 12, Festschrift Rieke, pl. 6.

14 Daviesq N[o=anjde Gq The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Said, pl. XV; Kaiserv

Beiträ, üo Bf. p 129 Festschrift Rickel, Falttafelg 4-

15, Kaplonyg Die Inschriften der Agyptischen Prähzeit, X

bis.

16 De Buckg op. cit�v 253-

1119 Pl-919 346,

17 Lepsius, loc. cit.. 18 Jequier, ope cit*, 9e

19 Budgep The Book of the Dead, (1898)v Translation volumep 287-

20 Griffith, loc. cit.. 21 For photographs of these columns see; Jequierq I'architecture, Iq

Pls-50-51-- 22 Urk. 9 IVP 857,17- 23 LbLld-9 Ivo 856, B. 24 Nims, Studies in Honor of John A.

t3wp Pe 284-285- 25 Chicago Universityp loc. cit.,

26 Ibid. 9 P1-3-

27 Ibid. v Pl- 31 - 28 See below, wb's pe 68.

29 Erichsen, loco cit** 30 Chassinatv loc. cit. 31 Mariette, loc. cit.. 32'Wb-q Ip 1649 10-

Wilsonp fig-7, x+3- See also belowg

33

ta,

Dyno I' Dyn o12 Ifl Dyn - 13 Dyn. I_ptol. 4

Dyn. Vp I st. 5 Dyn. U p lst. Dyn. XI9 XII7

l[nt,,, 2nd, Int. 0 2ndo Into, XVIII Into

Dyn o =- XVIII8 Dyn, X3X 9 XX9

The hieroglyphic sign which was used as an ideogram for c! and as a

determinative for c! itselft as well as for other related termsp is

a representation of a typical Egyptian door-leaf. 10 Such leaves viere

usually made of wood, as is indicated by the horizontal planks shown

on the more detailed depictionsp although they couldp particularly

when employed in religious architecture, also be plated with metal.

An Egyptian door-leaf turned on pivots set into 1ndentations in both

the threshold and lintel of the doorway. 11 Examples of such doors

have survived 12

so that there can be no doubt as to the interpret.., --

ation of the hieroglyphic sign. In addition tomb-scenes show men at

work on the manufacture of dooi-leaves 13 of the same form as the

hieroglyph.

The term is attested from the beginning of dyn&tjticýjilgypt to the

Ptolamaic periodp although it does not seem to have recurred in texts

written in either the demotic or Coptic scripts, Obviously a word for a door-leaf could not have existed until

the building of permanent dwellings had become a regular practicep

presumably in the late predynastic period. In the earliest dynasties

the torm is found most frequently in titles14 although this is, un, doubtedlyp merely a reflection of the nature of the inacribed mat-

erial which has survived from the early dynastic period* In texts f=m the Old Kingdom, however, I's is used with its

regular meaning of "door-leaf"g made of wood in a private houre15 or a palace

16 and of stone in a royal pyramid.

17 In the same period the term came to be used for the lid of a sarcophagast

18 a logical

wxtension of Its original meaning. This term is found meaning "door-leaves', in tombs of)the Pirst

Intermediate Period 19 and for a private house at the beginning of

20 the Middle Kingdom.

31-

In texts from the Middle Kingdom onwards c3w are described in

greater detail. Thec3 of the first door (Ebs) of the tomb of Khnum-

hotep at Beni Hasan was of cedar of Nega and was six cubits high 21

while two stelae of the Second Intermediate Period tell how temple

13w which had fallen into rain were replaced. 22

In the building texts of the New Kingdom c1w occurs most often to

describe the large monumental door-leaves in Egyptian temples. These

could be the leaves of the pylons and major doorways at Karnak 23 and

24 25 elsewhere, of rock-cut temples like that of Pakht at Speos Artemidos

or of smaller shrines belonging to various gods. 26

Temple door-leavesp like those in smaller buildings, were normally

made of wo6d, and then decorated with various metals* 27

The leaf could

also be covered entirely with sheets of beaten metal* usually copperg

which led to it being described as an '3 of copper. 28 It is possible

that some of these door-leaves were made of cast metal, but this method

of manufacture was probably reserved for the smaller doors of shrines 29 31

and naoi. The usual wood employed was e. SP30 a coniferous woodp

although Nile acacia was also used. 32 The metals could be bronze, 33

electrimy34 gold35 and copper36 which is the most common.

Most Egyptian doors were double-leafedý consequently %3 is often

found in the dual form clwy37 and also in the plural -sw wheng for

example all the door-leaves of a temple are intended. 38 39

After the Few Kingdom c! continued to be used &f temple door-leaves

and also those of private houses. 40 References to the latter are rare

since texts describing private dwellings are not often found,

Surprisingly the term did not survive into either demotic or Coptico although Fecht and Westendorf 41

suggest an Egyptian original

of*tpy-e! for the Coptic Top-I'door-lintelts. 42 Osing, however, has

refuted this suggestion, prefering to regard the noun tw3 as the 44

etymological ancestor of -To-tK 0 The term does not appear to have ever been used for any other

element of a doorwayv other than the leaves.

Quibellv Hierakonpolisp 19 pi. XXIX; Cf., Petrieq Royal Tombsp It

Pl-XVIII9 4 (in dual form). 2 Ibidop It pl. VIIt 9.

3 Kaplonyl Die Inschriften der Lgyptischen Prdhzeitp 1119 Pl-97Y 391-

36

4 This is the simplest forrA of the hieroglyph and it is found

throughout Egyptian history. it is, however, possible that many

of the writings quoted here show greater detail than is indicated

in the publications. This writing occurs in singularg dual and

plural forms. Kaplony, op. ci -9 1119 Pl-89P 388; Urk. 9 19 107,3;

237v 3; PYT-9 1266c (with t); Vandierg Moal 9 232, Vgc,. cg 1; pl*

20; Petrieg Koptos, pl. 12,3; Urk. 9 IVP 539 15; 3879 3; 3889 11;

476,1; 1249,14; 1295,3 and 4; Nims, Studies in Honor of John

A. Wilson, fig-7, x+16 and x+17; KRI, 19 43,2; 1419 8; Mariette,

Abydos, II, pl. 11, a and b; Caminos,, JEA 38 (1952), Pl-XIII9 47;

Vercoutter, BIPAO 49 (1950)9 pl-III; Daressyq ASAE 18 (1919),

145,7; Urk-, 11,68,3; VIII9 33; 39/409 2; 115,1439 1-

5 Petrie, Deshashah, pl. XXI; Cle're and Vandier, Textes de la prem-

i4re Periode intermediaire7et de la Xleme Dynastieo 46,11; Helck,

MDAIK 24 (1969), 199; pl*XVII, 10 (with i) and 12; Urk,, Ivt 56,

9 (with i); 168p 2; 422,10; 424,17; 1233,4-

6 Urk., 1,121,14; Cle're and Vandier, 22- ci -, 46,10; Gardiner,

Admonitionsq pl-14,3; 7 James, The gekanakhte Rapers and other early Middle Kingdom Doc-

uments, pl. 26,9; De Back, Egyptian Reading Book, 71,16.

8 Urk. 9 IV9 159t 11; 168,16; 169,17; 423,2- 9 Abd El-Razikv jEA 60 (1974)9 1479 4; Gardinery Chester Beatty 1,

pl. XXIV, 10 (with I ); Erichsenq Papyrus Harris, iq 69 9 (Pl- ); 3.0, 15 (pl. ); MAller, liebespoesie, P1-5p 12 (dual).

10 Gardiner, Gra=a: r, Sign List, ý 0-3'1-

11 For constructional details of ancient Egyptian door-leaves see; Koenigsberger, Die Konstruktion der A'gyptischen Ti1r, 13-24.

12 See, for example, the well-preserved leaves from a shrine of Toueris, now in Moscow in Monuments of the Alexander II museum of Fine Arts in Moscow, pl, XIII (no author or editor is given, for the Russian title of the book see Bibliography, P-315).

13 Petrie, 100. cit*; Hassan, (iliza, 119 fig*219 (facing p*190) 14 Kaplonyp op. cit., 1119 pls. 89t 338; 979 389; 3919 399; 1099

570; 47t 176 (this last is interpreted by Kaplony as a part of a name, ýIry-c, 3 (Ibid, 11,1115) but could it be a title (12)r(y) ! Lwy? Compare the common title Iry-113 (Wb., 1,164,17).

15 Urk., 1,121,14- 16 Ibidep I, 237P 3-

36

17 Lbid-v It 1079 3- 18 Wb., 1,164,22. E-g-v Urk-9 It 106,15-

19 Clere and Vandierv op. cit., 46j-, 10-an4 jjj'ý, Tandierf op* cit. 9 2329

V, cK, 1; P1.20.

20 James, loc. cit.. 21 De Buckv loc. cit.. 22 Petriep Koptosq pl. 12,3; Helckj loc. cit. * 23 Urk-9 IV, 36,9; 1689 2-5; 169,17; 170P 1-2; 423,2; 424t 17;

476,1; Nims, loc. cit., 24 Urk, j IV9 388,11; 422,10; 1249P 14-

25 Lb_id. v IVP 3879 3; KRIP 1.439 2.

26 urk., iv, 16a, 16; Abd El-Razikq loc* cit.; Erichsen, op. cit., 6,9; 30 9 15 -

27 Koenigsberger, gpo cit. t 23-24-

28 E4'9-t ýý, P IV9 388t 11 et al., -* 29 Koehigsbergerg op* cit. j 24-

30 urk-9 IVY 1689 2-5 amd 16; 4239 2; 12959 3 and 4; et al. * 31 Gardinerg gLomej It 8t. note 1,

32 Urkeq 379 387P 3-

33 Ibid-P 423t 2; 12499 14-

34 Lbid-P 170t 2; 422t 10*

35 : 21id. 9 168Y 4; 4769 1; Erichsent OP* ci -, 30P 6

36 Urk-9 IV, 3879 3; 422p 10; 388p 11; Erichsen, op. cit. v 6,9; 309

15; KRIP It 141,8; Mariettev OP- cit-P 3,4; et al*.

37 E. E;. t Mariettev loc. cit.; KRI, loc cit.; et al.. 38 Urk-t IVP 424,17; 388,11; et al.. 39 Caminosq loc. cit.; Vercoutter, loc* cit.; Daressy, loc. cit*.

40 Gardiner, Chester Beatty I, pl. XXIV9 10; Mfiller, loc. cit.; Urk. 9 IV9 1233,4-

41 Westendorf, Koptisches Handw8rterbuch,, 251; Fechtv Wortakzent und Silbenstiuktur, 103-105-

42 C: nimv A Coptic Dictionaryp 443b. 43 Osingp Nominalbildung, 635-

44 See belowq Lw3, p. 276-277.

03wy-r

Dyn. XII 2

ca DY4- XVII14 Dyn. XIX5

"Imr

81

2nd. Int. 3

Dyn. XX 6

This carious term is clearly a compound of the dual form of I's1fdoor-

leaf" and rq7the true meaning of which was "mouth" but which could also

be used to mean "opening" or "entrance". 8 logicallyq thereforeq one

would expect cjwy-r to describe a "double-leafed entrance".

The earliest example of the term would certainly seem to indicate

this. It comes from the description of the tomb of Khnumhotep II at

Beni Hasan. "An ts of six cubits of cedar of Nega to be the first

sbi of the tomb. An c3wy-r of five cubits and two palms for the k3r

of the `t ý sst which is within this tomb, " 9 sp

The "first door" with an's of six cubits is the doorway between

the portico of the tomb and its main hall. This had only one pivot

for a single-leafed door (1s). 10 The k3r is the name of the "shrine"

at the rear of the tombt the entrance to which from the main hall

war, through a doorway which had pivots on either side, proving that

this was a double-leafed door (c3, wy- ), 11

A further example from the Middle Kingdom occurs in the Book of

the Dead, "As for this sb3t it is anc&wyýr by which my father, Atum,

proceeds to the eastern horizon of heaven. " 12 The text has an Eight-

eenth Dynasty parallel. 13

A building inscription from K-arnak of the Second Inter-mediate

Period kingf Sebekhotep IT, describes "a sba of ten cubits ....... in

fine cedar of the lebanon, with civy-r worked in gold and silver. 04

This door cannot now be identified, btLt it can be assumed to have

been double-leafed.

Writings of this term from the reign of Ramesses II are paralleled by writings of ! %wyq showing that the two terms are synonymous. These

double-doors were between the portico and the first hall of the temple

of Ramesses II at Abydos. 15 The vertical texts on the door-4ambs

describe the doorway as "a sb3 in black copper, c!, wy-r banded with copper and gilded with electrum"

16 while the horizontal texts have,

I

38

"a sb3 in black coppert c3wy in electrum. 11 17

The final exazple of ciwy-r comes from Papyrus Harris I, in which

" granite shrine at Heliopolis is described as having 3wy-r made from

" copper-alloy. 18

Although there are so few examples of this term, there can not

be any doubt that its meaning was "doub&e-leafed door" 19

and it was

in fact a synonym of'swy. This may be the reason for the infrequent

use of 3wy-r since the simple term could be employed with exactly the

same meaning.

1 De Buck, Egyptian Reading Bookp 72,1.

2 Urk? 9V9 23 9ýI. 3 Helck, MDAIK 24 (1969)9 199; pl. XVII, 10.

4 Urk-, Vq 28,1.

5 Mariette, Abydost III pl, 11, a and b (vertical texts).

6 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris It 52P 13-

7 Wb-t UP 389-392* 8 Although r can often be translated as "entrance" this is simply

an extension of its original meaning of "mouth". It was not usually employed to describe an actual doorway or any of its components

and hasp thereforeq been omitted from this study. One text in

which r does seem to have had a more "concrete" meaning than usual is from the regency of Philip Arrhi3aeus when work was carried out on the w'bt of the Falcon at Athribin including six c4wt which had 11 in Tura limestone and..... c5wy in true cedar" (Daressy,

sit ASAE 18 (1919), 145,6). In this case r must mean "door-frame".

9 De Buck, loc. cit..

10 Newberryq Beni Hasan, 1,52; pl. XXIIIA9 (main doorway).

11 Ibid., 53; Pl-XXIIIA9 (doorway to shrine). 12 Urk. p V, 28,1.

13 Ibid*, V, 28,13-

14 Helck, loc. cit..

15 Por plan see; PM., VI, 32.

16 M-ariettep loc. cit.. 17 Ibid, II, pl. 11, a and b (horizontal texts)*

18 Erichsen, loc. cit..

19 The term is translated by LVb. t 1,1649 15; IIP 390,11 as "die

Flilgel der Tilr" and by Paulkner (Con. Dict-, 37) as "the two leaves

of the door".

3q

Crt

Dyn. XIX'

Dyn. XX3

D-vno XX5

Dyne XX 2

C3 :1

Dyne XX4

Dyne 6

. 6-= M -C-V: ýv -C=P " &Z M

It is generally agreed that this termg which is found in only a few

texts of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynastiesp is a loan-word of 7

semitic origin. It occurs most often in Papyrus Harris I where it

is given as a part of an enclosure wall9 along with tkrw and tsmwt.

The most useful occurrence from this text is in the description of the

enclosure wall (obty) of the temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habu

which had 11'rwt and t-krw in sandstone"* 8 This is the only temple wall

described in the papyrus which does not have tsmwto The mortuary temple of Ramesses III had two brick enclosure wallop the outer one

of which was lower than the inner and was faced with stone on the side facing the cultivation. It was surmounted by turrets which straddled the wall.

9 It would seem likelyl therefore that these turrets are either the Irwt or the tkrw.

The other descriptions are of temple enclosure walls which have

not survived. 10

In the account of the travels of Wenamun, the Egyptian tells how

he found the ruler of Byblos "seated (in) his Irt, his back turned

to a window". " This is the only writing of "rt in the singular and

is usually understood to refer to an "upper chamber'le Finally the term occurs in a description of the city of Pi-Ramesseq

"Beautiads of windows (Esdw)p radiant with Irwt of lapis lazuli and turquoise. " 12 Caninos has translated the word in this passage as "halls". 13

14 15 Both Borchardt and Helck translate crt as "Wller", and note its relationship to the semitic, verbal stem "to dlimb",, In view of this connection it would seem that the Irwt at Xedinet Habu could well be the turrets on the top of the wal,

16 It can only be assumed that the other enclosure walls which no longer exist had similar turrets. 'When used in other contexts an Irt could have been either

1+0

a balcony or a chamber situated at a height within a building.

1 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellanieso 289 13-

2 Erichsenp Papy=s Harris It 669 18; 67P 12; 68t 3-4-

3 lb-id-v 4# 10-11-

4 Ibid. 2 '689 13-

5 Sauneron, BIFAO 64 (1966), pl-IIP x+5- This writing occurs in a

badly damaged textv relating to restoration work ot the High Priest

of Amunt Amenhotep, at Kaxnak. Por Sauneron's discussion of this

writingp which may not be for 'rtp see Ibidtp 15-

6 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Storiesp 66v 4-

7 Jequierq BIFAO 19 (1922)t 12-13; Gardiner, 2ýom. p 119 210*

Relck Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasian im 2 und 3 Jahr-

tanel V. Chr. 9 5109 N0937*

8 Ericheen, op. cit-9 4v 10-Ile 9 R61scherq Exc. Xede Habup IV9 1-3; pl*2* 10 Erichsenq op* cit., ' 669 18; 67t 12; 68v 3-4; 6et 13-

11 Gardiner, Late ftyptian Stories, 66v 4-

12 Id. 9 late Fgyptian Miscellamies, 28,13--

13 Caminoss, Late Raptian Miscellaniesp 101*

14 Burohardtp Fremdworte und Eigennameny tIj 15t 279-16,279.

15 RelckV loc. cit.. 16 See also tkrwp below pe 290*

4-1

c ryt

Dyn. XVIII, XX 1 Dyn" XVII12

C:: => C-3

Dyn. XV1113 Dyn., XVII14

This term, cryt, ought not to be confused with the more common nouns I=t (qev. ), although both hadv no doubts a similar origin in the

verb crAr r "to approacho to rise up". This term is only found in New Kingdom texts and clearly refers

to a relatively small building element, Gardiner did not distinguish

'-ryt from erryt and suggested thatq when used of the small elements the term described a lintel*5 He based this suggestion primarily on the Turin papyrus, with the plan of the tomb of Ramesses IV. The des-

cription on the verso seems to belong to a different Ramesside tomb

as the measurements given do not correspond to those of the tomb of Ramesses IV.

6 Whichever tomb is concernedp the figures quoted show

that the height of the IMt could be added to the height of the door- jamb (hnýs) to give the height of each chamber. Por this reason Gardiner

proposed that cryt be translated as "lintel".

A typical example of the measurements is; "thickness of the bn-s

of one cubit and three palms., breadth of five cubits9 one palm and two digits, height of the bn's of seven cubits and one palm, cryt of two cubits and six palmst total; ten". 7

Gardiner cites another text in which the bný and the Iryt are Ens

associated. This is an Eighteenth Dynasty ostracon which lists the

number of workmen employed on the construction of a building, They include nty 4r p3 bn's and nty m t3 Iryt. 8

The two terms also occur together in Chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead where the deceased is intarm)gated by first the bn5w of the sb3 and then the left and right Iryt. 9 This mention of the possible division of an cryt into two halves led Gardiner to suggest that the term was originally applied to a "half-lintell1*10 This seems unlikely although I cannot offer any other interpretation for the "left" and "rightt, Iryt.

The balance of the evidence would tend to support the view that

an Iryt was a lintel, since it was clearly a part of the door-frame

4-1

and usually occurs in association with the door-jambs (tn5w).

The term is found alone on an ostracon from Deir El-Bahari on which three masons are described as "those who worked on the outer

12 cryt (cryt n bnr)". 11 Haye a translates Ilryt here as "the outer door-

jamb", but the evidence cited by Gardiner and quoted above shows that

cryt is more likely to have referred to a lintel.

I 11aest ý-EA 46 (1960), Pl-IX9 49 rect p 4; Carter and Gardinerg JEA

-4 (1917), 146-1489 passim. 2 Ibid. v 146 (Osto Gardiner 46). 3 Budgeq The Book of the Deadp(1898)9 Text volumep 264; Naville, Das

Aegyptische Todtenbuch UP 326.

4 Loc- cit-- 5 Carter and'Gardinerv op. cit-ý 147. 6 Ibid., 157-158* 7 rbid., 146 (3)-

8 Did., 146 (Ost. Gardiner 46). 9 Budgep loc. cit.; Navillet loc. cit.,, 10 Carter and Gardinery op. cit-v 147-

11 Hayeav loc. cit.. 12 Ibideq 33-

A

4-S

c =7t

Dyne Vý VI Dyne V2 Dyne V3

ti: 3 ak

ffDyne V9 VI4 Dyn* V, 5 13ý a =m VI -- ", Dyne VI

6 <=I.

1

40

Dyne VI7

-C=> 1ý ýý 44 Dyne VP Dyne V19

Dyne VI 10 Dyne mll Dyne VI 12

'1ý r m 13 14 Dyne VI Dyne VI " =: =a

I)yn. VII 5 . -. &

- 16 Dyne VI

ell 11 17 Ist Intep AC 3 18 Dyne XI

Dyne XII 44 2

Dyne Xilt 19 Dyne XII 20 1 Dyný XIIt XVIIIt

0 xviii C-3

-11 C=>

12 XX79 Ptol. C-3

22 Dyne X17 23 Dyn. XII XVIII24 Dyne 4=11 C-31 VC=P

Dyne XVIIIP 25

. C=ý, r3 XTX

26

gh ---0

4 r-3

Dyne XIX27 mil

28 N. K. =91

3? 9 Dyne X 30 Dyne XIX or xx 3 44

6, m

Dyne XX31 Dyne XX1132

C-3

ptol. 33

ptol. 34 2---m C. -a

ptol. 35 e--> V--3

Tilere are a number of problems connected with this word which have to

be resolved before an attempt can be made to elucidate the meaning. First of allp it must be recogaised that all the different

writings given above are to be understood as variants of one word. c rwt, 36,

rrwt, 37 c 17tr The WBrterbuch gave six separate entries under;

Crcytt39nCyt4O and r'yt. 41 All of thesep with the exceptions of n1lyt

and r'yt which do not occur in Middle Egyptianp were grouped together by Faulkner under an entry crrwt42 and this does seem to be the correct interpretation. The reason for the many variant writings would seem to be the fact that this term has its etymological origin in the verb i'r/Ir "to rise upy to approach..

43 Another noun from the s=e verbal

41

I, 44 steml 11 rt "uraeas could also show many different formsj, such as;

,,, r, tg ,, t, Ercrt, ic,,,, t 45 Ir"t, 1 so it is not surprising that r rrYt

should have so many variants. The earliest texts9 of the Fifth Dynastyp

write the word as ' rrt (once crt) but later in the Old Kingdom the

usual form was Irrwt, less--dften Irwt. In the Middle Kingdom the

most frequent writing was crryt and this has been adopted here as the

heading for this entryq since it is the most common form of the word in Middle Egyptian.

-In the New Kingdom the spelling Ir'yt occurs as

do the variants rytt because of the reversal of c and r9 and n9yt

which reflects the phonetic similarity of r and n. It has--also been suggestedg proviouslY9 that the writings r-3

ýrryt. 46 and are to be read as There isp howeverg no evidence

r47 that either initial sign could be interpreted as and both of these

areq in fact9 variants of the word rryt (q. v. ); the ploughshare having

been substituted for the lion through the confusion or two similar hieratic signs.

48

The torm 'rryt must also be distinguished from the noun cryt49

which described a smaller architectural elementp althoughq undoubtedlyp they must have had a common origin in the verb 1"r/cr.

One further problem is the form of the determinative of crryt in the Old

, Kingdom. From the Middle Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period the

most frequently used determinative was E-3 but in the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period the determinative was entirely diff- erent and has usually been interpreted as the sign CP "corner of a

wal, 11.50 This is the determinative ibf ýhbt , co=er, t 51 and other

related words from the same stem. 52 When used for words with the stem

ýnb the sign seems to have been usually a right-angle with sides of

equal length. - Howevert the Various fOXMS of the deterninative of

'Irryt in the Old Kingdomp as demonstrated abovet consistently show

one side longer than the other and alsop in several cases, show a fora in which the vertical side descends at an obtuse angle to the

horizontal. The use of this particular determinative is mra after the Old Kingdom although there ara a small number of examples from

the Middle and New Kingdoms. The nature of this signp which is distinct

from that used to determine ýnbtq will be discussed further below.

Various meanings for '=7t have been suggested and the word has been discuesdd often. The WSrterbuch includes such translations

as; "door" and "seat of administration" for both crwt53 and ýrrwt? 4

46

"hall" for crcyt55 and "house" for ncyt. 56 Faulknert under I =wtv

gives a list of possible translations; "gatep leaf of a double doort

lintelg hall of judgement, 1wellingp home". 57 Gardinerv discussing

the use of cryt on the reverse of the Turin papyrus with the plan

of the tomb of Ramesses IVý suggested that the original meaning of crryt was a "half-lintelllp later a full lintel, then a door and finally

a court of justice. 58 The word which occurs in this text is, in fact,

the small architectural element 1cryt whichy as was noted abovep is

to be distinguished from the term under discussion here. Gardinerl

in later publicationsp considered the usual meaning of crryt to have

been "gate" and that it was : Later extended in meaning to refer to a

place of judgement* 59

Helck has suggested that the crryt was the building at the door

through which access was gained to the'royal palaceg "Die Wache". 60

He also noted that documents could be deposited within the "rryt 61

and officials tried there62 and that the importance of the '-rryt is

indicated by the fact that it was the Vizier himself who was respon-

sible for appointing the officials of the crryt. 6P Helck then dis-

cusses the other officials of the Mache'1*64

This summary of the functions of the (rryt is certainly valid for the New Kingdomp however it is generally recognised that the

use of (rryt to describe a hall or c6urt attached to the palace

administration evolved from an original and more specific use of crryt as the name of a particular architectural featurev in the same

way as the meaning "council. 65 for 3ýnbt grew out of its original meaning "corner". 66

This original meaning of Irryt is usually understood to have been a "gate" or "door" at the entrance to the

palace. However, if ', rryt had been used, originallyt to describe an

entrance of any kind it could have been expected that some writings, particularly in the Old Kingdomf would have indicated this by the

choice of detemminativesp since the Egyptian language was well- provided with signs which were regularly used to determine words such as sb3 or 13.. This is not the case. In the Pyramid Texts a sign which appears in various forms but which is basically R is used with (rryt, *67 This detexminative was used principally for the term rwt (q. v. ), which was the name for af alse-door. It depicts the complex niche-structure of the door in section. The use of this

4-6

sign to deteraine. Irryt is probably an error due to the confusion of two similan-sounding words rwt and (in its Old Kingdom spelling) crrwt. The only other determinative which could support a translation

of "door" is found in a Ptolemaic text. 68

From the Middle Kingdom onwards the determinative C73 is indic-

ative of the extended use of crryt to describe some kind of hallp

but, in the Old Kingdomp the dietinctive determinatives do not supp-

ort a primary meaning of "door" or "gate".

It is now necessary to examine the textual evidence for 4rryt

before any conclusions can be drawn concerning its original uses The earliest known exopples of frryt occur, in the form crrt, in

the archives of the mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir. Most

often crrt is used as the name of a part of the temple to which 1 69

various officials are assigned for duty* These places can not be

identified with any degree of certainty as the evidence is insuff-

icient. However it is possible that in some cases the Irrt is to be

identified with either the I rrt b. 3t or the ' rrt hntt which are also mentioned in the papyri and for which identifications have been

suggested. Posener-Krieger has already pointed out the connection between

the '=t 43t, the pr wrw and the 'Irrt hntt. 70 The pr wrw can be

identified, without any doubtp as the columned "vestibule" at the

front of the temple7l and Posener-Krieger suggested that the 'rrt

4st was the name of the white-plastered terrace which ran along the facade of the temple. 72 The Irrt hntt is less easy to identify al- though it was clearly situated in the vicinity of the pr wrw and Posener-Krieger does not commit herself to a firm identification of this crrt. 73 In two placesp at leastp the pr wrw appears to be a sub- division of the 'rrt74 so it can not positively _-

be claimed that

all three elements were separate entities. While assumimg that the

general meaning of Irryt was "une portal' Posener-Krieger suggested that, in these papyrit 'Ile mot parait avoir un sens plus administ-: ýt, ratif qularchitectural., l 75She later added 11crrtv on le voitp ne designe pas un element dlarchitecture mais les abords d1un edifice ou d1une partie diedifice. it 76 Since the name crrt could appear in the duty rotas alone, without a qualifying adjective, it must have referred to a particular part of the temple which could itself be regarded as gne area whilet at the same time, it could be subdivided 0

4: 1

for greater administrative conv*enience Possiblyp in the context of

this temple, I rrt referred to the entire area in front of the wetit.

This included the vestibuley pr wrwp while the adjectives 4st and

hntt would have been used to specify the outer and inner areas of

the crrt.

Other crrt were named in the papyri although it is not possible to identify these with existing remains. These include an crrt of the

solar temple of Neferirkarev St-lb-rg, the site of which has not yet

been discovered; 77an c =t of the w3-barque78 which Posener-Krieger

suggested was an area where grain could be stored after being unloaded from the barque prior to its transportation to the temple79 and an errt nhp

60 which may have been an area close to the river where

pottery for use in the temple was made. 81

In the Fifth Dynastyo thereforel crryt was certainly neither a door n= a gate, nor had it yet acquired a link with the palace admin- istration or the courts of justice. It is most likely that the basic

meaýiipg of 'rryt was rather less specific than has been previously ! cecognised. The suggestion of Posener-Krieger that Irryt was the

"abords d1un 'edifice" would seem to be correct. This would certainly

agree with the etymological origin of the word in the verb 1'r/Ir

which can mean "to approach" as well as "to rise up"# The true mean- ing of crryt was thev"approaches" to a building. This could mean the

area immediately in front of the entrance, or event in the case of the

mortuary temple of Neferirkaret the front portion of the building.

It remains now to examine other texts in which crryt occurs to

see if this conclusion can be upheld. The other most important examples of 'rryt in the Old Kingdom

and the First Intermadiate Period come from the decrees set up by

various kings in the temple of Min at Koptos. Most of these are described as being placed "at the c-rrwt of the pr of Min of Koptos. 1182

Since these decrees would have been intended to be accessible to as many p(gople as possibleg they must have been at the front of the temple to which the greatest number of people would have been admitted. Hayes has noted that these decrees, (which were not found in situ), had been originally set in brick walls butt as they were not very weatheredg, they could not have been too openly exposed to the

elements. Hei therefore suggested that they had been originally set into the reveal of a doorway or the walls of a deep vestibulev

+13

similar to those found in contemporary pyramid temples. 83

The basic plan of an Old Kingdom cultus temple is still a matter

of speculation since so few early remains have survived on any site* It is therefore not possible to reconstruct the entrance to the temple

at Koptos. However the evidence of the Koptos decrees would suggest

again that Irryt referred to the front part of the temple.

In the Pyramid Texts crryt does not occur in useful contextB84

although two examples would again suggest that it was situated at the entrance to a building. 85

Further occurrences from the Old Kingdom include the use of1rryt in the titles iry crrt 86

and Imy-r trrwt87 and in the funerary invoc-

ation; "(I) will destroy their survivors upon earthp (I) will not

allow their crrt to be established. " 88

In the Middle Kingdom crryt is first found in the title whmw n 89 1-

Crryt which recurs in the New Kingdom. It is also used in the titles C ksw Irryt S3 C tV91 sS crryt 92

an& the unusual 1my-r wn crryt. 93 rry

The title wlýmw n crryt, in particular, sheds some light on the

position and function of the crryt in connection with the palace

administration. The "herald" would greet the petitioners outside the

entrance to the palacep or the office concernedo and would guide the

visitors inside to the rryt (q. v. ) where he would await the wimmons into the inner apartments. It is Possiblet particularly in the Middle

Kingdomp that crryt was the term applied to the area,, -immediately before the entrance to a private house or a palace. This area can be

seenp from models like those of Meketre94 or from soul-houses#95 to have been lightly roofed with a wooden canopyp usually supported by two wooden columns. It may be this light wooden roof which is depicted in the determinatives found with crryt in the Old Kingdom. 96

Other texts of the Middle Kingdom support the view that the 'rryt

was the "approach" to a building. In the stoi7 of the Eloquent Peasant the High Steward was petitioned r pg3 n crryt97 "at the entrance of the I-rryt". The fact that the peasant petitioned the Steward in the

rr. yt is not in itself an indication at this date of a connection between the crryt a-ad the administration of justicep as the peasant petitions Rensi wherever he happens to find him. The use of pg. 3 for the entrance to thecrryt iEýof interest as this would indicate that crryt is being used of the "portico" at the front of the house. This was open on one side to the courtyard so thats if the peasant was

4-9

standing therey making his speechy while the Steward stood under the

canopyg protected from the sung then pgi would be a more appropriate term for the entrance than words such as rwt or sb3 which would imply that there was an actual doorway or gate involved.

A private stela of the official Wepwawet-aa describes his recept- ion at the palace; "the seal-bearers who are in the pr-nswq the

people (cnhw) who are at the 'Irryt see my admittance to the pr-nsw, "ý'ý

Increabingýyp from the Middle Kingdomp the '-rryt became an admin- istrative department. This is showa by the fact that the (rryt could own and control transport-barges. 99 The administrative function of the_lrxyt is indicated most clearly in the New Kingdomy particularly in the texts from the tomb of Rekhmire where the judicial aspect of the Irryt is very evident*

100 Similarly the Inscription of Mes shows that legal documents could be deposited in the crryt9101 while other texts relate that the ýnbt-council could meet in the crryt. 102

Apart from this use of crryt to describe a courtroom or an administrative department, there are also indications that the word retained its original meaning.

A stela of king Ahmose describes defeated foreigners standing in humility "at hie rryt,, 9103 while a later textq of the reign of Tan-

utamun, gives a detailed description of a similar scene when the king, within his palacep is told that. the Delta-chieftains are wait- ing at the rryt. 104 The king leaves the palace building and finds the chieftains prostrating themselves. The palace crryt was also ptsed as a reception-area for taxes'05 and other produce*

106

Finally the Irryt occurs in the Book of the Dead where it is one of the obstacles which the deceased must pass in order to enter into the Underworld. Usually, in such contextsyl rryt is traniated as "gate, " or I'doorif butt as with sbbt, the conrenient translation is inaccurate. It is noteworthy that some vignettes show the guardians of the crryt sitting outside of the doorway rather than withinp ind- icating that the crryt was the approach to the door and not the door itself. 107

The generally accepted translations of "door" or "gate" are there- fore unsuitable for crryt and should not be retained. The original meaningg and one which seems to have been preserved throughout Egypt- ian historyp was the"approach" to a building. Basically this described the area immediately before a doorv whether of a templeg palace or

60

private house. In the latter two cases this atea could be lightly

roofed to prbvide some protection from the heat for those awaiting

admittancep and it may be this light roof which is depicted in the

determinatives of the Old Kingdom. The fact that this sign is only

rarely found in later periods# having been generally replaced by C-3 is an indication of the extension in meaning of crryt to describe a "meeting-place" or a "courtroom". This use of the word easily devel-

, oped from its original meaning. It is a customp in many countriest for people to gather around the entrances of buildings in order to

discuss affairs or to resolve communal problems. In an ancient Egyptian private house the natural place to meet would be the court- yard, under the shade of the canopied portico vhere mastabas could be situated out of the sun's heat. Consequently the name of the

portico continued to be used for such a meeting-place, even when it had acquired a more permanent form as a part of the official admin- istration. This development in the use of 'rryt is well illustrated by a Nineteenth I)ynasty text which describes a meeting of the I; nbt- council "(6t) the 13ý'yt of Pharaoh ..... beside Hrw-1b-hr-m3<t, the

great trl of Ramasses-Mismin.... It 108

It isq thereforep impossible to suggest one translation forc rryt which would be acceptable for every occasion on which the word is foundt so each text must be judged individuallyp taking the context into accountl and a decision made as to whether "approach, 119 "portico"

or Itneeting-place" would be the most appropriate translation.

1 Posener-Kr16ger and De Cenivall The Abu Sir Papyriq pls. XIIA, b and c; XCVIIA, A4; the remaining writings of this fozm are all damaged; ibi*d. 9 pls-VIIAP Ad and B; XAq C; XCIIIAP A; PYr- 392a.

2 Posenez%-Kri6ger and De Cenivalp op. cit-P pls-IVA9 9 and h; IXXXVIAq A2 and B; XCIIAt B (this last in the plural).

3 Ibid. 9 pl. XIAO 1 and 2. 4 Piankoffp The Pyramid of Unas, pl. 16 (Pyr. 292d. This spell (No.

254) also occurs in the pyramid of Tetit the texts from which are reproduced, in hand-copy, by Sethe (Die Altaegyptischen Pyr- amidentexten). Sethe gives the fona of the deteminatives in Teti as P but, as he also gives this fo=a for the writing in Unast it can not be relied upon for accuracy.

5 Piankoffq op* citop pl*26 (PYZ- 392a. This text also occurs in

61

the pyramids of Teti and Pepi II (see note 1) where the forms of ihe determinatives are again in doubt.

6 Pyr-t 1740b.

7 Pyr-P 952a. (This writing occurs in the pyramid of Pepi I while in

that of Merenre the detezminative is of the fo=

8 Pyr-t 952a. (Pepi II).

9 -'Pyrp 9`ý 2263b (published by Faulknert The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid

_Erk. p It Texts. Sapplement of Hieroglyphic Textst 79); 292t 9;

306,10.

10 Pyr. 9 1869b. (Pepi II).

11 Lugnj Ausgewih1te DenkmAler aus 1gyptischen Samm1ungen in Schweden,

pl. XI. 12 Junkerp Gilzaj XIP 71, abb. 40 and pl. VIIr a. 13 Capartq Chambre fanbraire de la sixieme DynastLeq pl*V.

14 Urk- 9 It 218t 14-

15 Rrke I It 282y 11.

16 Urk., 1,2869 3; Lutzp Egyptian Tomb Steles and Offering Stones

pl,, 249 NO-46.

17 Cle're and Vandiert Textes de la premiere Periode intermed: Laire et

do la XIeme Dynastie, 11t 3; De Buckt The Egyptian_Coffin TexLsL,

VII9 107 (spell 901).

18 Gardiner and Sethet Egyptian Letters to the Deady Pl-VIP 4-5-

19 Koefoed-Petersenq Les Steles Egyptiennest Pl-15; Simpsony Papyrus

Reisner II Pl-104i (it 3-

20 Newberry, Beni Hasany It pl. XVIII.

21 Pierretq Inscv Louvret II, 104t ( Louvre C39 15); Irk-9 IVt 11079

5; 11149 5; 1684t 1; Urk. 9 My 239 10; 729 3; Mariettep Denderah,

IIIP Pl-839 9; et al, 22 Fakhry, The Monuments of Snefera atBahshurt Up Part IIp 91, fig-42'ýA

damaged text of the same official. (ibid. t 72y fig-392 and pl. IXX)

has which is probably to be restored as [, =Iyt. );

Newberryt El-Bersheh, It pl*XX* 23 Griffith, The Inscriptions of Sfut and Dgr lAfeh pl. 16,7-

24 Lange and ScUferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches

IIP 939 3- (The copy given by Marlette of this text(Catalogue

generale d'Abydosy 96, NO-544) has T in fount. Although origin- ally ascribed to the Middle Kingdom this textp which can be dated to the reign of Intef-sap belongs to the Seventeenth Dynasty. See

52 wII3, p. 8'19 note 4-

25 Lr_k. t IVp 1073P 3; 2155,18; 2160p 17; Erman, ZIS 17 (1879)v 72. 26 British Museumv Select Papyri, Ij pl. XX9 2; XXIq 8. 27 Zivie, C. M. p Giza au deuxreme Millenaireq 204- 28 Budge, The Book of the Dead (1898), Texto 327 (Budge gives the

form of the dete=inative as 9 but it is in fact as shown here. See B. Me 104772 26. )

29 Chazpollionv Notices Descriptivesp 1.701- 30 Spiegelbergq Hieratic Ostraka and Papyri found by J. E. Quibell-Lin

the Ramesseum, 1895-6, pl. IXA, 80. 31 Korostovtsev, BIFAOý45 (1947), 157 and plj-q 8. ý2 Chicago Universitys Oriental Institu6ep The Bubastite Portalp pl.

16,9. 33 Bergmaung Eine Sarcophaginschrift aus der Ptolemierzeit 9p 1.

34 Damichen, Altaegyptische Kalenderinschriftenp pl. IX, cp 9.

35 Chassinatt Edfoup Is 87, bottom.

36 wbi. I It 2109 12-17-

37 n. 9 1,2119 8-14-

38 Wb, j It 209,6.

39 M?. V It 2099 13-14-

40 Wb., III 207P 16.

41 Wb. 9 III 403t I-

42 Faulknerl Con. Dict-P 45-

43 Wb-t It 41P 14-24-

44 T! - 9 It 42p 1-4-

45 Ermanp ZiS 46 (1909-1910)t 96-104-

46 Erman, ZAS 20, (1892-A' 2,1; Mullert ZA'S 26 (1888) 90-92; Spiegelberg,

Studien und Materialen zum Rechtswesen des Pharaonenreiches 52-53-

47 Gardinerg Grammar, Sign Listq E23 and U13-

48 Ibidt 43.9; Gardinerv JEA 15 (1929)9 54; Compare M6,11erv Hierat- ische Palaeographie I-III No. 125 and 468-

49 Tj. I It 209P 5- See above P-41-42, 50 Gardinerg Grammart Sign Listt 038* 51 Wb-v Vt 539 5-6. 52 Wb. p Vt 53-54- 53 Wb. 9 It 210,12-17-

54 Wb-t It 211t 8-14- 55 n. i It 2099 13-14-

63

56 Wb-, 119 207P 16. 57 Paulknerg Con. Dict. P 45- 58 Gardiner and Carter# JEA 4 (1917), 147- 59 Gardinerg, ZIS 60 (1925), 65; Gardiner and Sethev op* cit. p 22;

Gardinert Grammart 558; Sign List, 038. 60 Helckt Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs, 65-

61 Qualring Gardinerp The Inscription of Mest_S, 6.

62 Quoting Urkp IVO 1107Y 5- 63 Quoting Urk. p IV9 1114P 5- 64 Helck ' op. cit., 66ff.

65 TI-P VP 539 9-21; 54P 1-11- 66 Wb. j V9 539 5-6. 67 Pyr- 9 952a; 1740b. 68 Bergmann, loc. cit.. 69 Posoner-Krieger and Do Cenivall op. cit. p pls. 3: VAp h; VIIA, J; IXA9

1; XIAt 1 and 2; LUVAy N.

70 Posener-Kriegert Archives Neferirkare, 27-29; 511- 71 Ibid. t 496-499*

72 1bid. P 511-

73 rbid., 28-29,5119

74%Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp op. cit. p pl. IVAj 9; VITAt jo

75 Posener-Kriegerg op. cit. p 28.

76 Ibid*P 511-

77 Posenerý-Kri6ger and De Cenivalp op. cit, t pl. XCIIA, B.

78 Ibid. 9 pl. XCVI3: Ap A4-

79 Posener-Kriegert OP- cit-P 512-514-

80 Posener-Kriýeger and Do Cenivalp op. cit. 9 pl-XIAv I a-ad 2o

81 PosenerýKrilegerf OP- cit-P 512,

82 Urkol It 282p 11; 286P 3; 2929 9; also ibidot It 306t 10 flat the

'rrwt. of [every r-prj in which your moniiments are-ft

83 Elayest JEA 32 (1946)p 6-7-

84 Pyr-t 392a; 1740b; 1869b; 2263b.

85 PYror 520a; 952a.

86 Lugnt loc, - cit--o 87 Lutz, loco cit.; Jurikert loco cit. o 88 Capartq loc. cit., o Compare also Urko, It 2189 14o

89 Griffithp Hieratic Papyri from Kabun and Gurobq 119 Pl-XV9 34;

V Cernyp The Inscriptions of Sinaig It pl-XXIIP 79 and 80; Koefoed-

5+

Petersen, loc. cit*; Couyat and Montet, Les Inscriptions hierog-

lyphiques et hi6ratiques du Oaýdi 11a=amatq 419 Noo1q; pl, V; Urkq

IV, 9659 5; 969,11; 9729 15-

90 Lange and Schitferv op. cit-t It 1039 s; Newberryl loc* cito., 91 Griffith, op, cit, v pl-XXXP 43-

92 Anthest Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, ple. 19p (15v 8); 209 (19t 1); 26, (25Y 19)-

93 Lange and Schhferv op* citot 1,249-

94 Winlockp Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egyptt Plo-11-15, - 95 Petriev Gizeh and Rifehv plselr-= 96 Comparep for examplet the form of the canopy over the throne on

the Narmer mace-head in Cbcford (Quibellp Rierakonpolis, It ple

XXVI9 B) and the profile of sunshades (Fischer, Yale University

Art Gallery Bulletin 24 (1958)p 29ffo

97 De Buckv Egyptian Reading Bookt 95,13--

98 Sethey Aegyptische Lesestacket 749 14-

99 De Buckv op. cit., 919 14; Simpsong loc. cit**

100 Urk,, t IV9 11079 5; 11089 4; 11149 5; 1115Y 1 and 11; 11179 1-

See also; Ibid*p 21559 18; 2160,17-

101 Gwdiner, The Inscription of Mest S, 6.

102 Ermang loc, cit.; British Museump Select Papyrip It pl. XX9 29

103 Urk-P IV9 189 4-

104 Ibid. 9 IIIY 72t 3- Compare alsop Mariettep Denderahq IIIt P1-83t 90

105 Ujck. ýq 111,239 10-

106 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institatet The Bubastite Portalt

pl. 16,19.

107 Budge, The Book of the Deadq The Papyrus of Aniq I, p1soll and 12; Navillej Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchp It pl. CLIV.

108 Emmang loc. cit..

66

Dyn. XVIII'

W34t

n Dyn. XV1112

C-3

This term is known only from blocks of the red quartzite sanctuary

of Hatshepsut from the temple of Almin at Karnak. It occurs twice in

the list of temples in the Theban area. The first example gives the

name of the w3tLt tptt enclosed within a bwt-sign. 3 Lacau and Chevrier

have suggested that this "first wa4t" was the first way-station on 4 the processional route from the temple of I=or to that of Karnak,

The"second W3ht" W3bt snnwtp is also named 5

as would have been others *91 if the sanctuary had been found intact.,

That a w34t was a way-station is certain from both the evidence

of the sanctuary blocks and the etymological origin of the term in

the verbal stem w34.6

Another series of blocks shows the sacred barque resting in

various w3bwt when in Processiony and being carried from one to an-

other. 7

The scenes show that a wilit was a shrine on a pedestal

within which was a plinth on which the barque could rest. 8

The fact

that these are dignified with the name of hwt would suggest that they

were permanent stone structures. 9

Westendorf 10 has suggested that W31# is the origin of the Coptic

Oyato 11

although no etymology is given for this term by 6erny. 12

lacau and Chevrierv Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnak, It 82, 1134; 83,1135-

2 Ibid. v 1,161,1207; 163y 214; 164,1216; 165,1217; 165,1218; 166t j 219; 167 vj 220; 167 j 221 ; 168,1222 (see al so Urk. p IV, 37 9).

3 Lacau and Chevrier, op. cit., 1,82,1134- 4 Loc. cit.. 5 LbLd- P 83t 1135- 6 Wbet It 253-257. For w-34t, see; Ibidop It 2589 4; Faulkner, Con.

Dictey 54- 7 Lacau and Chevriery op. cit., 1,161-168. a At the time of writing, volume II of Lacau and Chevrier's public-

ation has not appeared. Photographs of two of these blocks showing the W34Wt can be seen in legrain and Navillep Vaile nord du Pylone d'Amenophis III a Karnakq pl. XI7.

66

9 For a discussion of these wsliwt see; Foucartv BIPAO 24 (1924)p 94-

100. 10 Westendorfv Koptisches Handw6rterbuch, 284-

11 Cram, A Coptic Dictionaryq 24b (cxZo B),

12 derny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary.

S'I

W311

3 Dyn. XII Dyn* XVIII Dyn* XVII19 XX9 XX19 XXV9 XXX

T& ptol. 2 also in singe & dual.

Dyno XIX4 Dyn. XIX Dyn. XXV6

/P//, ,, & ptol. 5

sing.

Dyn. XXX7 Philip Arrhidaeus 8

-? -ý =' sing.

All writings of w34 are found in the plural unless stated otherwise.

The single-stem papyriform column is first found in Egypt in the enc- losure of the Step ]Pyramid of Djoser at Saqqaraj where the slender

columns axe engaged-9 After thiss the type was not common until the

New Kingdom although there is evidence that it did occur in the Middte

Kingdom. Aý, scane in tomb 5 at El-Bersheh clearly shows a single-stem

papyriform column 10

and there is also evidence that such columns

existed in the town at Kahun. 11 However this type of column does not

seem to have been popular in Egypt before the New Kingdom. 12

The papyriform cluster column first appeared in the Fifth Dynasty13

and examples are known from the Middle Kingdom. 14 By the Now Kingdom

this typu had virtually replaced the lotiform column, to which it

bears a strong resemblencepl, 5

and which had previously been more pop-

ulVX. Essentiallyq therefore, the development of the two papyriform

column types was the same. Although both axe found prior to the New

Kingdom the examples increased greatly in number from the Eighteenth

Dynasty onward. Since both types represent the same plant-form, the

papyxusv it is possible that both were described by the same wordp w, 3d. This certainly seems to be indicated by the earliest extant ex- ample where papyriform cluster columns are described as W3d_wp a term

which one would expect to have been applied primarily to campanifo= columns as this is the type which the wa4 sign depicts.

The text is on several pieces bf various papyriform cluster col- umns found on the ancient site of Crocodilopolis (Medinet el-Fa7um). Each column bore the same im-qxdption which described work carried out by Amenemhat III for the god Sobek. The king made a wxbt with w3ft

16 and s3wt in granite. This is the material of which the columns are

68

made so there can be no doubt that the text refers to the columns on

which it is inscribed. The copy of the text given by Habachiq which

is in fouht, shows the standard papyrus plant hieroglyphs as does

the copy, given by Lepsius, of a part of one of the columns which he

found being used as a threshold in Medinet el-Fayum. 17 However the

only pho; ýograph reproduced by Habachi which is clear enough to allow the w34-signs to be distinguishedleshows that the signs are of the

form given in the first of the writings above. The opan papyrus plant

is intended even though the columns themselves are of cluster-forme In the New Kingdom, when such columns were often erectedp the ideo-

gram 19 usually in the pluralp was used to describe theme 19 The

reading of this sign is problematical. If both papyrdkfora column- types were called wjýwt then one would have to assume thatt in texts

such as those of the Hypostyle Hall in the temple of Amun at Karnak

which describe the hall as pbr. tl m Ila ýr IRIJ ýO both groups are to

be read as w4ýw. The papyriform cluster columns of JUnenhotep III at Luxor seem to have been called n#bwt (q. ve) which was originally the

name for lotiform columns and it is possible that the ideogram was to be read as 4bwt. 21 However this is an isolated case and actual

papyrifoxm cluster columns arep more frequentlyp called ws#. In the second hypostyle hall of the temple of Seti I at Abydos

there are three rows of columnsp with twelve in each. The front row is of etraight-shafted cylindrical columnsp while the other two rows

are stylised papyriform cluster columns. 22 A damaged coiling insc- ,ý $Rt ý)2 3

ription in the hall contains the group whichp presumablyp refers to the columns in the hall. Possibly W34 was used here as a general term for a column asq indeedv was the word 1wn in the same temple. 24 Cn the other hand the columns may have been described as w3dw because the majority of them were papyriform.

The columns of the forecourt of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak

are also stylised papyriform cluster columns 25

and are described in the dedication inscription of Herihor as WS1w

26 A possible third

example comes from the Ramesside forecourt of the tepple of Luxor

where a text on the back of the east wing of the pylon describes the forecourt, with its stylised papyriform cluster columns, as a wsht.... pbr. ti m w3dw(? ) .

27 The form of the signs is uncertain as the text is damaged and the-capitale of the coluran hieroglyphs are lost. However the bases of the signst as publishedq would suggest that papyriform

69

columns were intended.

It is possible thatt in all these examplesp W3ý was being used to

mean simply "column. 119 but it is more likely that both papyrifo3n column types were called wa4 and that the ideogram I is to be read in this

way. There can, however, be no doubt that the cingle-stem papyrifo= col-

umn wasq c6nsistentlyp referred to as W3d. This is true of the columns

erected by Tathmosis III in the hall butween Pylons 4 and 5 in the temple

of Amun at Karnak, where the king added to the number of columns erected by Tuthmosis 1.28 As Borchardt has demonstrated, the columns of the

earlier king differed slightly from those of Tuthmosis IIIp but both

sets were single-stem papyriform columns. 29 No capitals belonging to

these columns have been found but they would have been campaniform. Columns in the same hall were also called w3dw by Amenhotep II who comp- leted the decoration started by his father. 30 In the Nineteenth Dynasty

W3dW was used of the aisle of campaniform papyrus-columns in the Hyp-

ostyle Hall at Karnak3l and also of a similar aisle in the Rameaseum ?2

In the Twenty-Fifth Dynastyp Montuemhat recorded building, for Mut,

at Karnakq a h3yt (q*v*) with twenty-four W3d-columns in sandatone. 33

Both Wreszinski and Leclant have zaggested that this was a "porch'19

similar t6 those erected by Taharqa in the Amun temple enclosure. 34

A text of Nectanebo II over the north colonnade of the portico of the temple of Hibis in El-Kharga oasis, records that the king constructed "beautiful W3dw in sandstone".

35 The engaged columns of thi's portico were of three types; palmiformy open-flowered lotiform and camparliform papyrus columns.

36 In this case One can only assume that w3ýw was used

as d., term for columns in general and did not refer to the papyrifo3M examples alone.

An interesting use of w3d occurs at Hermopolis where a Thirtieth Dynasty building text employs the tern to dmcribe columns with Hathor- headed sistrim capitals,

37

In the temples of the Ptolemaic period the columns areof many

varied forms and the papyri64rm column wsd occurs along with other detailed ideograms038 W3d is not found in either demotic or Coptice

Although W3d_ was used primarily to describe the aingle-stem pap- yriform columnt it was also the name of the papyriform-cluster column and, from the Thirtieth Dynastyp it could be used of other types.

60

1 Habachi, ASAE 37 (1937)9 88; LD., II, 118g.

2 Urkep IV, 933,7 (these w3d columnsv in a text from tomb 86 at Thebes, axe coloured green on the shaft and white on the base and

capital); De Wit, Cho d'Eg* 36 NO-72 (July 1961), 285o

3 ljý-, IVo 642,1; 1328,1-3; 1331,11 and 12; LD*, III, 243a; Chic-

ago University, Oriental Institute, Rameses III's Temple within the

Great Inclosare of Amun, p1s. 22f A, 18; 23, A, 18; Wresilnzki, Or-

ientalistis9he Literatar-zeitung 13 (19109, pl. II (after P-387), 13;

Hoederv ASAN 52 (1954)9 79, Dy 12*

4 KIT, 1,141,9 - 5 Ibid*, 202,9; 2031 8; 205,2 and 9; De Wit, Ch. d'Er, - 36 No-71

(January 1961), 87. 6 Yoyottev Ch* dlEge 28 NO-55 (January 19530,34- 7 The Metropolitan Museum of Artq The Egyptian Expeditiont The Temple

1. of'oHibis in El-Khargeh Oasis, III, pl. 64, middle, 6 Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)9 145,8- 9 Lauer, La Pyramide a degr8s, 110 pls. LXXXII-IXXXIII.

10 Griffith and Newberry, El-Bersheh, II, pl. XVII.

11 Petrie, Illahun, Kahan and Gurob, pl-VIt 5.

12 For a description of the development of both papyriform column

types see; Borchardt, Die Aegyptische Pfltanzenshule 25-43-

13 Id., Das Grabdenkmal des KrDnigs Ne-user-reý-q 11, abb-5; Ldo, Das

Grabdenkmal des Konigs S'a3bu-rel, 19 53, abb-59-61.

14 LD*, 1,47 (columns of Amenemhat III from Hawara, ); Habachiq on. L. &. z cit-P 85-95 ( also of Amenemhat III from Medinet El-Fayum).

15 See nbbwt, Pote 14-

16 Habachil op. cit., 88.

17 LDo, II, 118g.

18 Habachi, opo citot 91, figo6o

19 E-g. KRI, I, 201t 5; 205o 9; Christophep BIFA0 60 (1960)t 79-

20 KRI, 1,202,9,

21 Since 4bwt and w3dw are of different gender it may, one day, be

possible to decide on the reading of the ideogram if a text were to

be discovered in which the gender of the word was indicated. Cne

inscription in which this may seem ; ýo be possible (Budge, Some Auc-

ount of the Collection of Egyptian Antiquities in the possession of

lady Meux of Theobalds Parkv Waltham Cross, 143) has in fact been

61

wrongly copied hy Budge. The signs reproduced as III

areq in fact9

to be. tead Jýý (Raffle and Kitchen, Glimpses of Ancient Egypto 70,

pl*VIII; KRI, IIIt 197t 4)- Consequently any discussIons as to the

identification of these "columns" is now irrelevant (see, for example Barguet, Templeo 330, note 1; Raffle and Kitchen, OP. cit-, 73)-

22 Calverley, The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, IV, pl. 57.

23 LbLid. j IV, pl. 629 Do

24 KRI, 1,186,10.

25 Capartp Thebes, fig-45. These columns were made up from older drums

which were transported to Karnak from the temple of Horemheb at Med-

inet Habu, see; H61scher, Exc. Med. Habu, II, 79t and fig*69.

26 LD, III, 243a (also published by Chappollion in Notices Doscriptives,

11,222.

27 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974)t 147,3-

28 Urk. 9 IV9 842t le

29 Borchardt, Baugeschichteg'11-13-

30 Urk-9 IV, 13289 1-3; 1331P 11 and 12.

321MI, 1r")? 029 9f 203,8; 2059 2 and 9.

32 Chridtophe, OP. cit , 79-

33 Wreszinski, loc. cit..

34 PM9 11,24-25. For similar colonnades elsewhere at Karnak see; Ibid.,

119 5 (temple of Montu); Ibid., 227 (temple of Khonm).

35 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, opo citot III, pl. 64. This group was

read as w3dyt by Badavy (ZiS 102 (1975)9 85)-

36 For a plan of the porch see; The Metropolitan Museum of Artq ope

aýi_t-, 19 pl. XXXIII and for photographs of the columns see; Ibid.,

1, pls,, IV+VIII,

37 Roeder, loc. cit..

38 E. go LD., III, 285a; De Witv Ch. d1Hg- 36 No-71 (January 1961),

87; Ibid., No-72 (July 1961), 285-

62

w3 dyt

Dyn. XVIII, XXII Dyn. XVIII9 Ptol. 2 Dyn. XXI, 3

C-3 ptol.

4

Ik 44 C-3 r-3

C-3

Like many other names for architectural features in Egyptian temples

wsdyt has not been found prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty. In the case

of most words this is due to an accident of survivalv but this may

not be trae of w5Vt. As the WO"rterbuch noted5 w3dyt described,

primarilyp a columned hall with W34 C0111TOW3. Since wsrl designated

particularly the single-stem papyriform column which did not occur

often before the New Kingdom (see above P. 57 ) it would not be

reasonable to expect w3dyt to be found in texts of earlier date.

It was only in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties that the hall

with vs4 columns became popular. In particular w3dyt seems to have been used of one hall; that

situated between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons in the temple of Amun

at Karnak. Although the plan of this hall was changed extensively between the reigns of Tuthmosis I and Amenhotep, IIf it always con- tained w3d columns. In the original hallp as erected by Tuthmosis Ip there were four or five columns to which Tathmosis III added a further nine or ten to make their number up to fourteen.

6 The earliest

text to call this hall a w3dyt is of the reign of Hatshepsut who, on a block from her sanctuary which was found within the Third Pylon, described the erection of her obelisks "within (m bnt) the

noble w: &dyt. #, 7 At the time when this work was carried out the hall

consisted of a Bingle central row of papyriform collimnst at least two

of which would have had to have been removed to facilitate the

erection of the obelisks. An inscription of Tuthmosis 1119 also at Ka=akp tells how the

young prince was standing in the "northern w34yt" 8

when he was chosen to be king by Amunp while the god was processing around the

W3dyt. 9 This usep by Tuthmosis IIIp 6f the expression "nortlern

Wdy 11 to mean the northern half of the hall is paralleled by the

use of the phrase "southern w3dytllin the reign of Amenhotep II. This king decorated the columns in the southern half of the hall and texts

still survive on three of these which record that the king had made

63

tlw-%d columns for the southern w: sdvt 11 10 They werej in fact, erected

by Tathmosis III but this did not deter his successor from claiming

that he not only decorated but also built the columns.

On the sanctuary of Hatshepsut the goddess Hathor is described

as hntt st m w3_dyt 11

which, at Karnakv probably refers to the hall

of Tuthmosis I.

After the Eighteenth Dynasty W3dyt has not been found again before

the Twenty-seconddDynasty. In the reign of Sheshonq I the sandptond

quarry at Silsila was re-opened for building work in the temple of

Amun at Karnak. Sheshonq planned a bbnt and a ws1jt-tbyt surrounded

by statues and a W3-dYtt all of which he described on a stela in the

quarry. 12 Although the king himself died soon after the stelaq erected

in his last known regnal yearp was inscribedp the original plan seems

to have been followed and the existing forecourt with its colonnades

_yt. _ These colonnades do not corresponds to the wsht-4by with a w3d

have siAgle-stem papyriform columnst like the hall of Tathmosis 1,

but consist of stylized papyriform cluster columns which can also be called w3qw (see the entry on w3ij p. 58) so that w3_dyt is still

an accurate name for these colonnades.

Two statues of the same dynasty mention a w3dyt in connection 13

with the god Amun. Since both came from the cachette at Karnak it

is reasonable to assume that the W3dyt in question was in the Amun

'temple. Presumably once again the. hall between the Fourth and Fifth

Pylons. 14

In the Ptolemaic period wsdyt was used to describev among other buildingsp15 the roof-chapel of the Hathor temple at Dendera.

16 The

word is found neither in demotic nor Coptict

The original meaning Of W3_dyt as a hall of w3c-1 columns is not

open to doubt despite the small number of examples Of the word. It

is possible that w3dyt was used only of the hall of Tathmosis I at Karnak until the Twenty-second Dynasty*when it was applied to the

colonnades of the forecou=t. In Ptolemaic w-; dyt seemed to lose its

original meaning and was used as a general word for a columned

edifice.

Urk- IVt 374-11; 158.8;, 1328.1-3; Legrain, Statues et statuettes IIIP 60A*Caminosp ýLEL

ý8 (1952)v PLxIllt48. 2 Urk. IVP 157-13- Mariettep Denderah, II, pl-20 c.

6+

3 Legraing op. cit. 9 80,1 and pl*XLI. 4 Dilmichen, Resultate pl. 50p 8,

5 Wbeq 19 269,6-9. Faulkner (Cono Diets 56) translates w3dyt as "hall of colilmns" without specifying the column type involved.

6 For the history and development of this hall see; Borchardt, Baugeschichte, passim especially P-10-14-

7 Urk, j IV, 3749 11. This text is also publishedq in fountp by Lacam

and Chevrierp La Chapelle dillatshepecat i Karnakp 232P 369. 8 Urk-P IV9 1579 13- 9 Ibideq 1589 8.

10 Ibid. 9 1328p 1-3 (column 2 Omits rsYt). 11 Lacau and Chevrier, op- cit. 9 100; 104 note ac. See also Helckt Die

Ritualszenen auf der Umfassungsmauer Rameses' II in Karnak, 77-

12 Caminosp loc. cit.. 13 Legrainp op. cit. 9 1119 60p d; 80f i and pl. XLI.

14 Barguetv Templet 311-

15 Bergmann, Buch von Darchwandeln der Rwigiteitq 21.

16 Wb. 9 It 269,8 citing D4michenq loc. cit. and Marietteg loc. cit..

Addendum.

Anpther writing of w3dyt, -IL occurs on a wsh-collar amLilet from tomb No*2 at Sai in Nubia* The writing is found in the title 4ry wsd-yt of an official named Ray, and is dated to the New Kingdom (Gout-Minaultl Hommages a Berge Sauneronj Ip 33; Vercoutterg CRIPEL 3 (1975)9 13-)

ý5

wb3

Dyne XIq Dyne XVIII 2

As. Dyne XIX3

C-j XIX Ij 'k- r-3

Qý- Dyne XIX4 Dyne XIX5 SEL

Dyne XIX

C-3 C-3

ý-=L Dyne XIXI, XX7 3X" C73 C-3-

Dyne XIX9 Dyn* XIX 10

ABL Dyne X IX 11

Up- V-j UI

Dyne XIXt 12 Dyne XjXl 3

C-3 TjArl4c-.

l Tmj XX

16 17

110K. 15 rZa- N*Ks Dyn

T C-73

Xx

C-3 Dyne XX 18

1 Dyne XXl 9 Dyne XX 20

C-3

Dyne XX21 ,,. Dyne XX 22 Dyne XX23 c xxil

CAC-. )ý Ir-311 Tj

E-3

Dyne XX24 Dyn., XX25 Dyne XX26 Ie

C-3

Dyne XXI27 Dyne XX1128 Dyne XXV, 29

C-3 TI

C-3

Dyne XXV, 30 31 ptol. 32 rKE;.. xxvii

Ptol. . 3at

C-3 Tj

C-3

Roman33 j 'a

34 , a,. OEIZM

These writings of wb5 do not include all of the many variants known

as it is a word which could ýg written in an almost infinite number

of ways. The initial sign I was often confused with

t 36 and many

unusual forms of these two signs were employed. The &- could be used

withp or withoutq the IS. andq from the Hineteenth Dynasty,. DX wax

often written through phonetic confusion. 37 In Late Egyptian various

semi-consonants were added. Consequently it has not been practicable to give all the possible spellings of the termv although those quoted

above are a representative selection. Etymologically wb3 is related to the verbal stem wbs "to bore, to

open,, 38

and this has undoubtedly contributedt in the past, to the

bl

tendency to translate wb: s as an "open forecourtt, 39 or "open courtt,

40.

The W8rterbuch also gave a secondary meaning of 'qIeiligtum" . 41 The

accepted translation of "forecourt" has been challenged by 'Christophe

with regard to the use made of wb3 in Papyrus Harris I in which hu

could justify a translation of "court" for only one example* He sugg-

ested that, in this papyrus at leasto wbi should be translated as

11sanctuairep pris dans son sens large do "temple" ou memo do I'domaine

sacrell.,, 42 A similar meaning has also been suggested by Otto. 43 Since

wb3 is derived from the verb wb3 "to open" it ought to have refeired

to some part of a temple complex which could have been regarded as

being "open". However there is no evidence that this was the temple

forecourt which zras usually an unroofed courtv the aides of which

were lined with statues and colonnadesp situated immediately behind

the pylon. I hope to show that wba was, in fact, used to describe a

much wider area than is generally believed,.

Wbs is usually regarded as having been confined in use to descrip-

tions of temples andq with one exception, this does seem to have been

the case* The one exception also happens to be the earliest occurrence

of the word and the only writing known to Oredate the Now Kingdom,

The W5rterbuch noted that wb3 first appeared in the Eighteenth Dyn-

asty and occurred often in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynastie, 3044

This must now be amended as wbs was certainly known in the Eleventh

Dynasty and wasp thereforet probably in use throughout the Middle King-

dom. As with so many wordsp the absence of examplesfrom any particular

period does not necessarily indicate that the term was not being

employed. The documentary evidence for wb3 in the New Kingdom and later is provided 1- the kinds of texts (building inscriptions and temple papyri) which have been rarely found from earlier periods.

The earliest writing of 03 occurs in a series of inventories

which were drawn up for the Theban official Hokanakhtee The majority

of these deal with livestock and produceg but account No. 6 lists

items made of wood, among which are parts of a boatv including a

mast which is described as being I'm wbVI. 45 The only other location

givan in the list is for five pieces of willow-wood which are I'm pr- h"S". James has taken r- 3 to be the rear part of a house "perhaps

even the out-house s,. 46

and compared it with a passage in the Dream

Stela of Tanutamun47 where pr-bit (q*vo) refers to the rear part of the temple of Amun at Napatae James also noted that this example of

61

wb3 "demonstriLtes that in origin it was used to describe courts other

than those of temples*" 48 There is, indeed, no direct evidence to

suggest that these two termso wb3 and pr_4-1, do not refer to parts of

the house or estate of Hekanakhte himself. Howeverg in view of the

fact that both words are only known elsewhere in temple-contextsv it

is possible that Hekanakhte owned wooden items which were being stored

in a temple-precinct. This may seem unlikely but there is an inter-

esting parallel in the papyrus B. M. 10303 in which there is recorded

a dispute over the ownership of a mast which is described as being

in the possession of a private individual "behind the sbty ////., of

the bwt.,. 49 In this case t. 3 tLwt certainly refers to the mortuary

temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habu, 50 the obty of which was the

brick enclosure wall. It is, thereforet not impossible that thelb-s

of the Hekanakhte inventory was attached to a temple-precinct al-

though wb! could well have referredq originally, to a part of a priv-

ate estate since the plan of any Eeyptian temple was based on that

of a private domestic dwelling. Whether it was in a temple precinct

or a private estatep a wb3 in which a mast could be stored can only

have been a fairly large open spacee 51

The usualp convenient translation of "forecourt" can not be

applied to many of the texts in which wba occurs. The number and

types of both buildings and activities which are described as being

within the temple wb3 can only be accounted for if the word is under6-

stood to have referred to the entire temple temenoo and, by extension,

all land sacred to the god,

This can be seen with regard to the single obelisk of Tuthmosis

III from the Eastern Temple at Karnak (the Lateran obelisk). It bears

an inscription indicating that it was to be erected m wb3 47 ýwt- 52

ntro This obelisk was left unfinished by Tathmosis III and was fin-

ally erected in the reign of Tuthmosis IV r sb3 tLry n"Ipt-owt "at

the upper sb3 of pet-sut... 53

Despite earlier theories to the cont-

raryp 54

jjims55has shown that the obelisk was intended, by Tuthmooia

1119 to stand in the Eastern Temple, the site being designated by the

inscription of this king as the 03 hry "the upper 0311. One would

expect this location to correspond closely to the region of the sbs 1ýry mentioned in the text of Tuthmosis IV9

56 and there is, thoreCore,

no reason to doubt that the obelisk was intended for the site in

which it was, belatedly, erected. It is impossible that this area

69

could have been regarded as the "forecourt" of the temple in the reign

of Tuthmosis III and wb3 here must be understood as referring to the

temple temenos, 57

the adjective tLry indicating that it was this part-

icular part of the enclosurep at the back of the main templeg which

was intendedo

Cnce again there is a break in the known history of this term as

no further examples have been found from the Eighteenth Dynasty* This

muat be due to an accident of survival since the word must have still

been in use. However from the roign of Seti I wb3 occurs frequently

in all kinds of texts.

In the temple of Luxor 11amesses II described how he made a wb3

provided with two obelisks for his father Amun-Re Atum* 58 The obel-

isks stood before the pylon of the temple and were not within the

Razesside forecourt, In this caseq therefore, yll referred to the

area immediately in front of the temple pylon which may have been en-

closed by a Razesside wall which has since been completely destroyed,

There are remains at Luxor of a Thirtieth Dynasty wall 59

which could

have been built over an earlier one. However the temple of Luxor

was asubsiduary of the main Amun temple at Karnak and consequently

the land on which the temple was built and the processional way be-

tween the two building complexes would have been regarded as belong-

ing to Amun and could be described as the wba of the god if the tem

was applied in its broadest sense.

This must be the case with the temple of Seti I at Gurna which

is described as being situated m wb3 nt"Ipt-swto 60

This particular

example also shows the impossibility of translating 1b3 as "fore-

courtN

Cne curious use of rb3 is found in the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak

where the hall is namedg on an architrave inscription, as tLwt-ntr

3h_ (Sti mr-n, -ýmnj m pr,! Imn m bft-tLr n )Ipt-swt wb3 ýSPSS M W3ýW WrW

p4retl m Ett "The bwt-nJr (called) "Glorious is Seti Merenamun"

in the pr of Amung in front of Ipet-satv a xoble wb: 3 with great w: sd-

columns and JEB e

61 In this text Wb3 can only be in apposition to

bwt-ntr and is therefore being used of the Hypostyle Hall itself.

Christophe translated wb3 in this text as 11sanctuaire . 62

but in an,

other damaged text from the same hall he preferred to translate wb3

as "avant-cour" 63 aszaming that in this example

64 the text was

69

referring to the unfinished hall before the smaller columns were

erected. This is an unnecessary assumption if wbs is properly under-

stood* In this case the hall was built on land immediately in front

of the main entrance to the existing templeg the same area as was

called"the wb51-1 at Luxor. As Christophe has pointed outp Seti I reg-

arded his hall as being "in front of Ipet-sut. 11 65

If the hall was

built in the wba of the temple it it easy to see that the name of the

original clear area before the entrance could have been transferred

to the hall itself. Alternatively the use og this term to describe

a hypostyle hall may be an example of hyperbole, since the same hall

was also called a tLwt-ntr. 66

Cne further text also uses yýj) for the

Hypostyle Hall; wba spas m mnw nfrw wrw wsdwr'*// /, 1311a noble wb3 with 7

great and beautiful monurnentsp wad-columnsLZ Obviously the meaning of wbs in any text can only be confirmed

if the example can be related to a surviving monument. This is part-

icAlarly true of the temple complex at Karnak.

In the reign of Ramesses II the Eastern Temple was redesigned and

extended* The work is described on the back pillar of a statue of

Bakenkhons, detailing the building itself,, the obeliskd, doors (IM,

q. v. ) and finally the flagstaffs which were erected m wb3 %-Pcs m-bft-

4r n j1wt-ntr. f "in the noble wbb in front of his tiwt-ntr11.68 Once

again, as at Luxor, the wb: j is the area before the entrance to the

temple. Nims has sug&ested that this temple was "an edifice built by

the state for the use of the people of Thebes. " 69

The fact that the

ordinary people could come to the wba of Amun to petition the god

is shown in a series of Twentieth Dynasty latters, instructing the

family of a sick man to pray for him in the wb3 of Amun. 70 When thO7,

man recovers he is supposed to go to the wb3 to thank the god himself.

Since wb, -ý- could include all the land within the enclosure wallg there

was no heed for the general public to enter the main temple to pet- ition the god. Shrines and statues could be set up "in the wb-111 to

which petitions and offerings could be brought* This is undoubtedly the origin of the god "Amenhotep of the wb3119 a form of the deified

Pharaoh Amenhotep 1,72 Presumably there was once a status of the

king sbmewhere "in the 0311 of Amun tQ which popular representations

were made, Eventually the cult required a shrine of its own and a

pr of the deified king was established 6n the West Bank at ThebeS73

10

74 and provided with a priesthoode The original site of the statue could

have been anywhere in the area of Karnak or eveng since the temple of

Seti I at Gurna was regarded as Igeing in the wb39 on the West Bank at

Thebes, on land sacred to Amun.

Wb3 occurs frequently in Papyrus Harris I. The temple of Ramesses

III at Karnak is described as )jft-]ýr n wb3. k 75

and the king also notes

the providin& for the wb3 of Amunp of a jar-stand, 76 plunder from for-

eign campaigns, 77

sycamore-trees 8

aand a black granite shrine*79 At

Heliopolis the king carried out works in the wb3 of Atum 60 including

instituting offerinSs 81 building a storehouse fpr offerings

82 and

providing men to police and sanctify the 03083 At Memphid Ramesses

built a 1ýwt in thw wb3 of Ptah94 as well as a similar building in the

wbi of Th6th at Hermopolie. 85 Rinally the king describes what he did

for the gods and goddesses of the South and North "I made tLwt (pl. )

and r-pr (pl, ) in (kir) their wbi(w), " 86

Wb3 was a very common term in the Nineteenth Dynasty and later

periods. Further buildings which were erected in a wb. 3 of a god include

the Amun temple of Seti II at Hermopolis 87

and a temple of Merenptah

at Memphis. 88

The wb3 formed a pext of the temple complex of Ramesses

III at Medinet Habu EN

and at Heracleopolis a bntt was erected in the

wb3 of Horshefe go

Other works carried out in wb3w include the erection 91 02

of an obelisk at Heliopolis, columns at Thebest" a great offering 93 94 95

table of silver and gold at Karnakj statues of copper and wood

at Thebes and a h3Yt in the enclosure at Dendera in the Ptolemaic

Period. 96

Various officials of the wb3 are known including a w1b priest 97

and several scribes. ý8

In the Twentieth Dynasty the High Priest of Amung Amenhotepp was introduced in to the great wbi of . 4j=n

99 when

he was installed in hie officeg and he was praised and glorified in

the great wb3 of Amun-Re. 100

Wb: 5 occurs in the demotic script 101

but was not retained into

Copticp presumably becatipe the word was so closely connected with

pagan temples which were no longer being built or operated. The shortage of evidence from the period prior to the Eleventh

Dynasty makes it Impossible to trace the origins of wba, It may have been first used in relation to domestic architecture if the writing in the Hekanakhte account refers to his own homep but this in by no means certain, In any case, the plan of an Egyptian temple was derived

11

from the basic house-plan since the temple was the home of the god, so

it is possible that wb3 was used to describe the area bounded by encl-

osure walls of both religious and private estates. Howoverv by the

Nineteenth Dynasty, and probably even by the Eighteentht the term had

become firmly affixed to temple architecture alone and it did not

recur in a secular context. From the New Kingdom onward wbi seems to refer to all that land

sacred to the god outside of the actual temple building itself. Thus

it could be used of the area within the enclosure wall, the temple

temenos, and this can be seen particularly in Papyrus Hartia I where

the building and offering activities which take place m wba or Iýr wIrs

can all be best understood as having occurred within the temple enc-

losu=e. Other building texts also clearly use vb3 to mean the : bemple

temenose

There are other cases, howeverv where a translation of "temenos"

is inadequate. In several texts wb3 is used specifically of the area immediately "in front of" or "outside" a m: kin temple entrance and in

the case of the temple of Seti I at Gurna wb3 was extended in meaning

to include land on the West Bank which belonged to Amun.

There is no one word which can be used to translate wb3 correctly

on all occasions and each occu=ence will have to be assamed on the

context, The one translation which id inaccurate on moot occasions is the generally accepted "forecourt" andq for the majority of texts

11temenos" would be a suitable rendering, Since wb3 could be extended in meaning to include all land sacred

to a godq it is important not to confuse its meaning with that of the

term pr (qov. ) which, in the context of an Egyptian temple, could

also designate all the land belonging to a particular g6d. Prq however,

has an administrative connotation which is entirely lac4ing in wb-i. The pr of a god could include land which was administered for the

temple but was situated far away from the main cult-centre. When a temple on the West Bank at Thebes was described as being m prImn, this implied that it was under the administrative control of the temple

of Amun while the expression m wb3 simply indicated the physical sit- uation of the temple,

In actual factv any temple which was erected on the wb" of Amun

would have been under the administrative control of the main Amun temple at Karnakv and couldv thereforep have been described also as

12-

m pr * This can be seen in the case of the temple of Seti I at

Gurna. 102

The main distinction between the two terms is that m wbi described

the location of the temple while m pr indicated that a temple was

economically subordinate to the main cult-centre of the cod in question.

1 James, The Hekanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Doc-

uments, p1*12, V, 3; KRI9 1,216,5-

2 Urk-, IV, 584,10.

3 KRI. ) Is 2019 5; 201,15; 2059 4-

4 ]D21dq 19 1189 11.

5 plantikow-MAnster, ZA'S 95 (1969)9 1190 Abb,, J, bo 6.

6 KRII 11,278,11-

7 Ibidep 11,278,13; Erichsen, PaPYrus Ha=is 1,39 11; 6,14-15;

349 4; 54t 12; at al*o

8 KRI, 11,37,11-15-

9 Baud and Driotons Le Tombeau do Panehsy, 25, fig. 12.

10 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974), 1479 4-

11 Roeder, ASAE 52 (1954)9 345; p1s. V; VI.

12 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 10,9; denly, Late Ramesside

Letters, 311,11-

13 Berlin K6niglichen Maseeng Aegyptische Inschriften, 158,7.

14 Cerny and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca., I, pl. 1029 2.

15 Virey, Rec. do Tr 8 (1886), 170 and unnumbered plate. V 16 Cerny and Gardinerv op, cit., pl. 89, rect t 9.

17 ERI, V, 250,2*

18 Ibide, V, 237,7-

19 Chicago Universityl, Oriental Institutep Ramees III'a Temple within

the Great Inclosure of Amon, Iq pls. 22, A, 18; 23# A9 18-

20 Id, q Madinat Habu III, pls. 182,2; 184,5 (this last without 21 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty,

II, pl. XIX, 6, recto, 4-

22 Ibidpq pl. It 2p 8.

23 UT, Mv 101; 218, b (with T instead of Lefebvre, Inscriptions

concernant les g=ands Pretres d'Amon Rome-Rok at Amenhotept 63?

Insc*XV, b, 3 and 6; Leg=ain, Statues at Statuettest 1119 80&J- %0

24 Cerny, Op- Cit-, 72t 7-

is

25 Cerny, JEA 31 (19409 46 (wb3 is written like this in lines 2,6

and 9 of the stela (BM 278). In line 5 an. 3 is added. )

26 Cerny, Late Ramesside Lettersq 2,10o

27 Hamada, ASAE 47, (1947)9 18, (6).

28 Badawi, ASAE 44 (1944), 204-

29 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950), pl. IIv 2; 111,2 (Vercoutter would

prefer to date this to the Thirtieth Dynasty* See wb3, note 59)-

30 Ibidep Pl-Vv 3; ahassinatv Roe. de Travo 23 (1901)9 79-

31 Koefoed Petersen, Los St; les Egyptiennes, pl. 65-

32 Daumas, BIFA 50 (1952), 149-

33 Saunerong Esnap 1119 109 197P 14-

34 Ido, Manges Mariette 245-

35 Gardiner, Grammcx, Sign List, U. 26 (also U, 279 an Old Kingdom var-

iant).

36 Ibid,, Sign List, U, 24-

37 Gardiner, JEA 15 (1929)9 52*

38 ML. v 19 2909 1-23; 291,1-7, See alsop now, Ward, The Four Egyptian

39 T! -, 1,291,10-13- Homographic Roots b3,60-61vi 113-115-

40 Faulknerg Con. Dictep 58.1

41 Wb. 9 Iv 2919 14- (The W6rterbuch also lists a word wb3j. (t Tj

which is feminine, occurs in Late Egyptian only

and for which the Wbo gives the translation "Vorhof don Tempols"

(LVb. r 19 291t 15)o The writing comes from BIJ Octracan 5656a which

is a New Kingdom hymn to Azun-Re (Bircht Inscriptions in the Hier-

atic and Demotic Character from the Collection of the British

Museum, p1*26,5656av versop 9),, However the hieratic forms of the

first three signs bear no resemblance to their equivalents as given by M0"ller (Hieratische Palalographiev 119 487 (jb3, neither does

))* In view of this the sign resemble bmt,, 486); 124 (b); 208 (IL%

it is probably not to be taken as a feminine writing of wbrs, )

42 Christophe, U61anges Masperop 19 fasc-49 24-

43 Otto, Topographie den Thebanischen Gauesp 47-48-

44 Wb-9 1,291. (The belief that vb3 was unknown before the Now King-

dom led Roeder (ASAE 52 (1954), 348v (a)) to asoume that it must have referred to a part of the temple which did not exist in ear- lier exazples. )

45 James, ope cit. t pl. 120 V, versor 3 (for the transcription see pl. I 2A., )

114

46 Ibideq 61, note 27- 47 Urk. 9 111,68,13- 48 James, op. citv 61-629 note 28* 49 Peet, op- cit-v IIP Pl-XXrIt 39 7 (for a translation of the whole

passage see Ibid. 9 Iv 125)- 50 6ernyj, JEA 26 (1940)t 127-130-

51 Compare the court of an Amarna house (Lloydq JEA 19 (1933)9 1-7)- 52 Urk. 9 IV, 5849 10-

53 Ibid-v 15509 18-

54 PM9 11,213- 55 Nims, Beitrhge Bf. 12t Festschrift Ricke, 109 and note 15-

56 The Easte3m gate of the temple of Amun is again called llsb's liry"

in the reign of Ramesses II (Plantikow-Mýmster, op. citep Abb. 1,

b, 5-

57 The brick enclosure wall of the Amun temple in the Eighteenth Dyn-

asty seems to have been a buttressed wallp portions of which have

been found on the eastern side of the temple (Barguetv Templeg 34;

Plan 1). Bargue-Us plan shows the wall bending in the area of the

Eastemn temple so that one can not be certain as to its exact pos- ition with regard to the obelisk.

58 Abd El-Razik, Op- cit-v 147,4-

59 Ptdv 119 pl. XXIX.

60 KRIf It 2169 5 (see also; Christophep BIPAO 60 (1960)9 78-79-)

61 ]ýRlt Iv 2019 4-5 (Christophet op. cit-9 73)

62 Ibid., v 74; 78.

63 Lbid-t 78-

64 Loc- cit- (KR-Tv Iv 2059 4)-

65 Christopheq op* cit-P 78-

66 KRIv Ij, 2019 4; iý-201W-9; 2019 15; 2029 8; 203# 7; 2039 13; 203v 16;

et tao . 67 Ibidej 12 2019 15-

68 Plantikow-MAnsterv op. cit. 9 1199 Abb. 19 b, 6.

69 Nims, op. cit. P ill. V 70 Ceniy, , Late Ramesside Lettersp 2t 10; 31'11-

71 Ibidev 729 7-

72 Schmitz, Amenophis 1,117-1181 Cerny, BIPAO 27 (1927)9 162-164-

73 Peet, op. citev II, pl. lp Abbottv 2,8.

Is

74 Borchardtq Statuen und Statuetten, 1119 136, No-884; Legraint opo

cit., 1119 80; Baud and Drioton, loco cit-* 75 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,5,17-

76 Ibid*, 6,14-15-

77 Ibid., 8f 7-

78 Ibid., 9,1.

79 Ibid., 6,11.

80 Ibid., 30,10-

61 Ibid., 349 4-

82 Ibid., 31,11.

83 Ibid., 33,5-

84 L1jLd. , 50,8

85 Ibid*, 67,4-

86 Ibid., 70,10.

87 Roederq op- Cit-t 345; 346; pls. V; VI.

88 KRI, V, 250,2.

89 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, loc. cit-, V, Pl-355, B.

90 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950), 88; pls. II, 2; 111# 2 (Louvre A. 88);

103; Pl-V, 3 (unrmmbered statue in Alexandria)*

91

92 Chicago Universityt Oriental Institute, Rameses III's Temple within

the Great Inclosure of Amun, pls. 22, A, 18; 23, A, 18-

93 LRI, V, 231,7-

94 Peet, op- cit-, II, PLVII, 3,17-

95 Ibid., II, Pl-XXI, 4, vers , 20o

96 Daumas, BIFAO 50, (1952)1,149-

97 Koefoed Petersen, loc. cit..

98 Wreszinskiv Aegyptische Inschriften aus dem K*K,, Hofmuseum in Wien,

90; Chassinatq Rec. de Trav. 23 (1901), 79; Parker, A Saite Orac-

ular Papyrus from Tliebes, 33; pl. 12, K-7 and K*12*

99 Lefebvreq op. cit., 63, Insc. XV, b. 3; Pl-II- 100 Ibid*, 63, Insc. XV, b, 6; pl. II.

101 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossar, 85-

102 KRII, 1,215,15; 2169 10; et ale*

16

wmt

Dyne Ml Dyne 2 Dyne 3 Dyne XVII, 4

xii V- 3 C-3

]Dyne XVIII 5 Dyne XIX' 1-3

Dyne XIX 0 XX7 -=Z; ý a

Dyn e X. 10 Dyne XXII' C-3 An N C-M TT

Dyne XXVIIP Dyne XXVII 1 Dyne 12

=: Uý Cýl ==; D n r" xxvil f---n r-73

I

The W6rterbuch translates vmt as "the thickness of a door" and also I'doorwayp portico,,

13 and notes that, in Late Egyptiang the noun was

treated as a feminine word. A similar translation (gateway) is given '14 by Faulknero Gardinerg while suggesting a translation of "gateway', '

noted that the real meaning was "rather the inner part of the gatep the gateway rather than the entire structureg"

15 and Christophel

discussing the occurrences of wmt in Papyrus Harris Ip takes wmt to

be the entire length of the passage in the thicknesg of the wall be- 1

tween the exterior and interior faces of the door. Hayes has noted that the gender of wmt seemed to change from masculine to feminine by confusion of the final consonant t with the feminine te=ination*17'

This change in gender was also remarked upon by Caminos in his 16

commentary on the Chron: ýcle. of Prince Osorkon where he takes t3

wmt `6s to have been the name of a departmentp office or inatitutio: 4 named after its main architectural feature, an alabaster gateway.

Wmt seems originally to have been a masculine wordq the final

of which came to be mistaken for the feminine ending. With-the exc-

eption-of Ostracon Petrie 599 'the writings in Sinahe show no final to Barns thought he could make it out in the Ashmolean Ostracont 15 One of the writings in this text is in the phrase wmI nt d, m,

20 showing

thatq even at this early datd, the masculine noun was mistaken for a feminine one. ChronoloUj6dljy. IIthe next writing of wmt is on a hieratic

ostracon from the tomb of Senimit at Thebes. This also does not show the terminal t and the noun ispreceded by the masculine article pz.

21

Most examples of the termp howeverg have no indiciLtion of ganderg although in Papyrus Harris I wmt is once treated as masculine

22 while

117

in B. M. PaPYrus 10053 23 and in the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon24 the

feminine article t3 is used before wmt. Inscriptions of Darius at the temple of Hibis also treat the term as feminine., 25

Etymologically wmt is derived from wmt "to be thick" 2-6 and it is

often difficult to distinguish wmtp the building elementq from wmt 11thickness#q '27

since the two words are usedt and can be spelledt so

similarly. '

As was noted above, the earliest writinge of wmt are in the story

of Sinuhe, the earliest extant version of which dates to the Middle

Kingdomp with copies of the text surviving from later periods. 'When Sinuhe returns to Egypt he goes to the palace and prostrates

himself between the guarding sphinxes vhile the royal children stand in the vm<t)w to greet him. 28 Presumably they would be standing in

the passage formed by the thickness of the monumental gateway at the

entrance to the palace. This is a clear indication that the original

meaning of wmt was the "thickness" of a gate- or doorwayp In the case

of small doors this would entail merely the width of the door-jambo

the reveal, but in the monumental doorways which were constructed in

Egyptian temples and palaces the vmt would be the passage through the thickness of the wall or pylon into which the door was sets

The other example of vmt in the story of Sinuhe is less straight- forward and both Sethe and Gardiner viewed this writing of wmt as an errorp copied from the previous example.,

29 The occurrence is in the

same passage as the former writing. When Sinuhe goes into the palace he finds the king seated on his throne* The most complete text has;

gm. n. 1 . 4m. f kLr st wrt m wmOnt ýIm.

39 Gardiner suggested that the text

should be amended to read at wrt nt dm since it would not be natural -=Z-

for the king to sit, on his thronep, in a doorway. In support of the

suggestion he cited a further example of at wrt nt dLm-31 This view has since been challenged by both Rossenvasser-P and Barna-33 who prefer to re, ta±d at wrt m vmt nt 4 as this is now supported by the publications of new versions of the text. In particulart a frag-

ment of papyris in Buenos Airest containing parts of lines B. 251-256,

although damaged, clearly reads; V? ý] st wtt m w[4A/d, 4VX], the dot-

erminatives of d'M, I,,, 9 being still preserved. This papyrus hats

been assigned a date similar to that of the Berlin version and is, therefore, not far removed in time from the date of the original

-is

composition. This reading is also supported by two hew Kingdom ostraca. The, Ashmolean Ostracon has Iýf st wrt M

35. and, although

Baxns could not reconcile the traces between WML [t]

and 'n with a read- ing of nt

*36 the sense of the text can not be doubted. Ostracon Petrie 59 shows m wmt nt d, m.

37

Caminos has suggested that wmtv in this context9 should be under- 38

stood as referringto a recess in which the throne was situated. This would agree well with the etymological origin of the tem since the throne would be set in the "thickness" of the recess. It is almost certainp therefore that the text of Sinuhe does not need to be amend- ed at this point.

An interesting indication of the meaning of wmt is given on an ostracon from the tomb of Senmut at Thebes, describing work on the tomb itself. 39

According to Hayes 40

the wmt to which reference is twice made could only be the "inner doorway" of the tomb, as the prop- ortions of this door approximate closely to those given on the ostra- con. Since three dimensions are quoted for the wmt, the entire inner

surface of the doorway must have been intended. %b It is interesting to note that, in this case, rAdt "depth" is used for the actZral thickness of the L jamb, the measurement which originally gave the

name vmt to the reveal. The reveal of the doorway is called wmt on the verso of th ý1 Tur'.

papyruav the recto of which describes the tomb of Razesses IV. The identity of the royal tomb described on the verso has not yet been

established but the measurements givan for the doorways leave no doubt that the"thickness" off-11m doorp the revealv is the meaning of wmt. In his translaýjonq Gardiner regards wmt in this text as the abstract noun "breadth", indicating the difficulty of deciding on the best translation. Both teims have, essentiallyg the same meaning, so that the question of which of the two was actually intended isp to a cer- tain extentp irrelevan& sincep in this casep neither the speaLling of the word nor the context in which it is found can distinguish be- tween the two.

A text of the reign of Ramesses II illustrates the true meaning of wmt. A womang concerning whom prognostications are to be made, is told to stand m wmt nt sbs.

43 In Papyrus Harris I the wmt is also obviouslY a part of the door-frame., 44

Although vmt originally and continuously referred to the reveal

of 6 ao6rp which in monumental architecture became a "passage"t the

term does seem to have acquired a wider meaning and it came to be

used for the entire frame of the doorway. An early example of this

may occur in a damaged text of the reign of Amenhotep III, desczýibing

the king's tLwt nt %LtLw m rnpwt at Memphis which contained wsbwt wmtw,

m [////. 45 The fact that the wmtw* mere listed with the wsbwt would

suggest that entire doorways were intended rather than reveals. This

would also seem to be so in the papyrus B. M. 10053 where mention is

made twice of the sb3 1ýry n t3 wmt n Inr sbw 40

from which 4J deben

of copper was removed. Sb3 here is used to refer to the door-leafg a

meaning which the term had acquired by the Twentieth Dynastyq with

wmt used to describe the door frame.

Similarly the wmt of alabaster mentioned on the Bubastite gate

at Karnak47 and the granite wmt of the temple of Horshef at Heracleo-

polis 48

would have been doorwaysp not just reveals. Finally the gate of the pylon of Darius at the temple of Hibis

is aalled a wmt and is described as being made of [Sand)stone

with

sb3w of coppAr. 49 The text is inscribed on the front and back reveals 50

of the gate so thatt although wmt must mean the entire gateway the

texts themselves are on the true wmtW-p, the reveals. From its apparent origin in the Middle Kingdom wmt was used of

the reveal of a door down to the Twentieth Dynasty at least* Howeverg

during the New Kingdom the meaning was extended to include the entire door frame. This was probably underway in the Eighteenth Dynasty and

was certainly so in the Twentieth and later Dynasties.

Sinuhe. B*250: B. 252.2 Sinuhep Ostracon Petriev 599 1

Hayeap Ostraca and Name Stones from the Tomb of Ben-mut (NO-71

at Thebes pl-XV9 NO-75- 4 Rrk-9 IVP 17129 1. This damaged writing is restored by Helck (jr-

kunden der 18 Dynastie Ubersetzang zu den Heften 17-22 224) as <X 4-=: m '2-c--3 which he translates as 'IT6rlaibungen".

5 Urk- 9 IVP 1795P 13- 6 KRIt It 47,12. The determinatives include probably borrowed

from wmt "wall" (see P-82 ). The fact that these vmtw are of granite would indicate reveals rather than walls. This also applies to an- other writing which could be taken to be either word. See further

so

under vmt p. 82.

7 Wreszinskit Der Grosse Medizinische Papyrus des Berliner Museums

(3038)t 47,4; Erichsenq Papyrus Harris I, 67v 1; Peetp The Great

Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyq Ijq pi. Xx, BM,

10053,2, versop 15-

8 Carter and Gardinert JEA 4 (1917)v 147; 148-

9 -Xhicago Uftiverb#y, Oriental Institutev The Bubastite Portaly pl,

16,47-

10 Vercouttert BIFAO 49 (1950), 88,13.

11 Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, The Temple of Hibis

in El-Khargeh Oasisp III, pl. 58*

12 Loc. cit.. 13 Wb-t It 3079 1-29

14 Faulkner, Con. Diet., 60.

15 Gardiner, Notes on the Story of Sinuhe, 95-96.

16 Christophep Kelanges Maspero, 19 fasc-4t 23-

17 Hayesq OP9 cit-t 32.

18 Caminos, The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon, 64-65-

19 Barnsq, The Ashmolean Ostracon Of Sinuheq verso, 44-45-

2D Sinuhet B,, 250. and parallel textso

21 Hayes, op. cit., pl. XV, No-75-

22 Erichsen, op. cit., 50p 11.

23 Peetp loc. cit.. 24 Chicago Universityt Oriental Institutev loc* cit-*

2ý Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, loc. cit.. 6 'Wb., It 306,9-14-

27 Ibid. , 1,306,15-

28 Sinuhe, B. 250-

29 Gardiner, op. cit. p 96.

30 Sinuh , B. 252.

31 Urk-t IV, 349P 11-

32 Ros@nvasnerl, JEA 20 (1934)t 48, t

. 33 Barns, op. cit. f 28.

34 Rosenvassert Opq cit-# 47-P fig- It 3; PLIX, 1-

35 Barns, op. cit j versot 44-45-

36 Ibid., 28.

37 Blackmang Middle Egyptian Stories, 36,15-

38 Barns, loc* cit**

81,

39 Hayes, loc- cit. 40 Ibid- 9 32. 41 Carter and Gardinerv loc. cit 42 Loc. cit.. 43 Wreszinskiv loc. cit..

, 44 Erichsenq op. cit. p 50,11; 679 1-

. 45 Urk. 9 IV, 17959 13- 46 Peet,

-op. cit., pl. XX, B. M. 10053,2, versoo 15; (omitting 1ýrY) 39

verso, 3. 47 Chicago University, Oriental Instituteg loc. cit.. 48 Vercoutter, loc. cito.

. 49 Metropolitan Museum of Artq Egyptian Expedition, loc. cit.. 50 Ibid. 9 111, Pls- 1; 58-59-

92

Dyn * XIX'

NOK04

wmt

Dyn., XIX 2

en =CZ 11

11 0-:; m H C. -. 3 4cý N

Dyne XX3

Dyn. XX5

The use of R as the determinative of wmt is a certain indication that

the term refers to some kind of wall. Unfortunately none of the occ- 6 urrences is in a useful context. One is a component of a private namep

while two others are descriptive epIthets of the king. 7 The two rem-

aining examples are from texts which refer to actual buildings* One

is on an ostracon and mentions work on "the vmt of 'The Tombl". 8 and

the other is in a text describing work on an 1-t w'-bt at Karnak in the

reign of Ramesses IX, 9

Obviously a wmt will have been a "thick wall" and the term may have had no more specific meaning than this. It p1robably evolved from the adjectival adjunct n wmtt in sbty n wmtt

10 and Inb(n)wmttli in

the Eighteenth Dynasty.

1 KRI-9 It 79 11- 2 LeDot 111,166. 3 In a man's name p-a n t3wmtv Gardinerp Ramesside Administrative

Documentb, 67,1; Rankep Personermamen I, 111,16. 4 Spiegelbergg Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 5j(1902)j*325- 5 Marietteg Karnakq PI-409 4- 6 Rankep loc. cite. 7 KRI*q It 79 11; L. Dog IIIp 166. 8 Spiegelberg, loc. cit.. 9 Marietteg loc* cit.. 10 See belowq P*239- 11 See above, p. 25-26.

83

wnbwt

Dyn

Wnbwt occurs only in an inscription of the reign of Tuthmosis III

at Karnak and is not given in either the W8rterbuch or Faulkner's

dictionary. As can be seen from the writing abovep the word has to

be partially restoredv although the determinatives are well preserved. Unfortunately the text immediately precediiS, 7 the description of the

wnbwt is completely lost and the inscriptionj as it now standsp reads;

wnfbwt] Iryw m nbwy 2 "their in gold. " lacsup31n his discus-

sion of the texti suggested that the wnbwt were the bases of columnst

showingg in the determinatives, the leaf-design which was character- istic of the papyriform colllmns.

4 Lacam linked the word with wnb "part of the eye,,

5 and w3b "root" or "root of a tooth or eye ,6 and

suggested that the columns under discussion were those immediately

behind the Sixth Pylon of the temple of Amun at Karnak. These are

sandstone papyriform cluster columns. 7

One would then have to assume that the preceding textp now lost, described the columns themselves.

In spite of the fact that the writing has to be largely restored the distinctive form of the determinatives would suggest that it is

the base of the column shaft that was intended. This part of the

column was often g-Mbd originally 8

and so would comply with the des-

cription of the vnbwt as given in the text.

1 Lacaup ASAE 53 (t95A)i 228. Lacau reads the groupt'; 21" as 83WY but Harris has pointed out that there is no reason not to read the group as pýM (Mineralst 39). This text is also published in Urk., IV9 168.9 where the word has been restored differently.

2 lacaut loc. cit.. 3 Lacau, op. cit. v 227-9. 4 e. g. Borchardt, Die Ae&Mtische Pflanzensa"ule 32 (papyriform-

cluster column); 41 (single-stem papyriform column). 5 n-9 It 3191 2. 6 Wb-P It 250P 9-11- 7 Lacaup op, cit v pl. II. 8 ibid 9 221-234s

'Y4-

wh3

Dyn * V1 Dyn. XII 2 2nd. Int. 3

0 TH 'Sý !!

ýt c6

D. vn. XVII(? )4 Dyne xv1115 Dyne XVIII li> I

Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII 8 Dyne XV1119

ell, &XX7 ", -*, II? v

sic Dyne XVIII 10 Dyne XIX 11 Dyne XIX %!

= R2 G (17 or Xx 12

Dyn. XIX Wn. XX1 4 ýYn. XX1 5

or XX1 3a Ilk 44 ýý cly, 16 17 18

Dyne XX Dyne XXII 13ý1 OA III

Dyno XXV

Dyne XXV' 9 Dyne XXV 20 Dyn 9 XXVI 21

01 C==

olý TT T %it 23 G%C Dyne Ptole

, Sý_j ý ýýV xxv, 22 IIII

PtO1,24

The first point to note regardino; w743 is that the word has a much

longer history than was recogaised when the W6rterbuch was compiled.

The earliest example known at that time was from the Middle Kingdom25

but a text of the Fifth Dynasty has since been publishedp containing

the word wh3. This is a block from the causeway of the pyramid of

Unas at Saqqara showing palm-columns beingvtransported by barge for

the construction of the pyramid complex. The inscription describes

them ast"w: h'sw of granite" 26

and the columns of the pyramid-temples

werep in factv granite palm-columns. 27 Unfortunately no further ex-

amples of the word from the Old Kingdom have yet come to light.

In the Fifth Dynasty writing the word is spelt wbp without the 341 This is also true of the one known Middle Kingdom writing while one

of the Seventeenth Dynasty is spelt wLA. In spite of these indications

that the word may have originally been wh or wh1j it is probably . W- -Ad-

preferable to r§ad the word as wh3 sincep from the Second Intermediate V-

Period onwardp this is the usual spelling, With only two exceptionsq both of the reign of Taharqa from Kswa in Nubiaq "A was co"istently

written with the biliteral 1 b3.28

95

,j

The 10"rterbuch translated wh-, as a "columnp pillar (of wood or of

stone), also tent-pole. " 29 and added that it could be used figurat-

ively in the phrase "column of heaven" to describe the King or a god. 30

Faulkner noted that it could mean "column" or "tent-polett. 31

Apart from having been used in building contextsp wh3 was used to des-

cribe not only tent-poles 32 NL- 33 but also a part of a shipp presumably

a pole or a mast. As can be seen from the writings given abovep it would be imposs-

ible to decide to which column-typey if anyp whs originally referrda, on the basis of these writings alone. Virtually all types were used,

at one time or anothery as determinativeo of the word. The evidence from actual buildings is aldo inconclusive as most

, wb3w can not be

identifiedp while those that can are not all the same column-type. The earliest referencep as detailed abovep describes the palm-

columns of the Unas i5yramid complex. lkl*-' was also used as a term for

a palm-column on a Ramesside stela which shows a man offering to the

god Ptah who is described as hry p3 wLi-3 and behind whom stands a quite distinct palm-column.

34 A palm-column is also used as the det-

erminative of wh3 on the pedestal inscription of Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor. 35 In this case wb3 was used as a general torm for the temple columns which were described, more specificallys as 4bwt (qov. ). a3w was the name given to the columns of the temple (T) of Taharqa at Kawa36 where the majority of the columns were palm- fozm although there were some papyriform columns as well*37

It would seem then to be at least possible that an wbi-column was, originally., a palm-column. There does notp howeverv appear to be any etymological evidence to support such a theory. In the Graeco- Roman period the word for a palm-column was bnrt38 which was a logical term for a palm-columnt originating in bnrt "date-palm,,. 39

It isp thereforet possible that all palm-columnsp even in dynastic Egyptt were called by this namey despite the fact that no such writ- ings have survived.

Other wb2w can be identified with existing columns of different forms. In the temple of Ptah at Karnak Tuthmosis III describes how he found the temple built of brick with W741W and sbiw of wood4O and he rebuilt thettemple in stone. The wh , 3w are. not mentioned again so that one cannot betertain that this term was also applied to the only

86

remaining Tuthmosid columns in the temple. These are polygonal. 41HOw_

ever one can be certain that whiw in a dedication inscription of

Amenhotep III in the temple of Montu at Karnak 42 does refer to the

papyriform-cluster columns of the temple, 43 particularly as, for oncep

the determinatives given to the word corresponds to the actual colurnn- type.

As mentioned abovep wh-bw in the Luxor inscription of Amenhotep III

seems to be a general term for all the columns of the temple, where those erected by this king were either papyriform-clusters or single-

stem papyriform columns. 44

n, s was often linkedp in textsp with elements which went to make

up doorwaysp such as; sb3wp45 sbhwtj46 a5 47 and htrw. 48

In the case

of the work carried out at Karnak in the Twentieth Dynasty by the

Migh Priest of Amung Amenhotep, Sauneron suggested that the WýSw were 'Iles supports d1un toit pAeSdant la porte"19 In view of the strong

connections between the wbaw and doorways this was pnobably also the

case in many of the texts where it is not possible to identify the

whiw with existing remains. V-

WM-colilmns could have been made of wood 50

or stone5l and, in

one casep a man was likened to a wh,, of reeds under which was a ant 52 X-

(q. v. )of copper. Of the types of building in which wh1w were Grect- - : r__

ed, temples and their associated buildings occur most frequentlyp al- 53 54 though wb3w were also set up in a palace# a tomb and an unspecified

secular building. 55

In the Ptolemaic period wt, 3wi as was also the case with other

colilmn-terms, was used in a general way for all kinds of columnq with detailed determinatives added to indicate the column-type involved. 56

The word occursp at Philaep in a demotic inscription on one of the

columns of the Western colonnade. 57 This columnp now in Berling is,

in factt a palm-colilmn58 and there Me no reason to doubt that the inscriptionj carved by the stone-masoia in a formal demotio scriptj refers to this palm-coltimn.

It is tempting to suggest, in view of this last example and also S9 the earlier evidence, that a wb3 was, originallyp a palm-column.

Unless the word bnrt is much older than its earliest attested ref- erenceq which is always possibley there is no known term for a palm- column in dynastic Egypt 1 although the form was a very ancient one

87

in constant use from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period. However, more usually, whs was a general term for a column and

. V--- did not refer to a specific typep although the determinatives could indicate the actual form. Whs was used not only for largepstone

. -V. - columns but also for lighter wooden onesy both in temple architecture for porches and in the context of a ship or a,, tent.

On present evidence it is not possible to be more specific than

this about the meaning of wh-s. It was, howeverv a very long-lived wordo

examples being known from the Fifth Dynasty to the Ptolemaic period in hieroglyphic and to the Roman period in demotice In spite of the

fact that wt3 was still being used at such a late datep it seems to

have disappeared from the language by the time the Coptic script was in general use*

1 Hassant ZAS 80 (19509 137P fig-1- 2 Newberryp Beni Hasanp 19 pl. xxv'I, 196. 3 Gardinert Admonitions, pl, 2p 10. 4 Jange and Schaferv Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Ralchnj II,

94. This block is also published by-Mariette (Catalogue general des monuments d'Abydo 9 97P NO-545) and the writing of wb-b is quoted by Newberry QPSBA 22 (1900)t 99p note*) and Faulkner (Con. Diet* 67)- Mariette reproduces the form of the dete=inative asZ while Faulkner and Newberry both show a papyriform-cluster column. There

does not appear to be a published photograph of the block (Cairo

20503 see IMP Vp 73) so that one cannot be certain of the exact form Of the signt but as neither Faulkner nor Newberry claim to have

collated the text with the original there is no reason to suppose that the sign is a papyrifom-cluster column. The block was origin-

ally ascribed to the Eleventh Dynasty on the grounds of its sim- ilarity to another block from Abydos (Cairo 20502 see Lange and Sch&ferp OP- cil p 93) which mentions the king Intef-aa who wasp at that time, believed to have belonged to the Eleventh Dynasty (Gauthierp le livre des Rois dligypt I Ip 227)- However it has

since been shown that this king belonged to the Seventeenth Dyn-

asty (Winlock, JEA 10 (1924)p 234-237-) and these blocks from Abydos should be re-dated accordingly*

5 Urk- P 17P 13799 8.

83

6 Rims, Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson fig-79 x+16.

7 Heyes, JEA 46 (1960) 9 pl. XIIIA9 21, recto 7 (also 3P without

V Cerny, ! LEA 15 (1929)p pl. XLIIIP recto 2,6 (BeM, * 10055)-

8 Urk. 9 IVY 7659 13-

9 Varillaq Karnakp It pl-XVIIP 7-

10 Urk-9 IVY 1712v 2. This is the damaged pedestal inscription of

Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor. For discussion of the form

of the dete=inative here see ntLbwt note 2. Ahother writing of wbsp

without a determinative2 also occurs on the pedestal (Urk., IV,

17119,9).

11 Spiegelberg, Orientalistische Litteratur-zeitung 5 (1902)9 319-320t

Ostr. Cairo 25241, recto 2,4 and 6. For a facsimile of the hiera-

tic see Marietta, Abydost II, pl. 609 b.

12 Roeder, Zis 61 (1926), 61; pl. IVj 2.

13 Posenerv Catalogue des Ostraca, hieratiques litteraires do Deir el Madinah, IIP P1-49týOstr- 12179 2.

14 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris It 59 10-

15 Ibid.,, 16,13-

16 Mariettet Karnakv P1-40P 4; Sauneronp BIFAO 64 (1966), pl. II9

x+5; x+7. 17 Navillej The Festival Hall of Osorkon II in the Great Temple of

Bubastis (1887-1889)t Pl-VIP frag- 11-

18 Macadam, The Temples of Kswaq It Pls-71 23; 8t 23 (Inse- NO-43)- 19 Ibidj 19 pl. lip 17; 129 17 (Insc. No. 6).

20 Ibid. p It P1-13P 3; 14t 3 (Insc- NO-*

21 Vercouttert BIPAO 49 (1950)p 889 3j 2 (louvre A88).

22 Ibideq 101. This statue (now in the museum in Alexandria) was found in the East Harbour at Alexandria and has been ascribed to the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty by comparison with louvre A88 (Daressyq ASAE 5 (1905)t 127-128)- However see further below note 59-

23 Do Witt Ch. d'Eg. 36 NO-72 (Ju3. v 1961)t 300- 24 Pii-d- P 285- 25 n-P It 352* 26 Hassanp loc. cit.. 27 For a photograph of one of these columns see Jequier, Architectural

It pl*69 le 28 Gardinert Grammar, Sign Listp M12, 29 Wb,, 9 It 5321,12-14-

Set

30 W-b-t It 5329 15-16. Ma was also used to describe some kind of X- column or pole which seemed to serve as a divine totem (Erichsen,

op. cit., 16,13- Possibly also Spiegelberg, loc. cit.. and Roeder, loc. cit.. ) This may be connected with the jh -column of Cusae (Mb-t It 352,2) but is outside the scope of this study*

31 Faulkner, Con. Dict., 67-

32 Urk, I IV, 664,7; 7059 13- 33 urk., IV, 23,14; 7079 13- 34 Roeder, loc* cit** 35 Urk- Y IVP 1712p 2* 36 Macadam, op. cit 9 It plso8j 23; 12y 17; 149 3- 37 Lb-id-t IIP 99; 107-9; Pls-XIV, IXt 0- 38 Wallerty Die Palmen im Alten Agypten 35-37- 39 M2-t It 4629 1-3-

40 Urk-P IV, 765,13* This particular part of the stela was restored in the reign of Seti I but there is no reason to suppose that wbtw did not occur in the original text.

41 For a photograph see J6quierv Architecture I, Pl-54,2, 42 Varillep loc. cit.. 43 Lbid., pl. XI. 44 i6quier, op. cit t I, pis. 62-68. 45 11-rk-t No 765,13; 1379,8; Sauneronp op. cit-t Pl-II, x+5; Erichsent

loc. cit*. 46 Gardinerg Admonitions, pl. 2p 10. 47 Lange and SchAfer, op- cit r 11,94; Hims, loc, ci oe 48 Erichsen, loc. ci .; Mariette, loc. ci .; Sauneront op. cit , pl.

II, x+5; x+7- 49 ibidet 16t note (o). Compare also Nimst OP- ci -, 73o 50 ! K-k-t IVP 1379t 8; Nims, op. ci -, fig-7, x+16; Gardinerp loc. cit.,

(This last by implicationp since the wb3w were destroyed by fire); Urlc-, IV9 765,13-

51 Hassang loc. cit..; Spiegelbergt loc. cit ; bernyp loco cit.; Mariette, loc. cit.; Sauneron, op. cit-P PLIIP X+7; Brugscht LO-0- cit.; Daressyp loc* cit.; Hayes, loc. cit. (By implication, since wbS is determined with r-=

52 Posener, loco cit.. 53 Erichsent loc. cit.. 54 6erny, loc. cit..

CW

55 Fewberxy, Beni Hasanp It 26,196. 56 De Wit, op. cit. p 2859 300- 57 Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus

III, pl, XII, Ostre Philae 27p le 58 ! MY 19 107b; 1089 111. Por photographs of t7jis column in situ see; -

Lyonsp A Report on the Island and Temples of Philaep Pls-39-40Y (column No*19)o A further Roman example of wbb "column" exists on the 'Marberini Obelisk" of which I have been unable to find a publication. Brugsch (46rterbuch, 269) gives a spelling of C'ZOV and the text is translated, without a copy of the inscriptiong by Erman R6mische Obelisken, 17, IV, c.

59 Other w4'5w have also been identified with existing palm-columns. The description og the columns is foundp in two similar accounteg on statues of the official Hor which are generally regarded as belonging to the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty (Louvre A88 and an unnumbered statue in the Alexandria museum. See note 22 above andp for a bib, - liography of each statuesee Vercoutte3; BIPA 49 (1950)t 85; 100-) However Vercoutter (ibid. r 85-114)v although admitting thatv on stylistic grounds, he would prefer to date the statues to the Twenty- Sixth Dynastyp equates the work described by Hor with work of the Thirtieth Dynasty at Heraoleopolis. This is in the temple of Hor- shef which was excavated by Petrie (Ehnasyag 5-17; Plo-V-XI)-who found it to have been mainly the work of Ramesses II with some later rebuildingg possibly in the reign of Nectanebo II. There was no definite evidence for rebUilding in the Saite period. At the front of the temple is a row of granite palm-columns and it is these which Vercoutter would like to identify with the 11w1jsw of graniten in the two texts.

Since these columns are covered with the name of Ramesses II they can not have been erected by Hor whether he lived in the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty or the Thirtieth. It is possible that Hor restored the columns and then claimed to have built them, but one would then have expected them to have been inscribed with the cartouche of the king for whom the work was carried out* A further objection to Vercoutter's theory is that the side walls of the court which he would equate with the "south and north lnbw" of the text on Louvre A88 do in fact lie to the east and west of the temple which faces south. In addition the elements named by Hor do exist

qI

in the Ramesside temple at Heracleopolis but equally could be found

in any normal Egyptian temple and it is possible that there was once a Late Period temple at Heracleopolis which has since been

destroyed.

Consequently while it is tempting to accept Vercoutter's, iden- tification which would provide further evidence that the basic

meaning of WbIwas "palm-column"pit is not yet possible to identify

positively the wh3w of the Hor texts with the palm-columns of the Heracleopolitan temple of Horshef.

R2

wsljt

23 .,

Dyne IV in

Dyn *V Archaic (? )v Dyne M xxii

45 ro C-: j 6

Dyne V9 Dyne V Dyne V Y &%7C-3 XVIII,

a xix 9 xxx

Dyne V7 Dyn. Vp VIp XII, 8 m 010-- 2nd. Intel XVIII, XIX, XXII

Dyne V, VIO XI, XIIJ9 f----, Dyne VI, XVIII 10

XVIII, Ptol.

Dyne Vg VIll Dyne V112 Dyne Vjl 3 0 C(UM3 `ý p CA w 'C2,

Dyn, X 1114 Dyne XII15 M IC7 0 C-3 '00 a,

Dyne XIII 6 Sý

IQ 9zi rl: ý

C-3

a Dyne XII, X3: X, XX17

F5775 Dyn. XII18

6.9 Dyne XIII' 9

da % 20

1-171 21

C-M 22 2nd. Int. 2nd. Int Dyne XVIII or XJX

43 -b -Rf = 42 N. K. 23 =T-r

Dyne XVIII, XjXt 24 Dyne XV11125 VAMP Ptol. V 93 a Dyne XV11126' Dyne XVIII, XIX27 Dyne XV11128

Ptol. LY II

Dyne XV11129 Dyne XV11130 Dyne XIX31 a MUM

Dyne XIX32 Dyne X3X33 W-01

Dyne XIX34

Dyn. XX135 r7 r-3

. 36 37 Dyne XXI, A Ptol. c-3 Ph. Arr.

The examples of wsbt shown above do no: ý claim to be extaustive as the

number of ways in which this word could be written is almost as great

as the total number of wr#ings. These variants dop howeverp present

a representative selection.

In examples which employed the FD enclosure the sign could be

depicted with or without the "battlements" and where these did appear

their form and number could differ considerably. In addition the signs

enclosed by the FLD could vary, as could those within the "palace" if

q3

it were included. Ptolemaic writings which use theobattlemented"enel-

osure usually giveg within the sign, the name of the hall in question. Wsbt is a word which occurred in many different contexts from the

Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period. Etymologically it is derived from the root ws4 "to be broad,, 38

and hasp thereforev generally been reg-

arded as the name for a "(broad) hall or court,, 39similar in type to

words such as wsh. "broad necklace,, 40

and wsb "transport ship for

cargo"041 In the Old Kingdom w4t occurred in titles such as the common larp 42,43-

ws4t and Imy-r wsbt and alsop in mythological contexts in the Pyr-

amid Texts. There are exceptions944 but in generalt in these texts, the wsbt is either a hall in which offerings were made or one from

which offerings. came. 45 The 'connection between the wsbt and offerings

wasp thusp established at a very early date and is reflected by the

name 3ýtp wsbt which was one of the regular donations in the offering listst and is also mentioned in the Pyramid Texts. 47 The implication that offerings were frequently made in the wsbt is supported by the

archaeological evidence from the only Old Kingdom wsbt which can be identified with any degree of certainty.

This is the largeg open court, surrounded by a colonnade of loti- form columnst in the mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir. 48There

can be no doubt that this court is the ws7jt with thirty-seven loti- form columns (4bwt q. v. )49 which is mentioned in an inspection-

account in the Abusir Papyri. 50 This open court originally contained an altar

51 so there can be no doubt that offering ceremonies were

performed there.

It is not possible to identify any other wsbt of the Old Kingdom

so it is difficult to determine the nature of the wsht in the earliest periods of Egyptian history. The detailed depictions of the Old King- dom writings often show a palace, labelled as tt4, standing in the corner of the enclosure and it is tempting to interpret this arrange- ment as a representation of the ancient form of the wsbt. In origing therefore, one would expect the wsh. t to have been an open court, presumably broader than it was long, surrounding and protecting an important building such as a palace. The projections on the wsbt- sign are probably buttresses rather than battlements, reflecting the popularity of the niched wall in both secular52 and funerary 53

architecture of the Archaic period. However, by the Fifth Dynastyp

q4-

the word has come to be used of an open court which formed a part of,

rather than enclosed, tlieppyra1id temple of Neferirkare so it must be assumed thatg during the early Old Kinedomf wsbt was transferrdd

from an outer court to one within a building. It is this later mean- ing which was retained and developed*

As usual the lack of evidence from the Old and Middle Kingdoms,

both of actual temple remains and detailed building textsp precludes the identification of temple wEajwt. However it is clear that, by the

Twelfth Dynasty at leastp wsht was in regular use as a term for a . X_

court or hall in a temple.

The building accounts contained in Papyrus Reisner III refer to

a wsljt nt 4wt-ntrt54 while a papyrus from Lahur4 recording the inspec-

tion of the 4wt-ntr of the pyramid-town of Ankh-Sesostrio, mentions

various wsbwt in the temple055

Rather more information about a temple wsbt can be obtained from

column-drums of Amenemhat III from Crocodilopolis. These dr3ms des-

cribe the building, for Sobekq of "a 12Dtq its w3d-columns and its

" 56 X_ szwt in granitep its -obaw in electrum. The wsbt was clearly the

hall in which these granite papyriform cluster columns were erected

so this ws1jt must have been either a roofed hypostyle hall, or an open court with colonnades, similar to that of Neferirkare at Abusir.

An interesting Thirteenth Dynasty stelat of Sebekhotep, VIII,

which was found within the Third Pylon at Karnak, records that an unusually high inundation flooded the temple of A; mm. "His majesty proceeded to the wsbt of the r-pr (and) Hapir the great on% w-as seen coming to his majesty, the t of this r-pr being full of water. His majesty waded in it..

ýý A similar, but less well-

preservec; text on the other side of the stela describes the came events.

58 Unfortunately the plan of the Middle Kingdom temple is largely a matter for speculation so this ws: bt can not be identified

with any existing hall. However as so much emphasis was placed on the facttIhAt the wsbt of the temple was floodedq it can be assumed that it was one of the main halls or courts of the temple. This is

also suggested by another Second Intermediate Period stelap of Sebekhotep IV, who carried out building-work in the Aman temple. he records making "a pure s3tw in the WSbt W3ý7t of this 4: wt_ntr.,,

59

The adjective W3dyt has no determinative but, in such a contextq

96

presumably refers to the fact that the ws4t contained w3ý columns. 60

It cang thereforep be assumed that the early temple of Aman. at

Karnak included an important colonnaded hall or court which was known

as a ws4t. In the Eighteenth Dynasty various wsbwt are attested in the same

temple but most of these can not be positively identified. One excep-

tion is the hal& between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons which is described

by Amenhotep II as a 'Owsht ofrzbble wLJ-7columnsll. 61

This same hall

- t-2 63

was also called a w3dyt and a 3? wnyt, both of which reflect the

fact that the hall contained columns. In view of the etymological

origin of ws4t it is interesting to note that, in this case at leasto

a wsbt was broader than it was deep. 64

This is the first known use

of ws4t for a hypostyle hall rather than a colonnaded court,

Further wsbwt at Kaxnak can not be so firmly identified. Among the

sandstone blocks of Tuthmosis IV which were extracted from the Third

Pylon are a number which make up a scene of bulls. Along the top of

this scene is an incomplete building text which mentions a : ý11117ý3

bft-4r m Inr mn73 n rwdt pbrw m 1wnw. 65 The first word has been rest-

ored by Barguet 66 as wsljtq andq in view of the fact that similar

expressions to ws4t hft-hr are attested elsewhereq 67

this restoration

is almost certainly correct. The exact nature of the building ( or

buildings) from which these blocks came is still uncertain. 68

Barguet

considers it to have been a colonnaded court situated in front of

the Fourth Pylon. 69

Another example of wsbt occurs on a granite block from the sanct-

uary of Tuthmosis III at Karnak. This building text describes a wsbt '3t w3dyt t3w m Inr n rwýtt "a great columned wsht (with) sandstone t3-columns". 70 Originally Hims identified this as the court behind

the Sixth Pylon 71 but he later reconsidered and decided that it ref-

erred to the pillared hall of the Festival Temple of Tuthmosis j-jI, 72

Barguet had previously suggested that this was the hall between the

Fourth and Fifth pylons. 73 'Which of these identifications is correct is impossible to say. Both the hall of Tuthmosis I and the court behind the Sixth Pylon had papyriform. columns

4 and so could have

been described as w3dytq while the form of the determinatives of the

unusual word 13w(q. v*) would support the view that it was the rare tent-pole columns of the, Festival Temple to which the text refers*75

Whichever of these interpretations is correct, it is clear that

in the Eighteenth Dynasty there was more than one wsbt in the tmn

temple at Karnak. It is evident that wsbt was not being used of one

particular hall in the temple but as a term for any large and important

hall or court. The fact that there could be more than one ws#t in any temple is also illustrated by a text of Amehhotep 1119 describing his

bwt nt t4w m =pwt at Memphis in which were ws7qwt. 76 The plan of this

temple is unknown butp pres=ablyp wsbwt; referred to all the major halls

or courts within the building.

A wsbt of the reign of Amenhotep II is known to have existed in

the temple of Medamad 77 but, as this example seems to be an abbrevia4i tion for wsbt 4byt, it will be discussed below. 78

There was also a wsLit in the great temple of the Aten at Azarna.

This is described as the wslýt n 4wt bnbn m pr Itn 79 and must have been

one of the courts of the great temple. 80 There was another waljt at Amarna which can be identified more positively but

, it was a paj: t of the 81

so-called "grpat palAoe'19 not, the main tempýeýf and will be detailed below*

In the temple of Seti I at Abydos a dedicatory text for the Butcher's

hrjbbxe describes it as a sGw w"b with a ws: 4t and wdiw. 82 The wd1w will

be the three storerooms, opening onto the Butcher's Hall itself and it is most likely that the wsbt is the main hall although it could alsop possibl. vt be the smaller hall with four columns.

83 Two further texts

from this temple refer to the same wsht. 84

The colonnaded court which Rameses II added onto the Eighteenth

Dynasty temple at Luxor is described as a 11wsbt in front of his (A=nb)

ipt9" 85while the same king used wsbt to describe the hypostyle hall

86 of his Theban mortuary templet indicatingp quite clearlyp that wsbt could be used of both a forecourt and a hypostyle hall in the same reign.

Later textsv of the Twentieth to Twenty-Second Dynasties, showp by using the plural formg that there were a number of wobwt in the temple of Amun at Karnak, 87 If any principal hall or court could be designated a wsbt then the addition of descriptive adjectives to help

specify the wsbt in question became necessary. This is demonstrated in a Twentieth Dynasty papyrus which describes how the Vizier made offerings for the workmen of the Royal Tomb in t3 Wsýt 113t 11tho great

_ýtlf of the temple of Rameses Il Is

88 '1 at Medinet Habu. The use of the

adjunct 9.3t would have distinguished this wsbt from any other in the same temple.

V

This use of descriptive adjectives led, from the New Kingdom, to the

fonnulation of various compounds of wobt, the most common of which, wsbt 4byt, will be discussed separately below. 89 Othersp which occur only rarelyg include ws4t blyt 90

which is found in the Nineteenth Dynasty and must have described the hall into which the image of the W- god made its appearance. There is also the term wabt n bnr "the outer wsbt" which is self-explanatoryv9land the Graeco-Roman expression wsbt ms"'t

92 which was used for that part of the temple to which the

public could be admitted, probably the area immediately in front of the pylon.

In the Ptolemaic temple of Edfu every hall on the main axis of the temple was described as a wsbt and so the name of the hall was added to the noun in order to specify the hall in question.

93

In the context of a templet thereforep the development of wsbt is quite clear. The word originated as a large open enclosure and wasq by the Old Kingdomp transferred to an open colonnaded court within a temple, In the'Middle Kingdom the wslýt is known to have contained columnsp but whether in a hypostyle hall or in colonnades can not be decided. Howevert by the New Kingdomp wsbt could certain- ly be used of both the hypostyle haAl and the open forecourt. The increased use of the plural form and the evidence of the Ptolemaic texts from Edfu show thatv eventualljrp wsýt could describe any of thw major halls or courts within a temple. It is noticeably never used of siderooms or stores.

In relation to the palace it isp as one would expectt much more difficult to identify particular wsýwt, although something of the nature of a palace ws7at can be reconstructed from the evidence available.

In the reign of Hatshepsut there was a royal palace (h) attach- ed to the temple of Aman at Karnak. In one, place this is called the 'h n wsýt*94 There are no remains extant of this palace which Gitton has suggested was situated in front of the Fourth Pylon (at that time the entrance to the temple). 95 It is possible that the wsbt in question was a part of the temple added to 14 in order to fix its position within the temple complex.

Other wabwt which are connected with palaces are, however, clearly within the palaces themselves. In the reign of Tuthmosis III his heir,

CIS

the prince Amenhotepp was taught to shoot in the ws]3t of the pr-(. 3

of Thinisq 96 which must have been a larg% open court. Oa the other

hand the wsljt which was full of records in the office (42, ) of the 97 - Vizier Rekhmire must have been an inner roofed room. Cne further

wsbt which can be identified with actual remains is in theligreat 98

palace at Amarna. The ceremonial open court at the front of the building

is almost certainly the ws4t 1tn to which reference is made in var- ious fragmentary inscriptionsp found in the area around the court,

99

This evidence that wsbt could be used for a large ceremonial court in front of a building is supported by other texts in which captives and plunder from foreign campaigns were assembled in the

wsbt of the palace and inspected by the king* 100

However, more usually in the New Kingdom ws4t occurs in the plural form in contexts from which it can only be deduced that wcbxt -or-nsw

101 had become a standard phrase to describe the royal palace; the court* Cne textv at least, implies that access to the wabwt, pr-nsw was not easy "*...... as for he who reaches the wsbwt pr6-nswq he is like the

waves of the seaq one remains alive while a thousand die. " 102

In the palacep as in the temple, it would seem that wsbt was used originally for a large open court and was later transferred to all the principal rooms of the palace, so that the residence itaelf could be referred to as the ws4wt pr-nsw.

Eveh when ws4t is used of more than one hall or court within a buildingp whether a temple or a palacet it is only found to refer to large and important roomsp and, for this reasong it is not usually applied to private houses. Cne exception to this is a Twentieth Dyn-

asty papyrus which tells how a private individuall Raia, built a fine bbn for himself, containing EEýwt.

103 Since the text goes on to praise the building in great detail it can be assumed that the use of ws4wt in this context is to emphasiouthe size of the house and the importance of its owner*

One further use of wsbt, a detailed study of which would'be outside the scope of this workp is as a place of judgementt usually in mythological contexts,

104 which presumably reflects a similar

use of the term on earth. Various wslawt of the gods are known some of vhich may be actual

courts within the temples of the gods', OLile

others appear to be

purely mythological. 106

IR9,

Cne final : Use of wsbt was to describe the large open court in

which the Bed festival was celebrated. This is shown particularly

by the title lry-p'ýt Mr(Y) ýnbw wsbt which is attested for the

Middle and New Kingdoms 107

and which was held by the official res-

ponsible for the symbolic dnbw around which the king would ran. 108

Further proof of this meaning of wstit is provided by a scene of

Hatshepsut wearing the short Ipb-sd robe which is entitled "cominf;

and going to the pr-nsro to the wsh_t 4b-sd. 11 109 This use of the te=

is of particular interest as it supports the view that the original

pre- or early dynastic waLit was a large open court such as that

found within the Step Pyramid enclosure which is, in facts a copyp

for the afterlife, of the Heb-sed court on earth*

Wsbt is a very ancient word which was used primarily for large

halls or courts in temples and palaces. Although it was probably

first applied to open courts within such buildings it later came to

be refer to all the principal halls, including the hypostyle hall

and the forecourt. In view of this fact, unless the context suggests

a more specific translations one should only use such general tran-

slations as "hall" or "court" for wsbt. Unlike the compound wsbt 4byt (qovo), waht was never applied to one particular part of the

temple or palace.

Since the use of wsbt was confined almost exclusively to palaces

and temples, the word disappeared from the language when such build-

ings were no longer in uses and its consequently, does not occur in

Coptic*

Kaplonyp Die Inschriften der Agyptischen PzýLhzeit, III, p1s*1109

abb-579; 111, abb-597; 598-(According to Kaplony (Ibid., Ig 1167) the former of these writings of wsbt occurs in a title 11hm-ntr-

Vt4r von der wsýt (oder 3ým-ntr in der wsbt der ljtlýr)" while the

second examplep which is found on two cylinder seals is in the

proper name IINJ wslat-Nt" (Ibid. p 1,1169)o I can find no corrabor-

ative evidence for either the title or a connection between the

yvsbt and either goddess. Nor is the name Nj-wsbt-Nt noted by Ranke (Personennamien)e Since the reading and interpretation of these early seals is still rather problematical, and the sign in

question could be read as alphabetic h the existence of ws)jt 6n the Archaic seals can not be taken for granted* It must be under-

100

stood, h6wevers that the wslit enclosure was undoubtedly a very

ancient type of edifice and that the lack of evidence for its ex-

istence prior to the Fourth Dynasty is merely a result of the

paucity of inscribed material which has survived from the first

three dynasties. ); Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Me

Bubastite Portalp pl. 16,51- Caminos, (The Chronicle of Prince

Osorkon, 68-69, ) reads the sign f-0 as wsbt 'but finds it "disturb-

ing" that wsht should have been used in such a context to mean a "scribal office or scriptoriumlt. There are, however, titles linking

a wsýt with scribal offices in the Old Kingdom; ýrp sS wrAat (Bor-

chardt, Den1miler des Alten Reiches, 1,186; Mariette, Les Mastabas

de l1ancien Emp 247) and 1jrp, sd m wSbt c. N(t) (Hassanj Glza, V,

263P fig. 119; pl. XXXIII9 A)j, so it is possible that wsbt was used to describe a scribal office. The alternative would be to take

this writing as an example of the rare word h from which the alpha- betic sign acquired its phonetic value (ILbeq Ut 470t 1-2; Gardiner,

Grammarp Sign list, 04). The exact meaning of this word is doubt. '

M17and the contexts in which it occurs are singularly unhelpful. Gardiner (loc. citp) notes that a late Period sign papyrus describes

the sign as a pr n 6ýt "field-house" so the h would have been a light temporary structure rather than an established hall or court. Fairman (ASAE 43(1943)t 308) noted that Grdseloff was of the opin- ion that all writings of h were, in fact, variants of w! &t. However the examples of h quoted by the WO"rterbuch(Belogstelien, IIP 715 (ref-470,1-2)) would not seem to support this view, It is certain- 1Y true that the two "enclosure" signs were interchangeable in

writings of wslat, and an example is quoted by Fairman (loc. cit. )

of the reverse procedure where sign 013 occurs in place of 04 in

a writing of 1hi (Chicago Universityl' Oriental Institute, The Mastaba of Mereruka, I, pl. 80)o

2 Junker, Gliza, XIP 55, abb-33- 3 Urkep It 47,10 (This word, in the title wd' mdw m wsbt, was read

as h3yt both by Hassan (GIza, V, 238f NO-14, translated as 'laud- ience chamber") and Fischer (MIO 7 (1960)p 304, note 9), Fischer

noted that this was an example of the judicial function of the h3yt. I can find no evidence that h3yt was ever used as the name of a courtv although the title smsw h3yt was often held by officials

101

who also had judicial functions. There arev however, firm links

between the wsLit and the judicial procedureaso it is more likely

that this writing is for wsht than for h3yt, This title can be

compared with the similar Imy-r w&mdw n wEOat (Murrayp Saqqar4

Mastabas, pl. XVIII). Finally it can be noted that, in the same tomb at Giza as the title under discussiony the offering I)tp wsbt is also written with the sign M (Hassang op* cit-9 V, 252, fig.

4 Posener-ICgiieger and Do Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyrit pl*XXXIIA, 11 (other writings of wsbt in the same archive employ the "enclostire"

sign, see; ibido, plsoVIIAp B; LIIAt A, 3t b); Ur-kop IV9 20609 The Nineteenth Dynasty writings use the same signs in different

groupingol(eog. KRI, It 358,4; IV9,99 11); Naville, Goshen and the Slirine of Saft-el-Henneh Pl-5P 3-

5 Davies, N[oxman3 de G., The Tomb of Ptahhotepp It Pl-XVIIIt 406. For further examples with the buttresses inverted see Ibid., pl, XXVIII; LD, 11,48-

6 Murray, op. cit-t pls, XX; XXVo For similar examples see; Pjid. 1Upl. VII Davies, op. citop It pl*XIIt fig*225; IIP pl-VI-

7 Murray, op* citop pl*XVIII. The exceptional shape of the buttresses in this writing may be an attempt t6 indicate more realistically the niched facade of the enclosure.

8 The form, numbdr and positioning of the buttresses in the following

writing varies considerably but the basic form of the sign remains the same* ID, 119 103; Mariette, opo-citop 230; PYrot 905b; 1749a; lange and Schäfer, Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, I, 121; 1769 b, 4; Mariette, Catalogue-glen6ral des Monumento d'Abydoe, 261; lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle dtliatshepsmt a Karnakq It 13.5; Ur1c. q IV, 10929 6; Abd el-Razik, -JF. A 60 (1974)t 147t 3; legrain, Statues et Statuettes, 11I, 59-

9 The same variations listed for note 8 also apply here. Murray, op. cit-P PI-XXIII; PYr- 590; Griffith and Newberry, El-Bersheh, 110 pleXIII, 9; Newberry, Beni Hasan, It pleXXXV; 1Dq 1119 25P 1;

Do Wit, Ch. d'Eg. t 36 No-, 71 (Jan* 1961)v 69; 90. 10 Pyr., 1069a; Urko, ITt 265P 5-

1D, 11,64, a; Marrayp ope citep plIX; Davies, op. cit t TIq ple XVIII; lyr-9 1551a.

12 Pyreq 1984ae

loz

13 PYr- , 1266b. 14 Simpsong Papyrus Reisner III, pl. 15A, GP 5p 23- 15 Ibid. 9 pl. IOA9 E, 4; similarg pl. JOA9 Ev 36. 16 Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, pl. 16p Gr. 179 3-

1 17 Scha: rffv ZAS 59 (1924)9 Autographed pageov 10t 7; jig 9-10 (papyrus

10096); Gardinert Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 20,3; 1089 3; 1109 15; Idv late Egyptian Stories, 39,4; 40P 7; 56t 2; Idep Ramesside Administrative Documents, 64t 12. This is the usual writing of wsbt in Late Egyptian hieratic texts. Writings with the cursive w 0. are also commont see; Id. 9 'Late Egyptian Miscellanies 66,16; 809 8; 124,6.

18 Habachig ASAE 37 (1937)v 880 19 Idep SAK 1 (1974)9 209; Pl-: 1- 20 Helckq MDAIK. 24 (1969)9 1999 11; Pl-XVII? 11- 21 Mariettep Abydos, 3: Ip 309 28.

22 1ouvre stela C286; Wreszinskiv Aegyptische Inschriften nuo dem Ko Ke Hofmuseum in Wient 56 (omitting the. ý).

23 Berlin KOniglichen Museen, Aegyptische Inscriften, 11,49 Do 3- 24 U=k., IV, 116,9; 66,17; 976,13; 1483P 12; 1795; 13; 1778,6;

Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian Ship's logs, 9, x+11; Do Wit, 2p, cit. 9 90.

25 Urk-9 IV9 16449 5 (in the proper name'Dm-m-wa#t, see Ranket Per..

soriennamen, 19 289 2).

26 Berlin K6niglichen Museent op. cit-P 11,38- 27 Schiaparellij, Museo Archeologico di Firenze, Antichits, Egizie

204; Naville, les quatres Stýeles orienVees du Musee do Marseille,

pl, XIII; De Witv op. cite, Noe72, (July 1961). 312. 28 Urkoj IV, 13319 11-

29 Griffith, A Collection of Hieroglyphsq Pl-3,30- 30 Davieso N[oman1de Gt El Amarna, 119 pl. IX. 31 KRI-j It 1949 1 and 10*

32 Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari, III, pl, Xj B,

e, 3. 33 LDT9 1119 134- 34 Helckp Die Ritualszenen auf der Umfassungsmauer Pamses, II in

Karnak, pl. 199 bild 21. 35 liamada, AUE 47 (1947)9 17,5- 36 Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El Khatgeh in der Libysche

WÜste pl. XXII) 9.

103

37 Do Wit, op. cit,, 285,288; Ibid*g No*71,, (Jan 1961), 68. 38 W-b-t 1,3649 11-19; 365P 1-3* 39 Ibid. 9 Iq 366,5-17; 3679 1-2; Gardiner, OnOm-., 11,208* ý; Id, q

Grammarp 562; Faulknerv Con, Diet*, 69. 40 W-b-t IP 3659 16. 41 Ibidev 366,1-2; similar, 366p 3-4. 42 Ibidet 367,1- 43 Ibid-P 3679 2* 44 Pyre, 1266b; 1551a; 1749a; 1084a- 45 Ibideq 214c; 807b; 866a; 905b; 1069a. 46 Barta, Die AlthMtische Opferlistep passim* 47 PYr-P 590; 103b; See also De Back,, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 19

209f* 48 Borchardtp Das Grabdenkmal des K6nigs Nefer-ir-kW-re'-, pl, 10.

A 49 Posener-Krileiger, Archives Neferixkare P IIP 499-501, 50 Posener-Krie'ger and De Cenivall op* citev pl*XXXIIA, 11* 51 Borchardt, op- cit-P 7- 52 Weeks, JARCE 9 (1971-1972)v 29-33, see especially the plan of the

gateWayo 53 Emeryp Great Tombs of-the First Dynasty I-III. 54 Simpsong op. cit-t Pls-10AP A, 36; 1OAj, Et 4; 15A9 Gq 5p 23- For

a discussion of wsbt as used in this papyrus see Ibidep 37- 55 Scharffp loc. cit.. 56 Habachip ASAE 37 (1937)p 88* 57 Ld-P SAX 1 (1974)9 211; pl. IIe 58 RLida, 209; pl. l-. 59 Helck, MDAIK 24'(1969), 199t 11; pl. XVII, 11. 60 Helck (P? ide, 196) translates. welat w. 3d_, yt as "Saulenhalle'le 61 Irk*, IVt 1331P 11- 62 Ibid, q 157v 13; 1589 8; 3749 11; 13289 1-3- T 63 Ibid-9 365P 3- 64 PM-P 119 Pl-X- 65 Chevrier, ASAF. 51 (19509 5729 figt8; Id-p ASAE 52 (1954)9 2509

PlOVIII0 66 Barguett Templeý 95- 67 Compare; Abd el-Razikl, loc. cit* (wsbtes m bft-hr Ipt. f) and LDT,

1119 134 (wSbt '3t NPsst--**4Obft-brOs)* ' 68 Saunerong BIPAO 75 (1975)9 453- 69 Barguetv loc. cit**

10+

70 Nims, stuclies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 X+3- 71 lbid*, 72- 72 Hims, Beitrhge Bfel2v Festschrift Iticket 1070 note 3-- 73 Barguet, op. cit-9 54- 74 See wsc-I P-59- 75 See t3 p*285and c3 P-30-31-- 76 Urk., IV, 17959 IN 77 Ibid-v 14839 12. 78 See wsýt 4byt pe 109., 79 Daviesq op. cit. 9 Iq p3XXXVII; IT, pi. XXXIII (Apy 6); VI, pl. XIV,

(ceiling inscription S. ); XV19 10. See also Ibid, j 11v pLIX for

offerings made in the ws73t at Amarnae

80 Fairman in Pendlebux7p City of Akhenatenq IIIv Textq 194-195-

81 See p*98. 82 KRIP It 1949 1-

83 Ep VI9 22*

84 Ego It 194P 10; "ar"ette, OP- cit--t 1.53- Compare alsop in the

temple of Hamesses II at Abydost nid. t IIP 7-

85 Abd el-Razik, loc. cit.. An Eighteenth Dynasty wobt at Luxor has

been taken to have been a peristyle court in front of the temple;

lacau and Chevrier, op. citp It 133; 135, note J,

86 LDTo IIIt 134*

87 Gardiner, JEA 41 (1955)t Pl-X ( P. Turin 1882p roctotjVj 2);

Barguet, op. cit-o 37; Bru&sd4o loco cite; ChicaGo Universityt Or-

iental Institutep The Bubastite Portalp pl*21,15- 88 Gardinerg Ramesside Administrative Documents 64,12o

89 See P--107-113- 90 Legrain, BIFAO 13 (1917)t 39 No-, 7; 8, note 1 (also Barguet, 92.

cit-t 315); M, It 75t 14; LDt IIIt 1321, b, Barguot, (op* citet 314) also suggests that the hall of Tathmosis I between the Fourth

and Fifth Pylons at Karnak was a wobt býyt but he does not cite

any evidence for this. At Tod the excavation ]report calls the

columned hall of Sesostris Ia wsbt b'7t (Bisson do la Roque, Tod,

8; 13; 15; 18) butt aZaing no evidence for this is presented. 91 'Wb. 9 It 461,10. 92 Wbot 1,366t 11. 93 Do Witt op. cit-t 110-71 (Jan. 1961), 68; 691 90; No-72 (4uly

105

1962)v 2E15; 288; 2B99 293; 311; 312. For other temple wsbwt (less

easily identified) in the Ptolemaic period see; Barcuet, Lo Papyrus

N-31'16 (S) du Masee du Louvre, 17t V9 24 (a webt of Amonit which Barguet identifies with the hypost; ýle hall at Karnak); Rag The

Archive of Vort 74t 16; pl. XXI (a wobt in which a court of elders

was held and which Ray suggests (ibidet 79, note n) referred to

the "forecourt" of the temple of Ptah at Memphis. )

94 Lacau and Chevrierg op. cit. 9 Ig 989 Karnakt 11. 95 Gittong BIFAO 74 (1974), 63-73- See also Ottog Topographie des

Thebanischen Gaue3,25-

96 U-rk-t IV9 976,13-

97 Ibideq 1092,6-7-

98 Pendlebury, cps cite, 1119 plt3. XIIIB;: XIV. For the view that this

this building was antEmple-rMet thAn a palace see; Uphillp JNES

29 (1970)9 151-166, See also 6wt-r'(ýr3bty)q below p. 262-3-

99 Pendleburyg opo citog 1119 Pls-CII, 31; CIII, 41-

100 KRII IV9 9., 11; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 20,3o

101 Ibido, 66,16; 8o, a; 108P 3- See also Urkov IV9 21599 14 (wsbwt

n "Linwty in the reign of 11orembab); Gardiner, JEA 109 (1924), 90;

Caminos, Late Egyptian Miscellanies 2569 note on (199 6)o

102 Gardinert Late Egyptian Uiscellanies, 124,6o

103 Ibido, 110t 15-

104 E-go Urkov 1,479 10; Smither, IE .; ý 28 (1942)t 179 10; Mariettoo 2a*

citO, 11,309 28; Urko, IV, 66,17; Naville, jAn quatron StMen

orientbes da njLdee de Marseille# pl. XIII; Gardiner, Late Egyptian

Stories, 39,4; 40t 7; 56v 5o

105 Janssen, op, citop 9, line x+11 of text; Helckp Die Ritualezenen

auf der ftfassungsmauer Ramses' II in Karnak, pl. 19p bild 21;

Hamada, loc, cit. o 106 Pyre, 1984a; Marietta, Lee Mastabas do Vancien 1hpire, 230o See

in particular the wsbt of Gab; Legrain, Statues et Statuettes I, 63; 11,31; Lange and Sch&fer, op., cit, q Ig 176t bo 4; Navillet

The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Baha-rl, 1I19plX, B, e, 3; KM, It 358.4; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies 38,9; Mariettet Catalogue general des Monilments d'Abydoa, 261; Berlin Konigliche Maseen, ope cit-t 11,226; Wreszinaki, OP- Cit-9 56. Webt also Occurs in such names as ýImn-m-wr4t (Urke p IT, 1644t 5) 1 Naty-

Wsbt (Mariette, op. cite, 914; Lange and Sch&fer, op* citet It

io6

121; 122). For a list of such nazes see; Ranke, Persomennmen 111,44-

107 Lange and Schiifer, op. citev 119 152,6; Newberryq Beni Hasan, I,

pl*XXXV; LDT, 1119 252; Urk. 9 IV9 1513,13; Schiaparellio, op* cit 9 266; Urk., IV, 18819 4; 18979 10; Nwzille, Bubastic pl*XXXV9 E.

108 Spencer, JEA 64 (197819 52-55-

109 Naville, Deir el-Bahariv III, ple 1XIV (Urke 9 IV, 265P 5)40

101

wsbt tLbyt

1 Dyne XVII

ýLJ "117A a4

D. yn, XV1112 not 1W

a M Dyne XV1113

I Dyne XVIII4

Dyne XV1115 Dyne XVIII 6

Aý m C. -a a) mb %it Dyne XV1117 Dyne XVIII8

Dyne XV1119 Dyne XVIII 10

Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII 12

13 Dyne XIX 14 0

Dyn 9 XX

Dyne XXI15 Dyn * XXI 16

r. 7 C3 _. 3fa

4ý ca C-3

Dyne XXU17 L. .J

Dyne XXV Ia

m/,: AU44, W LýL Ptole 19 Ptole 20 Ptole 21

Wsbt tibyt is the most frequently found compound of watt, and it in

the only one which survives in enough examples for any detailed conc- lusions to be made, conce=ing its position and function in an Egyptian

temple. 22 The earliest writing known dates to the Seventeenth Dynasty

which may suggest that wstt 4by was the name applied to a part of the temple which had not existed previously, although the absence of earlier writings could be Just an accident of curvival. The term occurs often in the Eighteenth Dynasty, but only sporadically in later periode. As one would expect with a word which was confined in use to tomple

architecture, ws4t bbyt has no equivalent in C6p. tic. The W6rterbuch translates wsbt 4byt as "Festhof des Tempel all

23

and Faulkner an "festival hall,,, 24

As has been shown above wsbt alone could refer to any of the prin- ciPal halls or courts of a temple, although originally it was used of an open court. Consequently one would expect wobt bbyt to be the

%OB

specific name of one of these major hallsq presumably one in which festal ceremonies took place. -Barguet concluded that "il no slagiosait

pas de la cour veritable du temple, cello qui precede le pronaos ou la salle hypostylet mais d1un espace sletendant dans l1enciente du

temple, en avant du pylOne dlentree" . 25 He considered that the waht

4byt was a court in which were held certain ceremonies to which a

selected number of members of the publid were admitted. 26 On present

evidence it is not possible to be specific about the function of the

wsbt 1ýbyt, it i6q however, possible to identify the position of the

wsbt 4byt within the temple.

The earliest wsljt tLbyt so far known was in the Seventeenth Dyn-

asty temple of Osiris at Abydos. Since the text which mentions the

term is on a column it can be assumed that the webt 4byt was either

a hyposWe hall or a colonnaded court. The latter, in view of later

evidence, is mo3mlikely to be correct. It is of interest that the ins-

cription, of king Intef V9 statesp fir]enof wobt bbyt m mswt, "He

made the wsýt 4by anew"t Z7

Euggesting that there had *already been

such a court in the temple. If this earlier court were of the Middle Kingdom then the history of the term would be carried back further than can be proved on present evidence,,

From the reign of Hatshepaut there are a number of references to

a wsbt 4byt in the temple of Amun at Karnake Unfortunately these do

not occur in dedication inscriptions in any particular halls or courts, There are two references to the fact that the tribute from the Punt

expedition was measured and offered to Aman in the wsbt 4byt 28 and

two of the blocks from the sanctuary of Hatshepout show a scene of the barque of Amun being carried by the priests with a descriptive

29 title ' r4-t m wsbt 4byt. Lacau and Chevrier have suggeoted that this

webt 4bYt was the hypostyle hall of Tuthmosia I betweeh the Fourth and Fifth Pylons. 30 This hall was describedg laterl by Amenhotep II, as a wsbt3l although it is not called a wsbt I; byt in any text which can be firmly ascribed to it. The identification of the wobt bbyt in the reign of Hatshepsut 32

will be discussed below when more conclusive evidence for the usual location of this court has been presented.

Fortunately such evidence does exist, ae courts in various temples are known to have been called wsbt 1ýbyt*

In the South temple at Buhen an inscription on one of the columns of the court describes the makingg by Tuthmoois III, of a ws]jt ýbyt. 33

Oct

As has been noted by Caminos 34 this can only refer to the court in

which the column stands. There is some doubt as to whether this court

was open to the sky or roofed 35 but it would seem to be most likely

that it was an open court with only the colonnades roofed over* The Amada stela of Amenhotep II describes the temple as containing

"a sandstone pylon in front of the wobt ýbyt*, 36 leaving no doubt at

all that the term was being used to describe the forecourt of the

temple* In the reign of Amenhotep 37 this was an open court with only four columns along the facade of the hypoetyle ha. 11.37 The came fore-

court was also called, on the same stelat a 1wnyt, illustrating the

distinction in Egyptian between a name which described the physical

appearance of a hallv 1wnytv and a name which specified the function

of the same hall, Wsbt 1ýbyt,

The parallel stela, which describes the temple of Khnum at Eloph.

antine, also mentions a wsbt hbyt. 38 The plan of this temple has not been recovered but it is of interest to note that another reference to the wsbt %Lbyt; of Amenhotep II at Elephantine exists on a block

which was reused in the temple of Trajan on the island. Thin describes

the makingv for Khnum, of a 11wsbt 4byt so that all the people (rbyt)

might see.., 39 This text would support Barguette view that the wtajt

4byt was open to certain members of the publict at least on the occ-

asions of festivals.

The remaining known wsbwt tibyt of the Eighteenth Dynasty can not be identified 40

although one text, on a private statue from the temple

of Medamudv indicates something of the nature of the court involved.

The inscription states that the statue was to be cot up in the webt bbyt "so it might soak up the water sprinkled on the altars which are

4t... 41 in the ws. It is not possible to reconstruct this templet of which only architectural fragments were found42 and the statue was not in situ.

43 The description given, however, shows that the torm wcbt 4byt could be abbreviated to wsýt and that the court could containv not only altars on which offerings were made, but also private statues which could benefit from the reversion of offerings.

In the Nineteenth Dynasty the court of Ramessee II in the temple

of Luxor was called a wsbt 4byt 44 and in the Twentieth Dynasty an

inscription on the top of the second pylon of the temple of Rameosea III at Medinet Habu has been understood to refer to the second court of the temple as a wsht 4byt. 45

Ito

The forecoutt of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak was described, by

Herihor, as a wsht 4byt 46 and so was the present day forecourt of

the temple of Amun. The latter reference occurs On a stela of Sheahonq

I from Silsila where the quarries were reopened to provide stone for

building work at Karnak, including a wi4t I; byt which was to be curr-

ounded by statues and a coldnnade (wjdyt q. v. ). 47

The Twenty-Fifth Dynasty temple of no-Horakhty beside the sacred 48 lake at Karnak contained a wsbt 1ýbyt which ban not, now, be identified.

In the Ptolemaic periody as is true of so many words, the meaning of

IEýt 4b t0although, in the ýyt was extended to include a hypostyle hall 50

temple of Philae, it was still used for a colonnaded court.

From this evidence it can be seen that the wsbt bbyt of a dynastic

temple was the colonnaded court situated immediately behind the pylon.

The name primarily describes the function of this particular temple

wsht as a place in which offerings ware made and to which certain

members of the plablic could be admitted for festivals, However, the

fact that this court was made accessible to citizens other than the

priesthood ensured that the waht bbyt was always the first hall of

the temple. 51 It clea3jj could not be situated towards the rear of the

temple to which access could only be gained by means of the more sac-

red halls to which only the priests were admittede Consequently, al- though the term wsbt 1ýbyt does not in itself describe the physical

appearance of the courtp it came to be used solely for the colonnaded forecourt. The change of meaning in the Ptolemaic period may reflect

a change in the temple ritual, or may be a case of the loose applic-

ation of a once specific te=*

It remains to be decided, on the basis of the evidence presented

above, exactly which hall in the temple of Amun in the oft-referred to wsbt 4byt in the reign of Hatshepsut.

At the time of the return of the Pant expedition 52

when the prod-

uce was weighed and offered to Azun in the wsbt 4byt, the temple 'was basically that erected by Tathmosis I so the wsbt 4byt could have boon

either the hypostyle hall between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons or the large open court surrounded by colonnades and statues behind the

Fifth Pylon. 53 The latter fulfills the usual plan of a wobt ýbyt, an open colonnaded court but it must be remembered that the term was used for such a court becamsev in later templesq the forecourt waa

the first hall to which the public could be easily admittede Since

the primary requisite of a wsht tLbyt was its accessibilityp it is

more likely that the wsbt 4byt of the reign of Hatshepsut was the hall

between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons which, before the erection of the

queen's obelisks and the addition of fuAher columns by Tuthmosia III,

presented a much more open aspect than it does today. 54

Petrie, Abydosp 19 pl, lVI* This writing is the result of replacing the coliimn fragment on the left of pl. LVI in the lowest break in

the column on the right, as was suggested by Barguet (Temple, 309,

note 2)e 11 2 Jequier, L'Architecture, 1, pl. 25,4- See also lacau and Chovrier,

Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout 'a Karnak 1.192, IZ77, note (I)*

3 Lbid., 192.

4 Urk-, IVP 340P

5 Ibid. 9 346,15- 6 Ibid,, 429,10.

7 Caminos, The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, 1, Pl-79 (Urk-9 IV9 819P

2).

a Havillep Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchq It P1-193t 6; ýý-t IVt 14839

10 (without the determinative).

9 Ibidop 12959 13-

10 Ibid. 9 12959 14-

11 Ibid. 9 1361,6.

12 Davies H[orman] do G, El-Amarn . IlIq pl*XIX* 13 Wb., Belegstellen IIlp 129 (ref-465,6).

14 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, V, pl. 356D.

15 LD, III, 244a. The cartouches contain the titles of Herihore

16 Wb., Belegstelleng 111,16 (ref., 60,13)9

17 Caminos, EA 38 (1952), pl-XIIIt 47*

18 Drioton, ASAE 29 (1929)9 2*

19 29 Wi, 39b-

20 De Morgan et al. p Kom Ombos, It 3371 460.,

21 ChasSinat, Edfoup Ill 119,13-

22 For wr4t n bnr, wsbt m5" and wslat : b-yt see wsht pe 97,

23 Wb-9 It 366,10.

24 Paullmer, Con. Dict., 167 (under entry for ýbyt "festival offerings")*

liz

25 Barguetq opo cit-9 310, note 1,

26 rbid., 309-310o For another discussion of the wsht 4byt see; Arnold,

Wandrelief und Raumfunction in Agyptischen Tempoln des Neuen Reiches

106ff . ZT Petrieg loco citoo 28 Urk-9 IVP 3469 15; 429t 10o

29 Lacau and Chevrier, op, cit*, 192 (For a photograph of one of these

blocks see; Jequier, loc. cit ).

30 Lacau and Chevriert opo cit-9 197-

31 Urk-9 IVP 13319 11-

32 For further references to this wsbt 4bYt See; Ibid., 3409 1 (where

Hatshepsut is described as "glittering as do the Stars in the wnht 4byt". This would seem to provide evidence that the wsbt 4byt was

an open court from which the stare would have been visible but since Egyptian ceilings were painted with a star-design the possibility that the slx3w in question were painted motifs can not be ruled out)

and Ibidep 4379 14 (where wsbt 4byt has been restored from T" C-3

33 Caminosp The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, I, P1.79 (also Urk*9 IV,

8199 2),

34 Caminos, op. cit.., 66.

35 Ibid*9 12.

36 Urke, IV, 12959 13-

37 Barguet and Dewachterg Le Temple d'Amada, IIt pl*I,,

38 Lrkep Up 12959 14- 39 Ibid, v 13619 6.

40 Naville, loc. cit Davies, loc. cit. (presumably a court in the

great Aten temple at Akhetaten); Urkop IV9 21249 4 (a wobt 4byt, built by Horemheb in the temple of Ptah at Memphis). One more oxample of an Eighteenth Dynasty ws)jt 4byt which was quoted by both Barguotq (op. cit., 309, note 2) and Arnold (op. cit-P 107, note 5) is the

result of an incorrect restoration by Moret (Studies P=esented to

P. Lle Griffith, 121) of the first sign of the noun nbbwt (q,, v. )*

41 Urk-9 Ivv 14839 10- 42 Bisson do la Roquep Rapport sur les Fouilleo de Medamoudv (1926)9

107-110*

43 Ibidet 108-109v 44 Wb. 9 Belegstelleng 111,129 (ref-465,6).

11,5

45 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, loc. cit.. See also H61scher, Exc. Med. Habu, 111,6 and note 24.

46 LD, 1119 244a; Wb. 9 Belegstelleng 111,16 (ref. 609 13)- 47 Caminos, JEA 38 (1952), Pl*XIIIP 47- 48 Driotong loc. cit.. Wsbt 4byt was taken by P149 IIv 219 to be the

name of this temple. In view of the fact that, elsewhere, wsbt tLbyt is always a court within a templet this is unlikely to be correct.

49 Chassinatt loc. cit ; De Morganp loco cit** 50 LDP IVP 39b.

51 The exception being the second cpurt of the temple of Medinet Habu

see note 45-

52 In year 9 of Hatshepsut (R? ýEov IVv 349t 10)-

53 Borchardtv Baugeschichtev 9t abb. 7, The work which Hatshepsut her-

self executed at Karnakt including the erection of the obelisks# took place after the return of the Pant expedition (q2±. p IV, 3679 4-5; Borchardt, op. citop 20).

54 See nowt however, Letellier in Hommages il Serge Sauneronj 1,69;

pl. XI9 A, where a text from a limestone bu3. lding of Tuthmosis II is published. The damaged inscription relates that Tathmoais II

madep for Amang a in Inr hd nfr n (nw. Letellier re- constructs the damaged signs to read wsbt bbyt, which is undoubtedly correct* She suggests (Elid. *, 70-71) that this structure stood in front of the Pourth Pylon at Ka=ak and was later refurbished with the sandstone blocks of Tathmosis IV which were recovered from the fill of the Third Pylon. If this suggestion for the'eituation of the wsbt 4byt is correcto then it would have occupied a similar positiong within the templet to other courts of the same name. This

court of Tuthmosis II ist therefore, likely to be the one to which references are made in texts of the reign of Hatshepouto

It+

b-n 's

Dyne XVIII' Dyno XVIII 2 Dyne XV1113

C= . til Dyne xix4 Dým. XX5 Dyn. XX

mm% c

t= 1- .ý rm Dyn. XX7 Dým. XXB Iene XX9

5114 This is the only word noted by the Wbrterbuch with the stem bn"*"o so it is not possible to relate itp etymologicallyp to any other tezm. BnS did not survive into either demotic or Coptic (however see further below) and so would appear to have had a very brief existence as it is known only from texts of the Eighteentht Nineteenth and Twentieth Dyn-

astiese This term has been discussed by Gardiner 11

who assessed all the

evidence and concluded that bn-s was a "door-jamb" or "door-post"; a conclusion with which it is not possible to disagree. -However it is

valuable to restate the evidence for this since bn-s is so rare a word. It first occurs in the Book of the Dead in the Eighteenth Dynasty.

In the closing section of Chapter 125 the deceased is barred from

entering the ws73t msr-tyw'by the bnS'W--n 'sbs--, pn until he tells them their names. The came procedure is repeated with the

, I-ryt and then

the door-faetenings. 12 BnS and cryt are also linked on an ostracon which lists workmen engaged on a bAilding projectv two groups are des-

cribed as nty br p3 bns and two as nty m t3, ryt*13 In a papyrus now in Turin a stone-worker is given as employed on n3w bnlgw in the hwt-

air- of Ramessee 11.14 in-9 is also used in conjunction with 'Iryt on the verso of the pap-

YXu8 with the tomb-plan of Ramesses IV on the rectoo The identity of the tomb on the verso has not been firmly established; it may be that

Of Ramesses V which was usurped by Raztesses VI 15 or that of Ramesses

IX. 16 From the measurements quoted for the bn'sw 17 Gardiner concluded

that it referred to the "door-jamb". The measurements of the bn'g are given as wmt (reveal or thickness)p hy

.., _(height) and hr (face)v all of

which combined can only refer to the jamb. Such an interpretation is also supported by the use of bný in the

story Of the Two Brothers in which a bull is sacrificed and two drops

115

of blood fall beside the two bnt-w of His Majesty which are on the two

sides of the great tri (_qov. ) ok Pharaoh. 18

This amount of evidence that bn5 was used to describe a door-jamb

refutes the suggestion of Drioton 19 that bnS' was the ancestor of the Coptic noun XwG911crownllt "co2ing" or "battlement"* 20 This etymology is followed by Westendorf 21 but not by Cerny

22 who prefers to derive

, \wjaýj from the Semitic stem lbs ##to clothe" "arm"o in Arabic "to make a stockade, bulwark of reeds"* Drioton's suggestion that bng be trans- lated by "fronton" is hardly commensurate with the facts known from the Ramesside tomb-plan papyrus and the story of the Two Brothers. The former gives the measurements of a tall vertical object while the lat- ter shows that the bn9W itere based on the ground on either side of the door.

One final mention of bnY3 occurs in a love-song of the Twentieth

Dynasty where a young mar; who finds the door to his lover, 's house

closed, decides to offer various animals to Parts of the door so that

they will admit him, This includes a stout goose to the bn'swe 23

There can be no doubto in view of this evidence, that bnýs does

mean "door-jamb",

I Navillev Das AejMrptische Todtenbuch, I, pl*138 (Chap. 125,29)e 2 Budge, The Book of the Dead (1898)9 264t 4- 3 6erny

and Gardiners, Hieratic Oatraca, I, pl. XVII, 1,11 and 12. 4 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 127,13- 5 Id., Chester Beatty I, pl. XVII, 10. 6 Carter and Gardiner, JEA 4 (1917), 148, (5), (6) and M* 7 Ibi

- dý, 146, (3); 147P W-

8 Gardiner, te Egyptian Storiesp 269 12 (emended to e La '§ý

C= dp&-* from )t Is I c-" , see Ibide, 26a, note 16,9, d.

9 11avill6v OP- Cit-P 11,326 (Chap. 125,29, T. f)- 10 Wb-, 1,464,3; See also Faulkners, Con. Didt., 83- 11 Carter and Gardiners, op. cit-9 146-147- 12 Budge, loc. cit.; Navillev op. cit P 111 326. 13 Corny and Gardiner, op, cit., plXVII, 1,11 and 12 (bn"s); 1,13

and 14 (Int); Also Carter and Gardiner, op. cit- 9 146. 14 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 127s, 13- 15 Carter and Gardiner, op. cit. 9 158; PM. p I, part 2,511-517; plan

On 510, (9).

116

16 Carter and Gardiner, loc. cit.; L11.9, I, part 2,501-505, Plan on

498, (6).

17 Carter and Gardiner, op. cit. t 146, (3); 147, (4); 14st (5), (6) and M-

18 Gardiner, Late Egyptian StorieS, 26,12.

19 Drioton, B IFAO 26 (1926), 15-19.

20 Crlm# A Coptic Dictionaryp 138a.

21 Westendorf, Koptisches Handw8rterbuch, 76.

22 6erny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 70-

23 Gardiner, Cheater Beatty Ip pl*XVIIt 10*

III

bbnt

pyn. XII1 Dyne XVIII 2 Dyne XV1113

Dyno XVII14 Dyn. XV1115 Dyn. XVIII, 6

41 C--3 X3X A

1

Dyn. X TIlI I)yn. XVIII, Dyn* XV1119

a

/mill

'S"Iff xix A

Dyno XVIII 11

Dyn* XVIII 12 Dyne XVIII, 10

0 Aft--^

xix

%%

m a

n sit

jftýw C73

J

Dyne XjXl 3 o Dyno XjXl 5 Dyno XIX14

mi 0 0 jgýý3 IW R

Dyn. XIXt XX I

Dyne XX17 Dyn o XX 18

C-3 -0 C--a Aho "O eII

fl i lb

. I Dyne XXI 19 -

Dyno XXV21 Dyne XXII 20

0 C= Lril

0 Dyne XXV22

Mu Dyn o XXX23

0 11

em Ptol. ý-

w ww

24 Ptol. 25 Ptole 26 A,. %.

JC'= U 'U'2

m Ptol.

LILA

27

The first point t6 note about bbntp the meaning of which is not open to doubtp is that it may have existed prior to the Eighteenth DynastYv the earliest date given for its use by the W6rterbuch. 28 The Twelfth Dynasty writing quoted above occurs, twice in Papyrus Reisner III. Unfottunately tne contexts are not clear and so it is not possible to state for certain that tnese two occu7rxmces are writings of the later 'word býnt. SimpsonZ9is of the opinion that these are for bLint-and does not see the use of h instead of b, as a problem. Cne of the examples

)*"2" '3L 30

which Simpson in thi 0 Papyrus refers to the <: > C 44a Lf 'M"' jý '3L 'a

takes to be a writing of rwyt 13bty bbnt, "the eastern gateway of the

pyl on it. 31

As will be shown belowp howeverg rwyt does not mean "gatewayi, 32

while rwto which does, is not usually spelled in this way. 33 This may

be a writing of the rare word rwyt vhich describes a smaller arch- itOctural elementg possibly a lintel. 34 The main doubtp however, is "ncO=ed with the writing bbnt which would be the earliest known

lis

example of the Egyptian name for a pylon. It would be inadvisable to dismiss this on the grounds that all other examples of the word are Of the Now Kingdom and later since an earlier writing of wb3j once also thought not to have existed prior to the Eighteenth Dynastyp has

now been recogaisod. 35 The archaeological evidence would suggest that

there were pylons in templest certainly in the Middle Kingd=36 and possibly in the Old Kingdom. 37 Few early pylons have survived because they would have been made of mud-brick with only their doorways in

stone.. This practice continued in the Theban mortuary temples up to,

and including, the pylon of the temple of Seti I at Gurna. Since bbnt

was the regular term for a pylon and since pylons seen to have existed in the Middle Kingdomp it would not be surprising to find a Twelfth Dynasty writing of the word. However in view of the fact that the

writings in Papyrus Roisner III are bhntp not bbntp and having regard to the unclear contexts in which the word is used, it would be best to treat these occurrences as possible# rather than certain, writings of bbnt,,

Etymologically bbnt is derived from a verbal stem "to be vigilant"38

and is related to similar expressions in Hebrew. 39 It can easily be

eon how a tower or tower-like structure such as a temple pylon acqui- ed a name based on such a verb. A similar name, bbn, was used from

the New Kingdom for a large estate40 and the two words can look very like each other.

41 Usually the context can be used to distinguish one from the other. Neither of the two terms seems to have survived into COPtict which is hardly surprising in the case of b: 4ntt while in dem-

Otic texts the two words seem to be indistinguishable. 42

The meaning of bbnt is not open to question. Prom at least the Eighteenth Dynasty, and possibly earlierp bbnt was the usual term for the monumental pylon which was such a characteristic and dist- inctive feature of the Egyptian temple.

The word is found in the singular, dual and plural; all three forms being used to describe one pylon. The reason for this has been des-

cribed by Caminos ass, "the duality inherent in a two-towered structur'0143 However in some cases where the dual or plural has been used more than

Ono pylon was intended. This is so with the two pylons erected by TtlthmOsis I at Karriak, Pylons 4 and 5- 'When Hatshepsut built her obelisks in the hall between these pylons she described them as being "between the bbnty wrty of ...... Ankheperkare"44 while the biography

119

of Inoniq which details the work of Tuthmosis I at Ka=sks, uses the 45 plural form bbnwt for the two pylons* Similarly the use of the dual

býnty wrty 43- in a dedication inscription of Rameses II at his temple

at Abydoe probably reflects the fact that the temple originally had two pylons,

47 while the pylons of the temple of Ramses Mat Medinet

, jabU48 are described as bbnw<t, ý. 49 More usuallyt h6wever, bLint in

either the dual or the plural refers to one pylon alone. The dual form is used for the Six1h 1ýrlon- at Karnak5o the pylon of the mortuary temple of Amenhotep III at Thebes5l 52

and the model pylon of Seti I,

'while the plural form is found describing the following pylons; those Of thd temple of Amenhotep III at Soleb. 53 the temple of Seti I at Abydos954 the Khonsa temple at Ka=akt55 the temple of Taharqa at Kawa56 and the Pirst Pylon of the A=, n temple at Karnak. 57 Whenever býnt ic found in the dual or the plural the text must be compared with the plan of the temple to which it refers in order to decide whether one or more pylons is intended.

The WSrterbuch_gives a secondary meaning for bhnt; "Auch von einem einfachen Tor (in einer Llauer)#, 58 for which the Belegstellen gives

--W"

only two references. The first of these is an unpublished text from Karnak59 which I have taken to equal a text of Rameses IX describing as a b4n(t>60 the gate which he erected in the southern wall between

the Third and Fourth Pylons of the Aman temple. 61

The doorway is

itself labelled as a sb3 3962 which is the usual term for a large

temple door in the Now Kingdom. 63

This can only be interpreted as h7POrbole since Ib=eses IX also built the adjoining stone wallsp

-leaving no room for any kind of pylon to be erected on either side of the gateway.

64 The second reference given by the Belegstellen is

in a Ptolemaic text from one of the crypts of the Hathor temple at Dendera. 65

These two examples do not provide a firm basis for the assumption that bbnt developed a secondary meaning. They are more likely to be

CaBOB either of hyperbole or simple misgse of the tezm, since bbnt

-is one word which retained its originalt and quite specific, meaning throughout dynastic Egypt until the Ptolemaic period.

I Simpsong Papyrus Rejengr 1119 pls. IOAj E32; (omitting '16. ) IN J34- 2 Urke, IT, 365P 4; 7389 1- 3 lbid-t 56,1.

120

4 ILr-k- 9 IVP 940 9 12. 5 njid., 1679 15- 6 Ibid-p 1295t 13 and 14; similarKRI, 1,479 12. 7 LD9 1119 89; Urk. 9 IV9 1750Y 13- 8 Ibid. 9 16549 11; KRIv ITp 38,1 and 2 (restored)* 9 Pilletl ASAE 25 (19209 9o 10 Urk. p IV, 165OP 4; similar Mariettep Abydosy IIP Pl-3t 4o 11 Urk., 179 1650P 18- 12 Ibid. 9 1823P 1-

13 Badawyq Misdellanea Wilbourianay 19 5Y fig-5o 14 Abd el-Raziky JEA 60 (1974)t 151p 2o The damaged sign is reproduced

in the publication as 0 but, from comparison with other writings it is probably the pot V which is intended. The other alternative would be the sign c= as in NO-15-

15 Ibid. v 151P 5- 16 KRI, 119 38t 4; Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 1349 2;

Jansseng Two Ancient Egyptian Ship's Logs, 61,9. - 17 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institutep Medinet Habul Vp PL-3559 8- 18 Erichseng Papyrus Harris 19 4P 9; 5OP 14-15; Barguett Templep 84;

Janssen, op. cito, 60y 23 and 25; Gardinerp The Wilbour Papyrusl I, pls. 20At A441 29; 30A, A63t 13; 30A, A64v 20; 32A, A67,19s 32Ap A689 13; 69Av B222 14-

19 1Df IIIp 2489 h and 1; 2519 a and bo 20 Caminos, JEk 38 (1952)v Pl-XIIIY 46. 21 Macadam, The Templesof Kawa, 11 plso8p 24; 12p17. 22 Ibidel PI-14P 4-- 23 Abd el-Razik, MDAIK, 23 (1968)9 159 (in plural); Idol MDAIK 34

(1978)9 114- 24 Chassinatp Le Temple de Dendaraq VI, 69 7- 25 Idol Edfoup Y9 311? 12. 26 Petrie, Koptosp pl. XXp 20; (with one tower only) XX, 19o 27 Chassinat, op- cit-P V9 4f 2. 28 Wbop Iq 471p 9-11, 29 Simpsont op. citop 38, note 6o 30 Ibidov P1.10A, F-32. 31 Ibidop 38- 32 See below p. 151ff-

III

33 see below P. 143- 34 See below p. 149P n- 36. 35 Jamesp The Hekanakhte PaPerst pl. 12A9 versot 3- See also above P; 664;

36 The earliest certain pylon would seem to be that of the chapel of

-king $ý ankhkzoýe* , on the western cliffs at Thebes. (For photographs

of this see Petrie, Qurneh, pls. V and VI; for a description of the

pylon see Hokscher, The Excavation of Medinet Habu, Ilt 4-5t fig. 2)

There were also brick pylon-towers on either side of the Middle

Kingdom gateway in the temple of Thoth at He=mopolis (Bittel and He=annq MDA3X 5 (1934)t 24-25) and other brick pylonsp which have

since been completely destroyed, must once have existed. 37 The evidence for pylons prior to the Middle Kingdom is less conc-

lusive. A pylon is thought to have existed in the "temple primitift,

at Medamud but is not described in detail in the publication (Rob-

ichon and Varillev Description sommaire du Temple primitif do Med-

amoudq Plan. ) A Fifth Dynasty pylon has been restoredp in plany by

Von Bissing at the solar temple of Niuserre (Von Bissingq Das Re-

Heiligtum des Ko'nigs Ne-woser-req 11 8-10; 19-24) while a precursor

of the pylon was seen in the structures at the corners of the same king's funerary complex at Abusir (Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des K6nigs He-user-reýq 97)-

38 Osingf Nominalbildung, 258; 832-8339 note 1116. See also Sotheq 5

Die Bau- und Denkmalsteine der alten Agypter und ihre Namen, 903ff-

39 Wbep It 471; Gardinerp Onome 1 11,204*-205*-, 40 Wb-t It 471,6-7- 41 Compare, for examplep Erichsenp op- cit-P 4,9 (bbnw(t)) with

Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 110p 11 (bhn).

42 ErichsenjDemotisches Glossarv 121. 43 Caminosp ope cit-9 56. 44 Urk-P 17P 3659 4- 45 Urk-P IVP 560 1. 46 Mariette, op- cit-P IIP Pl-39 4- 47 PMt VIP 32. 48 PM9 UP pl-X1III- 49 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 19 49 9-

50 Urk. 9 IT, 9409 12. Another description of the same pylon (Urket IV9

167P 15) uses the singular form.

121

51 Urk-P IVP 16509 4. As Cazinos (loc. cit. ) noted, the dual noun is here followed by the plural adjective 'ý'2, w.

52 Badawyq loc. cit. * 53 Urk-, IVP 17509 13, The inscription is from one of a number of

granite rams found at Gebel Barkal but originally intended for the temple at Soleb to which the texts refer (PM., VII9 216; Reisnerp US 66 (1931)9 819 6-10. For, a plan of Soleb temple see PMp V179 168).

54 KRIP It 47P 12. The temple of Seti It as it now standsp has only one pylon which was erected by Rameses II (PLIP VIP 1-2). It isp howeverg possible that it was originally intended to build two

pylons as was done at the nearby temple of Razeses II CLIII-d-p 32)* 55 UP My 248P h and i. 56 Macadamq op. cit., pl. 6p 24- Por a plan of the temple see; ibid. p

IIt p1612. 57 Caminos, OP- cit-P Pl-XIIIP 46. 58 Wb-P IP 4719 11- 59 Wbo, Belegstelleng It 77 (ref-471t 11)v Karn. <784) D. 20

60 Barguet, Op- cit-P 84- 61 PM9 III pl. X. 62 Barguet, Op- cit-9 273- 63 See sbl P* 221 - 64 PM9 111 75-76. 65 Quoted by the Belegstellen as; Mariettet Denderahq Mvo. 479 abo 109

but this has now been published by Chassinat, Le Temple do Denderat vi, 6,7-

123

pr

There are no true variants of pr which was-always written with either

the ideogram alone or with the ideogram and a stroke. 2 The latter

is the more frequent writing, occuriing from the Old Kingdom to the

Ptolemaic periodg while the writing without the stroke is found only

infrequently for pr alone, although it was employed in compounds of

pr from the Archaic period onwards. 3

Since the sign, c--39 had the phonetic value of pr it was used in

other words of the same stem 4

and also served as a general determin-

ative for a building or place. 5 The pronunciation of pr is indicated

in the Sign Papyrus from Tanisp which dates from the Roman period

and gives the reading as p3o 6

In Coptic pr survives in words such as

16"E'Tu)Pfrom a hypothetical *cJ3ý1-5 n pr and -mr-pi-mr-pol from pryt

pr-C3 f8 although there is no direct descendant of pr which meant 9 10 "house" in Copticp as the common noun HI is from the Egyptian ct*

At one time it was believed that "I originated in 12r but this theory

has been rejected in favour of 1-1-t which, to some extentp fulfils the

same role as pr in the later dynasties4

The basic meaning of pr given by the Wo"rterbuch 11 is "houseN

The dictionary then goes on to list the various uses of prt 12

many

of which are outside the scope of this study* Since pr can usually

be translated as "house" the sign itself has been interpreted as a

pepresentation of a house. 13 However, In a series of letters to

Lefebvre which were later publishedv Loret14 has suggested that the

sign represeAtdd an enclosure with an entrance rather than a domestic

house as we would understand the term today. He points out that for

the semi-nomadic pre-dynastic Egyptiansp amongst whom the language

evolvedg the word pr would describe temporary structures which were

erected at night as protection against the weather and predators* These people would have had no need for permanent dwellings and the

15 earliest known settlement in Egypt consisted only of unroofed shelters. Loret also suggested that the pr-enclosure could have contained other kinds of buildings9 beside housesp and this would explain the use of pr in compounds such as pr-jiýq which would have been used originally to describe an enclosure which'cbntained storehouses. Later such expressions came to be used of administrative departmentsq, and they

are not included in this work since the extent to which they referred to actual buildings, rather than to the adminittrative body concerned

12.1-

is open to doubt* Examples of these comp=118 are numerous, occurring

from the Archaic period. 16

In the biographical inscriptions of the Old Kingdom pr is used

to describe the large estates of high officials and, although to a

poor man pr undoubtedly denoted his own small dwellingg to a wealthy

man a pr was something much more grandiose. The earliest extant des-

cription of a pr dates to the reign of Snoferu when Metjen built a

pr which was 200 cubits in length and 200 cubits in width*17 The

size of this prq added to the fact that the text continues to say that the pr contained a lake and orchardsp

18 proves that this pr

was an estate rather than a house.

Similarly Harkhufj in the Sixth Dynastyq describes building a

pr, erecting ts-columnsp digging a lake and planting trees. 19 The

same inscription tells how Harkhuf, on his way home to Egypt from

the Southp came from the neighbourhood of the pr of the ruler of Setju and Irtd6t- 20

which must have been the estate of this Nubian

chief . Another indication that, in the Old Kingdomp pr meant "estate"

comes from ao. text from Giza in which a man describes how he was left

in charge of all the possessions (Lst) of his brothert during which time "the property (lit) increased more in his pr than (in) the pr

of any noble. " 21 Another Old Kingdom inscription from Giza records the sale of a prv

22 while a similar sale is mentioned in the Hekai4a

nakhte letters. 23

The natural development of the term resulted in its being used for en "estate" in it-s widest sensep the land and property owned by

one man or administrative department. This is illustrated in the

contracts which Hapdjefa made with the priesthood of the temple of Wepwawet at Siut. He stipulated that the offerings were to come from the property of the pr of his father and not from the pr of the nom- arc04 Presumably the nomarch was n9t permitted to use the property of the official estate for his own benefit and had to pass it ong intact, to the next holder of the office.

Egyptian texts often mention the "founding of a all (grg pr) which is taken by the W6rterbuch to be a synonym for "to marry"

25

and seems tm indicate that a young man would leave the family home and establish his own pr.. The maxims of Ptahhotep show that this was regarded as the right and responsible thing for a man to do, 26

while 4

125

Ahmose, son of Ebana, tells how he joined the navy after he had found-

ed his pro 27

Although p-r. was used often for an "estate" it also retained its 28

original meaning of "house". By the New Kingdom '-to the ancestor of 29 30 the Coptic V41 9 had begun to be used with the Same meaninge How-

ever the more conservative vocabulary of the literary texts preserved the use of pr for "house"*

In the Story of the Two Brothersp when Anpu returned to his pro he found that the fire had not been lit and that the pr was in dark-

ness. 31 This can only be referring to the actual h-ouse-building and

the same must be true, in the story of the Doomed Princet of the pr

which the ruler of Naharain built to keep his daughter isolatedq as it is described as having only one window which was 70 cubits from

the ground. 32

There are also some examples of pr being used in preference to 33 It in noný-literary texts of the same and later periods and pr-is

also found in demotic texts. 34

It cang thereforev be seen that at all periods pr was used of a "house". This usage was notp howevor, confined to the actual house- building butp even by the Old Kingdom, it could be extended to include an entire estate. It was logical that the house of the king, týe palace, should have been described as pr-nsw 35

and this term

alsop like the simple pro came to be used of an estate from which produce could be isSUed. 36

The differences between pr-nsw and other terms which are usually

. 1,39 could translated as "palace" such as c4o 37 stP-839 38 and pr-c.,

only be elucidated after a detailed study which is not relevant to this work. The distinctions could well be based on their respective administrative functions rather than on their physical character- isticso

The role of-the'torm, pro as it related to Egyptian temples is of concern to this study,. The fact that pr could be used of a temple as well as of a domestic dwellingq indicates that the term was not restricted in use to one particular building-plan. Although the plan of an Egyptian temple, as the "house of the godJ1 was based on that of a house, the simple house-plan was extended and elaborated to such an extent that the plan of a temple bears no resemblance to the original enclosure depicted in the ideogram*

126

In the Koptos Decrees of the old Kingdom the temple of Min at

Koptos is referred to variously as r-pr P "this r-PT1194011the Er of

Mine, 41 and "the bwt of'Xin'19

42 while the Decrees of Neferkauhor also

use the term bLwt-ntr*43 The terms bwt and bwt-ntr describe the funct-

ion of the temple as a cult-centreJ44 r-pr indicates that the temple

served as an offering-place45 while pr reflects the fact that the

temple was the actual home of the god. The fact that the decrees were to be set up "at the crrwt of the 32r of Min,, 46

suggests that pr here

is being used of the temple itself and not its administrative estate* However# in the same way that the pr of a private individual could be his "house" or his "estate" a temple pr could be the stone temple

itself, in which case the term was being used as a synonym for 4wt-ntr,,

the entire temple complex within the enclosure wall, or the administ-

rative estate* Unfortunately there are many texts in which the context does not allow a decision to be made as to which of these translations

would be the most accurate.

, There are a few texts which support the view that pr could be

used of the stone temple alone* An inscription of Tuthmosis III from

the Festival Comýlex at Karnak gives a speech of the Ennead to the

king instructing him to embellish (smnb) the pr of his father Amun-

Re in Inr tLý nfr n 1-nw. 47 The temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari is described as a pr

4 as is the Anubis chapel within the temple*49

The temple of Ramesses III within the forecourt of the Aman temple5o

at Karnak is called "the pr of Usermaare Merismun in the pr of A=inll

and a curious use of the term is found in relation to the temple T

of Taharqa at Kawao The text tells how the king found the temple of Amun built of brick and ordered it to be reconstructed in stone* The inscription continues, "then this bwt-ntr was built in sandstone.... the pr in gold, the columns (w)j3w) in gold ...... its pylons (bbnw) and its doors (2b-3w) inscribed with the Great Name of his Majesty. j, 51

The sandstone bwt-ntr is clearly the stone temple-building and Mac-

adam has suggested that pr also refers to the main temple becauser "Minute specks of gold leaf were found adhering to the walls in placesis.

52 If this is so, and it is difficult to see to what else pr could refer in such a contextv then pr n nwb must be in apposition to bwt-njr m Inr hd nfr n rwat.

Two interesting tomb-scenes show the facades of temples with labels indicating that each was regarded as a pr. Cneq from the tomb of

12-1

Panehsy at Thebes (No. 16) shows the frontage of the temple of Amun

at Karnak which, in the reign of Ramesses II to which the tomb is

datedg was at the second pylon. The text above the representation

states that it is the pr of Amun-Re. 53 The second example is from the

tomb of Amenmosey also at Thebes (No. 19), and depicts the facade of

a temple dedicated to the deified king Amenhotep I. The legend reads;

pr ( ý'Imn 4LtpJ n p3 wbl "The pr of Amenhotep of the wb3,,. 54 Since the

entrance to the temple complex and the entrance to the stone temple

would have both been through the pylon which formed the temple facade

it is not possible to decide on which of these two interpretations

was intended.

There are, however, other texts which showl quite clearlyp that

pr could be used of the temple temenosp as distinct from the stone building, the bwt-ntr.

A-building text of Amenhotep I from Karnak states that the king

built his (Amun's) pr and embellished ( smnb) his 4wt-nt 955 while texts of the reign of Hatshepsut describe how treest brought back to

Egypt by the Punt expeditiony were planted 6n both dides of the hwt-

ntr in thepr of Amun. 56 The distinction between the Er and the hwt-

nir is also well exemplified in the stela of Pianchi. After the con, quest of each major cult-centre, the king went to the pr of the god where, after purification rituals in the pr-dw . he entered the ]ýwt-ntr to make offerings.,

57

In the New Kingdom in particular, however, the pr of a god was the designation of his administrative estate, so that a temple which was described as being within the pr of a particular god was admin- istratively sabordinate to the main temple of the god in question. In this way the royal mortuary temples on the West Bank at Thebes

,, 58 were often described as "the hwt of king ..... in the pr of Amun indicating that they were under the control of the temple of A=

at Karnak. Obviously the situation of the temples on the opposite bank of the Nile precludes the identification of prp in this exp- ression, with the temenos of the main temple building*

The same relationship is also found outside of Thebes between the main cult-centre and its dependent temples. For examplet at HeliOPOlist Ramesses III built a bwt nt bbw m rnpw to the north of the city, which was regarded as being "in the pr of Itost. 59

It can be seen, thereforep that the simple termt prt could

l2a

have various meanings throughout the dynastic period in Egypt. When

used of the dwelling of a private individualt it could refer to the

house-building itself and also to the whole of an official! s estate*

Similarlyp whxn the term was transferred to Temp-Le arcniTec-rure 7rne

pr could be the main temple-buildingg, the temenos or the administrative

estate. Only a careful examination of each occurrencet comparing the

textual evidence with existing temple remains, where these are pre-

served, can show which interpretation of the term is the most suitable.

I E. g.; Devaud, Les Maximes de Ptahhote v 38t versov 383; Pyr. t 292d

(Unas); 1189c (Pepi I); Irk., 1,150,16; Gayetv Ste'les de la Me

Dynas. tie, pl. LIVt 2; De Buckv Readin Bookv 91,13; Sethe, Aegyp

tische Lesestucke, 939 20; Irk. 9 IVP 4099 9; British Museumv Hier-

oglyphic Textsp VIP Pl-479 12; Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)0 1459 14

and 15-

2 Examples of this writing of pr are legiong e. g.; Urk-P It 3t 1;

49 10; 1219 13-14; 1259 8; 163v 11; 216,11; VIIP It 15; Lange

and Schäferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches 1,69, (IV9 pl. VI); UP 299 (IV9 pl. XXXI); Sethev op- cit-P 939 3t 20;

James, The Hekanakhte Papers and other Early Middle Kingdom Doc-

uments, pl. 26t 8; Urk. 9 IV, 3PI; 439 10; 47,7; 96t 12; 1009 6;

117P 5; 1329 7; 1609 7; 1639 3; 165,4; 1949 16; 195t 1; 297P 4;

3009 2; 328# 4; 352,10; 353P 2; 3099 14; 405P 3; 409P 9; 4499 5; 456,9; 472p 16; 862P 5; 9129 13; 10649 15; 1494,16; 15599 11; LRI, I, 124P 5v 9 and 10; 2029 8; 2039 13; 206v passim; Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 30,11-319 1; 48t 15; 499 2; Id. j Late Egyptian Stories, 3,5 and 12; 79 10; 99 12; 109 4; 139 13

and 15; 189 16; 309 14; 75,3; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,695; 109 14; 12,6; 34t 8-11; 55,6; 58,6-9; 69,11; Krk., III, 15P 2; 219 8; 35,6; 38,10; 41P 10; 429 3-

3 See; Kaplonyl Die Inschriften der Aigyptischen Pr6ihzeitq 1119

passim; Lrb., It 515-518-

4 Ibid. v 518-532. 5 Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Sign List, 0.1. 6 Griffith and Petrie, Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanistliplo. 171XVIO,

7 Cernyt Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 316; Cnmp A Coptic Dict- ion 775a.

8 Ibid. 9 269b; C"erny, opp cit p 128.

l2q

9 Crtun, op. cit., 66. .1 10 Cernyj, Op- cit-P 41.

11 'Vb- 9 Ig 511-

12 Ibid. 9 511-516.

13 Gardiner, loc. ci 14 Loret in Lefebvre, Kgmi XII (1952)9 laff.

15 See, for example, the predynastic shelters at Mahasna; Garstang,

MaýLasna and Bet Khallaf, 5-8; pl. IV.

16 As note 3-

17 Rr-k- 9 It 49,10- 18 Ibid. v It 49,13-14-

19 Ibid*t It 1212 13-14-

20 Ibido, It 125,8-

21 Ibidop It 216v 17-

22 Ibidep It 257-9 15-

23 James, loc. cit.. 24 Sethev Ope Cit-v 939 209

25 T! - 9 It 512,8.

26 Devaud, op. ci 9 34 (P. Prisse, 8p 10); 38 (P. Prisse, 109 8)e

V Urk. t IV# 3,1*

28 'Wb. t It 160,1-13-

29 Cernyq op. cit-, 41; Crum, OP. cit. 9 66. 6

30 Gardiner, Onom,. * IIj 206*-207*.

31 Gardiner, late rmtian Stories, 139 13-15-

32 Ibid., v 3,5-

33 Emg-; Peetp Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Eaptian DynastY,

119 pl. XXXII9 B. Me 100529 11,18; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Misc-

ellanies 489 15; 499 2; grk*t MY 41,10; 429 3-

34 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossarp 132; Griffithp Catalogue of the

Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchestert MY 928t

note 6. See also; Glanvillep Catalogae of Demotic Papyri in the

British Museum It xxxi Y note 1. 35 n-9 It 513,3-5-

36 E. g.; Urk. p I, 175t 10; 58,10; 60,16; 1105,5-6; 2158Y 16#

37 n-t It 214,10-21*

38 Ibid., IVY 340P 11-13; 3419 1-11- 39 Ibid, Y "l, 516p 2-4- 40 Urk., I, 2B19 1; MY 2; 283t 15; 2859 10; 2869 5; 2929 2; 294t 12.

ISO

41 Ibid*q Iv 2809 18; 282,6; 2839 2; 283,8; 284,6; 2859 16; 286,

3; 287,7; 292,99

42 Ibidej 2909 4-

43 Ibid-, 300,3; 302,16; 3039 15-

44 See belowq bwt p. 165ff,; Md bwt-ntr P-177ff-, 45 See below r-Pr P-137ff, - 46 Urk., Iv 2869 3; 292,9; 299t 16. See further under Irzytv above

P. 47-48.

47 Vrk. t IV, 863,5-2Inr hd nfr n Cnw should properly be translated

"limestone" but most of the works of Tathmosis III at Karnakp inc-

luding the Festiigal Complexy are of sandstone, See further under bwt-n±rq below p. 182.

48 Ibid*, I7v 2979 4-

49 Ibidep 3009 2.

50 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I, 6P 5-

51 Macadamt The Temples of Kawal I, pl. 8p 23 (Insc. IV).

52 Ibidev 219 note 52*

53 Baud and D=iotont Le Tombeau de Panehsy, 21p fig. 10.

54 roucartl Le To3abean d'Amonmos, pl. 2B. The owner of the tomb was

a priest of Amenhotep of the wb's. For this god and hie relation-

ship to the wbs of Aman see farther under 039 above P- 69-70- 55 irk-P IVP 439 10-

56 Ibid., IV9 328,4; 353,2.

57 Ibid. j 111,35,6; 389 10- See also under 4wt-ntr, below P-1134- 58 Examples are nulnerousp eg.; Mop 1119 1529 c; KRI9 Iq 206,8;

216,11; Vt 228t 11; Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 42; Erichsenv op. citep 12,6; 139 17; Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, IVY 59; 61; Marciniak, Deir El-Bahari, 1,69; pl. =IV; Bnxyereý Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir El-Meodineh (1933-1934), 56; Chevrier and Driptany. -le Temple 3ýepasiair do Seti II ýa Karnakq 25- 26.

59 Erichsen, op. cit-, 349 10-

1,31

pr-113(t)

Dyn. XI Dyn. XX7 2

C'73 1 1.0 TIC IL-13

The first of the two examples of pr-hi(t) occurs in the Eleventh

Dynasty accounts of Hekanakhtep in which five pieces of willow-wood

are said -to be m pr-h3.3 James has noted that the pr-bs was the rear

part of a house "perhaps even the out-houses,,,, 4 As has been noted

above5 the only other location given in the account is for a mast

which is in a wb3t 6a

term which is not elsewhere found outside of a temple-context.

The second example of pr-4z(t) is in the Dream Stela of Tanutamun

and refers to a part of the Amun temple at Napata. 7 Although this can not be firmly identifiedl the etymology of the torm would suggest that it was either the rear pýart of the temple or a building at the back of the main temple building.

Possibly pr-4s(t) could be used for the rear part of any kind of building or complex. Since the term was in use in both the Eleventh

and the Twenty-Fifth Dynastiesq it is likely that further examples of the te= may come to lightp hopefully in contexts from which a more cartain identification of the nature of the pr-h3(t) can be made.

I Jamesp The Rekanakhte Papers and other Early Middle Kingdom Doo- uments, pl. 12, Vp 2,

2 Urk,,, p 111,68,13-

3 Jamesp loc. cit., 4 Ibid., 61.

5 See Wb3q p. 66-67- 6 James, op. cit., pl. 12, vo 3o 7 Urk. p 111,68,13-

ISZ

pb3

Dyne XX I Dyne XX2 Dyn, XX3 13 Ic E3Xj 00%

-1 =ell" Mis termp known only from three as yet unpublished ostracap was taken

by Helck4 to mean "veneer" and the same i-nterpretation has been adopt-

ed by Janssen. 5

In Ost. Berlin 11260 the pLi3 is linked with the door-frameg the

4trip in the phrase ps 4tri p3y*f pbs "the bLtri and its pbs" 6

and in Ost. IPAO -704 it ocburs in the expression pb3 n ps abs "the pb5 of

the sbs .7 Kemp 8 has pointed out that door--frames were unlikely to have been

veneered and Euggests that the p: 4-s wasp in facty either the lintel or the threshold of the door. In view of the fact that 4tri (me htrw in

- -- 9 L- the plural) seems to have included both jambs and lintelp the pbs is

most likely to have been the threshold. In Osto Deir El-Medineh 289 10 - the p45 is made of wood and wooden thresholds for doorways have been

11 found at Deir El-Medineho

1 Unpublishedo see Janssent. Co=odity Prices from the Ramessid Periodt 25; 391-

2 Unpublishedp see Ibid-9 391-3929

3 Unpublishedt see lbid-9 81-82; 391-392. 4 Helckp Materialen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reichesp 8889

5 Jansseng op. cit-9 391-392* 6 Ibido., 391- 7 LOC. cit.. 8 Kemp, JFA 65 (1979)v 183- 9 See below, 4trit P-195ff- 10 Janssen, op. cit-9 391- 11 Eege, Brayerev Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir El-Iledineh (19

37P fig*25-

IS3

nhbwt

Dyn. V1D XVIII

There are only two Imown examples of this word and both are in the

plural form, nkibwt. The first writing is from the archives of the

mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir and describes the columns

of that templep while the second is in a building inscription of

Amenhotep IIIf referring to the construction of the temple at Luxor.

Nkibwt is related to the word nlýbt "flower of the lotus, esp- 1 t4 ecially the closed bud. n 3 (Prom the Nineteenth Dynasty #m and

nhb5 were also used of the lotus bud and the flower respectively. )

It would thus be reasonable to assume that 4bwt was used to des-

cribe lotifo3: m columns, particularly those with closed-bud capitals. The lotus bud column was very popular in the Old and Middle

Kingdoms and recurred in the Ptolemaic period. Columns with an open lotus capital were often depicted in tomb-scones but few actual ex#. L:

amples have been found. 6

The Fifth Dynasty writing occurs in a context which leaves no doubt that it refers to the thirty-seven columns of the great court

of the mortuary temple of Neferirkarep the twelve columns of the

"vestibule" and the four columns of the týporch. J Only the bases

of these columns remain but Borchardt was able to reconstruct them

and prove that they had been wooden lotus bud columns on limestone

bases. 8 So there wereq at Abusir, lotiform columns which were des-

cribed in a contemporary papyrus as 4bwt

Unfortunately the determinatives of 4bwt are'not lotus bud col-

ulnns9 and the hieratio signs used have been transa: i'ved in the pub- lication of the papyri as T

. 10 This hijroglyph depicts a papyrus

plant and was therefore used as an ideogram for a papyriform column but would not have been a suitable deterainative for a lotiform

column. It is possible that these htiratic signs should be tran-

scribed as an open lotus flower, which is used as the determine-

ative of 21tbt "lotus" in the Pjrramid-texts. 11

The second writing of 4bwtp the only reference given for this

word by the WSrterbuch, 12 is of the Eighteenth Dynasty so that it

is impossible to trace the development of nhbwt. This is unfortunate

since this later example appears to describe papyriform cluster

1*3+

columns and it would have been interesting to have had evidence as

to how this changet or extension, in meaning came about.

The second 4bwt occurs on the south pedestal inscription of

Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor. The text'hlls how the king

madev for Arnm-Rep a great Ipt in sandstone and then continues; - A 11%/01 ýII

The orthography of this inscription is somewhat unusual. The P in

wIpw is probably a misplaced pronoun and the group is to be read

, ýrbjw. s. In addition the plural strokes of nhbwt ought to be afterp

not befor4 the determinative. It would seem thatl in this inscriptiong

w43 was used as a general word for a column while nl)bwt was used to

specify the particular column-type involved.

There areq howevert no lotiform columns in the temple of Luxor

and all those erected by Amenhotep III are either papyrus-cluster

formp (the hypostyle hall and the court)v or single-stem papyriformp (the colonnade)p so it is to some or all of these that this ýext

must refer. Since the determinative is of the form a it is almost

certainly the papyriform-cluster columns which were described as

4bwt

How exactly the Old Kingdom word for a lotiform column came

to be used in the Eighteenth Dynasty for papyriform columns can

not be proved in view of the lack of evidence for the intervening

period. However the papyrus-cluster column largely superceded the

lotus bud column in the Hew Kingdom and the word nhbwt was probably

transfewed from one coliimn-type to the otherg since they resetable

each other very closely. 14

Although this one text uses 4bwt of papyrifomm cluster columns

these seem to have beenp more usuallyp described as w39w (SL. v. ). How-

ever it is impossible to be certain of the reading in texts where

the ideogram E alone is usedl usually in the plural.

15

Written evidence is unfortunately lacking but_4bwt was probably used of both types of lotiform column, that with the open flower as well as the closed-bud varietyp just as w54 was used to describe both

types of papyriform column. The fact that nlýbwt is such a rarely found word can be easily

explained as detailed building texts are generally of the New Kingdom

while the lotiform column was most common in the Old and Middle King- doms. If more building inscriptions had survived intact from the

1,36

earlier periods then no doubt the number of known writings of nhbwt

would have been augmented.

1 Posener-Krieger and Do Cenival, The Abu Sir Papyrip pl. XXXIIA9

11.

2 Urk-p IVP 1712p2. This textp from the pedestal of the south wall

of Luxor templep has also been published in full by Moret (Studies

presented to P. U. Griffithp 121. ) and the part relevant to the

columns is quoted by Wallertp (Die Palmen im, Alten Agyptenp 36. )

and the. W6rterbucho (Die Belegstellenp III 429p ref. 2949 4-)-

Moret restored the missing sign as 'MT and this was followed

by Wallert but is almost certainly wrong. The WO"rterbuch restored the sign as the 4 bird (Gardinerp Gra=arp Sign-list, G. 21) which is supported by the later publication of the Fifth Dynasty text. The surface of the sione upon which the missing sign was inscribed is now completely lost and no trace of the original sign remains. The variety of forms given by the different writers for the det-

erminatives of both wh3, w and abwt in this text only serves to

emphasize the need for true epigraphic copies. The WO"rterbuch Belegstellen gives wrong forms for both determinatives while Wallert has that of whsw correct but that of nlýbwt wrong. Since there appears to be no published photograph of the text (Pmp III 336. ) 1 checked the original at Luxor. The determinative of wh3w is a palm-coluxomp that of 4bw Is a papyriform cluster column.

3 Wb- I III 294p 2-3- 4 Wbop III 297Y 10- Dya-19 onwaud- 5 ID-9 III 307p 3-8. End of the New Kingdom and Graeco-Roman period. 6 Borchardtr Die Aegyptische PflanzenAulep 3-17- 7 Posener-Krie"gert Archives N; ferirkarep 111 435, note y. See also

Kaplonyp Orientalia 41 (1972)p 203p whop for some reasonp reads the word as xibbwt rather than 4bwt.

8 Borchardt, Das Grabden1mal des KO"nigs Nefer, -ir-kell-ret 1 20-22. 9 Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, op. citop pl&=II4o 10 Ibid. p pl. XXXIIA, 11* 11 Pyrp 1223e. On the other hand it is also possible that nhbWt

acquired the w3d sign as determinative because of the use of wld to describe the papyriform cluster column which bears a strong resemblance to the lotus bud column. Examples of the fo=er type

13b

12

13 14

have been found in the mortuary temples of Niuserre and Sabure

at Abusir. (Borchardtq Das Grabdenkmal des K6'nigs-Ne-user-relp 11,,

abb- 5. and Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Kýnigs Slashu-rell It 539 abb- 59-61. )

n., 119 294t 4-

Urk-9 IVP 1712,2. See footnote 2 above. Compare Borchardt, Die Aegyptische PflanzensWulep 79 abb. 109 (lotiform) with ibid-p 32p abb- 559 (papyriform)o This similarity between the two forms led to their being often confused in early works on Egyptian architecture. Seep for example, Foucarty Hist-

oire de 11ordre lotiformep passimg where boýh fo=s are treated

as one and the same. 15 E-9-t KRIP It 2019 5; 202p 9.

13'1

T-pr

Dyn. IV, VIq XI9 2adol Dyn. V2 'Into, XVIII9 XIX C-73 1

Dvn. VI, XIII, XVIII, 3 45 Dyn. X19 XIII Dyn. XII9 . 4=21 xxii 4--: 0 mit XVIII 4=--v-3 XVIIIP XIX

C-3 I

2nde Intel Dyn. XVIIIv 6

Dyn. XVIIIj, XIX9 XXIIt 7

xixp xx xxvis Ptol.

Dyn. XVIII, XXI XXV8 Dyn. XXV9 49=> L-3 C=> Q

10 C-3 I

The etymology of r-pr has been discussed in some detail by Vergote 10

who concludes that it is not to be understood as 'Ila porte de la maison"

but rather as 'Ila porte do sortiellp since r-pr was first applied to

a false-door in an Old Kingdom tomby out of which the spirit of the

dead man could come to accept the funerary offerings* Gradually the

offering-place developed into a nichop then a room within the super-

structure of the tomb. The tern hadv thereforej come to be used of a "chapel" and it was then transferred to other chapels and applied to

"temples"o

This theory of Vergote's would seem to be an accurate assessment

of the development of the use of r-pr. It willp thereforep be necessary here only to present the textual evidence to support this view since Vergote himselfy whose article was primarily etymological in intent,

omitted to do so. The evidence for the use of the term for a false-door comes from

tombs of the Old Kingdom at Saqqara. In particular a text describing

offering-bearers in the Fifth Dynasty tomb of Ti reads "Bringing

produce to the '4T9-3Iffl of the "sole courtier" Ti. " 11 The Sixth 14:?, 12 Dynasty tomb of Sneferunefer has a similar formula using -. 1 *

In the tomb of Kagemniv formulae have "the chsmber (, It) of the L-LrIIq 13

R-pr is also used of the offering chapel in the Fourth Dynasty tomb

of Debhen at Giza. This was lined with limestone. 14 This use of r-pr is not restricted to the tombs of private individuals since a royal funerary chapelf of king Menkauhorp is also called a r-pr.

15

It can be seen, thereforet that, even by the Fourth Dynastyp r-pr could be used of a "chapel" as well as for the false-doorp for which the usual torm was rwt.

16

1,19

R-pr was also being employedp by the Old Kingdomp as a term for

a temple and occars as such in the decrees issued for the benefit of

the temple of Min at Koptos. This temple is often referred to as r-pr

pn "this r-pr" 17

and the decree for the Vizier Idu clearly implies 18 that r-prw were to be regarded as being as important as bwt-ntr (pl. ).

This textp in which r-pr and bwt-ntr are used side by sidep raises the

question as to what the differencep if anyv is between the two terms,

Gardiner once remarked "that"r-pr seems sometimes to imply a temple of secondary rank or a provincial temple'1*19 This view has been

rejected by Vandersleyen 20 who considers it to have been founded on

fortuitous occurrences. He prefers to regard a L-pr as being a part

of a hwt-ntr and cites an example from the Book of the Dead in support

of this theory. 1 Wsir ink hm n r-pr. k Imy-lb n 4wt-ntr1,21 which he translates as. 110 Osiris, je suis le pretre de ton lieu do culte

qui est dans ton enclos sacre, 11 22 Unfortunately this is based on a

wrong translation since imy-lb does not mean "which is in" but is a noun "favouritell .

23 The text shouldp thereforev be translated asp 110 Osiris, I am the servant of your r-pro the favourite of your bwt-ntrilt implying a degree of equivalence between the two terms,

This is also suggested by other textst particularly those in which

a specific temple is described as both 1ýwt-ntr and r-pr. This is the

case with the temple of Ptah at Karnak which was rebuilt by Tuthmosis

III. "Now his majesty found this r-pr in brick........ ehis majesty order-

ed that this tLwt-ntr be built for him in sandstone"* 24 Both the temples

of Amada and Elephantine, which were completed by Amenhotep 119 are also referred to by both terms. "Now it was his majesty who beautified this 4wt-ntr which his fatherp the King of Upper and Lower Egyptp Mon- kheperrev had made .......... in order that the great name of his father

2ý the Son of Rep Tuthmosisq might be established in this r-pr for ever".

There are other temples for which both terms are known to have been used. These include the temple of Osiris at Abydos, 26 the temple

of Mat at Kaxnakt27 the northern temple at Buhen (in a Nineteent13,. - Dynasty text)t 28 the festival complex of Tuthmosia III at Karnak29

and the Karnak temple of A= itself030 The fact that the Amun temple, the major state cult-centre in the New Kingdom and in later periodst should have been so often described as a r-pr is a clear indication that a T-pr was in no wa; ý- inferior in status to a hwt-ntro

ISCI

A tomb scene from the tomb of Puyemre at Thebes would seem to

suggest that r-p were in some way regarded as subordinate temples.

This shows the weighing of incense in the presence of Payemre with the deseriptive label 11 Reckoning the incense for the 1%-prw which

are subordinate to (? lmyw-7jt) the pr of Aimin, in the pr-4 of the

bwt-ntr.,, 31 Facing the scene are the names of the r-p which include

the pr of Amun itself, the prw of Mat (? )o Khonsup Monthu and Ptah M

and several poyal mortuary temples on the West Bank as well as (poss-

ibly) the temple of I=or. 32 All of these temples would have been under the administrative control of the temple of Amunq whith is why they

are described as being subordinate to the pr of the god. Howeverv each of these could elsewhere have been called 114wt-ntr" or 11bwt#1 showing that there were no distinctions in either size or function bwtween

a Enpr and a bwt-ntr.

This can also be illustrated by a building text of Tuthmosis III from Karnak. "I (the king) pleased him (Amun) by making for him ..... , sea 4wt-ntr on the east of this 1--pr. to 33 In this text the ýr is the Karnak temple of Ajmxnv while 4wt-nt_r is, probablyp the much smaller "Eastern Templesi. 34

Another text shows that a EMpr could even be regarded as "contain- ing" a bwt-ntr. A statue of the official Uinnakhte from Koptos describes him as "one who informs every official of their dutdes in the bwt-ntr of every r-pr. is 35

It is unnecessary, therefore, to attempt to distinguish between the two terms. Both were used for a temple to describe, not its physical appearance nor its sizet but the fact that it was a cult-centre (4wt- ntr) and a place in which offerings could be made (r-pr). since both criteria were relevant 6o every temple in Egypt it follows that any 4wt-nt could be described as a r-pr and vice versa. 36

R-pr often occurs in the plural form as a generic term for "temples" but it seems always to have retained its meaning as an offoring-place and the link between a ý: -pr and offerings is stressed in texts of all periods.

"One who knows the offerings of the r-prwit (Eleventh Dynasty stela of Intef 9 son of Myt). 37

"Controller of divine offering(s) in the r-prw of the gods Df this city" (Twelfth Dynasty title from Beni Hasan). 38

'Tsernakhta did whatever all the gods desired, by making laws and

1+0

establishing the rule, by building their r-prwj by establishing their

divine offerings"(Eighteenth Dynasty stela from Gurus, ). 39

"An offering which the king gives (to) Amun-Req king of the gods, that he might cause the offerings to be received in his r-pr" (Eight-

eenth Dynasty statue)040 "One who provisions the offering-tables in the r-prwII (Eighteenth

Dynasty statue ). 41

Describing a former time of anarchy; "They made the gods like the

forms of men, offerings were not presented within the r-prw. " (Papyrus

Harris 1). 42

R-pr was originally used for a false-doorp then an offering chapel

andf by extensiony any place in which offerings could be made* It couldp therefore, be appliedv quite accuratelyp to any temple with the result that one building could be describedl legitimately, as both a 1ýwt-ntr

and a r-pr. R-pr occurs with the meaning of "temple" in both the demo tic43 and -

44 Coptic scripts.

This is one of the most frequently found writings of jnýr in the

singulart particularly in the Eighteenth Dynasty, e9go; 'grkep I,

209 5; 2129 3; 2799 4; 2819 1; 2829 2; 2929 2; Mariette, Les Mast-

abas do Itancien Empire, 394, bottom; Clare and Vandier, Textes de la premiere Periode intexmediaire et de la XIeme Dynastio, 479 339 11; Mariette, Abydos IIP Pls-30; 39; Urk. p IV, 100,11; 1639 8; 1699 7; 1759 9; 268,13; 363P 12; 366,15; 7539 2; 767Y 1; 8639 2; 9929 4; 1187P 11; 12259 3; 1252t 17; 12949 7; 13709 5; 14329 13; 1441,9; 1511,4; ERIP It 279 4; 283,14; 360P 11; Abd El-Razikt JEA 60 (1974)t 1519 5. This grouping is also found in the plural

(Urk-P IVP 4139 2; 1392t 3) and (KRI9 It 2409 12).

2 Steindorfp Das Grab des Tit P1-31- 3 Von Bissingt Die Mastsba des Gem-ni-kaip 11,20; pl. XL; Sethe,

Aegyptische Lesestucke, 76,22 and 24; Urk., IVt 1446t 4; Vercoutterp Textes biographiques du Seraple'um do Memphis 3; Pl-1-

4 This writing is occasionally found in the singulart Sethe, op, cit,, 769 12; Urk., IV, 832,13; 834,179 but occurs more often in the pluralp Clare and Vandier, OT- ci -P 44,31,3; 'ýLrko j VlIt 18 j 19; 44P 19; 45Y 5; 45t 20; 49,4; Urk., Up 1045t 5; 1047P 7; 1151,14;

%+I

5

6

7

11569 3; 14419 13; 14439 1; 1444P 14- Sethe, opl cit-, 739 21; Urk., IV, 208,9; 7699 5; 7729 4; 8359 7;

1 8399 17; 879,5; 1376,12; 1447,13; 14959 14; British M-useump Hieroglyphic Texts, VIP Pl-47,14; Wb., Belegstelleng 11,588, (ref. 397,6). Also in the plural formsv4:: "c--3 (jrk-t It 304P 18; -Sethiaj.

c=> i C-3 c-3 pp. cit., 69,18); 111 (Urk, v IV9 102t 2 and 10); r. -. 3 Qbideq IV9 913,2); and 'eff: L% I (Ir-k-p VIIIt 43)- Usually in the pluralv Sdthe, 02- ci -, 33P 4; Urk, q IV, 1579 8 (singular); 387,2; 483,12; 20279 3; 20299 14; KRIp It 42v 8 and 9; 49,7 (singular); 126,2; Gardinerv late Egyptian Miscellanies, 6,9; Erichsenq Papyrus Harris 1,7,9; 129 7; 91,13; Gardiner, ýF-A 27 (1941), 70- All the following examples are in plural fo=mso Irk., IV, 2489 9; 1095,9; 1184,10; 1186,9; Mariettep op, ci -t 1P P1952,16; Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, The Bubastite Portalp pl. 169 42; Vandermleyen, Rev. d'Eg. 19 (1967)9 pl. 9, A, 18; Chassinat, Edfou, It 229.

8 Usually in the pluralt 1! rk*t IVP 96P 5; 150P 7; 8349 13 (singular);

1293v 11; Erichseng op. cit.. p 91,13; Urk-P Int 669 12* 9 Urk. 9 111,35,1; 919 12; 93P 1 (all plural)* 10 Vergotef US 91 (1964)t 135-137-

11 Steindorf, loc* cit. * 12 Mariette, Les Mastabas de l1ancien Empire, 3941, bottom,

13 Von Bissing, loc. cit.. 14 Irk. 9 Iq 209 5-

15 Lb_id. p Ig 2129,3-

16 See rwtp P-143-144- 17 E-g-9 Urk. 9 It 281,1; 2829 2; 2929 2. Similarly for the temple of

Osiris at Abydos, Ibid., 1,2791 4-

18 Urk-v It 3049 18- 19 Gardiner, op. cit-, 70, note 1. 20 Vandersleyen, op. cit-, 1489 note 1.

21 Navillev Das Aegyptische Todtenbucht

22 Vandersleyen, op. cit., 148.

It pl. CCIV9 Chap*1809 12 (Pa)o

23 Tý-q 19 729 18; Faulknerv Con. Diet* , 18.

24 Urk. 9 IVP 879P 5-

25 Urk-9 IV9 1295,7 and 8-

26 Sethe, op. c -9 76,12; Urk. j IVO 100,11. Cf. hwt-nt-r, P-178; 164-

1+2

27 ýrkoj IV9 15119 4- Cf. hwt-ntr, p. 181.

28 KRIv It 38,8 (n! P-r); 389 7 (4wt_ntr),

29 Urk*j IV9 8639 8- Cf. 4wt-ntr, p. 181.

30 E. g. j Ibideq 157t 8; 175P 9; 3639 12; 366,15; 7539 2; 8399 17;

Cfo bxt-ntr, p. 18o-181.

31 Davies, The-Tomb of Payemre, It pl, X1.

32 Ibid*, 1,94-96. See alsol Helckq Materialen zur Wirtschaftsge - chicht6 des Neuen Reiches, 23-24-

33 ýrk-, IV, 834P 13- Seet Barguet, Templ 33- 34 See, Ell., II, pi. XVII, 6.

35 1ý_rk-, IV, 1187,11- 36 Eg., Sethev Op- c-it-, 33,4; 78,9; Rrk., IV, 96P 5; 102,2; 102,

10; 1049 7,413,2; 484,10; 1151,14; 1392,3; 1441,13; 1443,1;

2027,3; Mariette, Abydos, I, PL, 529 16; KRIp 1,126,2; 240,12; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris , 7,9; 12,7; Chicago Universityq Loc.

cit., 37 Clere and Vandiert OP- cit-, 44,31,3- 38 Urk-P VII, 43- 39 Ibid-P IV, 1045t 3-6. 40 P? Ld-, IV, 1225,2-3- 41 Ibid*, 1184,10- 42 Erichsen, op. cit., 91,13-

43 Mot Demotisches Glossa 1 245- 44 Crumal A Coptic Dictionary, 298b; Cerny, Coptic Etymolomcal Dict-

ionaryq 138- See alsop in greater detail, Vergote, loc. cit. *

1+3

rwt

Dyne IV 1 Dyne IV 2 Dyn. V3

Dyn. V, VI4 5

Dyno V or VI 6

Dyn o VI

Ch <:: > & 99 . 12; e

Dyne VI7 Dyn. VP

9 Dyn, vi Dyne VIlo Dyn. VI

n

<==> CU M rn Dyno V,

1 2 Dyn. V, 1 3 Dyn. XI'4

<=> CM 1 -. ---=> C-3 2 C-3 Dyn. XI, 1 5 Dyn. X�? 16 Dyns17

tu; p <=> <=> i= r, =:; Xlx lý xi I iß 19 Dyno XII 2nd Int o

20 Dyn. XVIII9

<=> c, --a xix u- m \\ Dyne XVII, 21 Dyn o XVII, 22 Dyne XVII, 23

Dyne XVIII 24 Dyne XVII, 25 N OK. 26

C. N

N, y�27 28 Dyne XIX

IX29 Dyn oX Dým, 31 XX Dyn. XXV

=> iý

La 4a11 Dyno XXV32 ptol. 33

ü 1 ptol. 34

Q £Z 911 (? A

Two entries with the spelling ivt are given by the W6rterbuch. The

first is a tena for the false-door of a tomb 35 while the second is

translated as "gate" or 11doorio. 36 In view of the fact that the basic

meaning of each rwt is the same, it seems likely that they are, in fact, the same term, applied at different times to different types of

entrances. Consequently both are included in this entry* There do S? , however, seem to be a distinction between the terms

xwt and rryt (qevo) which will be discussed below, and between rwt and rwyjý , one of the accoutrements of the false-door.

In the Old Kingdom rwt was used for the false-door of a tomb39 I or a royal pyramid temple. 40 When it was used in such a v; ty ; mt was

14-t

determined by detailed signs depicting the complex design of the

false-door.

This was notv however, the only meaning of rwt in the Old Kingdom*

It was also used as a term for an actual entrance and one stone dooz%-

way has been found which was labelled 'Irwt". This came from the fun-

erary temple of Queen Wedjebten of the Sixth Dynasty at Saqqara. The

doorway belongs to tWo 6fficials and gives their names and titles on the jambs while the lintel has the name and titles of the Queen. Be-

neath the figures of the two officials on each side is the text rwt

nt dt. f "the rwt of his funerary estate (? )#,. 41 This was discussed

by Jequier 42 who suggested that the estates of the officials had

formed a part of the estate of the Queen. Whatever the true meaning

of At 43 there can be no doubt that rwt is the name of the doorway

itself. In the Pyramid texts, also, rwt is used for some kind of

entrance. 44

Rwt is, in additiong foundt both in the Old Kingdom and laterv

in the expression rwt Ist. The W5rterbuch regarded this as a com-

pound noun and commented that it was t'parallel zu 9nwt und pr-lid"

and "eine Ortlichkeit bei Memphist. 45 The evidence for the first of these comes from various offering formulae of the Old Kiggdom in

which offerings (usually of meat) are provided from the rwt Ist. 46

The expression in this context was discussed, brieflyp by Junk6=, 47

For the second definition the W6rterbuch gave several references, none of which are very helpful. Two of these are titles involving the rwt Ist, 48

while the third is presumably that on which the def- inition is based, since it describes Sokar-Osiris as "preeminent in the rwt ist of 1ýwt-k-s,,. 49 I Vwt-k3 may be short for Vwt-k3-pth? a name of Memphis, but the epithet gives no indication og the nature of the building. The second component of the compound, Ist, is a term for

some kind of kitchen or bakery 50so the rwt Ist was probably a work- place from which goods were issued for the mortuary cult to be offered at the false-doort the rwt.

In the Middle Kingdom the use of the dual rwty appears. The exp- ression rwty wrty occurs in the story of Sinuhe where it is used of the main entrance to the royal palace. At the beginning of the story the rwty wrty are closed on the death of Amenemhat I 51and

when his

successor writes to Sinahe to ask him to return to Egypt he says that

14-5

on his arrival Sinuhe can kiss the earth at the rwty wrt . 52 Finallyq

when Sinuhe has returned to the palace and had his audience with the

king in the 'Lhnwty, he leaves the palace by the rwty wrty and is ins-

talled in the house of a prince*53 Other examples of the dual form include the rwty of the pr-ns

of Nekhen 54 while a stela of the Second rntermediate Period mentions

the rwty ot the god Osiris at Abydost55presumably the entrance to the

temple. A further example from the Middle Kingdom may occur on the

jambs of the gateway of Amenemhat II at Hermopolis which is described

as being a sb3 c2o r rwt (plural) bwt-; 4ntr. 56 This was taken by the ex- cavators to be a writing of the preposition r-rwty,

57although the

use of the plural form would be unusual in this expression. This shows that it is not always possible to be certain as to whether rwty is for the dual form of the noun of a component of the preposition r- rwty-

58 The latter will have originated in the use of the former to describe an entrance so that anything which Was "at the entrance" was "outside" of the building. Which of the two was intended must be dec- ided on the context, the spelling of the word and the determinative

used* For example, a text of Amenhotep I, from Karnakq describes the door (sb3) on which it was inscribed as being r rwty 1ýwt-ntr. 59 The door in question is a large monumental entrance (20 cubit3high) and is also called "the southern sb3, 'P 60

indicating that it stood, origin- allyv on the south side of the Amun temple and probably marked the

main southern entrance to the temple complex, 61

Rwty herd is deter. '. mined by TTTT so it is likaly that this is not the preposition but is the dual noun, used to describe one of the principal entrances to the temple temenos.

It has been suggested by Sethe 62

that rwty was the word used for a pylon before the introduct-don of bbnt in the Eighteenth Dynasty. Since the earliest known examples, from the story of Sinuhe, describe a palace, not a temple, this can not be proved. Most surviving ex- amples of rwty and rwty wrty date from the Eighteanth Dynasty or later and so are contemporaneous with bbnt, In addition there does seem to have been a distinction made between the rwty of a temple and the bbnt of the same building,

In the reign of Tuthmosis I, both the Fourth and Fifth Pylons of the temple of Aman at Karnak were erected* The surviving obelisk of this king, before the Fourth Pylon, is stated to be "at the rwty

14-6

of the bwt-nt f" ý. ý that is to say, in front of the main entrance to

'the temple. Another text which describes the work of Tuthmosis I gives details of the two bbnt on either side Of the rolumned hall

64 and cont-

inues with a description of the flagstaffs at the rwty of the bwt-ntr ý5

It is interesting that the same text should use both rwty and bbnt in

such close proximity to describe the same pylon (the Fourth). The

reason for this is that both the Fourth and Fifth Pylons could be cal- led bbnt but onljt the Fourth,, the main entrance to the temple in that

reign, could be described as a rwty, and it was outside the Fourth Pylon that the obelisks and the flagstaffs were erected.

The same pylon is again described as a rwty by Tuthmosis III who also constructed obelisks in the space before it*

66

At Karnak, in particularp there could be several rwty. The main entrance to the temple will always have been from the west, along the temple axis and this was the rwty wrty of the temple*

67 There was also

a rwty on the southern side of the temple, 68

as is shown by the door

of Amenhotep I, presumably on the line of the existing southern app- roach, and there was a "western rwty"

69 which led into the palace

(1-h) named Nil-w3*11-r-ft probably situated to the north-west of the

approach to the Eigbtee2th Dynasty temple. 70

In the context of the temple, therefore, rwty was used of an imp-

ortant entrance and rwty wrty of the main entrance. With the except4 ion of Karnak the two probably nearly always coincided.

Further temple rwty include a mention in a damaged text of Amen- hotep II in a flagpole niche of the Eighth Pylon at Karnak, describ- ing the erection of the flagpoles at the rwty (only the determinative is preserved) of the bwt-nt .

71 In the reign of this king the Eighth Pylon was the southern entrance to the temple.

Rwt is also found in texts from the temple of Seti I at Abydos. In one case braziers are to be set up it a rwt

72 while shrines (bmw)

were to be built of stone at the r*ty of the lord of Ta-Djeser. 7ý'_

At the temple of Razesses M at Medinet Habu two of the fladpold dedications on the first pylon state that the flagpoles arellat the rFvty wrty of his bwt-ntr.,, 74 Cnce again the term is being used for the main entrance of attemple.

At Rawa, king Tahai-qs: 'r1made obeisance to Amun at the rwty of the bwt-nt 75

and the Shabaka stone describes the union of the reed and

14-1

the papyrus at the rwty of the tLwt of Ptah*76 In texts which date t'77 the Ptolemaic- period rwt was used generally for the doors of a temple.

Both rwt-j, -aAd rwty wrty also occur in texts which relate to the

royal palace. This was noted above in the story of Sinuhe and the usage

continued into the New Kingdom.

In the duties of the Vizier from the tomb of Rekhmire the text

tells how the Vizier meets other officials m P1 sb3 n rwty wrtY "in

the sbi of the rwty wrtyP 78

This shows that rwtY w was the term

used for the "entrance" to the palace and so could itself be regarded

as having alldoor" (sb3)1, and that rwty was not just a synonym for sb3.

In the Heb-sed scenes of Amenhotep III from the tomb of Kheruef

at Thebes, the king appears at the rwty of the '-1ý79 while, in the

Nineteenth Dynasty, aa official goes to make his report beside the

rwty wrty. 80

Originally, therefore, E!! t was a term for the entrance to a build-

ing or an estate. In the Old Kingdom it was used to describe the

false-door of the tomb and also occurred in mythologicql contexts from

this period onward as the entrance to, for example, heaven. 81 From

the Middle Kingdom rwt is found most frequently in the dual form,

often qualified by the adjective wr, to mean the main entrance to a

palace or temple. It was not, in dynastic Egypt, used for other door-

ways within the buildings and, apart from the example from the fun-

erary temple of Queen Wedjebten detailed above, no door-frames bear

the name rwt.

Rwt should be regarded as a term for an'lentranceP rather than

the name of the door itself, for which sb2. was the usual term.

The word does not occur in either demotic or Coptic.

1 Borchardt, Denkm&ler des Alten Reiches, 19 44; PL-10 (No- 1384).

2 Urke, Iý, 38,9-

3 ýrk., 1,389 11. The forms of the determinatives of this and the

preceding writing are not given correctly in the public. ation. The

fo=s of the signs shown here have been collated with the originals in the Cairo Museum (No. 1482).

4 ]Llu=ayp Saqqara Mastabas, I, pl. Vll; Hassang Glza, 1-929-1930,1099 fig-10? (Urke, 1,234,16); Urk., 1,175,12; Pyr. 9 1638a.

5 Junker, Giza, XIq 87- 6 Urk-, 1,107,2.

14-2

7 Borchardt, op. cit., I, 114*and pl*28 (Urk*j 1,86,16).

8 Pyre, 603a.

9 urk., 1,99,16.

10 Pyr. 9 1638a; 2067b.

11 Pyre, 1713a (see also 603a with '; ý and n, reversed). 12 Jequierq La Pyramide d'Oudjebtent 22, fig. 28 (Urk., 1,2739 4)*

13 Urk- 9 19 220 1,11 e 14 Drioton, Rev* dlEgeq 1 (1933)v pl. IX, x+6 (The text, louvre stela

C-159 was published, inaccuratelyp by Pierret (Insc. Louvre, 119

29)e Mere (in Nimsq Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong 71-72,

notes) has pointed out that the initial sign of this word is the

lion (Gardiner, Grammar, Sign List, E. 23) not the bubalis (: [ýidvq

E*9) as was given bý: Pierret. This can be confirmed from the photo-

graph (Driotong op, citeg pl. IX),

15 lange and SchAferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, II,

153; IV, pl. XL3: p 15.

16 Sinuhe R. 9; Gardinerv Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 399 6; For p=4

as a determinative of rwt see; Gardiner, jDramm , Sign List, N. I.

17 Sinuhe B. 189; B*285-

18 Roeder, MDAIK 3 (1932), 289 fig-13-

19 Marietteg Abydos, 1190-309 37-

20 Urkop IV, 43,4; Barguet, Temple 81.

21 Urk. 9 IV9 93,6; Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepeout 'a

Karnak, 98,9,19; 1089 11 and 12*

22 IE-rhov IV9 56,3- 23 Gardinerv JEA 38 (1952), pl., IV, 2.,

24 Urk-, IW, 1105,16.

25 Urkot IV9 1386,16 (Faulkner, Con. Dict. 9 147 quotes this refer-

ence as a writing of rwty "outside". ); 1867,5-

26 lb., Belegstelle , 11,598 (ref-404t 5); Mariette, op. cit., 19 pL. 409 a, 12.

27 Erman, ZAS 38 (1900)9 29.

28 Ma=iette, OP,, Cit-9 190-359 be

29 KRI, It 177t 1-

30 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Medinet Habuq 119 Pl-103t 16.

31 Maoadamq The Temples of Kawa, 19 P1.8p 9 (Insc- NO-4)e

32 Breastedq 7AS 39 (1901)t Pls-I--IIt 15c.

14-q

33 Piehl, Inscriptions, 11,84-

34 Chassinat, Edfouq 11,31-

35 T? -t 11,403,13- 36 Ibidov 11,4049 1-101 Faulknerg ON Cit-P 147- 37 T2-9 119 4079 12-15- 38 Ibidv 11,407,9-10; Maspero, PSBA XI (1889)9 304ff-

39 Urk-9 It 389 9 and 11; 99P 16.

40 Ibid., 1.1079 2; Pyrqq 20Pbo

41 Jequier, loco cite* 42 Tbid., 23-

43 Wb-, YOL510,4-9- 44 PYr* 9 603a; 1638a; 1713a. 45 Kb--, II, 404v 4-5- 46 Urk-, It 1759 12; Murray, op. c pl. VII; Junker, loc. cit..

47 Junker, loc, cite. 48 Pierret, OP- cit-, 11,35 (C-176); Wreszinski, Aegyptische Insch-

riften aus dem K. K. Hofmuseum in Wien 179, V, 2.

49 Wb., Belegstell! ýn, 11,598 (ref-404t 5). Por further writings of

rwt 11st see; Ibid, 11,598 (ref-404,5) and possibly Borchardt,

OP. cit-, It 44; Pl-10 (No, 1384)- 50 Wb-s It 1279 7-9.

51 Sinuhe R. 9.

52 Ibid*, B, 189* 53 Ibid., B, 285- 54 Lange and SchýXerq op- cit-v 119 153; IV9 Pl-XLIq 15-

55 Mariette, OP* Cit-9 II,? L-30,37*

56 Roederv loc. cit-* 57 nLide, 28, note 2;

. 1det AS 67 (1931), 85, note 5-

58 Wb-9 11,405,6-8. 59 Urk,, IV, 43,4- The blocks from this doorway were found in the

"cour de la cachette" at Karnak, see; PM., 11,133-134- 60 Urk-9 IV, 43,12, 61 Barguet, op. cit., 88 and note 2. 62 Sethe, Die Bau- jXnd Denkmalsteine der alten Agypter und ihre Namen

904- 63 ! r-k--v IV, 93,6. Faulkner, Con, Diet*, 84, took this to be a

writing M of the dual of bljnt, but in this context it is more

160

likely to be for rwty. For the location of these obelisks see; LM9 11,75.

64 ! irk., IV, 56,1. 65 Lb

-id -, IV, 5 6,3 -

66 Ibid., IV, 642,12. See also PM, 11,74-75- 67 Lacau and Chavrier, op. cit., 108,11 and 12. 68 Urk-, IV, 43,4 and 12; 1332,19. 69 Lacau and Chevrier, op. citop 98,19. 70 Ibidep 103, no See also Gitton, : ý_IFAO 74 (1974)9 63-73- 71 Urk., IV, 1332,19, 72 KRI, 19 171,1- 73 ERI, I, 177v 1. For a rut (? ) in the Xiwt. &ntr of Ptah-Sokar see;

Mariette, Op- cit-, 1440, ap 12o 74 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, 119 Pl-1039,

5 and 16. 75 Macadam, op. cit., I, pl. 8p 9. 76 Bre"ted, loco citop 77 Chassinat, loc. cit.; Piehl, loc. cit,; Wb.,, 11,404,2. 78 Urk-P IV, 1105P 16. 79 Ibidep 1867,5* 80 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 39,6. Erman,, 1gypter, 63,

quotes this text as an example of rwty wrty as a title of the king. 81 Wb-9 11,4049 1-

161

rryt

Dyn * VI 1 O*K. 2 Ist* Into, Dyn*3 ."I in IVIII9 xxvi

r -3

1 st. Int. 4 6 41 1 st. Int. 5 Dyne XII9 XVIII, g>b . 996

M XIXJ XX 6=0 C=> 44 1 789 Dyne XII Dyne XIIP Dyne XII9 XVIII

JQ644 xviii xxvi 10 11 12

Az Dyne XVII I Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII C-3

Dyn. XXI 3 C-i

Sir- Dyne XX1 4 . 06 C-3

Dyne XX15 44 cl % c--> 1 4="=> 9: 31 or XXI Sý6 1-2ý61 m9MM C-3

The first problem to be resolved concerning this word is that of the

reading* The W5rterbuch 16 queried the reading xMt in view of the

number of writings with the double r and also those which omitted the

we Gardinerl7gave the word as Mt, under the same entry as rwtv while 18 Faulkner, who again reads the word as, rwyt, has separate entries

for rwyt and rwt. Howeizer, 6erny 19 took the reading of the word to be

rryt, which wpuld be supported by the majority of the writings quoted above. Those which contain the w are rave and are piobably due to

confusion with the similarly spelled word rwt (qov. ) while the Late

. Ck e-=> [F=u Egyptian writings and particularly the earlier variant c=> ci would suggest that a double r was intended at the beginning of the

word* Writings in which only one r occur are again probably due to

confusion with rwt. Both of the writings with only the. ýb6 sign come from the title Im r rryt of Imaunedjeh in the reign of Tuth-

mosis III, showing that various spellings could be used for one wordp even within the same text. 20

The balance of the evidence would seem to be in favour of a reading rryt and this hasp accordinglyp been adopted in this study.

Rkyt occurs in texts from the Old Kingdom to the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty. It is used most frequently in the title Imy-r rryt which is first found in the Sixth Dynasty 21

and is the title of several officials at Dendera in the First Intermediate Period. 22 It continues 23 to be used in the Middle Kingdomp although it is never a very common title. In the New Kingdom one important holder of the title is the Theban official Imaunedjeh who was both a Iny-r rryt

24 and 37my-

15Z

rt nsw. 25 Other officials of the same dynasty also held the simple

title 26 and it recurs in the Saite period.

27 There would seem to have

been more than one official attached to the rryt since an Eighteenth

Dynasty text talks of the rmt of the =t. 28 However titles such as

this, no matter how often they may occur, are not very helpful in

deciding on the nature of the building involved.

An important indication as to the function of the rryt is found

in the Maxims of Ptahhotep where the rryt appears to be a kind of reception-room or antechamber connected with the office of an import-

ant official. 29 Men are warned that there is a code of behaviour for

the rryt and that they must act accordingly if they wish to be rec-

eived. Gardiner has noted that one version of the text has pr-n instead of rryt "the picture conveyed to my mind is that of officials

crowding at the entrance to the palacev and waiting their turn to be

admitted. " 30 This interpretationg regarding the rryt as a reception

room at the entrance to an official building is also supported by

the evidence of Eighteenth Dynasty texts* As was noted above the

official Imaunedjeh held the titles Ir rryt and 1my-r rryt nsw3l IMY-

and he was also a wbm nsw32 and wýam nsw tpy. 33 The fact that Imau-

nedjeh had such a combination of titles has undoubtedly contributed 34 to the confusion in the past between the rryt and the grryt as an-

35 ,-- 36 other officialq Intef, had the titles wtLm nswt wj1m 3, n nsw, whm tpy n nsw37 and wým tpy n ýrryt. 38 Although ImaunedJehIs titles are never compounded with 'Irryt the fact that both men were wbmw has led to the mistaken identification of the rryt of Imainedjeh's title,

imý-r rryt and the Irryt in Intef's titleg wtLm_tpy n ý-rryt. To add to the confusionp among the list of Intef's duties are the state-

n 09 ments "One who carries out the procedure of the g44r6-3 and 40 "These were my duties in the --D, C-3 0 This group has been takeng

previously, to be a writing of '-rryt but there is no evidence that the sign -: tk can be read as I- It wasp however, often confused with J, '6becaase of the similarity of the two signs in hieraticP41 and the group is, thereforep to be understood as a writing of rryt. This

means that the official Intefy among whose titles was w4m tpy n 'rryt,

. performed duties in the rryt. This does not, howeve=9 necessitate the identification of the twop although it is p1robably fair to assume that they were in close proximity as both appear to have been situated

)53

at the entrance to an official buildingg often the palace. The 'Irryt was the "approach" to a palace or office, the area imm-

ediately before the door, while the rryt was a reception-room within the buildhg, as is shown by the

. consistent use of the dete=inative

M for rryt. It is, thereforep highly likely that the duties of the

officials connected with the two areas would meet and overlap. The

wbmw would greet visitors and petitioners in the 'Irryt and lead them

to the rryt where they would wait before being condudted in to the

presence of the official with whom they had business.

Originally rryt would seem to have been confined in use to the

official reception-rooms of administrative buildings. Howevert from

the New Kingdom the te= appears to have been extended to include

similarly-placed rooms in private houses. Early examples of this are 42 43 dated to the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties but these give

little indidation of the function of the rryto In the Twentieth Dyn-

asty a text advising a scribe to reject his idle lifep remarks that he has made for himself a rryt in the brewers' quarter,

44 while, in

love-songs of similar daýep the rryt seems to be a meeting-place for lovers. 45

46 Cerny has suggested that rryt may be related to the Coptic te= "cell, 3: oom,, 647 Essentiallyp thereforep rryt was used to describe a reception-room

or antechamber attached to administrative officesp usually within the

palace, although it, later, came to be used for a room in a private dwelling. Rryt does not seem to have ever occurred in a temple-context

and is included here primarily- because it hasp in the past, been

confused with b6th rwt and crryt.

Davies, N[orman) de G, The Rock Tombs of Deir el-Gebrawi, 119 pl. XII.

2 Weillp Raraq pl. XLIII; anotherp damagedt writing occurs on pl. XLII. 3 Petriev Dendereh 1898, pl. IX; XII Urk. y IV9 9579 15; Wb., Beleg-

stellenp II, 603t (ref-407P 14)- 4 Petriev op. citep pl. X.

5 Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium BeCop pl. XVIIt a. 6 5&ba, Les Maximes de Ptahhotepo 339 220 and 227 (the earliest ex-

tant version of this text is Papyrus Prissep in which this spelling of rryt occursp and which has been dated to the early Middle

151-

Kingdom. Other versions are of the Middle and New Kingdoms. There

must, however, have been an Old Kingdom original of the text from

which the later versions were copied (Ibid., 7)- It is probablev

thereforet that this spelling of rryt was also used in -the oritinal

text); jrk. p IV, 9589 10; 961,1; 983,6; lange and Schiifer, Grab-

und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichesq 1.303; IIP 310 (with a stroke

added); Davies N Cormanj de Gt El-Amarna, 1119 pls*27; 29 (largely

restored); Harip (Mepetoire Cnomastique Amarnient No*19) gives a

writing of rryt in the title of the official Ahmose, 3my-r =7t

asc, 1cD=6,, 4ýA I*

The final stroke does not in fact exist on any of

the inscriptions of this man (Davies, loc. cit.; Petriet Tell El-

Amarna, pl*239 NO-44; Pendleburyl City of Akhenaten, III, plolXnIV9 7). Hari also gives the same title, spelled in the same way, for

User (Harig op. cit --v

NO-72), This official is named on a weight

which bears his titles (Pendlebury,, op. cit III, Pl-LXIIq 4;

CIII, 49 ) including the damaged group'ý,., ý, It is possible that

this is to be read as rryt (Ibid*9 1119 1619 7) although it is

more likely to be a writing of gný* In any case the word cannot be'restored to give the writing reproduced by Hari; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellaniesq 259 13; 106,17-

7 Zgba, Op- cit-t 519 442 (This writing occurs in a Twelfth Dynasty

version of the Maxims of Ptahhotep (Papyras B. Mo 10371/10435P 0- 5). The older version of this passage (Papyrus Prisse, 13,10) has pr-nsw instead of rryt so it is possible that this term

may not have occurred in the original text. 8 Newberryp Beni Hasang It pl, XXX; Pierret, Insc. Louvre, Up 108* 9 Lange and Sch1iferg op- cit-P UP 310; 'Urk. p IV, 9559 10; 9579 6;

958P 15; Wb., Belegstelleng IIP 603 (ref-4079 14)- 10 Urk-t IV, 9549 5; 958t B.

11 Ibid, v IVv 967t 7; 9739 17-

12 Ibid., IV, 10649 15; 1867,6.

13 Gardiner, Cheater Beatty It pl. XXX, 92P 4-

14 Lbid. v pl. XVIt 9*

15 Budge, Facsimilies thf Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British

Mus , Second Series, pl. XLII, column 111,12 (this writing was transcribed as shown here by Gardiner, (OP- cit-, 36, note 1) and Cerny (Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 134) but as c'Ps by

Miller, (Liebespoesie, pl. 6). )

16 Wb., 119 407- 17 Gardiner, Gra= 1,577-

155

18 Faulkner, Con. Dictop 148,.

19 derny, op- cit-9 134

20 Urket IV9 954-961, passim. 21 Davies, loc. cit.; Weillp loc. cit.. 22 Petrie, Denderethý 1898, plsIX; X; XI, * Fischer, op. cit., pl. XVII,

a. 23 Newberryp loc. cit.; Pierret, loc. cit.; Lange and Schiifert 2p,

cit-, IIP 310,4; Petriep Lahunt 119 pls. XXI; XXIX. 24 Urk-P IV, 954,5 and 8; 955,10; 957,6 and 15; 958,10and 15- 25 Ibid., 958,8; 962, lle

26 Ibid*, 983,6; Daviea, loc. cit.. 27 Wb., Belegstelle 9 11,603, (ref-407p 14)-

R8 'Erk. . IV9 1867,6.

29 Zýba, OP,, cit-9 339 220 and 227*

30 Gardinerg JEA 37 (1951)9 109, note 2.

31 As notes 24 and 25 above. 32 Urk*q IV9 955P 10; 9579 10; 958P 11; 960,2; 961,9; 962,7-

33 ald-P IV9 957,61 957,15; 9589 12; 959,8; 961,1; 9629 12 and 17-

34 Erman, ZIS 20 (1882), 2. note 1;; Millerg ZIS 26 (lm)p 90-92;

Spiegelberg, Studien ur)d Materialen zam Rechtswesen des Pharaonen-

reiche , 52-53-

35 Urk. , IV, 975,16 and 17- 36 Ibid. , IV,, 963,15- 37 Ibid. 9 IV, 964P 9- 38 Ibid*, IV, 9659 5; 972,15- 39 Ibid., 1V, 9679 7. 40 Lbid-P IV9 973,17-

41 Gardinerp Grammar, Sign Listp E. 23 and U-13; M61ler, Hieratische Palaeographi p 1-11,125 and 468.

42 Urk-9 IV9 10649 15; Miller, Liebespoesie, pl. I, 18.

43 Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellaniest 25P 13-

44 Ibid-, 106,17. 45 Gardiner, Chester Beatty Papyri, I pl, XVIO 9; XXX, G. 294; 6iller,

op-, ci , P12,6-7, column IIIt 12; For a discussion of these

writings of rryt see; Gardinerg OP- cit , 36, note 1.

166 %R

46 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 134-

47 Crum, A Coptic Dictionaryt 287b.

161

h3yt

Dyne IV9 V Dyne IV, V2 Dyne V3 ro ro ro

r. == Dyn 9 V4

C& Dyn - V5 I st Int* 6

9===: p m

m 92 ri J'%a h.. *

-a4 Dyne XII Dyne X118

-. f. A. I119 Dyne XII, Ptol.

ro nyfl

Dyne XVIII10 0 xviii

11

, zi

m

V==: q -

Dyne XVIII 12 Dyne XIX13 O-k- D; =: q C

- Ack

v=: 9 III

HeKeq Dyno XX914 xxx ral 44

=: q '4

Dyne XjXl 5

C-3 re Dyne XX 16

in ink 3ý An c-: 3

ro ca =, Dyne XXI17 ri I

& .\-=. I = 'Q-Q Dyne XXII, XXV 18

ro 44 cl C--j = r 'A4 v--: 1

Dyne XXV, Ptol. 19

, , Dyn * XXV 20 Dyne XXV121 Dyne 22

ro It

A=k =1 xxx M304ý;

A D3rn. XXX2 3

C-3, CL rZ3 % Ph, A=* 24

Ptol. 25 _ ptol. 26 Ptol. Zi

-28 Ptole 29 Ptolo 30 Ptole fD ft

ra. 144 pto, 031 32

Z2; Z4 Ptolo

lei Ft: 344

ptol. 33 1,

pto, 034

Th, e Vrterbm-ah has three entries for building elements named hlyt. One 5: >-

of these seems to be connected with the verb hs "to roaatt, 36

and wasp

probablyp some kind of bakery or kitchen. As such this wotdq which 37 occurs only in accounts of the reign of Seti I, is outside the scope

of this study and is unlikely ta be related to the h3yt under discus-

sion here*

The other two words in the W8rterbuch are h3yt "hall" or "fore-

Iss

court., 36

and h3yt "heaven" or , roof it. 39 This division into two separ-

ate terms is also followed by Faulkner who gives htt "ceiling,, 40 and

h3Yt Ip 0 rt a,,,. 41

However, it seems likely that there was only one term the meaning

of which changedv or rather became extendedi, between the Old and Mid-

dle Kingdoms when the preferable translation is "ceiling" and the

Late and Graeco-Roman periods when a small chapel or portico was int-

endede

H3yt becurs very frequently from the Old Kingdom onwards in the

title smsw hiyt 42

writings of which2bhow determinatives to support

translations of both , halln 43

and "ceiling,,, 44 indicating thatq on

the evidence of this title albnep only one word is involved* Despite

the fact that this is a very old title45 which continued in use

thrcbughout dynastic Egypt, 46

little is known of the daties of the 47 48

smsw hiyt. He could be attached to a temple or a pyramid although he seems, more often, to have been a palace offidiale

49 In the last

capacity he is mentioned in the biography of Rekhmire as "clearing

the way for the Vizier to enter the palace. " 50 This would suggest that the, h3yt was at the front of the buildingt a porch or a portico leading into the main edifice. Sincd Rekhmire had just mentioned

reaching the sb3 of the yt 51

where courtiers were bowing down

to him, it would be reasonable to assume thatq having entered the

area immediately before the main building (the Irryt, qevo) he was

ushered on by the official of the h3yt, a covered portico in front

of the door.

Examples of hSyt outside of this title are rare before the Third

Intermediate Period. Those which are known would support an original

meaning of "ceiling" for h3ytp although it is also possible that the

word had acquired an interpretation of "Porticoll, at least by the

Middle Kingdom since it could, by that date, be already determined

by a "columned hall" I Agn. 52

One of the earliest examples of h3yt outside of the title gmew h3yt occurs in the description of the tomb of Ankhtifý*. gt XpAjýg.

-111ý 0 Here, mn a very obscure passage, the M would appear to

have been part of the c3-door. 53

Fortunately other examples of h3yt leave no doubt of the mean- ing of the word.

In the Instructions of Amenemhat 1, the hsywt of a pr are des-

169

cribed as being made of lapi B. 54

The choice of a blue stond would

suggest that this h3yt was a ceilingg coloured blue to imitate the

sky. Although surviving versions of this text date from the New King-

dom the original compositionp and consequently the choice of vocab-

ulary, was of the Middle Kingdom.

Texts of the New K: Lngdomp alsot support a meaning of "ceiling".

An Eighteenth Dynasty stela records the fact that the storehouses of the temple of Amun at Karnak were filled with tribute up to their

h-ýyt, 55 while, in the Book of the Deadt the house (pr) of Osiris

contains walls (Inbw), a floor (s3tw) and a ceiling (Myt). 56 A sm_ ilar description of a pr of Amunp in the Twenty-First Dynasty, also

j 57 includes a haytp inbwt s3tw and c-3wy.

Clearlyp in these texts, h3yt is tm be understood as a "ceiling"

and thisp on the evidence availablep would seem to be the preferable translation for the term in texts ascribed to the New Kingdom oilý

earlier. The use of the word in the title smsw h3, ytv howeverp part- icularly as illusttated in the Rekhmire inscriptiong strongly sugg-

ests that h3Yt was already acquiring a wider meaning as a term for a

portico or porch before an entrance, Unfortunately further texts of the New Kingdom are not very help-

ful for an understanding of the development of the term. 58

Cne interesting case where h3yt is used of a porch before a temple

pylon occurs in the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty when Shabaka renewed tj; e door and porch of the Fourth Pylon at Karnake He describes the res- ulting structurep a lightly roofed porch with two supporting columns,

as a h-3yt 3t. 59

At the end of the same dynastyg Tanutamun built two h3Yt for the temple of Amun at Napata. One is described as being of stone with door-leaves (II-_,, wy) of electrum.

60 while the secondt at the back (? pr

]ý_&t, qevo) of the temple was connected with the care of cattle. 61

Whatever the nature of the latterv the former hsyt was probably a portico like those erected in the Thirtieth Dynasty. This is poss- ibly also true of the h3yt built in the wb3 of Horshef., "by the official Hor in the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty* 62 Vercoutter has identified this with the frontage of the Ramesside temple at Heracleopolis but this suggestion remains unproved.

63

A damaged texto contemporaneous with the %eý-Sam-h dynasty, notes

IbO

the restoration of a h3y[t] at Kawa. 64

By the Thirtieth Dynasty h3yt had become the term used for the

porticos with low screen walls and engaged columnsg which were erected

on several temple sites* One of these was constructed by Nectanebo I

at Philae and was described as a Ilh-3yt.... of aandstonet surrounded by columns. "

65 The same king records the building; at He=opolisp of

a pr for the goddess Nehmetaawy, with a h3yt which is said to have

columns with sistram-capitalsp 66

as has-the portico at Philaes 67

The

Hermopolis pottico was undoubtedly of similar design*

In the temple of Hibis in Kharga oasisj Nectanebo II constructed

a portico with plant-form columns, abutting onto the front of the

temple. This is called a h3yt 68

and also a h3yt c3t, 69

In the time of Philip Arridaeus work was executed on the w1bt of the Falcon at Athribis, including the building of a hiyt with eight

t_7 W3d colu; ins, situated at the entrance (r) to the wcb *0 By this time h3yt was firmly established as the name of these

small "porticos" and wasp thusp easily extended in use and applied to all structures of similai design, wherever their position within the temple complex* In the Ptolemaic period the term was used for

the roof-chapel of the temple or Hathor at Dendera, 71 and for build-

ings situated beside the sacred lakes. 72 The Dendera roof-chape, 73

is similar in style to the Thirtieth Dynasty porticos and there is

no reason to suppose that other h3ywt. ) which can not be so readily identified, differed greatly in plang size or appearance* Other

Graeco-Roman h2qwt are recorded at Esna974 Karnak75 and Edfu. 76

The meaning of hsyt in the Late and Graeco-Roman periods is not in doubt; it referred to a small portico or chapel with screen walls

and engaged columns. Similarly there is no doubt of the existencet in texts up to the Twenty-First Dynasty of a noun h3yt which is best translated as "ceiling". It is possible that these are two separate unrelated terms which happen to show similar spellings, however, it is much more likely that the original term h3yt, "ceiling'19 was extend- edq probably at a much earlier date than can be proved on present evidenceg to cover a small porch in front of an entrance and it is

as such that it occurs in the title smsw h3Yt. Later still the term

came to be appliedq specifically, to the porticos of the Late and Graeco-Roman periods.

16%

Previous discussions of h3yt have, in the main, concluded that 77

it was a te= for a porticop pavillion or similar structure. One

exception to this is Goedicke whop in discussing the title smsw h3Yt9

preferred to see the. h3yt as a "collective designation of the admin-

istrative quarter. ., 78

If this were sop then hsyt as used in this

title would have to be distinguished from the term which, clearly,

described a part of a building. This is not neca1; sa=y, ' since there

is no Corroborative evidence to support Goedicke's suggestion.

H3yt is pralmbly related to the term hyt "heaven", a translation

which the W8rterbuch gives as an alternative iheani2Lg of h%ýt "roof".

Whether or not hiyt survived into Coptid is open to question.

Gardiner regarded h3yt as the ancestor of the Coptic Zc). e: %-r a "gate-

wayil porch or forecourt, 11 80 Z' 81 62

although Cernyp following Spiegelberg

and Krall 83

preferred to see ZcLr-l-r as a derivative of Egyptian

b3ty. 84

1 Junker, dzav IXv 77t abb-31; Mariettev Les Mastabas do l1ancien Empirdp 262 (wrongly numbered 362)9

2 Junker, op. cit-P 78, abb-32; Mariette, Op- cit-9 341- 3 Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten Ip 24, No. 22; 142, No. 212. 4 Hassant Gliza, VIq part 111,103-

5 Borchardt, op. cit j Ip 25, Noe23- 6 -11oAdierv Molallav 232, VicAp 3; P1-20- 7 Lange and Sch&fer# Drab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Relcheal I.

67.

8 Ibid, 9 17- 9 Ibid. 9 249; Chassinatp Edfoup 1,415- 10 Griffithq ZAS 34 (1896), 47- see also Malininep BIFAO 34 (1934)v

65- 11 Urk- 9 IV9 1073,5- 12 Ibido, IV9 4299 7- - 13 Griffith, loc. cit.; malinineg loc* cit* (P. Sallier UP 1119 1.

The second bird was transcribed by both Griffith and Malinine as the 4-sign (Gardiner, Gra=arq Sign Listp G. 21). It ist in factp the Tlw-bird (Ibidop G-4) as would be expected in such a writing. For a copy of the hieratic text see+ Budge, Facsimilies of Egyptian Hieratio Papyri in the British Museumq Second Seriesp pl., IXV,

162.

Compare the sign with MO'llerj Hieratische Palaeographiet II, W*. 191, The same also applies to the transcription by Malinine of the

same sign on a new ostracon (Malinine, op. cit., 65 and following

plate (unnumbered). This writing determines the word with n in-

stead of F-4 . 14 Budge, The Book of the Dead, (1898)t Egyptian Text volumeg 267,

(Chapter 1259 44); Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Rameses III's Temple vfithin the Great Inclosure of Among I. pl*23A9 19; Roeder, ASAE 52(1954)p 393-

15 LD-P 111,170-

16 Gardiner, Cnozqp Pl-XIW5* 17 Hamadaq ASAE 47 (1947)t 179 3-

18 LD., IIIv 255)'L-, Urk-, 111,68,13-

19 Wreszinskit Orientalistische literaturzeitung 13 (1910)t Pl-II9, 12 (after P*381); Leclantg Rev. d'Eg. 8 (1951)9 107; Pl-4; Mariette, Denderah IIIP Pl-37o i-

20 Urk. 9 111,689 5-

21 Vercoutter, BIPAO 49 (1950)t 88; Ple- II; III-

22 LD*p III, 285a.

23 Metropolitan Museum of Artq Egyptian Expeditionp The Temple of Hibis in El-Khargeh Oasisq HIP pl. 649 top (same, omitting a pl, 65p reveal)*

24 Daressyp ASAE 18 (1919)9 145P 8- 25 Sauneronq Esnaq IIIv 194, Insc*284P 3- 26 Ibideq 196, Insc. 284,12* 27 Urk. 9 VI11f 152,237- - 28 Chassinat, BIFAO 30 (19309 300- 29 Urk., VIII9 52, No. 63P he

30 Mariettep opo cite, IV90-2. 31 Urk-9 VIIIP 52, Noe63, d.

32 Mariettet opo citep Ijý. 62, J.

33 Dýmichenq Baugeschichte des Denderatempelsq, pl, XXXI, 14 and 17- 34 Wbot 119 476 (not quoted, by the Belegstellen

35 Ibid. 9 476,14- 36 Ibid-9 4759 9-

37 KRIq I, 244t 15; 245P 14; 260,9; 269p 15-

38 Wb-s UP 476t 4-11.

39 Ibid. P 476,12-13. Leclantg, op., cit#9 1110 note 3v notes that

16S

Fairman is of the opinion that the W5rterbuch should have trans, - lated h3yt as Decke "ceiling" rather than Dach "roof".

40 Faulknerl Con* Dict,, 156.

41 loc. cit-.

42 Wbe, 11,476,8-11.

43 E. g. t Lange and Schaferp op. cit. 9 1,17; Gardiner, Late Egyptian

Stories, 61,1; Malinine, loc. cit.. 44 E-g-v Lange and Schaferv op. cit. v 67; 249; RKk. q IVP4299 7; 1073,

5-

45 Murrayq Index of Names and Titles of the Old Kingdom, pl, XLI.

46 For discussions of thts title see; Helckq Beamtentiteln, 839 note 31; Gardiner, Onom. p Iq 60*-61* 1135.

47 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Stories, 61,1; Davies N[ina] de G and Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhat, pl*Vll,, see qlso; Lbidov 7*

48 Hassan, loc. ci .; Badawi, ASAE 40 (1940), PI-60. 49 See; Gardinery Cnom., 1,60*-61*

50 Urk-, IVP 1073,5-

51 Ibid. , IV, 10739 3-

52 Lange and Sch&fer, op. cit., 1,67; 249-

53 Vandierp loc. cit. * 54 Malinine, loc. cit*.

55 Urk-P IV, 429,7-

56 Budgev loc, citoo

57 Ramada, loc. cit..

58 LD., IIIP 170 (a h3yt at the Ramesseum); Chicago University, Or-

iental Institute, loc. cit.; Gardinerv Op- cit, pl-XIP 15-

59 Leclantt loc. cit. (also Yoyotteq Ch. d'Eg 18 NO-55 (Jan. 1953)v

28-38.

60 Urk., 111,689 5-

61' Ibido, IIIj 689 13-

62 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950)t 88 and pls. II; III. (See also; Dar-

essy, ASAE 5 (1905)v 127-

63 See further under w1a3q p. qC), note 59-

64 Macadam, The Temples of Kawaq 1,67, note 200; pl. 26, line 106.

65 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, 1,166; 167. For a plqn see;

PM. 9 VIf 202; 204; for photographs see; Lyons, A Report on the

Island and Temples of Philaev Nos--3 and 4- 66 Roederq Op- cit-# 393-

16t

67 Lyons, loc, cit.. 68 Metropolitan Museum of Arto Egyptian Expeditiong opcit, X, 0,. 65,

66t reveal. Por a plan see; Ibid. 9 Iq pl. J=III, and for a photo.., -- graph see; Lbid. 9 It pl, VII.

69 Ibid*9 I, pl-64, 'top-. 70 Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)9 145,8.

71 Mariette, OP. cit-v 111,0.37; IV, 02; DUmichen, loc. cit.. 72 Mariette, op. cit. 9 It? 1.62, j.

73 Chassinat, Le Temýýe de Dendara, 19 Pl-XLI; PM-9 VI, 100-103 and

plan on 94- 74 Sauneronq opo cit-, 194, Insco2849 3-

75 Urk-9 VTTIP 52,63, d and h; 152,237o 76 Chassinat, Edfoul, 1,415; Idop BIFAO 30 (1931), 300o

77 Leclant, opo citop 111-112; Badawyt ZIS 102 (1975)v 88; Vercoutter,

OPo Citoo 95; Barguetv Templev 288; Alliott Le Culte d'Horus & Edfca

au Temps des Ptolemees, 11,483; Daumas, les Mammisis des Temples oo egyptiens, 210, note 4; YoYottev opo cit-P 36; Chassinat, Le Ma=-

isis d'Edfou, p. X, note 8; See also Cartef and Cardinert JEA 4 (19

17)q 134, note 7 (2) for hzyt as a term for "ceiling". 78 Goedicke, The Report of-Wenamun, 19o 79 Wbop 11,476,12o See also Wilke, ZA'S 76 (1940), 93-99- 80 Gardiner, Onomop 1,60*-61* f-1-3-31. For Zmeerr see; Crum, A Coptic

Dictionaryq 713b-714ao This term does not appear to be entered in Westendorf's Koptisches Handw'O'rterbucho

81 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 298.

82 Spiegelbergp Koptisches Handw6rterbuchv 248; Ido, Koptische Ety-

mologien, 25, No. 16o 83 Krall in Revillout, Revue Egyptologique 2 (1882)9 31, note 1. 84 Wb-9 1119 2229 5-

165

bwt

Dyn. I Dyn. 19 ý]

Dyne 13 Dyn. I, V, XII4

D. vn* I-PtolP. 5 Dyno IV, V, VII Dyne V7 a xii, xviii N

Dyno V, VI, 8 Dyii. V9, VI, XII9 XVIIIý XII, XVIII, XIX cl XIxq XX, Ptol.

C3 10 C-3 11 12 Dyno VIq XVIII Dyno Xii Dyno XII 50

Dyne XII13 Dyno XI, 14 Dyno XjIl 5

16[] 18 Dyno XVIII Dyn. XVIII 17 Dyno XVIII, XTX, XX

Dyno XVIII19 Dyno XIX 20 Dyno XIX 21

r-3 Dyn" XX22 Ptolo 23 LJ

IQ F] C'o znl C-3

Vwt is an extremely common term which was in use throughout dynastic Egyptp from the Archaic period to the Ptolemaic era. It is a term to

which a separate study ought really to be devoted and it is not poss- ible in a work of this kin4 which is attempting to review a large

number of wordsp to assess adequately this one word which occurs so frequently Sn texts of all periods* However, it would also be unacc- eptable to omit such an important term and I propose to give here a summary of the history of 4wt and to discuss its use *ith'relation to

actual buildings.

The term is a very ancient one which occurs, both alone and in

compounds, from the First Dynasty onwards. It is, thereforeq clear that the enclosure which is represented in the bwt-hieroglyph must have been a building-type which was already in existence in the pre- and protodynastic periods. The form of the hieroglyph varies slightly in the Archaic period (see the writings above), but it is essentially a rectangular enclosure whichp at this period in Egypt, would have been constructed of brick. The main point of contention concerning the exact nature of this enclosure is the matter of the identification of the small square which is usually depicted in one of the lower

lb6

corners of the enclosure in the most usual form of the sign 0

which

was in constant use from the First Dynabty. Some writers have inter- 24

preted the square as a building, possibly a tower to guard the ent-

rance to the enclosurev 25

while others have regarded it as being a

representation of the gateway itself. 26 The early variants of the sign

would tend to support the latter interpretation as the second writing quoted above does seem to show an entrance. It is, thereforeq probable that the small sq1zarn represents a gateway in the corner of the enclosureg This wasp probablyg a complex entrance designed to restrict ease of

access to the enclosure 27 in which case it can be claimed that at least

two protodynastic 4wt have survived. These are the large brick enclosures at Abydos, known today as the

Shunet Ez-Zebib 28 and the Middle FortP A third example also exists

which it has not been possible to excavate as the enclosure is now occ-

opied by a Coptic monastery. 30 The original purpose of these enclosures

has been a subject of much debate. The excavators regarded them as "forts'19 a judgement which was, presumably, based prinarily on thibir

size. 31 More recent opinions on the nature of these enclosures has

depended on whether or not the writer believed the royal cemetery at Um El-Q&! ab to be the actual tombs of the kings of the Archaic per- iodg The weight of the evidence doesp however# indicate that the royal tombs of the First Dynasty, and some of those of the Second Dynasty,

were at Abydosq the large archaic mastabas at Saqqara belonging to high officials, 32 In this case it id most likely that the'enclosures

at Abydos were connected with the provision of the mortuary cult of the dead kings9 playing a similar role to that of the court around the Step Pyramid at Saqqara. Both the Shunet and the Middle Fort have complex gateways which would have been readily represented in the hieroglyphic sign by a square in the corner of the enclosure*33

Those writers who prefer to regard Saqqara as the royal cemetery of the Archaic period have suggested other interpretations* Emery 34

sees them as "surrounding the Upper Egyptian residence of the king"

and Ricke35 considers that they were "Residenzen far die Teilnahme der lebenden Vnige an abydenischen G5tter-festen" at the nearby Osiris temple. Lauer, 36 however, suggests that they were magazines for this same temple.

In view of the comparison which can be made with the court of the Step Pyramidq the proximity of the enclosures to the royal cemetery

16-1

and the overwhelming evidence that 1ýwt was concerned primarily with

the funerary cult, these enclosures are much more likely to have

served as cult-places for dead kings than as either residences for

the live monarch or storehouses for the Osiris temple.

The survil7ing enclosures at Abydos are of the Second Dynasty but

there is no reason to doubt that similar structures existed within

the rectangles bounded by the "tombs of the courtiers", to serve the

cults of the kings of the First Dynasty. 37

Since the form of the hieroglyph was already well-estaUished by

the start of the dynastic periodp it would seem logical to suppose

that similar enclosures had existed in predynastio Egypt. These need

not necessarily have been connected with the cults of dead rulers

as it is possible that any large brick enclosure, whatever its pur-

pose, was called a ý: wt. There is certainly evidence to suggest that

large produce-bearing estates were originally enclosed by brick bound-

ary walls and known as 1ýwtq since the term is used, in the Old Kingdom,

to describe the funerary estates which provided offerings for the

mortuary cults. This use of the term is outside of the scope of this

study and has already benn extensively studied by Jacquet-Gordon who

discusses both. the. ý: w Lt-foundations and those known as n1wtv which

also provisioned the funerary cults. 38 She regards the 4wt as having

been foundations instituted by the king to provide for his mortuary

cult and under the control of officials app6inted by the king. These

estates are also attested for an earlier periodq when the occurrences

of hwt on the jar-seals of the Archaic period refer either to the

estate from which the produce originated4o or, if contained in a titlet

the office of the administrator resp=ible for despatching the offer-

ings to the tomb of the noble or king concerned. 41

To return to hwt as it is known to have referred to actual build-

ings, there is further evidence, from texts, that the cult-centres

of the kings of the Archaic period were called kiwt, which serves to

support the identification of the function of the Abydene enclosures.

A piece of a diorite vase found at the tomb of king Kda at Abydos

bears the title of a sem-priest of the 4wt of Kda. 42 This would have

referred to the 4wt of the king at Abydos which has since been comp- letely destroyed. In addition the'expression 1ýwt-k3 had already

come into use by the end of the First Dynasty* A tLwt-k3 of Adjib is

16T

attested43 as is a 4wt-k3 , called 3b-ntr, of the first king of : bhe

Second Dynastyq Hetepsekhenuy. 44 The use of ýwt-113 for the mortuary

-- 45 chapel of both private and royal individuals continues.

In the Old Kingdom 4Wt was retained as the name of the mortuary temple of the king even when the design of the edifice had been changed

to such an extent that it no longer resembled, '. the original brick

enclosure. This is illustrated by the fact that blocks which were int-

ended for the Valley temple of Snofdru at Dashur were marked with a bwt-hieroglyph before they left the quarries.

46 In the Abusir papyri the pyramid temple of Neferirkare, is referred to as "the 4wt of Nefer-

irkarei, 47 and "the bwt of Kakaiii. 48 There can be no doubt with these

examples thdt this bwt of the king was the temple itself and not a "foundation" in view of the contexts in which the terms occurv part- icularly the writing of Hwt-Nfr-Ir-k5_rI which is found in a duty-rota

specifying the officials which are to be on duty in the '=t-bntt and 49 50 the pr-wrw, both of which refer to particular areas of the temple.

However, other examples from the Old Kingdom of the tLwt of a king

probably refer to an estate of the king rather than to his mortuary temple. This is so with another example from the same archive which

records that provisions for the temple of Neferirkare were brought

from the jLwt of Raneferef. 51

In the Old Kingdomq thereforep 4wt was used in two ways. Firstly,

and most frequently, to describe a foundation which provisioned a mortuary culty and secondly as the name of the building in which the

cult was celebrated. Hwt does not occur as the term for a cultus temple L. -

in the Old Kingdomy the regular expression being 4wt-nj (q*v-)t although possible exceptions to this are found on the Fifth Dynasty Palermo Stone.

In inscriptions of the Archaic period rectangular enclosures which lack the "gateway" can be equated with others of the same name which

employ the standard bwt-hieroglyph, 52 showing that the simple rectangle

could be read as bwt. Cn the Palermo Stone the same sign is also found,

within which are hieroglyphs representing the name of the edifice*53 The usual hwt-sign is not employed for the same buildings but, occasion-

ally the rectangular enclosures have "battlements... 54 These buildings

have been discussed by Kaplony who regards them as 11G6tterfestLMgen, #. 55

In view of the fact that at least three of these buildings are named

I bq

in connection with the pd-gs ceremony, it is most likely that they were

temples of some kind.

In the same annals the expression tp-bwt (qov. ) occurs56 to mean

the "roof" of a temple.

The use of bwt in the Middle Kingdom is less well attestedg although

it was certainly still connected with the mortuary cult as the 4wt of

various individuals are known. 57 There is little evidence for the use

of the term in relation to cultus temples although the title 1my-r hwt

n_ Swth "Overseer of the hwt of Sethi, 58

implies that lawt could be

employed as an abbreviation for bwt-ntr. However, due to the relative

paucity of relevant texts for this period, further evidence has not

survived. 59

As with so many words the majority of the extant examples date from

the New Kingdoino

One interesting text, from the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty,

records how Ahmose I builty at Abydos, a pyramid and a lawt for his

grandmother Tetisheri. 60

These structures have been excavatedrevealing

that the 4wt, in which the stela bearing the text was found, consists

of a square brick buildingg divided into many compartments which were

filled with rubble to form a solid constructiono An offering chapel,

at the entrance tm which were hundreds of offering pots, extended from

-one side into the centre of the structure. The stela had been, origin. 4

ally, set up at the back of this chapel. 61

The use of bwt to desoribe

such an edifice, which bears no resembl=ce- either to the encloEwre

represented by the hieroglypht or a standard Egyptian templet indicates

that the basis for using this particular term for a building lay in

its function, not in its plan. This virtually solid construction was

purely an offering chapel for the cult of the dead queen, the presence

of the large amount of pottery leaving no doubt as to the purpose of the building. This hhows the continuance of the essentially funerary

nature of the bLwt, as already evidenced for the Old Kingdom and the

term continues to be used as the name of the mortuary temples of, the

kings and quwens of the New Kingdom.

Examples of this are much too frequent to be detailed individually

and little would be gained by so doingo However, it can be noted that

the royal mortuary temples on the West Bank at Thebes were most often described as being the 1ýwt of a particular king.

62

110

Often these temples are described as being "the 4wt of the king (named)

in the pr of Amun", 63

indicating that they were under the administra-. tive control of the main temple of Amun at Karnak. One text refers

to these temples collectively as "the tLwt (pl. ) of the Kings of Upper

and Lower Egypt which are beside his (Amenhotep III%)father Amun at Thebes".

64 The full name of each of thesettemples-:. rwaotthe 4wt nt ]ýýw

m rnpw "the 4wt of millions of years" of the king. This expression,

which was once thought to have been used only for actual mortuary templesp

65 was, in fact9 used of any temple in which the worship of

the king was observed, even if the temple in question was dedicated

primaril. *,,. r to the chief god of the area. 66

Since this expression is

linked so closely with the cult of the king it is interesting to note that the full name of a king's tomb in the Valley of the Kings was

pz tir -. i spss n bbw n rnDwt r-&3 hr Imntt w3st "The great and noble tomb Of billiohs of years of Pharaoh on the west of Thebes" 4,67

Hwt, therefore, clearly retained its association with the funerary

cult and, in the New Kingdom, this was extended to private individo.

uals. 68

It was, howeverfrom the New Kingdom onward that 1ýwt was used

with increasing frequency for the cult-place of a god, as an abb-

reviation for kiwt-ntr. Once again, examples of this are so numerous 69

that there can be no doubt that 4wt was employed in this way and to

quote texts at length is unnecessaz7ý- In the Ptolemaic period bwt is found referring to individual

rooms within a temple. 70

There is little that can be usefully added in such a brief study of this important term. The administrative aspect of the 4wtv as indicated in the Ramesside Wilbour Papyrus, is a topic too diverse

and complex to be considered here.

It is worth, however, emphasising once again the fundamentally funerary nature of 1ýwt which can be seen clearly in the Old Kingdom

when it was used almost exclusively in this wayq and which continued into the New Kingdom as the name of the royal mortuary temple. Since

a 1ýwt was essentially a cult-placeg there is no one form of building

which can be identified as a 1ýwt, the term defining the function of an edifice rather than its plan. Originally a hwt was an enclosure like that depicted in the hieroglyphic sign but, even by the time of

III

the Old Kingdom, the term was being applied to buildings which bore

no resemblance to the original enclosure. The link between these tLwt

and those of the pre- and protodynastic period was their identity of

function. Since the simple term was so closely identified with the

cult of the dead, the adjunct ntr was employed to distinguish the cult

place of a god from that of a king. Although even i7a the Old Kingdom the

distinction was not being enforced with the result that the temple

of a god could be called a 4wt while the cult-place of the king, hiU

mortuary templet could be described as a Ijwt-ntr. 7T

72 Hwt occurs in the demotic script with a similar range of meanings

but in the Coptic period, by which time the pagan temples had fallen

into disuse, hwt survives only as a term for allsepulchrel" 73

1 Emery, Hor-AhA, 20, fig. 13 (also published in Kaplonyq Die Inschr-

iften der Agyptischen Prýihzeitq III, pl-199 36. The sign occurs on

a seal from tomb 3357 at Saqqara, and has within-ýthe enclosure the

name of Hor-Aha. The sealýh-as-two rows of hwt-enclosures and one large -ý . This group has been read by Kaplony as either 1ýwt-njswt

Or 4wt-k'j'(t) (Ibid., 11,1098). 2 Petrie, Royal Tombs II, pl-XIIt 3& The reading of the sign as I)Lwt

is confirmed by comparison Wth Ibid-v I, pl. VI, 8 which shows a typical bwt-enclosure of the same naze*

3 Ibid-Y It pl-IXq 12. 4 Although this sign lacks the characteristic "gatewael of the hwt-

6 hieroglyph, the reading is confirmedq as with No, 2, by comparison

with other wiitings (Ibid, It pl. IX9 1 and 2; IX9 1 and 3)- Other

writings of this simple enclosure which could be interpreted as '%wt" see; Kaplonyq OP- ci -, III, Pls, ý5,110; 67,241; Urk-, It 165,15; British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, II, pl. 2D.

5 This writing of )ýwt occurs consistently from the Pirst Dynasty to the Ptolemaic period. Examples are so numerous that the following

references provide only a representative selection; Petrieq opo Lit., I, pls. XV, 16; XXVI, 58t 59 and 60; Kaplonyq op, vit*y HIP

Pls-35,115; 36,118,86P 322; 1239,737; 1259 749; jjrkep 19 49 9; Petrie, Hedum pl*21; ID-9 119 42a; 76a; Marietteg Les Mastabas de I'Ancien Rnpirep 384; Newberry,, El-Bersheh, 19 pl. XXXIII; Lange and Scha'fer, Grab- und DenkBteine des Mittleren Reiches, I.

111

39t h, 5; Newberryo Beni Hasang 19, pl. VII; Urk., IV, 25,1P; Naville,

The XIthe Dynasty Temple at Deir El-Bahario III, pls. VIt 1; XVI9 1;

'Qrk., IV9 1796,10; Mariettev Abydon I, 47b; ER-I, 1,335,3; 111

428,9; Marciniak, Deir El-Bahari, It pl, LXXXIV, Graffito No*128;

Chicago Universityv Oriental Institutep The Bubastite Portal, plo 16,40; Benson and Gourlay, The Temple of Mut in Asher, 351; Chass-

inatt Edf I It 92; 539; Mariette, Dender 1 111, pl. XXIII. 6 Petrie, Me I pl., 21; Lange and Sch&fer, op. ci ., 1,6; Quibell,

The RaxmBsse=, 1896, pl, XXXIII; Mariette, Les Mastabas de l'Ancien

Empire, 317 (in the name of a town); Davies Nýorm=3 de Go Ptahhotep,

I, pl*XII, 228; ýD., 111 63; Petrie, Dender pl. III; jjrk., It

102,7; 'grk-, VII, 61t 3; H61scher, Exc. lied. Habu, 111 109, figs. 92; 93-

7 Ulk-o It 236,14- 8 PYrot 308; Urk-, 1,85,7; Newberry, op* cit I, pl. XVIII; Urk.,

IV, 3879 1; Davies N[o=an3 de Go El-Amarna, IV, 3; Urk, 9 IV,

2027,10; LD., III, 152d; Mariette, Abydos It ýU479 a. 9 Lange and Schafert op. cit-t 111 4; '9-rk-, 1,264,14 (in hwt-k3);

212,10 (the exact fo= of the 11wt here is 9 ); VII, 28,16; IV, 28,1; 108,1; 447,5; 766,2; 885,7; 975,8; 1748,5; KRI, 1,171, 5 and 6; 326,11; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,6,3; 7,7; 13,17; 30Y 3; 50,8; 67t 16; Faulkner, The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind, 6,15;

24,12; 33,5- 10 Urk-, 1,131,6; Davies N [o3nan3de Go The Tomb of'Puyemre at Thebes,

I, Pl-40 ( in the expression bwt-k3 n 'Icbms Nfrtiry 11 De Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, I, 160e; Adam, ASAE 56 (1959),

pl. 9. 12 Louvre C*198 (this stela, mentioned by Pierret (Insc. Louvre, III

53) does not appear to be published and this sign, in the title 1ýk3 4wtv was noted in the Louvre. The stela Is dated by Boreux (Ant- iquit6s legyptiennes, Catalogue Guide, 1,161) to the Twelfth Dyn- asty).

13 Bisson de la Roque, To"d, 107-- 14 Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kabun and Gurob, Pl-35t 34e 15 British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, III pl, 2 (this could concievably

be a writing of rbt, but, since 4wt-ntr in the same stela is written a reading of hwt for this group is probably to be preferred).

16 urk. I IV, 131,16.

1"13

17 Ibid-, 15429 8. 18 Berlin K6niglichen Museeng Aegyptische Inschriften, 119 41 (with

000 instead of -i it ); ! R--It 1,42,3; 48,3; Erichsen, op. cite 9 79 9; 70,10; 81,15 (withxaand'ý reversed); 49,22 (with cursive

, E) - 19 Urlc. p IV, 1928v 14o

20 KRI, It 39,13- 21 Foucart, le Tombeau d'Amonmos, pl. X111.

22 Chicago Unffersity, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, II, pl. 123,

B.

23 Chassinat, Edfou, Is 589-

24 Gardiner, Grammar, Sign List, 0.61 note 1 (after Calverlpý).

25 Griffith, A Collection of Hieroglyphs, 35-

26 Masperof PSBA-XII (1889-1890), 247; Lefebvre, Grammaire de 1'Egyptien

Classique, 402,0.6 and 0.7; Petriet Royal Tombs 111,28-29; Ayrton

Cgrrelly and Wiegallp Abydos, 111,5-

27 See, for examples Emerys, Archaic Egyp , 118, fig-75 and 76. It has

also been suggested that the 4wt hieroglyph depicts a sanctuary within a temple enclosure-wall and it has been claimed that such a situation exists on the site of the Old Kingdom temple at Tell- Basta (Jacquet Gordon, Les Noms des Domaines funbraires sous l1ancien Empire 'egyptient 4, after Anon. Ch. d'Eg- 39 and 40 (January and July 1945), 84)e However, Habachi makes no mention of a sanctuary in the North-West corner (Tell Basta, 11-32) and although the temple

sanctuary may well lie to the North-West of the centre of the encl- osure, it is not in the corner and the plan of the temple enclosure does not resemble the usual hwt-hieroglyph (Ibids plan)*

28 Ayrton et ale, op. citop pl. VI. 29 Ibideq ploVII* 30 Ibid, t 3- 31 1hil-d-i 1-5- 32 Kemp, JEA 52 (1966), 13-22. 33 See notes 28 and 29 above. 34 Emeryp op. cit., 116. 35 Ricke, Beitrage Bf- 4. Bemerkungen, 1,27; 130, anm. 163-

36 Lauerq MDAIK 25 (1969), 83- 37 Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Cxyrhyhkhos, 1-9; pls,, I-XXI; PM-P

11+

V, 54-55; Kemp, loc. cit ; Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 11,30-

35o 36 Jacquet-Gordon, op* cit t passimp especially ý-14; Junker, ZIS

75 (1936), 69y note 30; Goedicke, MDAIK 21 (1966), 18; Fischer,

Dendera in the Third Millenium Mot 11, note 53; 73-

39 E! ja-

those of Sneferu, Pakhry, The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur,

II, The Valley Temple, Part 1,19-58.

40 E&. Kaplony, Die Inschriften der Agyptischen F3ýýhzeitt III, pl*

19,36; 58,210; 67,236; 66t 243; 699 246v 249 and 2511

41 Ei-jg. Ibid*, III, 35t 114; 36v 118; 499 182; 86v 327; 94t 366; 123,

737; 154,878. 42 Petrie, op. cit-t It pl. IX, 12. For the exact Irrovenance of this

inscription see; Ibid., 15; pl, IX (over chamber 3)-

43 Amelineau, Les Nouvelles Pouilles d'Abydos, 1895-1896,1, Pl-32. 44 Petrie, op. cit. 9 1, pl. VII, 10; 11, ploVIII, 9-11; Lacau and

Lauer, La Pyram6de 'a' Degree, IV, pl. 12 (Nos. 61 and 62); 15 (No*

74)- 45 Mot III, 5v 14-20; See also; Varille, Inscriptions concernant

l'Architecte Amenhotep file de Hap 9 75-76.

46 Fakhry, OP- cit-, 14-

47 Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, The Abu Sir Papyri, ploIVAq go 48 nLid., pls. XVIIIA, B; XCIIIA, A (twice); XCVAO A.

49 Ibido, ploIVA, go 50 Posener-Kri6ger, Archives Neferirkare, It 38-42-

51 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp opo citev pl, XLVA, C. See Pos-

ener-Krieger, OP- cito, 312-314-

52 See note 4 above. 53 Schiferv Ein Bruchstuck Altagyptischer Annalen, PloI, 3t 4 and 5-

54 Ibidoy ploIq 2 and 3o The same buildings are named on inscriptions

from elsewhere, see; Kaplony, ZiS 68 (1962), figs-13-23-

55 Ibido, 5-16o

56 Scha'ferg op* cit. 9 ploI1, tliej eijýno -. an not be distinguished on thid Rhotog: Eajhp_ sad Ibid.,,. K6 and 39; See; d1bo -Urk. ? 44,3;

248-t 1-

57 British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, Hy plso2; 10; 111, Plo38;

Adam, ASAE 56 (1959)9 plog; Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun

and Gurobp Pl-35,34; Urkey VII, 28,16; Newberry, El-Bershehp I,

ploXXXIII. For lawt in the plural, referring to the estatesq see;

1"75

British thiseum, op. citeg IIp pl. 8; Vrke, VII, 61,3-

58 Lange and Schgfer, OP- cit-t I, 39p h, 5-

59 For another example which may refer to a cult-centre of Sesostris

I at T8d9 see; Bisson de la Roque, T8d, 107. 60 Urk., IV, 28,1.

61 Ayrton et alev qP- cit-P 35-37; pllI,, For another copy of the stela

see; Ibidot pl, LII.

62 Eog* Havillet The XIth. Dynasty Temple at Deir El-Bahariq III, ple XVI9 1 (Tuthmosis 1); Id. p Deir El-Bahari, It pl. XX (Hatshepsut);

Eft-P IV, 885P 7 (Ttithmosis III); Wb. p_ Belegstellen, 1119 1 (refo

2t 5) (Amenhotep II); Navilleg The XItho Dynasty Temple at Deir

El-Bahari, 1119 pls*VIT 1; VIII, E (for a better photograph see; Hayesp Scepter of Egypt, II, fig*191) (Amenhotep III and Tutankhamun);

Holscher, Ebcc. Med. Habu, 11,109, figso92 and 93 (Horemheb); , KRI9

1,3329 4 (Seti 10; Quibell, The Ramesseum, 1896, pl, XI (Ramesses

II); Erichsent. opq cito, 13t 17 (Ramesses ITIO. 63 See; Helck, Materialen zur Wirtschaftgeschichte, ýdes Neuen Reiahes,

It 9; 79-119; Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrusp 11,13-14- 64 Urk-9 IVP 1796,10. 65 Wb-, 111,29 7-8; Gardiner, Memphis, V, 35- 66 Schaedel, Die Listen des Grossen Papyrus Harris, 22-23; Otto, Top: -

ographie des Thebanischeii. Gaues, 28; 76; Arnold, Wandrelief und Raumfunktiong 62-63. There aret however, a number of temples which are refereed to as 4wt nt bbw m =pwt in which evidence for the provision of a royal cult is not immediately obviousq although it may once have existed. V 67 Cerny, A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside Period, 22-24- It is also of interest that the one exception to the rule that only royal tombs are called p3 br, id the use of the term to describe the "tomb of the Apisj1 the Serapeum at Sagqara (Ibido, 14). The Serapeum is also called a 4wt nt 4w m rnpwt ( Brugsch, ZIS 22 (18809 116) indicating the high regard in which the Apis bull was held since expressions normally reserved for the tomb and cult-place of the king were applied to the burial-place of this sacred animal. The Sepapeum was also described as a 4wt-ntr (Vercoutter, Textes biog-raphiques du S6rapleum do MemPhist 32).

68 Urk., Iv, 108; 1; 131P 16; 1329 4 and 14; 447, '5 (quoted by the

I-i

T2., 111,1,11 as a use of 4wt for the house of a private individ-

ual). 69 E. g. Urk., IV9 299 10; 387t 1; 766,2; 859,2; 975,8; 1796,10;

2027,10; Davies, N[orman] de G, El-Amarn , IV, 3; KR--I, 1,42,3;

171,5 and 6; LD., 111,152, d; Van Dyk, G6ttingen Miscellen 33

(1979), 23,7; Erichsen, op., cit., 6,3; 79 7-9; 30,3; 50,8; '70,

10; 679 4,5 and 16; 81,15; Chicago University, Oriental Institute,

Ramses III's Temple within the Great Inclosure of Amun plIII, E;

Id., The Bubastite Portal, pl. 16,40; Benson and Gourlayo 2je

Temple of Mut in Asher, 351; et al** 70 Chassinatp Edfou, 1,92; 539; Mariette, Denderah, 111,23-

71 Since, however, the mortuary temples of the New Kingdom were also

dedicated to the chief god of the area, the use of 4wt4ntr is not

inaccurate.

72 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 283+284-

73 Eeniy, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 273- Vwt is also retained

in Coptic in place-nazes and in the names of the goddesses Nepthys

and Hathor (loc. cit) and in the noun 2SN66-re which is derived

from-]ýwt-ntr (Ibid*, 289; bsing, Nominalbildung 441)-

till

bwt-nt

'Vilig I V2 Dyne It V, VIv X11p X, Dyne M9 xixg xxi, XXV9 xxvig Ptol. b-IJ

345 Dyne V, VIp 1st Into Dyne Vq VII Dyne Vp XIIv C. % F9-1 a Ptol- M11 xvilit xix

r--a M_1 i C'3 Lai Ist Intel Dyne Dyne XI, xiig Dyne X171s XIIIV

M xi xviiig xixt is xvil, xviii, C-3

ID =IV xxx xix

10 Dyne XIIp 2ndo Int*99

Jcl Dyne XIIv 2nd Intel XVIII

XVIII9 XIXq xxt xix C-3

11

1D C-2

12 D. vn* My XtC

AZ Dyne XII Dyne XVIII13

ri 11 C-3 C-1

Dyne XVIII1 4 Dyne XVIII15 Dyn &X IX 16 =C, IMI

_j 13,

L. --Ij

C--3 1

D. 7n. XIX17 a

Dyne XIXP XX In

E-3

in Dyne XVIIIj XIX 19

11wt, ntr is the standard term for an ancient Egyptian temple and was

in continuous use from the First Dynasty to the Ptolemaic periodr

surviving 4nto Coptic as ZeNee-re I'monastexy" 20 and also into more

21 modern languages.

The term is self-explanatoryp designating the bwt. of a god* The

simple termg tLwtv was originally the name of the cult place of the

dead king and in the pre- and protodynastic periods the building was

of a form identical to that depicted in the hieroglyphic signp an

enclosure with a fortified gateway. 22 Since the cult centre of the

king was called a bwt, it would have been a logical step to indicate

that ý: Aemple was dedicated to a god other than the king by the addi- tion of ntr to the basic term. It cannot be provedv howeverp that

the cult centre of a god ever resembled the bwt-enclosure. The earl- iest known representations of cUlt-temples seem to show shrines built of wood and reeds

23 which are quite different in plan to the

large brick enclosures which were erected for the mortuary cults of the kings. Howeverg it is possible that these shrines were enclosed by a brick boundary ws, 119 as were later dynastic templesy wjth the

result that all that would be visible of the shrine itself from the

1-18

exterior would be the. -, tops of the flagpolesq denoting the fact that

the building was dedicated to the service of a god. It isp thereforet

possible that the most frequently found writings mf 4wt-ntr in the

Old Kingdom which enclose the ntr-sign within the 4wt are an attempt to reproduce pictographically the temple as it was seen by the general

public outdide of the enclosure wall. This form of 1ýwt-ntr was already

established by the end of the First Dynasty, occurring on a seal of Ka-a from Saqqara. 24

The archaeological evidence for the plans of early temples is in-

conclusive as these templesp built of brickt wood and reeds9 have not

survived to any great extent. 25

By the time of the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period

4wt-nt was firmly established as the name of a cultus temple and

several examples, belonging to various godsp are known which cannot be identified with any extant remains.

26 One exception to this is

a number oýC references to -the Old Kingdom temple o: C Zhentimentiu at

Abydos. 27

Theoretically, a royal mortuary temple was referred to as the 4wt

of a particular king or queen* However, these temples could also be

called 4wt-nt . This is the case with the pyramid temple of Neferir-

karg to which references are made in the Abusir Papyri. 28 Other such temples of the Old Kingdom which are called 1ýwt-n-tr include those of Nebka, 29 SnoferU930 Menkaure, 31 Shepseakaf32 and various queens.

33

In the Middle Kingdom bwt-nt occurred frequently, but is, An,

fortunatelyp only rarely found in contexts which are of use in deciding

on the physical nature of the building in question. One Twelfth Dyn-

asty 4wt-nt which can be identifiedt although little of it now

remainsy is the Thoth temple at Hermopolis in which Amenamhat I

erected a limestone gateway (sb5) after he had found the bwt-ntr in

ruins. 34 The xuined temple was presumably one built during the Old

Kingdomy and it ih of interest to note that a graffito of the First Intemediate Period records that six hundred men were sent to bring

stone from Hatnub to the 4wt-ntr of Thoth, Lord of Eshmuneiný5 almost certainly a reference to the temple at Hermopolis. Other Middle King- dom bwt-nt which can be identified with extant remains include the Osiris temple at Abydost at which work was undertaken by an officiall Mentuhotep, in the reign of Sessostris 1#36 the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir El-Bahar137 and the Axzm temple at Karnak. 38

119

Other temples are known only from titles39 or epithet&

Most of the texts of the Middle Kingdomin which twt-nt occursp

give more information about the rituals and services of the temple

than they do about the actual lay out of the structure in question.

This is well exemplified in the contracts arranged by Hapdjefa with the priesthood of the bwt-nt of Wepwawet At Siut.. 41 The rituals of

the temple are not of concern to this study but it can be noted that

texts which bear on the subject of the functions of the temple tend

to suggest that bwt. *nlr itself was used primarily of the stone-built temple and did not refer to the entire temple temenos. For examplep there are not infrequent references in the Middle Kingdom to the fact

that statues of private individuals could be set up within the tLwt-ntr

to benefit fron the =eversion of offerings. 42 These statues would have

been within the main templep not within the temenos. Similarlyp the

contracts of Hapdjefa mention the ceremony of lighting the torch in the

bwt-ntr 43clearlyg here the main temple buildingg while otherý, texts

give indications of the equipment used in the temple rituals. 44

These indications that tLwt-nt was used primarily for the actual temple building areýsupported by the evidence of later periods when detailed building texts were composedg often listing as elements of the tLwt-nt components which were found only within the main temple*

This is well illustrated by a text of the Second Intermediate Period

which records work carried outp by Sebekhotep IV9 in the temple of Amun at Karnak. The construction wotk took place within the pr of Amun but the text shows that the liwt-ntr, said to contain a sbi, '- 5 vy- Ia8 3tW in the wsbt w-sd-yt and "a ý, second 113 11, was the stone temple itself. 45

This view is also supported by many other building texts of the

New Kingdom, of which a representative selection only need be quoted here;

"I built his (Thoth's) great bwt-nt in Tura Limestonep its sb3W

were of alabaster of Hatnub and its cly od Asian copper,, 46 (Speos

Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsat). "Menkheper=e, he made for his father Dedwent Lord of Nubiap and

for the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khakaureý the making for them

of a bwt-ntr in sandstonef because my Majesty had found it (made) of brick and greatly destriyed.,. 48 (Semna).

190

"Now my Majesty (TuthmOsiS III) found this #wt-ntr built of brick,

its lEhsw and sb3W in woodq having fallen into ruin,. My Majesty ordered the cord to be stretched over this bwt-ntr anewq it being erected in

sandstone,, 49 (Temple of Ptah at Karnak).

"Menkheperre, he made as his monument for his father Khnum .... the

making for him of a bwt-ntr in sandstone*50 (Ku=a).

"Now it was his Majesty (Amenhotep II) who'beautified this bwt-ntr

which his father, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Menkheperrephad

built for Khnum...... it being constructed in stone as a work of eternityp the Inbw around it in brick, the c3w in cedar worked with copperp the

sb3w in graniteo 51 (Elephantine).

"He made as his monument for his father Amun ...... the making for

him of a noble Uwt-ntr..... in sandstoney worked with gold... " 52 (Mort_

uary Temple of Amenhotep III at Thebes).

"I (Bakenkhons) made for him (A; nun) a Xiwt-ntr ...... at the upper

sb3 of the 2r of Amune I erected obelisks within it in granite..,, 53

(Reign of Ramesses II, the Temple of Amun-Hearer-of-Prayers at Karnak). "I (Ramesses III) built for you (Amun) your bwt-nt within its

groundq in limestonep its sb-. bw and htrw were of goldq mounted with

copper...,, 54 (a Temple within a vineyard in the Delta).

All of these texts suggest that 4wt-njr is buing used of the main

stone temple building. Pu=ther evidence of this comes from the Punt

reliefs of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari where the queen describes how

she has carried out the commands of Aman "that Punt ahould be estab- lished for himp. within his prv that trees of Ta-Sety be planted upon

-). "55 both sides of his h2, wt_ntr, in his garden (bnty_8 The picture con- jured by such a description is of trees planted on either side of the

stone templep within the temple enclosure wall. Similarly the inscription of Tuthmosis III on the Lateran obelisk

describes its situation (at the eastern temple at Karnak) as "in the

nbs (temenos) of the bwt-nl 9 in the neighbou! chodd of Ipet-Sat"p56

while Tathmosis I had previously erected two obelisks at the rwty 4Lwt-

ntr, 57 the FourthýPylon of the Amun temple. Since obelisks normally

stood just i3f front of the entrance to the stone building, it is to this that bwt-ntr must refer.

There are many other references to the 4wt-ntr of Aimin at Karnakj, the principal temple in Egypt in the New Kingdom. The bwt-ntr itself

191

contained treasure-stores as these could be more easily and efficient- ly guarded if they were situated within the main body of the temple.

This is shown in a text of the reign of Hatshepsutp "I [sealed] the

prwy-tLd of all the precious stones in the tLwt-ntr of Amun at Karnakf they being filled with his tribute up to their ceiling

59

Into these stores went taxes 60

and tribute from foreign campaigns. 61

The administrative buildings of the Aman templep as well as the homes

of priests, storehouses for less-valuable articlesq pens for the

sacred animalsq workshopsp etco would have been situamted outside of the hrtmnjr, but within the temple enclosure wall. These wouldt how-

ever, have been regarded as "belonging to" the temple they served and it is interesting to note that the workshops of the Amun temple

162 are described as Is n k3t nw lxwt-ntr 'Ifmý and the master crafts- men as 4ryw 4mwt nw 4wt-ntr. 63

Karnak forms a complex containing many templesý each of which could, in its own right, be called a tLwt-ntr, This is the case with the temple of Amun-hearer-of-prayerst as described abovep the festival

complex of Tuthmosis 111,64 the te3pple of Khonsu, 65 the temple of

Ramesses III in the forecourt, 66 the temple of Ptaht

67 the temple of

Mut 68

and the temple of Monthuo 69 In addition tLwt-ntr was also used

of parts of the Amun temple. The granite sanctuary of Hatshepsut is

call'ed a. bwt-n: tr7O as was the Bypostyle Hall. 71 The Hatshepsut sanct' uary was also described as a 4wtp bm and rqi-ntr

72 so that it is clearr

that each of these terms was not being employed with any degree of accuracyo In the case of the Hypostyle Hall it was probably felt that such an imposing hall was worthy of a more bombastic name than

one which could have been more accurately appliedp such as Iwnyt,

W3dyt or wsbt. The use of #wt-ntr for this hall can be compared to the use of wb-3 as a name f or the same hallo

In generall however, 4wt-nt was not employed as a teim for a part of a temple rather than an entire buildingg although it does

also seem to have been used to describe the sanctuary of the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari. In this case the term occurs., on an inscription which wasp perhapsq originally a graffito from the siteo The text reads; "Fourth month of Akhetv day 16p beginning of opening the sba of the hwt-ntr in the mountain of Djeseru.,, 73 Hayes has suggested that the text "without much doubt records the initiation of the cutting of the central sanctuary of the temple: 74 In view of

192

the fact that the Karnak sanctuary was also called a tLwt-ntr in the

same reign, this is a reasonable assumption, Also at Deir El-Bahariq

3#t-nt was applied to the Hathor chape, 75

which was in fact a sep-

arate cult-centre with its &wn sanctu 6

and couldp thereforep be

described as a bwt-ntr in the same way that the various temples

within the Karnak complex were so described.

Another interesting use of this term, from the same reigag occurs

with regard to a building called ntr mnw. Cn the statue of Hapusoneb

this is referred to as tLwt-ntr m Inr hd nfr n '-nw M3c-t-k3, -rl ntr maw "The tLwt-njr in limestone (named) MaAtkare, ntr mnw".

77 However on the

Karnak sanctuary of Hatshepsut a hwt of the same name is assigned to Tmthmosis 111.78 The change of royal name is nmt remarkable and these two buildings can almost certainly one and the sameo A problem

arisest howeverp with a third reference to ntr mnwt this time in a building text of Tuthmosis III from Karnakv where it is described as the iwnn ntr mnw m Inr hd nfr n rwdt "the lwnnl-ntr mnwv in sand-

stone". " The difference in building material has led Lacau and Chevrier

80 to assume that two buildimgs are involvedg one made of limestone and another of sandstone. However, this apparent difference

of material may not be significant since the Egyptians were not

consistent in the use of the terminology for types of stone. As

Harris has pointed out 37. nf tLd nfr n 1-nw "is quite often applied by

mistake to buildings of sandstone". 81 This can be illustrated with

regard to the festival complex of Tuthmosis III at Rarnakp a sand-

stone. building which is described variously as being made of Inr tL! ý 82 0 rw4t.

84 nfr n Inwq Inr bý nfr n rwdt83 and inr n Bearing this in

mindp it is possible that the apparently limestone njr mnw and the

apparently sandstone nt-r mnw were in fact the same buildingg probably actually made of sandstoneo Unfortunately it is not possible to identify this building with any known remains

85 although the termin-

ology used would suggest that it was an edifice of some sizep serv- ing as a cult centre in its own right. The text of Tathmosis III indicates that ntr mnw was within the Karnak complex and it could have been one of the buildings cleared away to make way for later Eighteenth Dynasty constructions, The blocks from this structure couldp thereforev yet be dioobveredl re-used elsewhere on the site.

In the reign of Akhenaten ýLwt-ntr occurs only rarely as ntr was

193

a term which was avotded since there was only supposed to be the 86

one godg the Aten. Accordingly the great temples of the Aten both

at Thebes and at Amarna were usually described as tLwt, rather than

4wt-ntr. With the restoration of the cult of Aman the term was

re-established 87

although it is noticeable by its absence from the

"Restoration Stela" of Tutankhamun. 88 However the "Coronation Text"

of Horemheb states smawyn. f kiwt-ntr (pl. ) Li-st ldh r ts-sty msy. nf "bmw. sn nbw "He renovated the hwt-ntr from the marshes of the Delta

to Nubia. He fashioned all their images-#$ 89

One problem which relates to the use of 1ýwt-ntr from the Eight-

eenth Dynasty onward concerns writings such as 112 and IUC-:

3 990 The former is a standard writing of the expression sb-n-tr (q. v. )

and it is often almost impossible to decide as to whether hwt-ntr

or s#-ntr is intended. The second formp with the feminine ending is almost certainly to be taken as a writing of bwt-nt andv for the

purpose of this study, those examples of both writings which have

been treated syntactically as feminine are regarded as forms of bwt-

ntr rather than s4-ntr. In many casest however, the lack of qualify- ing adjectives or verbal forms with feminine endings precludes any

such decision* It ought to be possible to make a decision as to the

reading of the group on the context in which it is being employedp

since stL-ntr seems to have been usedv primarilyt for a shrine so that examples of

19 to describe an entire temple could be quite

reasonably regarded as writings of 1ýwt-nj . However, it isp unfort-

unately true that the Egyptians were not consistently accurate in

the uaage of such terminology with the result that sbý-nt seems to

have aqquired a wider meaning in the New Kingdomt probably through

confusion with bLwt-rktr. 91 Those writings which are treated as fem-

inine and can, thereforet be taken as hwt-nt include a form 11192

which occurs in the inscription of Bakenkhons describing work

carried out for Ramesses II in the temple of Amun-hearer-of-prayers

at Karnak. Although apparently for sb-ntrt the term is used as if

it is a feminine noun and, since it is employed to describe an entire templet it is most likely to be a variant of tLwt-ntr. Other texts

which would seem to be writings of sli-ntr have parallels which use the regular writings of hwt-ntr 93

and on a stela of Ramesses I L ------- Z__ a 94 1841 95 from Buhent in which both 1[6c,

3 and C-3 occurt both

aret presumablyp to be read as 1ýwt_ntr. As an indication of the

I Y+

difficulty of distinguishing the two terms, it can be noted that

the W6rterbuch in one case gives a reference to the same text under both sh-nir and hwt-ntr 96

whilep in another caseg a writing

which would seem to be an example of tLwt-ntr is quoted by the W6rt-

erbuch as a writing of slý-ntr 97

More usuallyp howeverp 4wt-ntr continued to be spelled with the hwt-wnclosurep leaving no doubts as to the reading of the term.

In the Nineteenth Dynasty bwt-ntr is used to describe many temples, for example those of Seti I at Abydos, 98 Kanais, 99 Memphisg 100 Red-

esieh, 101 Gurna 102

and Speos Artemidbs 103 and of Razesses II at

Karnak 104

and Luxor. 105

In Papyrus Harris I, the term is used of the temple of Re at Heliopolis,

W the temple of Osiris at Abydos, 107 and the temple of

Ramesses III within the temple of Amun at Karna 108 in addition to being used as a term for temples in general (in the plural)

109

and to describe an unidentified temple of Amun in the Delta. 110

The Pianchi stela records how the king was received into the

great temple of Ptah at Memphis after his subjugation of that city. "His Majesty proceeded to the pr od Ptah and his purification was carried out in the pr-dW3e All the rituals which are performed for a king were perfonaed for him. He entered into the hwt-ntr and a great offering was made for his father Ptahp South-of-his-Wallp

of bulls, short-horned cattlep fowl and every good thing. " 111 This text indicates, quite clearly, that the bwt-nt was the stone-built temple itself and not the entire temenos. Similar ceremonies took

place when the king reached Heliopolis; "(He) came and proceeded to the pr of Reg entering into the hwt-nir in great praise"

112

and on the submission of Tefnakhte. 113

Later, in the same dynasty, Monthuemhat records that he embell- ished the hwt-ntr (pl. ) of ThLebes 114

while the last king of the dynasty, Tanutamung mentions several important bwt-nt on the "Dream Stela"t including that of Khnum at Elephantine, 115

of Ptah 116 117 118 at Memphis and of Amiln both at Karnak and at Napata. This

last temple was still described as a, tLwt-nt long after the Twenty- Fifth Dynasty had ended in Egypt. 11,9

In the following dynasty there is an interesting reference to the Serapeum at Saqqara as 'this (the Apia') bwt-ntr on the desert

I er-

of Ankhtawy. 11 120 Strictly speaking hwt-ntr ought nct to have been

used to describe a burial placep however, the Serapeum was also a

cult centre and the use of hwt-ntr indicates the importance od the

cult of the Apis in the Late Period. 121

Like tLwtv : ýwt-ntr describes a place in which a cult was celebrated

so that, in theory at leastp the building involved could have been

of any forms In practice, however, Egyptian temples conformed to a basic plan which did not change greatly, so that most hwt-ntr did

in fact resemble one another. The LLwt-ntr itself was the actual temple building, situated within the temple-temenos (jb3) and under the administrative control of the gods estate (pr). Rarely the

term could also be used of a part of a temple rather than the wholep

although examples of this are exceptional.

I Kaplonyp Die Inschriften der igyptischen FiýLhzeit 1119 pl. -- 80t

301; Urk-9 19 79 3; 26,12; 26,13; 241t 15; LD9 IIY 399 b; Posener-

Krieger and Do Cenivalp The. 1bu Sir Papyriq pl. XII4.9 b; Newberryp

Beni Hasang 19 Pls-XXVP 14; XXIX; Urk. I IVP 469 2; Davies and Mae-

adam, A Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Coneso 506; Abd El-

Razik, JEA 60 (1974)9 1450 2; XRIv 1,206,6; Petrie, Memphisp IIp

pl-XXIV; 'qrk-9 IIIP 35P 9; 52y 9;. Wb. 9 Belegstellen, 1119 2 (ref.

4P 14); Urk-9 119 45Y 12. This writing is also found in a plural form Goedickev Re--Ised blocks from Lisht, 19t X095;

Davies and Macadam, OP- Cit-P 461; leclantý Monthouemhatp 89. Al-

though this writing of tLwt-ntr is found from the First Dynasty

to the Ptolemaic Periodp it is not common after the Old Kingdom

and examples from any particular dynasty are few in number* The "gateway" could, of coursev be positioned in either of the bottom

corners of the signq as id the case with most variants of the term. 2 This is really only a variant of the first writing but the more

accurate depiction of the form of the flagpole makes it worthy of notey Sch&ferq Bin Bruchstuck Alta"gyptischer Annaleno PLIP 3-

3 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalq op. cit. 9 pl. XLIAt 2; Fischer, JARCE 3 (1964)t 26; Urk. j 1,1319 6; 269t 14; 2729 8; 2759 39 279t 10; 300t 3; 304,8; 307,16;

4 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalq op. cit., pls. VAq e; VIAj d; XIIIA9 1; xtvjtAj_B; IXIIAq 26-27; Urk. t 1,879 14; 1199 8; 1709 17-18;

19t.

1819 13; 11,679 3- 5 q!! S-P Is, 379 15; Lange and Schýfert Grab- und Denksteine des Mitt-

leren Reiches JI, 199; Urk, t IV, 194,6; KRI, It 2069 9.

6 Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von HaLnub -149 NO-13; Couyat U pl

and Montet, Les Inscriptions hieroglyphiques et hieratiques du

Caddi HAMMýmatq pl. XXI (in the plural. The copy given of the text

(Ibid. 9 81) has instead of the latter being the correct

fo=)

7 Lange and Schiifer, ]bP- cit-P It 39P gy 7; IIP 100; 407; Sethep Aeg-

yptische Lesestucke, 749 19 and 22; 760 20; 93P passim 94p 23;

Urk-P IVt 709 5; 939 3; 328,6; 353,3; 408P 12; 409,8; 412,10;

8349 9; 834Y 12; 1156P 3; 1294P 13; Davies and Macadamp op. cit. p 436; KRI9 It 124t 5; Vercoutter, Textes biographigues du Serapýum

de 11'emphi , 32; Roeder, ASAE 52 (1954)9 414. An interestingg but

dazagedt plural form of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty is c-', c,, '9

lecla. nt, Up. cit. * 88; pl. XXIV.

a Jequier, 1e Mastabat Fa=aounq pl., XII; Newberry, opo citop 110 ple XXXVI; Borchardtf StatueU und Statuetten, IIIP 138; Plo155 (dated

by Borchardt to the Thirteenth Dynasty but by PMp I (II)p 784 to

the time of Menthuhotep Nebhepetre, presumably because the prenomen

of the king appears in the text. Since, however, the statue was intended for the king's mortuary temple at Deir El-Bahari it need

not be contemporaneous with his reign as this particular temple

continued to function , long after the death of the king); Setheq opo

cito, 98t passim; Urkej IV9 439 4; 56t 3; 1869 2; 2129 1; 213P 14;

386t 4; 429,6; 476,7; 768t 13; 816,15; 8589 8; 882t 2; 932P 4; 978P 15; British Museumq Hieroglyphic Texts, VIP Plo47P 4; Varillet Inscriptions concernant l1architecte Amenhotep fils de Hapou, 8;

Davies, El-Amarna, VIP ploxViv lower register, 11; KRI9 It OP 2; 659 5; 129,14; 129-1359 passim; 2059 16; 206p 2t3; UP IIIt 1409 dt 1.

9 Sethe, opo cit-P 729 19; 97P 3; 96,14-21; Ur1cp VII9 It 15; 179 4; 429 16; 589 9; Natrillep The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir El- Bahari, It ploXXIV; De BuckP Reading Bookt 96,5; Roeder, 2= 3 (1932)v 28v fig-13; Marietta, Abydog, IIP 309 39; Hayes* ýLEL 46 (1960), Pl-IXq 3; Urkov IVP 738P 10; 765Y 12-15; 11879 11; 1294Y 14; Davies and Macadam, Op- Citop 461; Badawyq Miscellanea Wilbourianag 19 Plo5t fig-5; &rny and Gardinery Hieratic Ostracat

181

pl-Xv 3, rectoy 1; Champolliont Notices Descriptives, IIq 85;

Erichsenq Papyrus Haxris , 69 3; 109 10; 309 3; 34,15; 679 16;

70p 10; IEý-t IIIP 389 lip 63p 3; 65t 2; 65p 10; 659 12; 660 2;

679 12; 9? 9 8.

10 Lange ancl Sch9fer, Op- cit-p UP 154; 155; Sethe, op. cit., 96P 4;

Helckq MDAIK 24 (1969), 199t 11; plXV119 11; Lacau and Chevrier,

Une Chapelle d'HatshepwiltiL Karnakj 19 267P 418; 2709 424; jr1k. 9 IV9 439 11; 1659 3; 388t 9; 765,7; 823p 5; 1056,8; 16489 7;

2066,141 KRI, 1,2# 4-

11 Navilley loc. cite; KRI, 19 206,8 (with ci within 124p 5 (grouped thus Lj[j

).

12 Navilleq loc. cit.. 13 ir-k-, IV, 1009 15-

14 Plid. 9 IV, 298,16.

15 Ibid-9 IV, 301v 7-

16 KRI, Iq 216,11 (after bwt-ntr is the name of the templep that of

Seti I at Gurna).

17 Kuentzy La Face sud c1n. Massif est da Pyl'one de Ramses II ýL Louxory

pl. XXI (enclosed within the sign is the name of the temple of Ram-

sses II at Luxor. For a similar example from the temple of Seti I

at Gurna see; ID, 111,150).

18 KRIt 1,3,2; Wbe Belegstelle p My 2 (ref-4p 11); Chicago Univer-

sity, Oriental Institutep Ramses III's Temple within the Great

Inclosure of Amun Pl-19 Pl-779 A-

19 B=nner, Die SZLdlichen Raum. des Tempels von Luxor, Pl-153, Scene

XVIII/155 (all the scene's'on the masterplan of the west wall (pl.

19) are wrongly numbered); Plantikow-Miinster, ZAS 95 (1969)p 119,

abb. 1, by 5s IP-Tv 1,15; Wb. Belegstelle j 1119 129 (ref-, 465,6)0

These writings have been included here because they are either treated as feminine nouns or have parallels which are read 4wt-ntr,

see ficrther above P-183 and belowp under sb-n_tr P-254- 20 6ernyt Coptic Etymological Dictionaryv 289; Crilmt A Coptic Dict-

ionary, 692a; Q"sing, Nominalbildungp 441- 21 Roquet, BIPAO 71 (1972)i 96-117- 22 See above, jLyEt p. 165-167. 23 See, for example, the temple of Neith (Pettiet Royal Tomboy 119

pls. IIIq a; X) and the shrines depicted on archaic seals (Kaplonyo

op. cit*, 1119 p1s. 19,37 and 38; 40-45)- For a review of these

IRS

early temples see; jequier, BIPA 6 (1908)9 25-41-

24 Kaplonyq op. cit-, IIIY Pl-SOP 301-

25 Very few temple remains which can be positively dated to the Arch-

aic Period have been excavated. There was an early building on the site of the Osiris temple at Abydos (Petrie, Abydos, 11,7-9;

pls. 1; LI) and scanty remains of archaic stractures were found at Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green, Hierakonpoli P IIP 7-8; Pl-IXXII)- The "temple primitif" at Medamoud consJAs of an enclosure bounded

by a polygonal wally within which were two artificial mounds (Rob-

ichon and Varillet Description sommaire du Temple primitif de Med,

amoudq 1-2; Plan. )

26 Urk. 9 It 26,12 and 13; 379 25; 879 14; 131,6; 241Y 15 and 18; 269ý 14; 300t 3; 3049 18; 3059 1 and 11; Pischerp loc. cit..

27 llr-k-y It 119t 8; 170Y 171 279t 10- Por plans of the Old Kingdom temple at Abydos see; Petrie, opi cit. 9 pls. LII-LIII.

28 Posener-KrAger and De Cenivalp op. cit. t pls. VA, e; XIIA, D; XIIIAq

1; XLIAq 2; XLVIIAp B; IXIIAv 26-27; LUXAv At 5- 29 LD2 IIP 39p b.

30 lEr-k- 9 It 79 3-

31 Ibid. p It 275t 3-

32 Jequier, Le Mastabat Faraoung pl, XII.

33 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivaly op, cit. 9 pl. VIA, d; Urkop I, 272t

8; 307t 16.

34 Roeder, loc. cit.. 35 Anthesq loc. cit*. 36 Lange and Sch5. fer, Op-, cit-o IIP 154; 155- For the same temple see

also; Ibid. t 119 199.

37 Borchardt, loc. ci .; Haville, loc. cit.; 38 Navilloq loc. cit.. 39 E-g- U*-q VIIP 17Y 4; 42o 16; 58,9; Couyat and Montetq loc. cit.;

Newberry, op. ci t I, pl. XXIII; Lange and Schiifer, op. cit. 9 It 39, go 7; IIP 407.

40 Uck. j VIIj 19 15; Newberry, op. cit. j 119 pl. XXXVI. 41 Setheq op. cit., 99-96, passim. 42 Newberry, op. cit. v It p1s. XXV9 14; XXIX; Sethe, Op- dt-P 749 22;

969 4-

43 Ibid. y 939 4-

189

44 ibid., 96,14-21; 979 3; Lange and Schiifer, op. citv 119 100. 45 Helckv loc. cit.. 46 urk. t IV, 3889 9 (Gardiner, LEA 32 (1946)t pi. VI, 27). 47 "Inr_hd nfr n t-i sty* As Caminos has pointed out (The New Kingdom

Temples of Buhen, It 20, note 6) all the temples (Buhenq Semna an& Kumma) which are described as being made of this material are built

of sandstone. Harriet howevert (Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Mineralev 69) prefers to regard the term as a name for "limestone from the neighboulboodof Aswan"* The only rocks in the

vicinity of Aswan are sandstone and granite. 48 Urk- P IV9 197t 16. 49 Ibidej IVP 7659 12-15- 50 Ibid., IV, 2129 7- See note 47 above. This temple is also described

as being made of Inr b4 nfr n e3r-tq another name for sandstone (Harrist Op- cit-P 72).

51 Urk. 9 IVf 1294P 14-12959,6. Compare the almost identical text of the Amada stela, Ibid. p IVp 12949 13-12959 5-,

52 Ibid., IV, 1648,6-9. 53 Plantikow-Miinster, loc. cit 54 Erichsenq op. cit. 9 10,10. 55 Urk-s IVP 353,3- Compare also Ibid-P IV9 328,6; 3469 16. 56 11bid*9 M 584t 10- 57 Ibid., IV, 939 3- 58 Diid-t IVP 439 11; 165P 3; 298,16; 768,13; 769,17; 9789

15; 10569 8; 1156P 3; 2066,14; Varillev loc. ci .; Vb. Belegstelleng 1119 2 (ref-4.14); et alo.

59 Urk-P IV9 429,6. 60 Ibid. 9 186,2. 61 Ibidot 70t 5- 62 Ibid*p 9329 4- 63 Lb-idpt 9339 15- 64 Ibid. v 858p 8 and 11; 8609 2. 65 Champollion, op. cit., 11,234; 235P 66 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, op. cit-, I, Pl-77p A and

D. 67 See above p. 180. 68 Urk-t IV, 4129 10.

%90

69 Varille, Karn t It Pls-XXIII9 179* XXXIVY Inventaire 808. 70 Lacau and Chavrier, op. cit. 9 1,267,418; 270,424- For a disc-

ussion of this see; Ibid., It 48P 59- 71 KRI9 1,201,4 and 15; 202,8 and 13; 2039 79 13 and 16; 205,16;

2o6t 3 and 6-9. 72 Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit.. See also at wrt, below, p. 204- 73 Hayesq loc. cit, e 74 Ibid. t 32 (in his note 29 Hayes gives, as another example of hwt-

ntr meaning "sanctuary" a reference to Urk. t IV, 427- This is the "Northampton Stela" of Djehuty which refers to the'*granite"sanct-

uary of Hatshepsute The term in question isp however, stL-n_tr not tLwt-ntr) *

75 ý-rk-v IVY 3019 7; 308P 7- 76 PM, IIP 350-353; Pl-XXXVIY 1- 77 Urket IV, 4769 7- 78 Lacau and Chevrierp Op- Cit-P It 84P 139-

79 jr-k-P IVP 166,8. 80 Lacau and Chevrier, loc cit.. 81 Harris, op. cit., 69.

82 Urk. 9 IVY 855,17; 858,14; 859v 3; 9639 5-

83 Ibid-9 IVY 856,9. 84 Ibid*, IVY 8569 16; 857,7; 858P 11-

85 For discussions of the identity of ntr mnw see; Ottot Topographie

des Thebanischen Gauss 23; Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit.. 86 Smith, R-9The Akhenaten Temple Project 1,61. gwt-ntr does occur

in one variant of the shorter hymn to the Ateng see; Davies, El-

Amarn , IVv pl., XXXIII; Up pl, XVI. Another variant has Sýwt- (PLid. t It pl. XXXVII, see also under S-wt-r- below P*264)

87 In the reign of Tutankhanan, for examplet see; jrk. 9 IVY 2066t 14;

2079P 16. 88 lbid*t IVY 2025-2032. At the beginning of the stelat where the text

lists the temples and shrines which have fallen into rain, the following terms occur; r-prt bm, lwnn, and 4wt.

89 LlLid, j IVY 2119t 13- 90 See notes 17 and 18 above. 91 See further under qb-tnt below p. 254-255- 92 Plantikow-Mfinster, loc. cit..

191

93 Wb,, Belegstellen, 1119 129 (ref-4659 6); Compare LDT*j It 15 with keti-iep Scarabs and Cylinders with-Namest pl. XXXIXv 2 apd see; YoYottet K; mi 14 (1957)t 849 note 2*

94 KRIq It 2t 14- 95 Ibid. f It 3y 2. 96 Wb. 9 Belegstelleng 1119 2 (ref-49 11) and 1119 129 (ref-465v 5)-

97 Ibid. 9 1119 129 (ref-4659 6)9

98 KRIq It 1299 14; 129-1359 passim. 99 Ibid. 9 It 659 5- 100 Ibidov 1249 5- 101 LD-9 1119 1409 dq le 102 KRIq 19 216,11. 103 Ibid-v 439 2. 104 PlantikOw-Munster, loc. cit-o 105 Abd El-Razikv op. citor 145t 2; 1479 1-

106 Erichsenv OP- cit-v 309 3; 349 15.

107 Ibid., 679 16. 108 Ibidej 6P 3-

109 Ibidov 70t 10- 110 Ibid,, 109 10*

Ill Urk-P IIIP 359 6-li.

112 Ibid*q 1119 389 11-

113 Ibid. 9 1119 529 9.

114 I-eclanto Monthuemhatt 88; pl-XXIVo 115 Urk-P 111,659 2o

116 Ibid. 9 III, 67P 12.

117 Ibidev III, 65-66o

118 Ibid. p 111,639 13o 119 Ibidop 1119 929 8 and 10; 93P 7 and 12; 1039 13; 1049 12 and 16;

1059 7; 111P 79 12 and 15; 117P 5; 1209 12o

120 Vercoutterp loc. citoo 121 See also under bwt, P-1759 n. 67-

192.

hrt-lb

Dyne XVIII' Dyne XVIII 2 Dyne XV1113

Dyne XVnjt X]X, 4 Dyne XIXq XX115 Dyne XX6 Ptol. o.

C3

C-3 ptol*7 Ptol. a

This term has been discussed in detail by Barguet who regards the

4rt-3. b of a temple as being the hall immed-iately before the sauctuaryp being preceded by either a barque-shrine (in dynastic temples)p or by

a "hall of offerings" (in Ptolemaic temples). 9 The evidence for the

location of the 4xt-lb comes from, the Ptolemaic temples at Edfu and Denderah. In both of these the hall between the "hall of offerings"

and the shrine is called wslýt 4rt-i7b, 1Q Howeverg in both temples

two other rooms are also known as lirt-lb. These are side-rooms open- ing off the hypostyle hall and serving as corridors through to the

ambulatory. " As Haeny has pointed outp

12 a hrt-lb shouldv therefore,

be regarded as a 11salle intermediairell rather than a "Mittelsaall'o

Barguet, however, assumes that the position of the wsbt 4rt-lb in the Ptolemaic temples reflects its position in dynastic templesq

as a major hall between the barque-shrine and the sanctuary. Unfort-

unately the only dynastic 4rt-lb which can be identified is the Festival complex of Tuthmosis III at Karnak. This is also the earliest known use of the term, which occurs in the dedication texts of the building. It is possible that brt-lb refers only to the hypostyle hall of the complex (the term 73eing twice determined with the "column-

ed hall" sign as shown above)p but the evidence of the texts would suggest that 4rt-lb is to be equated with 3h-mnw which is the name of the entire building,

"....... making for him (Amun) a noble brt-lb anew in limestone (sic. ).,, 13

11* * ... *erecting for him a tLrt-lb anew in sandstone. " 14

"oooooeerecting for him 3Li-mnw anew in sandstone.,, 15

"******erecting for him a noble lbp3bý-mnwt anew. " 16

The same dedicatory-texts also call the building a tLwt-lat 17 and a

4wt-ntr, is

143

Since the Festival complex clearly does not occupy a similar pos- ition at Karnak to that of a wsbLt hrt-lb in a Ptolemaic templet

Barguet suggests that Tuthmosis III was copyingg in the basic plan

of the complex, the lay-out of the now-destroyed buildings in the "Middle-Kingdom court" at Karnak. 19 He regards the hypostyle hall of the Festival complex as the equivalent of the Middle-Kingdom hrt-lbe The evidence for this theory is largely circumstantialp resting on Barguet's own suggested reconstruction of the plan of the area of the "Middle-Kingdom court".

20 In any case the use of 4rt-lb in the dedicatory texts of Tuthmosis III would suggest that the entire comp- lex, and not just the hypostyle hall, was intended*

It is unfortunate that other occurrences of the term from the dynastic period are few in numberg and that their nature is such that they cannot be identified with any particular buildings or halls.

An Eighteenth-Dynat3ty statue of the goddess Satett from Elephantineq

gives her the epithet ntrt n 4rt-lb wr(t)9 21

and Sokar is described, in the temple of Seti I at Abydos, as m hrt-lb. 22 The Festival comp- lex of Tuthmosis III is mentioned again in the epithet of a priest of the Twenty-Second Dynastyj "one who enters to the brt-ib of A=in, one who enters to 3YJ-MnW, 11 23 This would seem to suggest that there

was another hrt-lb at Karnak besides the Festival complexg and this is also indicated in one of the Twentieth-Dynasty Tomb-Robbery Pap- yri* The tomb of king Sekhemrashedtavy Sobekemsaf of the Second Intermediate Period was violated, the king being described as having "his (the king's) monuments resting in his (Amun's) txt-lb to this

24 day. "- Statues of this king must have been erected in a 4rt-: Lb of the Middle-Kingdom temple.

It would seemptherefore, that there musj; have been a hally or courtt in the temple of A== at Karnakt other than the Festival complex, which was regarded as being a tLrt-1bg probably in the region of the 'Middle-Kingdom court"* It is not, however, possiblejon the evidence available, to be quite as definite concerning the location of a hrt-lb within a temple as Barguet is, The fact that the term was used of "corridor-rooms" in the temples of Edfu and Denderaht would suggest that it was merely a term for an intermediate hall or build- ing which gave access to another,

1 Urk,, v ITP 855t 16.

jq+

2 Ibidej, IV9 856,8. 3 PI-id-P IV, 857P 12; 858t 2.

4 Weigallp ASAE 8 (1907)9 48; KRI9 1,1719 14; Piehl, Inscriptionsq

IIP 93; Mariette, Denderah, It Pl-599 o; 649 d; Chassinatq Edfo v It 388; De Wit,

, Ch. d'E: g- 36 NO-72 (July 1961), 312; 313-

5 Legrainp Statues et Statuettes, 119 57- 6 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynast 9

IIp pl*III (B, M&10221), 69 4- 7 Marietteg op* citep 119 pl, 8p d, a Cliassinatv op. citet Up 63-

9 Barguetv Templet 1729 note (2); 323-327; Met BIPAO 52 (1953)v 152- 155-

10 Mariette, op. cit-t It Pl-5; De Wit, op. cit-P NO-71 (January 1961), 6s.

11 Ibidep NO-72 (July 1961). 312; 313; Mariette, loco cite* 12 Haeny, Beitr&ge Bf. 99, Basilikale Anlagenq 12. 13 U-rk-P IV9 855,16-17-

14 Ibidov IVP 856j 8-9.

15 Ibidep IVP 8579 6-7-

16 Ibide 9 IV,, 858v 2*

17 Ibidop IV9 856,16.

18 Ibid., IV, 6589 8 and 11o

19 Barguetp op* citep 154-155; P1-II- 20 This comparison seems to be based solely on the fact that three

granite door-sills were found in situ in the "Middle; Kingdom court". suggesting to Barguetv the three aligned rooms on the axis of the Festival complex. (Barguetv Templet 323; PM-9 IIP 108)9

21 Weigall, loc. ci .. 22 Mt It 1719 14-

23 Legrain, loc. cit.. 24 Peett loco cite, The Wbep 111,1389 21, took this to be a refer-

ence to a 4rt-lb in'the king's tomb, but this is certainly incorrecto

ic; S

7

Dyn. XIX-) XX Dyno XIX9 XX 2 Dyne XX3

Dyn a XX5 Dyn - XX4

VtA appears to have been confined in use to the Nineteenth and Twent-

ieth Dynasties and occurs most often in the plural fo=* Janssen

regards btri as a term for "both jamb B11 6

while Christophe considers

that the term denotes the "chambranle'19 the two jambs and the lintel. 7

This assessment is made from the evidence of Papyrus Harris I in

which btr1w (always in the plural) is used for the door-frame, in

conjunction with a term for the door-leaves which is usually 2b3 but

is, occasionally, ýLrl. The htrlw and the sbbw could býe made of the same

material, wood 8

or a precious mets. 19 or of different materials. For

example the pr of Wepwawet at Siut was surrounded by a sbty with

"great 4tr1w of stone and sb-sw of cedar". 10 On those occasions where

htr1w occurs with tri the two elements are of different materials*

The pr of Osiris at Abydos is provided with a sbty with 11h. tr1w of

stone and tt1w of cedar". "

12 In this papyrusP therefore, it would certainly seem that 4tr1w,

the plural formp describes all the elements which made up a door-

framep the jambs and the lintel, and this is probably also the case

with other examples of the word. In the tomb-robbery papyrusp B. 11.10053, thieves describe how they

went to the pr n of the Ramesseum and removed the g: 0ding from the

htr! w13 while an inscription of the High Priest of Amunt Roma-Royt

at Karnak records that a structure was found in rains, thebt=1w of

wood being missingg and was restored with 4tr1w of sandstoneq the det-

erminatives used for the two writings of the term reflecting the

different materials involved. 14 Similarly work carried outv also at Karnakv by the High Priest Amenhotepp replaced 4tr1w [of

wood(? )]

with examples in sandstone. 15 Other occurrences of this term in build-

16 ing texts include htriw of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. aad of Ramesses IX at Ka

_' i7 rnak.

In the context of a private house 114tr1w of limestonev inscribed

Iqb

and carved with a chisel" 18were,

erected in the "fine bbnII which the

official Raia built in the TwentieLh Dynasty.

The few occasions when 4t3Mis found in the singular form are all

on ostraca. A list of funerary equipment on Ost, Gardiner 136 includes

p-3 ht3ln is mý-4-t "the btZI. Of the tomb" 19 presumably, in this casep

the 4tril was regarded as one entity rather than as the a= of its

components. Other writings of the term in the singular occur in Ost.

Deir El-MeMneh 319 20 and on the unpublished ostracaq Berlin 11260 21

and IPAO 764- 22

Cne problematical writing of 4trl is found on another ostracong

Deir El-Iledineh 10129 which contains a copy of several lines of Pe

Anastasi, 1. When describing an obelisk the papyrus states "its pyr- 23

amidion (ýnbn) of one cubit in height, its ýeAALr= of two fingers*

The ostraconp howevert replaces IC44A=

with J C_. 3 .

24 Gardiner

translated the former as "Point(? )n 25 9a not unreasonable suggestion

in view of the context and the determinWve involved. The reading a of 4trI on the ostracon is quite certain and can only be interpreted

as an error on the part of the writer of the ostracon. Since -the meaning of ýLtrlw in Papyrus Harris I is "door-frame"

rather than just "Jambs" this is probably the true meaning of the term

whether it is used in the singular or the plural*

1 Lefebvre, Inscriptions conceznant les grands Pretzesd'Amonj Rome-

Roy et Amenhote j pl*It 9; Erichsent Papyrus Harris It 10,11; 6,

7( with<-:, replaped by\\); Cenq and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca, It pl-LXP 5; Cernyq Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques non litt; r- aires de Deir El-Medinehp IVt pl., 24P 3199 rectop 2.

2 'The writing with this dete=ainative is found only in the pluralp at least so far as published examples are conce=edo It may occur in the singular in thev as yet unpublished, Ost-- IPAO 764 (Janssen,

Commodity Prices frorf, -the. Rameodid Periodq 392); Lefebvrep loc.

cit.; Erichsent OP- ci -t 5P 10 (with -4=> replaced by\\); 7P 13 ( as 5,10); 50,11; 679 1; 68t 4; 68,13-14; 70v 2; 94P 8; Gard- inert Late Egyptian Miscellanierjq 110p 16; Peetp The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyp Ilf pls. XXv passim; XXI9 39 vers y 18-21.

3 As given by Mariettep Karn P P1-40t 49 Brugschv Thesaurus 1323P has

lqll

4 Chicago. Universityp Orlental Institateg Medinet Habul, IV9 pl*233- 5 Saunerong BIFAO 64 (1966)v pl. Il. 6 Jansseng 9P- Cit-v 391- 7 Christophel Melanges Masper v Ig faso-4p 23- 8 Erichsen, op. cit-9 94Y 8- 9 Ibid. 9 5,10; 6v 7; 9,16; 10t 11, Probablyp in facto gildine; on

stone or wooden f=amese

10 Ibid. j, 64 13-14 , Compare al so 50 1,11 ; L70 " 2- 11 Lblidep 689 4- Compare also 67,1; 67,13- 12 bsing (Nominalbildung 635) has taken btrl-sb3 tbo be a comp-ound

noun meaning "door-post"* The occasional reversal of the two terms and their separation when different materials are involved show that this compound is in fact a writing of "the door-frame (4trlw)

and the door-leaves (sb3w)"* See further under tW39 below p. 276. 13 Peetq op, cit*t Ht pl. XXq 2-XXIP 39 passim. 14 Lefebvret loc. cit.. 15 Sauneron, loc. citoo 16 Chicago Universityp loco cit. o 17 Mariettep loco cite* 18 Gardiner,, loco cito, 19 Cerny and Gardinerp loc. cit., 20 Ce=yv loc. citoo 21 See, Janssenq OP, cit,, v 391-

22 Ibid. 9 392.

231Zat%Unerq Egyptian Hieratic Textsq 1,54,7-8-

24 Posenerg Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques litteraires de Deir El-

Medinah, IP Pl-7P 10-

25 Gardinerv ON cit-P 17*-

26 Posener, op. cit-v Pl-7Aq 10. 27 Janssen gives the etymology of 4tri as being derived from the noun

fOr"twins" andy thereforep prefers to interpret the building element

as a term for the two jambs alone. He compares it to 4tr "a span of oxen" (Janssen, op- cit-., 391)- However, both these terms are, one would think,, derived from the verbal stem kLtr "to tie together" (Wbot 1119 202p 2-3) indicating that it is the notion of the comb- ination of various elements (jambs and lintel or various animals) that is inherent in terms formed from this stem.

jqR

hm

2 L Dyne VI Dyne VT Dyne XVII, 3

o-1, o4a56

Dyne, XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyne Xvill a0

111

-wot- rl XVII127 Dyne XVIII8 Dyne XV1119

2, =- kix 2 (D

-. =Yor- -. 1., 1,0

L -i Dyne XVIII1 0 1ý

Dyne XVII19 XIX

.W -f I'. (? ) a

Dyne XVII 1 12 1ý\a

Dyne Xvjnl 30 Dyne XVI1,14 39 C-73

-&&

i =-- C--3

Dyn* Mjjl 5 Dyn o xl: x 16 Dyne XIX17 1773 40 C-3 11 % Z-- C-M 0

PO

III

Dyne XIX 9 XX 18 -3

Dyne XXV 19 Ptol. 20 CD j2x c -. Csov-- at, Ms. 0 t-3 I

Ptol. 21 0 11 lptol. 22 Ptol. 23

Ica =ý F- la C'm C-3 C-3

From the Eighteenth Dynasty onwards hm is a very co=on term and it

is carious that prior to the New Kingdom it has survived in only one

place., the Pyramid texts. Undoubtedly it was also in use during the

intervening period and it is to be regretted that other examples have not yet been disobvered.

There are very few bmw which can be identified with the result that it is not possible to decide whether or not a bm differed in any

major respect from other shrines. It would seem to be likelyp howeverp

that a ýE-shrine was one of the Lower Egyptian type ]I sinceg in

the few writings where a determinative other thanc-3 is employedg this is the shrine-type chosen* If this is correct it would seem to be logical to connect the Im-shrine with the ancient Lower Egyptian

city of Letopolist the name of which was also 11m. 24 Such a connection

can be supported by a text from one of the stelae from the South Tomb

of the Step Pyramid of Djoser at Saqqara* The stela in question shows the kingg wearing the red crowng standing (or striding forward) carry- ing a mace and a short stave. The vertical text reads

ýc*av- 0, <), A n0 25

This is clearly a reference to the shrine of the falcon-god of Let- OPOlis, identified with a form of Horus. 26 The scene shows a part of

199

the lib-s ceremony although its exact interpretation is uncertain. The king may be visiting a shrine or founclng one. Whatever the nature of the scene it isy perhapap possible to see in this writing of "the

shrine of Horus of letopolis" an origin for the bm-shrine which, how-

everg later became indistinguishable from other shrine-words. The earliest recognised occurrence of the tem, in the Pyramid

Texts, isp unfortunatelyp not connected with either Letopolis o2 Horas but with Imtett the goddess of Imet (Nebeshah) in the Eastern Delta. 27

"Imtet grasps my (the king1s) hand for herself in her bLM, in her secret place which the god made for her". 28 It would seem likelyp therefore, that, by the Sixth Dynastyt whatever the type of shiine originally involvedv bm h-ad*bdcome a word for a shrine in general.

Prom the Eighteenth Dynasty Ibmv often in the plural, occurs in

non-specific contextst referring to cult-centres which cannot be iden- tified.

J! qq "I sanctified their ým7 for the future. I embellished their r-pru. "You have purified the bmw and the r-prull (speech of Thoth to

Seti 1)030

11 ..... the jimw being enlargedt the favourites of all the godsp each one in the 1)wnn which he has desired.,, 31

The restoration stela of Tutankhamun tells of the parlous state of the temples and shrines of the gods following the reign of Akhen,;.

aten. "Now when his majesty arose as king, the r-prw af the gods and goddesses o. oo... had fallen into rain, their bmw had faILlen into decayq their 17wnnw were as if they had never existed and their ýwt (pl. ) were a trodden path.,,

32 After the king had restored the cult- placesp "the gods and the goddesses are joyfulv the possessors of hmw rejoice.,,

33 34

Other texts refer to specific bmw but these can not be identified, In one case the location of the bm is known but the building itself has not survived, This is the temple of Hathor at Cusaep which was restored by Hatshepaut. "The hwt-ntr S.,. "had fallen into rain, the 35 earth had swallowed up its noble bm and children danced on its tp-hwt. " This text would suggest that the bm was a pv-rt of the temple (hwt-nt perhaps the sanctuary itself. This is supported by comparison with one of the few ýmw which can be identified,

The sanctuary which Hatshepsut erected in the temple of Aman at Karnak is described variously as a hwt, ! Lwt-ntro t5t wrt, sh-ntr as well L-

200

as a hm in two separate texts. Cne of these is on a block from the V

sanctuary itself, inscribed for Tathmosis III when he was still co-

ruler with Hatshepsut. "He made as his monument for his father the

erecting, for him of a noble hm (called) ýImn-st-lbv in granite and

hard stone of the Red Mountain (quartzite). it 36 The second example

comes from the main Amun temple. IrNow my majesty erected for him a

noble bm (called) "Imn-st-lb.,.,. in hard stone of the Red Mountaing

The namep 'Imn-st-lb, is def- its interior worked with electrum. " 37

initely that of the Hatshepsut sanctuary so that there can be no doubt

about the identification of this particular bm.

. Lnother bm is also mentioned on one of the blocks from this sanc-

e--5-2 M 38 tuary, in a list of temples; 4Aý ae- 0 It is possible

that this bm is to be equated with anotherl the Eighteenth Dynasty

temple at Medinet Habu. Hatshepsut built a temple here on the site

of an earlier one and Tathmosis III later replaced the front part

of the queen's building with a peripteral chapel containing a barque 39 0 St-/ e!, CA

shrine. This structure the king described as -, C, 3M .. V C-3 <>

,, %40 The temple on this site was dedicated "a sacred bm in sandstonet - 41 to A= ! ýSr-st and the fall name of the Tathmoside temple seems

to have been (Mn-bpr_r, ) 1j=-f1sr_st. 42 Since Tuthmosis III described

the temple as a bm g1sr it is not unreasonable to suggest that the

hwt called bm 4sr, named on the sanctuary block, might be the name

of the temple of Hatshepsut on the same site. 43

In the temple of Seti I at Abydos, the chapels of Isis, 44 Horus45

and Osiris46 are each described as bmv as is the hypostyle hall of the temple of the same 4ing at Qurna. 47

Lm contined to be used$ althpugh sporadicallyp into the Ptolemaic

period but it does not seem to have been used in demoticq nor to have

recurred in Coptic.

Like so many termsp bn would have had a specific meaning origin.,

allyp probably a Lower Egyptian shrine connected with Letopolis. How-

ever the meaning of the term broadened so that it could be used of

any kind of shrine or chapel andy later stillg of a hall within a temple,

1 PY-r-9 1139b.

2 Loco cit,, 3 Urk- . IV, 96,409 102y 1.

201

4 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepdout a Karnakq 1,779 124-

5 Ibid., 2611 411- 6 Urk-9 IVY 383,17; 1411,6 (with the first two signs reversed). 7 Ibid., IVP 386,5; KRI, 1,165,16 (partially reatored); 1779 1- 8 Irk., IV, 881,10; 16510,6 (with the first two signs reversed). 9 Ibid*, 167,1- 10 Ibid., 576,10. Faulkner (Con. Dict. 9 191) takes this to be a sep-

arate termt 1jm, "sacred image", for which he cites only this ex- ample. This is possible although it could also be a writing of bm "shrine" with a false determinative.

11 Urk-t IVY 1071,7; Badawy, Mi scellant-a 17ilbo=a3lap 1,5P figt4; Mariet6e, Abydosp It pl*XIXq e;

12 Urkop TV9 1152v 17; 1329j, 10; KRIY 1,161,1; 1589 11- 13 RLic. v IVY 16909 6; 2o27,6.

14 Ibid, q IV, 19469 11.

15 Ibid#q IVY 20309 14-

16 MY It 197P 5; similarly, with %ý, for r--- and (S restored, 216,

15-

17 jbid. 9 It 2149 12.

18 Ibidej 1,190,11; V, 116,10.

19 Urk-Y 111,351,2.

20 Ibid9,11,46,14-

21 Chassinat, Edfou, 119 9.

22 Urk., -Ilp 186t 8; Chassinat, opp cit. 9 . 1,285-

23 Mariette, Denderah, I, pls-469 a, 4; 54, b (bottom).

24 T! -, MY 280,15; Gauthier, Dictionnaire Geographibqu 9 IVY 175; Montetv Geocraphie do 1'Egypte ancienne, 19 50-51-

05 Firth and (Quibellq The Step Pyrami v IIP P1-41- 26 Montet, op. cit-, It 51-52.

27 Ibid*, It 180-1829

28 EY-rev 1139b,

29 Urko j 379 102,1.

30 My It 1909 11.

31 Urket IVt 383P 17-

32 Ibid., IVY 20Z7,6.

33 rbideq IVY 2030P 14- 34 E-9-9 Ibid., IVt 11529 17; 13299 10.

ZOZ

35 LILld-9, IV9 3869 5- 36 Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit-- 37 qrk. j, in, 167P I- 38 Lacau and Chevrier, op. cit-, 779 124-

39 pm. 9 Jjv pl. XLV9 1.

40 Urk. 9 IV, 681,10-

41 See; H61scher, Exe. Med. Habut 11,46; Helck, Ilaterialen zir Wirt-

schaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reichest 74, D, le

42 Urkep IV9 882,3- 43 Lacau and Chevrier (loc. ci .ý suggest no identification for hm dsrp

neither do Dttol,, Topographie des Thebanischen Gaues, 25 (wrongly

quoted as 27 by Lacau and Chevrier, OP- cit-, 77, note 6) and Helck,

OP- cit-, 53,5- 44 KRI, 1,158,11. 45 Ibidov 1,161,1. 46 Ibid., 1,165,16.

4T Ibide, Iv 214P 12; 216,15-

203

at wrt

Dyn- XVIII' Dyn, XV1112 , Dyn. XVIIII XIX3

Dyn. XVIII24 Ibm. XVIIII 5 Dyn. XVIIIq XIX6 XIxq Ptole XIx. C-3 r=-

ý<=. C-3

Dyn. XVIII7 . Dyn. XVnI8 =, . Dyn. XVIIlv9

M r_3 Pýp

r. -3 XIX

N, Kop Dyn. XX 10 Dyne XIX" Dyn. XIX 12

j C-2, I'll-F, 93, c, 4=

C-3 : => C-3 J

C-3 pgý

Dyn. XjXl 3 Dyn. XIXI 4 Dyn. XIXI 5

Dyn. XIX 16

A

Dyn. XIXI 7 Dyn. XX 18

ýn -41p Jý -j , e, J'm cc=: o C-3

Dyn. XXl 9 Dyn. XX20 Ph* ArO

ý siý, Acmk E-3 Co2i V-3 \- mý C"3

Ptole 22 ptolo, 23 Ptole 24

_d x,, X

C: b 7-3 Aae)

ptol, 25

M. => 0

The originalv and main, meaning of st wrt 26 is a "throne" of either

a king or a god. 27 In the early Eighteenth Dynasty st wrt seems to

have been transferred to the pedestal upon which the sacred barque of

a god could rest, when in procession. These pedestals were usaally

situated within a stone barque-shrineq open at both ends to allow

ease of access for the priests carrying the barque. Brovarski 28 has

previously noted this specific use of the term in the Eighteenth Dyn-

astyp and has pointed out thatt on the blocks from the Karnak sanct-

uary of Hatshepsutp the barque of AmLm is depicted on a pedestal and

is described as Utp br at wrt* 29 In two examples the location of the

pedestal is described in greater detail;

"Resting upon the st wrt in Karnak (Ipt_swt).,, 30

"Resting upon the st wrt in Amun-Djeser-Djesera, in the monument

of Maatkare" (the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Baha: ri)031

In such scenes st wrt was being used of the pedestal itselfq an

obvious extension of its original meaning. Howeverl in the same period

20t

st wrt was extended in meaning still further and came to be used to

describe the entire shrine, not just the pedestal within it. The

sanctuary of Hatshepsut ()Imn-st-i)b) is itself called a at wrt in

a building inscription of Tathmosis III from Karnak;

"Now my majesty erected for him (Amun) a noble _ýmq'Imn-st-lbf

his at wrt like the horizon of heaven in quartzite (Inr n rwdt nt 4w d'Sr)p its interior worked with electrtlm.,,

32

Another text may also describe the same sanctuary as a st wrt. This is the autobiographical stela of Djebuty who was in charge of

many building projects in Thebes daring the reigns of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis Mo Among the buildings to which he "led the craftsmen to

work" was allst. wrtg a sbL-ntr built in graniteet. 33 Unfortunately the

name of this sanctuary is not given so that it cannot be proved to

be that of the Amun temple. However, if it is not to be so identified

then the Amun sanctuary would be omitted from the list of the queen's

works for Amunl, which is unlikely. The fact that the shrine is desc-

ribed as being made of granite, rather than quartzite and granite as id the case, is no real problem.

34

The same stela of Djehaty mentions work on two other swt w: rtg one

of which cannot be identified. This is a llsbý-ntr, 34t-ntrl, his at wrt in electnim of the best of the foreign landsti. 35 The namep 3)jt ntr cannot be related to any known shrineL.

The remaining sanctuary for which Djehuty was responsible has 36 been identified, by Brovarskiq with the sanctuary of the temple of

Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari; VI led the craftsmen to carry out works on lac-ibtq the st wrt of

Aman, his horizon which is in the westq all its doors (-1w) were of true cedarg worked with bronze,,. 37 Since the description of this

sanctuary follows immediately after Djehuty's description of the temple at Deir El_Bahari9, )Imn-dsr-dsrwv 731--3bt could well be the name of the sanctuary of Hatshepsat's temple.

In the reign of Tuthmosis III the temple of Ptah within the Aimin

enclosure at Karnak was rebuiltt and the king describes how he "dec-

orated (? sw1b38) his st wrt with fine metals and precious stonest, 039 Interestingly at wrt soon came to be applied to entire temples

or to halls within temples other than the sanctuarye The hypostyle- hall of Tuthmosis 19 between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons at Karnakq

zos

ts called, in an inscription of Amenhotep II; fla wsbt of w5d-coll-Imns,

" oe-eo-a st wrt for the Lord-of-Allo ressembling the horizon which is in heavenllt40 and the temple of Azenhotep III at luxor is described

as "sacred 1peti, his st wrt of the first time ,,, 41

In the Nineteenth Dynasty st wrt occurs frequently in the dedica-

tory texts of the temple of Seti I at Abydos. These texts in the Sati

temple are problematical as it is difficult to decide as to whether they are listing various elements in the temple, or using different

terms in parallel to describe either the whole templev or parts of it. For example the texts on the inner door of the aisle of Re-Horakhty in the second hypostyle hall state that the king made a pr wr in gold, a st wrt in gold9 a sacred ch in goldv a bwt-1-3t in goldq a bwt-nt in gold and a horizon of eternity in gold.

42 This sequence would seem

to suggest that each of the terms is being used to describe the temple itself but the dedicatory texts from the aisles of the other godsp which include rather more specific terms such as sbbtg sb39 and t3,

can only be understood as lists of parts of the temple. 43 Similar

parallel texts are found within the shrines of the gods44 and these

shrines are themselves actually called swt-wrt in the main dedications

of each shrine; lloooemaking for him (Ptah) a pt wrt //// sb3w in electrimll.

45

"soeeMaking for him (Re-Horakhty) a st wrt decorated with golds, its sbiw gilded with electrtim".

46

lloootmaking for him (Osiris) a st wrt /// in front of the Lord-of- Ta-Djeserv a pr-wr gilded with electnimp its sbiw

47

11-ooomaking for her (Isis) a st wrtP radiant with every precious stonep its sbsw gilded with electrim.,,

48

The chapel of Seti himself is described as a "noble pr-wr in my hwt of millions of years, my st wrt beside their majesties. . 49

The dedicatory text from the chapel of Amun is damaged at the relevant point*50

The temple of Razesses II at Abydos had aq more usualj, single sanctuary, lined with alabaster walls and a pink granite ceiling.

51

This is described, on a block from the ceiling as "a st wrt in alab- aster,,

52 andg, in a longer building text from tine exterior of the

templev as "a st wrt in pure alabaster, roofed in graniteli. 53

The sanctuary of the temple of Seti I at Gurna is stated to be a list wrt in electrilyn in which the god rests,.,,

54

206

In Papyrus Harris I st wrt is used for the sanctuaries of the

,, 55 temples of Re at Heliopolisy "the st wrt in gold, the tLV in ketem,

and of Ptah at Memphisp It its st wrt being enlarged like a pr-w , cov-

ered by a t3yt of gold like the -bwy of heaven.,, 56 The term is also

used in the same papyrus to describe an entire temple, 57

In the temple of Ramesses III at Medine. t Habuq the barque-rooms

of Amunq Khonsu and Montha 58 are'each called 11st wrt in the bwt of

Usermaatre-Meryaman. to 59

The barque-shrind of the Amun temple at Karnak was replaced during

the regency of Philip A: rrhidaeus who describes how "the st wrt of Amun

which had been built in the time of the majesty of the King of Upper

and Lower Egyptq Menkheperre-I had fallen into rain .... his majesty built it anew in granite. '#

60

In the Graeco-Roman Period st wrt was often used to mean an entire temple

61 but it was also still appliedt specificallyq to the sanctuary

62 63 of a temple. This is so at Edfu and in the temple of Opet at Karnak*

The development of st wrtv from "throne" to "barque-pedestal'" and then to "barque-shrinelyl "sanctuary" and 11templeR seems to have occurred in a short period of time in the Eigbteenth Dynasty, although it is

always possible that the term had these meanings in earlier periods for which there are fewer extant building textso Cnee these extended meanings were established, they remained in use through to the Ptol- emaic Period in hieroglyphic texts, although st wrt does not seem to

occur in the demotic script.

1 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnak, It 1579 1197; 349vj 615; 35091 617-

2 ibidop It 34791612 (for a photograph of this hlock see; Chevxier, ASAE 26 (1926), pl,. IVt 0); 34891 613 (photograph; Pillety ASAE 23 (1923)9 Pl-IV-

3 lacau and Chevrierq op. cit-9 It 17291 233; KRI9 It 134P 5; 1509 7; 1519 13-

4 'ýr-k-r IVt 3429 11; 15719 10; KRI9 It 1319 7; Chassinatv Edfoup It 480; IIP 36.

5 Urk. 9 IV, 167v 2 (with final =restored); 421,10; 4229 17; 425t 9; 7669 7; 17099 13; 1726,17; KRI9 19 130P 5; 1329 12; 1649 14; Mar- iette, Abydost 19 P1-30y a and b; Erichsenq PaPYrus Harris 1.519 9; Chassinat, OP- cit-, IVP 5; De Witt Inscriptions du Temple d'Opet

ao, 7

a ' Kaxnakv 98; 99 (both with Id. v Ch. d1E9- 36 NO-71 (Jan,

uaryq 1961), 67; Mariettev Denderahq IIIt pl-71, bo 4-5- '6 Urk-P IV9 4279 15; K-RIt It 1559 4; 1609 13- 7 Urk-9 IVP 13319 17- 8 -ýIbidev IV9 20839 15- 9 Ibid., 17j 1918,11; Mariette, Abydosp II, pl. 199 a. 10 Cerny and Gardinerp Hieratic Ostracat It pl. XLV,, 4P 5; Erichsenq

ON cit -9 309 5-6; 50j, 16- 11 Griffithp ýEA 13 (1927)9 pl*XXXIX* This is in an epithet of Ptahj

h: L7 st wrtv which is more often written without the determinativep

e*g*v Urkop IVO 10029 5; 1936,10;: KRI9 It 59v 13- 12 Ibid9t It 1519 Ot 9 and 10; 158v 7; 1639 10; 2199 16.

3 Ibid., I, 160t 3 and 4-

14 Lbid. v It 157,11 and 12. 15 Ibidop It 1499 14 and 16; 149P 13 andi15 (with an open door); 154t

10 and 11.

16 Ibido, It 43t 2*

17 Mariette, Abydo 9 UP Pl-3P 4, - 18 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Med. H VII9 Pl-5019 A;

(without the determinative, Ibidet VII9 pl-5019 B). 19 Ibid* 9 VI9 Plo409- 20 Ibidp VIt pl-4419 c- 21 Urk*t 119 109 7o

22 Mariette, Denderahv I, Pl-46j at 2* 23 ILT9 119 244- 24 Chassinatq oPo cit-P It 574- 25 Ibid-9 It 22; 35; IIP 79-

26 For the view that this term should be read st wrrt see; Fechtq Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, 6-8,10.

27 Vb., IVP 79 4-7- See alsov in further detail, Kuhlmann, Der Thron im. alten 1gyptent 28-32*

2B Brovarskip ! LEA 62 (1976)9 72-73- 29 lacau and Chevrierv op- Cit-P It 3479t 613; 349Pj 615; 350,1 617-

30 Ibid* 9 It 1 57P 1 197-

31 Ibideq It 17291 233-

32 Urk., Up 167,2* 33 Ibid*, IV9 4279 15-

01 34 See further under sbý-ntrt Po253-

2og

35 lr--k- 9 Iv-P 4219 10. 36 Brovarski, loc. cit.. 37 Urk- t IV9 422,17- 38 See; Faulkner, Con. Dict., 216. 39 U-rk-, IVP 7669 7- 40 Ibidep IV9 13319 17- 41 Ibid*, IV9 1709,13- 42 KRIt IV 131P 4-15- 43 Ibidot, 3; 129-135- 44 Ibidep Ig 147-163- 45 Ibidop I, 149p 9-16. 46 Ibidep It 1519,3-10- 47 Ibid. 9 It 154t 10-15o 48 ]Qjýido t It 1579 11-14- 49 rbid., It 148,1-29 50 Ibid. v IV 1539 3-5- 51 P-M-9 VIS, 38-39- 52 Mariette, Abydosp II, pl. 199 a. 53 Pý-id-q 119 Plo3t 4- 54 KRIq IV 219,16o 55 Erichsen, opo cito, 30t 5-6. 56 Ibidep 509 15o 57 'LILido 9 51 P 9. 58 Rooms 7v 15 and 33P see; PM*q IIj pl. XLVIII* 59 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institutep op. cit P IVP Pls-409; 4419

0; VII9 P1-501P A and B. 60 Urk. t 119 109 7- 61 Mariette, Dender P It PI-46, at 2; IIIP PI-7, bp 4-5; LDTI 11*,. 244;

Chassinatt Edfoup It 22; 35; 574; IIP 79- 62 De Wit, Cho WE . 36 NO-71 (Januaryp 1961), 67- 63 : Ldeq Inscriptions du Temple dtCpet a Karnakq 98; 99 (the dedicatory

text which mentions the st wrt is actually situated in the room (No. VII) immediately before the sanctuary (No. X)t but there can be no doubt that the description refers to the latter (for a plan of the temple see; PM, t II0 pl, XXII)e

209

s3t

Dyne V' Dyne Vp 2 MOK03 4=, m p as u xviii pd. Yll

AM

Dyne x114 1,11 H

MOK*5 3ý, Yff Cl

111 2ndo Int.

6 Dyne XV1117 Q N. K.

ap 19 Dyn. XVIII

,,,,, Dyne XV1119 Dyn. XIX

P6

12 13 Dyne XIX

C6 c6, ý . Dyn. XXITO

x Ptole %JLx

I

Dyne XXV14 Dyne XXV15 Dyn

r-73 III ýg I

ptol. 17 Ptol. 18 CL

Ptole 19

ptol. 20

The W8rterbuch quotes references for s3t only from the Middle Kingdom

onwards 21 but the term occurs in three places in the Old-Kingdom

Abusir Papyriv although not in contexts which are of any great value

for elucidating the meaning of the term* In one exampleg the 83t '822

made of wood and is subdivided into I'southern'19 "middle" and'horthernU Another occurrence mentions the s3t of a palace

23 and a thirdv the

eastern sit of a granary (6nwt). 24

Chronologically the next known example of the term is in an early

Middle-Kingdom graffito from the quarries at Hatnub where it seems to have been used for the wall of the quarry itself. 25 In the Teach-

ing of Amenemhat 19 133t, determined with the wall-signv ocefirs in the

description of a prp "decorated with gold, its h-lywt in lapisp the 26-

s3t in silver, " An inscription of Hapdjefa from Siut tells how the

nomarch "erected (t s2ýwt which were destroyed". 27 and the Admonitions LS)

describe how the children of princes were dashed against s3wt. 28

Such texts give no indication of any difference in meaning bet-

ween s3t and other terms for a wall. However, from the Eighteenth

Dynastyp a specific nuance of meaning for s3t becomes apparent.

210

An inscription of Sen: mut at Deir El-Bahari records that he was

permitted to perpetuate his name on all the sjwt in the service of

the king (Hatshepout)t in her mortuary temple (Djeser-djesera) and in

the r-p of the gods of Upper and Lower Egypt. 29 Temple-walls upon

which the name of an official can be inscribed must be made of stonev

suggesting that s3t was not used of,, for examplev brick enclosure

walls. Other texts also specifically use s3t when referring to insc-

ribed walls. 30 "I built this tomb .... *, the inscription (s's) made its sawt great. "

"His maJesty ordered thý, t the victories which Aman had given to

him should be perpetuated on the stone s-st in the 4wt-ntr. 1,31

1109 those who will pass by this bwt000o. and will look at the s3wt

and will recite from my utterancesp may the King of Upper and Lower

Egypt favour and love (them)*,, 32 33

"The inscription (s's) upon the sstv engraved with the Great Namell

"Your sacred images cut upon the 03w(t).,, 34

"His S3wt engraved with his cartoucheis 35

It would seemp thereforep that S3t was used mainly for a stonep

inscribed wall in texts which date from the New Kingdom and later. A

text of the reign of Ramesses II allows the meaning to be even more

specifically definedo It refers to a building attached to the Ramess-

eum; "the inbw in stone, engraved on the M3wt with inscriptions of

Thoth.,, 36 SSt here mast refer to the surface of the wall upon which

texts could be carvddo Traunecker has suggested that a s-bt wast "plus

specialement a 11origine les parois d1un muroll 37 This is supported

by a description of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak as a "fine ms4nt for

the Ennead, surrounded by open- and closed-capital coluinnsq its sawt like the limits of the cultivation (tnwil).,, 38 The walls in question

are the inscribed inner walls of the hall.

This term does, thereforep seem to have had a particular meaning, but, like so maT terms, it was used less-accurately as time went In

andf by the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty at least, it was being used as a non-

specific term for a wallo S3W(t) occurs often in the stela of Pianchi,

in the descriptions Of the various seiges by which the king, )took control of Egypt939 and seems to be a general term for "wall", It

certainly does not retain, in this stela, its original meaning, S3t is found as a word for a wall in Ptolemaic textS4O and also

occurs in the demotic script4l but does not survive into Coptico

21t

1 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalv The Abu Sir Papyriq pl,, LVIIIA, G,

2 Ibid. 1, Pl-XIXA, 4; LUVIAp M (partial); Urk. 0 IV9 1048,5 (in plu- ral)o

3 Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, Pl-139,91,9. The exact date of this graffito is disputed, but it is probably of the early Middle Kingdom.

4 Do Buckq The Egyptian Coffin Textsq V9 32e 5 1ýrkep VIIP 56,7- 6 Gardiner, Admonitionso 4# 3; Malininev BIPAO 34 (1934), 65-

7 HaYesp. MDAIK 15 (1957)t 85P fig-3- 8 lErk. I IV, 68 41 10-

9 Ibid* I Up 1845P 13- 10 KRIP 1,186,9; L--D-P 1119 170-171-

11 KRI9 1,2029 9*

12 Ibidp It 194p 2@

13 7(b., Belegstellen, IV9 5; Chassinatt ýdfouj 1,. 18; Idot Denderaho

1119 62 (similar).

14 'g-rk--t IIIP 5v 1 5-

15 Ibideq 169 1; 30t 1T; 3Tv 14; 32t 3-

16 Ibid., 24Y 1; 34,1 and 3-

17 Chassinatv Edfoup It 327-

18 Mariettet Denderah, III Pl-179 d (twice); III pl, 82p c* 19 Ibid*, IIIv pl. 689 i.

20 Pierretj Insc. Louvre, 111 21 (C*232).

21 Wbp IVp 14,4-14-

22 Posener-Krie'ger and De Cenivalp op. cit. v pl. LVIIUp G.

23 Ibid. 9 pl. XIXA, 4-

24 ýLbid. j pl. LXXVIA, M.

25 Anthes, loc. cit.. 26 Malinineg loc* cit.. Since floors (a2Lw) are often described as

being made of silverg it is possible that the text is corrupt at this point.

27 jrk#q VIIP 569 7-

28 Gardinerp loc. cit.. 29 Helck, loc. cit.. 30 Urk- I IVP 1048,5-

31 Ibidol No 6841 10-

32 Ibid., IV, 1845P 13-

III

33 KRIt It 194v 2. 34 Chassinat, op. cit., 1,18. 35 Marietteg op. cit-Y IIt Pl-179 d (twice), 36 L*D*q 1119 170-171- 37 Trauneckerv Karnakv V, 153P 4 and note 3- 38 KRIq It 2029,9, 39 Urk-9 IIIv 5t 15; 16,1; 24,, 1; 30v 17; 319 14; 329 3; 349 1 and 3- 40 Chassinatp OP- cit-9 It 18; 327; Mariettet OP- cit-P Ht P18-17Y

" d; 82, c. 41 Erichsen, Ddmotisches Glossart 405-

21S

sat

Dyne Vp M. K. 1 C-72 -%- C=

C= 1952-

Dyna XVIII 4

N, K&5 %

I st. Int .21 st. Int.

C= C= Dyne XVIII

The W6rterbuch suggested that this term, for which it cited only two

references, 7

meant "Passb6den-plattenllo 8 The earliest example occurs in a damaged inscription of the Fifth Dynasty from Saqqaraq (I) built the ewp (I) did not lay down (orp overlay) the s3wt. 11 9

10 The use ol the verb dr with sswt would certainly support such a mean- ing as that given by the W6rterbuch, since dr is elsewhere used with s. 3ty "floor". " However the other texts in which s3wt occurs are not

so easy to interpret.

In the description of the tomb of Ankhtifi at Moalla the sit, which

was brought from Elephantine, appears to be an element in a door* 12

The same is true of an occurrence in the Book of the DeadfitrI will not let you pass over metv said the sst of this sb3, tunless you tell

me my name$*" 13 These two passages would suggest that s3t could be

used facýthe thresh6ld of a door. In anotherv damaged, text, the

sawt are mentioned in proximity to doors (caw) and are probably also "thresholds". 14

In two templesp however, the s3, wt are described along with columns. The first example is on the inscriptions of the red-granite papyri- form-cluster columns of Amenemhat III from Crocodilopolisq ftalcing a

ws4t, its w3dw and its s3wt in granitep its sbzw in electrum. it 15

Texts from the temple of Hathor at Serabit El-Khadim in Sinai des-

cribe "erecting for her sawt and 3. wnw of sandstone"s 16 In these cases

03Wt may refer to the bases upon which the columns stood. Basically s3t seems to have been a term for a stone element at

floor-level, a threshold, column-base or flooring itself* It is prob- ably related to an identically-spelled term which is determined with -J', , and which seems to refer to "Planks" or "beams" of wood.

17

I Urk. t Iq 18it 10 (Quibellp Saqqaraq 1907-8t Pl-IXIP 3); Habachip ASAE 37 (1937)v 88 (L. Dot Up 1189 g).

21+

2 Vandier, Mdallav 2329 Vt--, t 5; Pl-XX- 3 ClZre and Vandierv Textes de la premiZvPeriode inte=ediaire et

de la XIeme Dynastie, 46,11.

4 Gardiner, and Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai, I, pl*LXXIX9 3179 Ap

as 5 Budge, The Book of the Dead,, (1898)9 Text, 264,12& 6 Gardiner and Peet, opo cite, 19 pl*LUIV, 310, (a).

7 Habachi# loc. cite; Urk., Iq 181,10; (cited by earlier publications, 8 Wbop 111,412,14- see note 11 above). 9 Urk,, Iv 181,10, 10 Wb-9 V, 475,3-6. 11 !!

-. rk-, IVP 11509 13; 1164t 9- 12 Vandier, loc* cit** 13 Budge, loc* cite, 14 Clere and Vandier, loc. cit., 15 Habachi, loc, cit** 16 Gardiner and Pe6t, op* cite, pl. LXXIX9 317, Ag a; of. also Ibid. 9

Pl-LXXIVP 310t (a).

17 Do Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 19 254t a; Urk. 9 IV9 7079 14; Compare also siw "der Balken" (1b. t 111,4199 14-17) and s3which occurs in the Abusir Papyri, Posener-Kri`oger, BeitrAge Me, 120 Festschrift Ricke, 76-77-

See further belowt 23twv addendum, p. 216-218-

216

s stw

Dyn. XVIII Dyne XVIII 2 Dyn. XVIIIp XX

Vill

456 N*K* NsK, Late Period Vitt%

ah e

7 Sstw is originallyp and usuallyp a term for the earth or the ground,

and its use in architectural contexts as a word for the floor can be

easily understood. It is probably also connected with the term s3t

which was used for thresholds and flooring. 8

Sitw does not seem to

have been applied to a floor in a building before the New Kingd6m. 9

The meaning of this term is not in any doubt and a few examples

will suffice to show its typical usage. "I led the craftsmen to work on the works in the pr of Amun****.

oeeitS 83tW worked with gold and silver. " 10

"Making for him (Amun) a bm of goldp its s3tw in silver*" "Bringing Asian copper which his majesty brought from campaign

in Retenut to gild the %3w-doors of the sb-ntr of Aman in lpet-sat,

its 83ty overlaid with gold (nbwy), -11

12 -

A mythological example from a Late-Period papyrus illustrateop

clearlyg the meaning of the term; "As for the House of Lifeq it is

in Abydo9q,,,,,. -,. Geb is its 83tW and Nut its ceiling qjý). I# 13

Ally was not often used to mean"floor" and does not recur as such in either demotic or Coptic texts*

U-rko, IV, 1589 15; 423,10; 1331,18; 1648,10; 16509 16; 1668, 49

2 Ibidep IV9 1329# 10. 3 Ibid. t IV9 1150,13; Champolliont Notices Descriptives, 1,733

(Lb-t 111,424,89 wrongly quotes this reference as Ibid., Up 732).

4 Wreszinski, Der Papyras Ebers, 203,17- 5 Budget The Book of the Dead (1898)p Textt 267 (Chapter 125P 44)- 6 Derchain, le Papy-rus Salt 825P 8*9 VIP 8o 7 not IVP 423-424- a See above, s3t, p. 213-

Ilb

9 An example from a stela of the Second Intermediate Period (Helck,

MDAIK 24 (1969)p 199; pl, XVII9 10) of V "Q\ may be a different

word altogether since both the determinative used, and the context

of the part of the inscription in which the term occurs, would

suggest a translation of "door".

10 Urk-9 IV, 423P 10-

11 rbid.,, IV, 1329p 10*

12 Ibideq IV9 1150t 13-

13 Derchaing loce cit**

Addend=

After this study was completed there appeared a discussion of s3t

and s3tw by Frandsen in an article in which he publishes an additional

example of the former termq from a hieratic letter of the Middle King-

dom*' Essentially Frandsen's conclusions on the meaning of s3t do not

differ from my ownt although he makes no attempt to discuss the use

of the term in connection with columnso He regards a ast as having

beeng originallyt a "door-sill" with its meaning"later extended to

cover all kinds of paving". 2

Howeverg Frandsen also equates s3t and s3twt regarding the latter

as aplural-form of the formerD3 This would seem to be in contradiction to the evidence that astw (also written s3tw) is attested as a term

for "ground" "earth" from the Old Kingdom onwards. 4 It would, there-

foreg seem to be not illogical to regard writings of in building inscriptions as the word for "earth" transferred to an arch- itectural context as a term for the "floor". This has been the gener- ally accepted interpretation in the past, and one which I see no reason to reject. Since Frandsen suggests that a s-st could also be

a paving block, he would presumably support a translation of "floor" for the "plural" g1tw in most casesp although this would seem to be-

a rather tortuous route to arrive at the usual translation. Re, doeep however, quote six examples of s3tw from Eighteenth

Dynasty building textep in which the element is described as being made of, or decorated witht precious metals.

5 Concerning these he states; "the meaning Opavin&-block' 'sill' does not account satis- factorily for the Urkov IV examples where the sstw is said to be

211

decorated (sbkr, sw1b9 dr) with precious metals. I would suggest that

s3tw is here used with reference to the block or blocks making up the

bed of the doort ie. the sill propery with the socket and the groove

leading into it". 6

Frandsen does not make clear exactly what is the difference bet-

ween "the sill" and "the sill proper'19 and I see no reason to trans-

late these examples as anything other than"floor'le Although Frandsen

does not say sog he presumably would object to a'translation of "floor"

because these 83tW are decorated with metal. This can, however, be

compared with the expression t-sm 44 "floor of silver" which is found

with reference to the Amun temple at K=, * in the Twenty-First Dyn-

asty. 7

In addition, metal-worked 03tW are often parts of shrines, 8

rather than of templesp and could easily have been covered with a

precious metal. Frandsen does not quote any of these examples, and of the six he does mentiong only one is obviously a shrine. This is the descriptiono from the tomb of Rekhmire, of the casting of metal door. -leaves (csw) for the sh-ntr of Amun at Karnak. 9 The remaining five examples are from general descriptions of temples of the Eight-

eenth Dynasty. 10 In all of these sstw can be easily translated by "floor" with the possible exception of the description of the door

of the Third Pylon at Karnak* In this text the sstw is a part of the doorway, "***making for him (Amun) a very great sb3 before Amun-Rep Lord of the Thrones of the Two Landsp worked in its ent- irety in gold ..... its (masc. ) V decorated (swb) with silvert the sbhwt in front of it being set in place".

"

In this example 93, brcould be being used for the door-sill. It could also have been applied to the "floor" of the doorway since a door in an Egyptian temple pylon was several feet thick and formed a passage through the thickness of the stone-work which could haye been regarded as having had a "floor".

Frandsen, in cupport of his view that s-stw is a plural of a3t, makes the point thatp in the description of the temple of Monthu, the adjective nb is used with e3twv rather than r-1-w. s, llimplSriag "a Plurality of objects". 12 It is also possible that sstw. s nb refers to "all its (the temple's) floors".

Although the similarity of stem of the two terma makes it likely that they were connected in some way, I see no reason to regard s3tw merely as a plural-fo= of sjt9 nor to adopt a new translation for

. 219

the metal-decorated s1tw in the random examples quoted by Frandsent

1 Frandsenv JARCE 15 (1978)v 25-31-

2 Ibide 299

3 Ibid* 28.

4 T? -v 1119 423P 7-16; 424t 1-12, The term also survives into Coptic

as ECHT With the same meanings; Cernyj Coptic Etymological Diction-

aryp 38*

5 Fraudseng op* cit. p 27-289 6 Ibide 1 29*

7 no,, Vy 214P 15-

6 E*gop Urkop IV9 1329p 10; 1331P 18; Champolli ong Notices Descrjp-

tives, 1. '133-

9 Urk. p IVP 1150P 11-14- Frandsen inaccurately translates alý-ntr as "temple" (op. cit., 28y No. 8).

10 Urkep IVt 1648P 10; 16509 16; 16549 8; 16559 7; 16689 2-5-

11 Ibidop IVf 16541 4-9-

12 Frandseng op. citey 28.

13 ir-k-Y IV9 1668j, 4-

219

sb 3

Dyne VI Dyne VI 2 PA* Pj *1 TI R Dyne V13

Dyne Up 1 st. Int. 4 Dyn. V15 M Dyne XII . 2nd. Int. Pj

-A W

lot. Int. t Dyne X119 6

Dyne XII, XVII, t XIX7 * 1-3 2nd. Int. 9 Dyne P] -R I C-3

xviii 8 ".

9 10 Dyne XIIpPtol. Dyne XII DYno XII *j C-3

Dyne XIIll Dyne XII 12 Dyne XVIIII Pi ý< xixl3

Dyne XVIIII 4 3)yn. XVII11 5 Dyne XVIII 16

-K 17 Dyne XVIII17

* I' Dyne XVIII 18 P,, Yyne XVIII19

_jcý C-73

V-3 Dyne XVIII20

p* TT Dyne XVIII 21

ci tT Dyne XVIII22

Dyne XVIII 23 Dyne XVIII24 Dyn; XIX 'XXv ý*j .p 01,2ý

Dyne X3X26 Dyne XIX 27 ,,,, Dyn. X3X9 XX28

Dyne XIX 29 Dyne XIX30 31 Dyne XIX

Dyfie XIX32 rný& lp Dyne XIX33 C-3 3 Dyne XX34 Dyne XX35

"IS, C--3 Ch

Dyne XX36 Dyne XX37 38 Dyne XX c C-3 C-3

41

-kj 44 -7---'

Dyne XXV1139 ptol. 40 Ptol*

There can be no doubt as to the basic meaning of sb3p both the det-

erminatives used and the contexts in which the word is found show that sb3 is to be translated as "door"* There are, howeverp interest- ing developments in the history of this word which make a re-examination of the evidence valuable.

At first glance it would appear that there were many different

110

ways of writing sb3 butt in actual factp many of the variants shown

above are isolated examples and the most frequent writing in the

building texts of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties was NO-13-

The Late Egyptian writings can be easily explained through confusion

with other words formed from the same stem, although sb-s "door" does

not appear to be related in meaning to these other words. 42 The

earliest examples of sb3 date from the Fifth Dynasty and the word

was used consistently up top and including, the Ptolemaic period. " It 43 S9BIL

also occuzredin demotic and survived into Coptic as CSe

cem Fp pie CBHY -k. 44

The W6rterbuch noted that sb3 could refer to the entire doorwayg

the frame or the leaves45 and it is the question of exactly which parts

of the doo=wav were described as sb3. w which will be discussed here.

In the Abusir Papyri sb3 is used in a context in which there can

be little doubt that the entire doorway was intended since the sb3 n

hn is subdivided into c3wy-f "its leaves'19 sab. f (meaning uncertain)

and dsof "itself". 46 Clearly sb3 here denotes the entire doorway9

although the designation of the frame as "itself" indicates that abs

could also be used of the frame alone. This is also shown by those

examples which state that sb3w were made of stone. These include doors

for the pyramid-temple of Meren=e47 and a mortuary temple of the First

Intermediate Period. 48

In the Middle Kingdom the first examples are found of actual door

frames which are labelled as "sb3ll. The gateway of the Middle Kingdom

temple of Thoth at HermopoliS is described as a sb3p49 as is the

gTanite door frame from the d-&ýp of Amenemhat I at QUantir5O and a

jamb found in the foundations of the temple of Medazuýd. 51 This last

example is from a building named Wn htpw-ntr "storehouse of, divine

offerings". In the Middle Kingdom most buildings were constructed in

brick$ with only certain elements in the more costly stone. The door

frames were among these elements and consequently have survived,

often re-usedg when the rest of the building has been lost. It has 52

been seenp so farp that sb3 was used of doorways in templest palaces

and administrative buildings. It was also used of the doors

of private house B53 and tombs54 as well as in mythological contexts. 55

Two texts of the Second Intermediate Period show that at that time sb3 was the name for the door frame alone and it did not refer to the entire doorway which included the door leaves. A stela of

22.1

Sebekhotep IV describes work at Karnak where the king erected a wooden

sb3 of 10 cubits with c3wy7r worked in gold and silver56 while a stela

from the temple of Min at Koptos tells of the sb)w and c3w having

fallen into ruin. 57

As is the case with so many words sb3 has survived principally in the detailed building texts of the New Kingdom. Undoubtedly sb-S was

a frequently oco=ring word prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty but few

useful texts have been preserved from the earlier periods. In the New

Kingdom many temple doorways were labelled 11sb3119 including the

doorways of pylons and other doorsp both in the temple proper and

in the enclosure wall. Such examples are too numerous to list in detail

and, in fact# little would be gained from this since the evidence is

quite conclusive, showing that sbj was used of the door frame which

was usually made of i3toAe . 58

Some of these sb3w are described as being

made of meta, 59

but it is the fact that the stone jambs could be

plated with metal to which reference is being made. 60

It is princip-

ally in the Eighteenth Dynasty that sb3 was used of the monumental

stone door frame, although this usage continued into the Nineteenth

Dynasty and is foundpooccasionallyl later. A few examples will

suffice to demonstrate this use of sb3 in the New Kingdom.

nI inspected the erection of the great sb3 (called))Imn-sbm-fSwp

its great r3 was of Asian copper. t, 61 (Karnsk)

sb3w in granite of Elephantine, its c3W in bronze. *4, o ý62

(A=mant)

"*ooe* `, 3w in cedar worked with copperv the sb3w in granite. , 63

(Blephantine)

11 ..... sb3W in granitep their liwy in copper. " 64

"es-e9a sb31n black granitep c3wy-r banded with copper and giZLddd

with electrun. " 65

(Both the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos)

Although in the New Kingdom sb3 was used principally for a monu-

mental temple doorwayp it could still be usedp but rarelyp of the

door of a private house 66

andp more oftenp for palace doorways. 67

From the Nineteenth Dynasty there is a change in meaning of sb3p indicated by the use of the new determinatives and-, ^+ . The use

of these signs would suggest that sb3 has been transfer33iA from the

door frame to the door leafv a conclusion which is supported by the

contexts in which sb3 is found from this period. This change in

meaning of sb3 is Curious since the regular word for a door leaf

222

c-3,9 which had been in constant use from the early dynadtic periodp

still occurred, although it was not as frequently used as in earlier

periods. 68

There cang howeverg be no doubt that sb3 was transferred from

the door frame t6 the door leaf. One indication of this is when the

sb3w of temples are described as being made of wood. Even in the

Middle Kingdom the doorways of brick temples were usually made of

stone and in the stone temples of the New Kingdom the only wooden

parts to a doorway were the door leaves. Since sb,. also retained its

original meaning this led to a situation where the same word was

used to describe both door frames and leaves in different texts rel-

ating to the temple of Seti I at Abydos. The actual doorways are labelled 11sb3 ,

69whilep in the Nai; ri decreep the door leaves are

called sb3w and described as being "of cadar ..... gilded with electinun

and banded with copper...... 70

There are other texts where sb3w

made of wood are probably to be understood as door leaves. 71 This

is particularly true of the work of Ramesses III at various temples

described in Papyrus Harris 1. As Christophe has n6ted72 sbsw in

this papyrus can always be translated as*1door leaves". Sbi in this

text is determined consistently with _--o I and although some of the sbaw are described as being made of met&173 they are wooden door leaves74 plated with gold or electrum.

75 Whenever sb3, is

determined by -, = 76 or _=-. *

77 it is probably safe to assume that

the intention is to refer to the door leaves.

One final example from the tale of the two brothers provides

clear proof that sb-3 could be used for a door leaf. When Bata

returned to the stablep "... he looked under the sb3 of his stall (and) he saw the feet of his elder

[brotherl as he was standing

behind the sb3.,, 78The

distinctive shape of the Egyptian door leaf

with the pivots and the resulting "cut-away" sections at the top

and bottoM79 is suggested here, and it is only if sb31S translated

as "door leaf" that the sighting of Anpuls feet "behind the Sb3lt can be understood.

Sb3 originally referred to the door frame whilec-w was used to describe the leaves. The entire doorway could also be called sb3. Latery from the Nineteenth Dynasty onwards, the word was transfeTtdd to the door leaf, while also retaining its original meaning.

80

213

1 Posener-Kri; 6ger and Do Cenivalp The Abu-Sir Papyrit pl. IXIXAv 4-

2 PYr-v 799a; 1115b.

3 PYr-9 799a.

4 Pyr. j 799a; Urk., It 1079 4; Cl6re and Vandier, Textes do la

premi6re Pgriode intermle'dairep 44; 459 1; Pierretv Insc. Louvrey Up 29 (C-15v 5); Balcz and Bittelp MDAIK, 3 (1932)9 28, abb. 13a

and b; Do Backy Egyptian Reading Bookt 72,1; Marietteg Abydosq 119 309 23-

5 Py=. t 1115b. 6 Cleýre and Vandierv OP- cit-9 46,1; Simpson, Papyrus Reisne= It

Pl-17A (K-14); Petriet Koptoi3j pl. 12v 3; Urk, j IV, 659 9; 426,8; 1105P 16; 11o6,13; -1369,11.

7 De Buckt op. cit. 9 919 13; 969 5; HaYesv JEA 46 (1960)v Pl-M, 3; Mallerp Liebespoesiep pl. 10pgý9(with k-'A' added by error. )

8 Bisson de la Roque and Clorep Rapport sur les Fouilles, de Medamoud (1927 9 989 fig-72; 1231 fig-84; Piehlp Inscriptionsep 119 93-

9 SimPsont Op- Cit-9 Pl-13A (G-7 and G*12); 14A (H-37); 16JL (J-7)-

10 De Backq op, cit-v 72Y 3-

11 Habachit ASAE 52 (1954)v 451 and pl. IV; Helckj MDAIK 24 (1969),

199,10,12-, Pl. XVII9 10 and 12. 12 Habachit ASAE 37 (1937)t 88; 91p fig. 6.

13 Also determined with 'ff - Urk-t IVP 439 12; 56,8; 295,6; 3829 12; 302t 6,8,10; 618,14; 8199 17; 8299 17; 8511 12; Himst Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, fic-7; Mariettep op. citep It pls. 11a; 18; 30b; KRLp It 132Y 3; 149t 13-16; 1629 12 and 14.

14 Urk-Y IVt 439 4; 382P 5; 1648P 11- 15 Ibid. t 3889 10; 357P 5; 1668p 2. 16 Ibid. t 5219 13- 17 Ibid. 9 4309 10; 21591 16; 2160,1. 18 Ibid., 1379,8. 19 Wb- Belegstellen., IV, 22 (ref-839 14); Urk-, rV, 831,6. 20 Ibid. 1073P 3- 21 Ibid.: 12499 14- 22 Ibidp 765t 13; 1550P 18- 23 Ibid. 9 12951 5 and 6.

24 Ibid. f 16519.1- 25 Wb. Belegstellen., IVv 22 (ref-83t 9); Badswyt Miscellaa: ýa Wilbour-

ians, I. 5t fig-5; Saunerong BIFAO 64 (1966)p Pl-IIP x+5 and X+7;

22t

Davies, N[dmanjde G9 Seven Private Tombs at ]; urn 9 Pls-13; 30; Wb., Belegstellen, IVp 22 (=ef. 839 17)-

26 KRI, 1,47,10-

27 Ibide, 1219,2.

28 Cerny and Gardinert Hieratic Oatraca, It Pl-LIVP 39 4; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris It 50,11 (omitting e ).

29 Barguet, ASkE 50 (1950), 274; 276; 2779 fig-7; 278; Plantikow- MiLnstert 7AS 95 (1969), 1199 abb. 1b, 5-

30 Mariette, opo cit*, Ilp jib. 31 Gardiner, late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 10,9. 32 Ibidov 39,2*

33 Ide, Late Egyptian Stories, 15,6. 34 Erichsenq op- cit-, 709 2; also (omitting c-3) 59 10; 6P 7; 91 16. 35 lb-id-y 94P 8-

36 Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documentst 54,10; Peetv The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyp 119 pl*IV, (BoMo 102211 7,1)-

37 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, VIIv pl*501, A* 38 Peet,. ope citop pl*XXI (BoMe 10053P 'Lerso, 4,9)e 39 Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expeditiont The Temple of'.

Hibis in El-Khargeh Oasis, III, P1-59- 40 Mariette, Denderah, 1119 Pl-43o P- 41 Chassinat, Edfou, V, 4,3- 42 Wbe, IV, 82-86. See also; Ward, The Four Egyptian Homographic Roots 43 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossar, 419- 1 b-bv 63#t 120-121* 44 Crum, A Coptic Dictionaryq 321b; derny, Coptic Etymological Dict-

ionaryv 147; bsing, Nominalbildungt 404- 45 T? -, IV, 83,9-17- 46 Posener-Krileger and De Cenivall, loc. cit. e For discussions of this

passage see; Posener-Krieger in Beitr'ýZe Bf. 12, Festschrift Ricket

83-85t and Id*, Les Archives du Temple funeraire de Neferirkare-

Kak , 440-

47 Urk-9 It 1071 4- 48 Clore and Vandierv OP- cit- t 45,1 - 49 Balcz and Bittel, loc* cit**

50 Habachip ASAE 52 (1954)9 451; pl. IV. For another door-jamb of the

same king see; Haville, Bubasti , 8; pl. XXKIII9 A.

51 Bisson do la Roque. and Clore, loc. cit..

21S

52 See also for the Middle Kingdom; Habachit ASAE 37 (1937)9 889,919

fig. 6; De Bucky op. cit., 9695; Simpsonp op, cit-t P18-13A (G-7

and G912); 14A (H. 37); 16A (J-7); 17A (K-14)-

53 De Buckj op* citop 91,13-

54 Ibid. 9 72v 1; 729 3-

55 PYr-q 799a; 1115b; Urk-Y IV, 659 9; 430t 10; Mariette, Abydob

IIp pl. 301 23- See also Wb. 9 IVP 8307-

56 Helckq loc. cit. * 57 Petrie, Koptosp pl*12P 3-

58 Urk-9 IVP 439 4*v 439 12; 56,8; 167,6,7,8; 168v 12 ; 295t 6;

302,6,8,10; 3829 5 and 12; 388t 10; 426,8; 521, r13; 618,14;

680,1; 819,17; 829; 17; 831,6; 844t 15; 8499 IU 850P 10 and 17;

851t 12; 15509 let; 1651t 1; 17o6t 3 and18; 1708P 8; KRIt It 1219

2; 149P 13-16; 162p 12 and 14; Abd El-Razikv JM 60 (1974)t 1499

1-5; Mariettev op. cit. v It Pls-18t 30b; Bargautp loc. cit.; Chassinat, loc. cit.; For a list of doors of the New Kinedom see Helckv Materialen zar Wirtschaftogeschichte des Neuen Reichest

959-60; 963-4-

59 E. g. 9 Urk. p IVv 16489 li; 1655t 8; 1668-p 2; My It 132t 3- 60 E. g. p Urk., IV, 167v 6-9; 16549 3- 61 Urkv IVP 56, a. 62 Ibid. v 1249Y 14- 63 Ibid-9 1295t 6. Compare the Amada stele (Urk. v IV9 1295Y 5) where

the sb3w are of sandstone. 64 Mariette# op. cit., Ilt pl-39 4- 65 Ibid. t Ilt pl. Ill a and b. 66 Gardiner, loc. cit.; Miller, loc. cit.. 67 Urk-P IVP 10739 3; p 1105t 16; 1106,13'; 1369,11; 2159P 16; 2160,1;

Ce=y and Gardinerg loc. cit.; Wb. 9 Belegstellen., IVp 22 (ref*83v

14- 68 See "3P-33-34- 69 KRIP It 132t 3; 149Y 13-16; 1629 12 and 14- 70 Ibid. v It 47P 10- 71 Abd El-Razikj loc, cit*; 1Dq IIIt 152c; Saunerong loc cit.; Peett

loc. cit.; Metropolitan Museum of Artq loc cit.. 72 Christophep Melanges Masperoy It fase. 4; 239 1119 c- 73 Ericheeng Papyrus Harris It 5v 10; 69 7; 50v 11'- 74 Ibid-Y 70,2; 94t 8-

22.6

75 Ibid-t 9,16. 76 E, g,,, Daviesp loc, cit.; Badawy, loc. cit.; Chicago Universityp

Oriental Institatev loc, cit.; Wb. Belegstelleng IVv 22 (ref*839

17- 77 E. g. 9 Peetv op. cit. t Ut pl. IV (B. M. 102219 79 1); XXII (B*Mo

10383t 2v 1-4); Mariettel Denderah IIIP Pl-43PP- 78 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Stotiesy 15,6 and 8. 79 Koenýpbergerv Die Konstruktion der 1gyptischen Thrt 13-24- 80 E. g. v Champolliong Notices Descrilbtivest Iv 597; KRIP 19 1219 2;

Barguett loc. cit.; Plantikow-MAnster, loc. cit..

2211

sbbt

Dyne IV

ink

23 1st. Into, Dyne 1 st. Into

Pj Az L--3 XVIIIO XXIII U 'Z=b TT = a

M. K04

z Dyne XVIII On Dyno X115

cý =% MoKo

6 Pj

r7-5:: ] % , 2nd. IntO7

PJA 2ndo Into 8

Pie r

it Dyn. XV1119

I 10 Dyne XVIII

its Dyne XVIII

40 12

za NoK

NOK,, 13 Pi

ra I (Fý

NoKo14 10

er-13 Dyne, XIX15 .M

Dyne XIX 16

C-3

Dyne XIX17 Dyne XIX 18

Dyn o XIX 19 Dyn. XIX20 Dyne XIX21 Pe cc

I . Dyn e XX 22 Dyn, Xj23 Dyne XXI 24

C11 6

Dyn, XXII 25 D ft pi

Dyne XXX26 Alex* 11 27 Al-w PGTU v nI%I =

ia X&A Alex. 11 28

IT H. Ptol. 29

ba rg ptol. 30

In n\ l

ptol. 31

Pei IrT Sbht occurs in texts from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period but,

unfortunatelyp it is most often found in texts which give little or no indication as to the specific nature of the building element involved,

Cne of the principal uses of Wat is in religious texts such as the . Book of the Dead"of the . Book of Gates'where the sbJjwt are usuall; Y int-

erpreted as being-doors or gates through which the deceased had to

passt successfullyp to reach the Underworld. This usage has led to

sbbLt being regarded as another temm for an entrance. Consequently sbbt has been translated as I'To"rll and "Tar" by the

W6rterbuchN "gateway" by Gardineil 33 "portal" by Faulkne3: 34 and "Mrll

by Erichsen. 35 The word does not appear to have recurred in the Coptic

stage of the lanouage*36

Etymologically sbbt must be a noun formed from the verb sbb "to

229

enclose,, 37

and both words share the same determinatives. 38 Sbbt ought therefore, to be understood as something which encloses orp less likelyp

which is enclosed* It is difficult to reconcile the obvious etymolog- ical origin of the noun with accepted translations such as "door" or "gate"* An alternative rendering has been suggested by Barguet who preferred to describe the sb7jt as *an element do protection 'a l1entree

du templevo, 39 and by Janssen who, while maintaining that at Deir el-

Idedina sb4t always described the door-frazev added "basically it seems to indicate the porch of a building so that it could also be translated

with "portal" or even as pars pro toto with ! palace,,.,, 40 Sauneron

regarded the sb4t as 11un portique, une porte pourvue d1une avancie'e. 1141 The basis for the usual translations of sbht is the use made of

the term in the religious textsp supported by the occurrences of the

sign as a determinative of sbbt. This sign is noty howeverg used regularly until the Ptolemaic periodg as can be seen from the writings quoted above. Previous to this era the door determinative occurs occ- asionally in the EighteeAth and Nineteenth Dynasties while it is only found once before the New Kingdpm.

This is in the Westcar papyrusy which dAtes from the First Inter- 42

mediate Period. The word is damaged but is clearly to be read as obbt. The determinative employed has a hieratic fona very similar to that of the hieroglyph A (or 'TT )43 and Erman transcribed the determinative

of abbt once as such44 and once as the door. 45 The latter transcription has since been generally accepted* However no such determinative in

46 a hieratic form is quoted by MO"ller prior to the Twenty-Second Dynasty and it is possible that the sign used in the Westcar papyrus has been misinterpreted. Mokler himself transcribes the sign as ý'"j although the hieratic form in Westcar is quite different to examples of &N in hieratic of similar date*47

The more usual determinatives of sbbt varied in form as can be seen %0

from the writings shown aboveg although the signs us6d tend to reflect the connection between sbbt and the verb sb)j "to enclose". The "battle- mented enclosure,,

48 occurs quite often and so does the sign which is

a portion of the same949 These determinatives were used originally for the verb and do not really assist in the elucidation of the meaning of the nount so it is fortunate that there do exist still sbbwt which can be identified.

IL9

In the Twenty-Second Dynasty Pedubast I built a sbbt ,

of sandstone in front of the doorway of the Tenth Pylon of the Amun temple at Kar-

nak050 This consisted of screen-walls built J-1 n

at right-angles to the face of the granite doorway which was erected by Horemheb*51 An

inscription on the screen-doorway stated

L

that it was "a great sbbt of sandstone", built to replace a similar

structure which had fallen into ruin*52 once an actual sbbt has been

identified it is eas, * to see how the term came to be understood, mis- takenly, as a "door" or "gate" and also how the noun is derived from

the verb "to enclose"* At all periods in dynastic Egypt sbbt would have been used for the

screen-walls which protected important entrances. These could have

been of the same form as that of Pedubast I or of a more complex fotm

with the screen-walls turning at right-angles to "enclose'# the entrance to the building*53

It is this form which is shown in the Book

of Gates where each god is described as be- ing within a sbht,

54 a description which can be readily understood as

the sbbt encloses a space in which the guardian of the door can sit. This is also the case in the Book of the Dead where the demons are depicted sitting within the sbbwtt in contrast to the guardians of the 'Irry who were sometimes shown sitting outside of the door&55 In these religious texts it is not the actual doorp nor its frame, which is calldd pLLt but the screen-walled "porch" within which the guardian sits.

56

It is now necessary to investigate whether or not this interpret-

ation of, s"bbt, can be applied to occurrences of the term in other texts, As was noted aboveg those texts which do contain the word are

singularly unhelpful. The earliest known example is from the Fourth Dynasty when Debhen brought limestone from Tura to line the r6-pr of hi s tomb at Gi za and al so f or the C3 C Pj 0aa 57 The W6rterbuch ihierpret-d:

-'thib, ýabf a compound noun rwt-sb7jtp for which there are,, howeverp no parallels,

58 It is also possible that the text is to be read "The rwt and the sbbt", The tomb of Dabhen contains a certain amount of Tura limestone which can be distinguished from the local limestone into which the tomb is cut. The second large chamber was

230

lined with the Tura stone and has been identifiedp by Hassanp with the r-.. pr in the inscriptionO59 This conclusion seems to be inescapeable.

The onlyý_, other significant amount of Tura limestone which has survived in the tomb formed the fourth wall of this chamberv dividing the tomb (cut originally as one large cavity) into two main roomso

60 Since the

sbtLt in question is deteemined with the wall-sign it is tempting to

identify this wall with the sbbt of the text, in which case the. rwt

would probably refer. to a false-door. The original meaning of sbbt

as a term for the screening walls in front of an entrance could have

led easily to the use of the term for another kind of wall and it is

perhaps surprising that sbbt did not develop such an alternative mean- ing* However it is impossible to be certain that there were notg or- iginallyp further elements in the tomb made of the Turn stonep part- icularly as the tomb has been damaged extensively by later re-useo

61

A text of the First Intermediate Period showsýthat there could be sbbw in private housesp since an individual describes the found-

ing of his pr and the enlarging of every sbbt in it. 62

Possibly the

sbbwt which are mentioned in the Admonitions as having been destroyed

by fire along with w4jw and Llryt 63were

also a part of a private est-

ate. Apart from these few examples sbbt has survived mainly in myth-

ological texts in the First Intermediate Period and the Middle King-

domo 64

Sbbt does not appear to havd occurred in many titles unlike

other building elementst around which a number of officials were

stationed, There is one titlev Iryw sbbt, on a Twelfth Dynasty stela from the Theban area; "I was one who entered to his Lord with the

great ones at his backp the Iryw sblit bending down until I reached the place in which His Majesty was*"

65 Probably these were officials guarding the door but stationed before it within the sbbtg like the

guardians in the Underworld who also bore the same title. 66

In the New Kingdom it is necessary to distinguish between the

sbbt under discussion here and another termp sbbtp which was used as the name for a gilded wooden temple screen,

67 although both words

had the same etymological origin and the same basic function. This is illustrated by the fact that in religious texts the sbbwt of the Underworld were sometimes depicted as screens

68 rather than the more

accurate form of stylized "porch".

However other Now Kingdom sbDwt were screen-walled porches and

231

the term is used particularly of sbbw at Karnakv where, in the reign

of Hatshepaut, two officials each record that they inspected sbbLw e 69

The stela of Amenhotep III from his mortuary temple on the West Bank

at Thebes which also describes other building work of the king in

the area, includes details of what is probably the Third Pylon at Karnak with "sbbwt i1a front of itio. 70

Sbht is also found in offering lists of the Nineteenth Dynasty*

In the temple of Seti I at Abydos a list of gods to whom offerings 71 are to be made includes Ur m sbbt rsy(t) "Horus in the Southern sbbt"

and 11npw m sbbt mqit(t) "Anubis in the Northern sbht". 72 These sbhWt

must have been monumental screen-porches rather than wooden screens

within the temple. At the Ramesseum a list of beneficiaries from

offerings made to the god Re and the Ennead includes, among various

gods, barques, shrines and pieces of land, sbbt_st3(t) 1my(t) bwt-

'it n; Iwnw "The secret sbht which is in the #wt-15t of Heliopolis. 73

The phrase is determined with the seated-goddess sign* There remain further temple sb4wt which were almost certainly

monumental screen-walled gateways but which cannot always be ident-

ified with aýiy known monuments. In the Twentieth Dynasty the High Priest of Amun, Amenhotept

instigated various building projects at Karnak, among which was the

erection of a sbbto The text which describes this work is badly

damaged but it tells how Amenhotep found the structure, built of brick and woodl in ruins and rebuilt it in stond. The name of the building is lost at the beginning of the text but it is described

as a "sbljt of. stone" towards the end of the passage-74 Various ele- ments which wnnt to make up the sbbt are listed, includkng wbsw, 1#rw and sbsw. These would tend to suggest that this sbbt was a mon- umental gateway. Sauneron regarded the 4trw as being the "chambranle"

of the door while he took wtiw to refer to the supports of a roof in front of the door, 75 Sb3W, in this text, is determined by the -=

sign so almost certainly refers to door-leaves rather than to a door frame. This sbbt would seem then to have been a stone structure erected before emain door at Karnak with a light wooden roof rupp- orted bgy colutmso(-Although Sauneron did not attempt to identify this

sbljt with any extant remains at Karnakv Azenhotep did prect the

screen gateway on the South side of the Eightt Pylon of the temple

232

of Amun76 and this could be the sb4t to which the text refers. The

main objection to this identification is that the High Priest describes

the original wood and brick strusture as having been built in the

reign of Sesostris 177 while the Eighth Pylon dates from the Eighteenth

Dynasty. 78 However, in abother text Azenhoiep also claims to have re-

constructed buildings of Sesostris I at Karnak79 and it may be the

case that this 4ing was particularly venerated and the High Priest

wished to associate himself with Sesostris by ascribing to his reign

ruined buildings which were in fact of later date.

Also at Rarnakq in the reign of Djedhorp an inscription on the

exterior wall of the temple of Khonsa records that the king renovated the hwt-ntr of Khonsu in sandstone and made a sacred sbbt.

80 Barguet

has suggested that this refers to the Ptolemaic gate of the temple,

possibly built by Djedhor and later decorated by Ptolemy 111.81 The

Ptolemaic inscriptions on the gateway would seem to call it a sbip 82

howeverp an inscription on the similar gateway of the Montu enclosure

at Karnak describes the building of 11 - sbbw(t) of sandstonep with '-3wy

of cedarg banded with copper. " 63 The use of the plural here could be

intended for all the gateways in the Karnak enclusure walls. The wall

of the Amun temple was probably built by Nectanebo 1 84 so that it is

quite possible that Djedhor could'have completed (or claim to have

completed) one of the stone gateways. The gate in the Eastern wall of the Azun temple bears the name of Nectanebo 185 as does the similar gate of the temple of 11aat?

6 It would therefore seen likely that all

these gates were erected in the Thirtieth Dynasty, although some were decorated by the Ptolemies. This use of sbbt to describe such a gate- way is an extension of its original meaning. However, these propylons did stand before the main entrance to a temple and werg therefore, in

a similar position to the older sbbwt. Like many words sbbt had a much wider range of meanings in the Ptolemaic periad; for example, at Edfu, the rooms immediately around the sanctuary of the temple of Horus

were described as sbbw(t)f87either because they themselves were part- icularly sacred and needed protection or because they enclosed and protected the sanctuary* In this era sbbt also occurred in the expres- sion sb4t t3 pn 11sbht of this land", a name which was used for the AL_ royal palace.

88

Sbbt can now be seen to have been neither a "door" nor a "gate"

253

but rather a screen-walled "porch"t an architectural element which

consisted of projections in front of gateways which could also turn

at right-angles to enclose and protect the entrance. This function

of the sb4t isý. reflected in the Book of the Dead where the guardian

sits within thvr enclosed spacep guarding the door behind him, Al-

though the sbbwt of these mythological texts were depicted in a

stylized foxm in the papyri, a more accurate representation of the

screen-walls can be seen in thetook of Gates a in the tomb of Ranesses

VIO 89

Originally a sbbt would have been made of reeds and later of

wood so that is is not surprising that early examples have not sur-

vived. It is only when the structure has been translated into stone that the

' sbbtq as a building elementq can be identified.

The basic function of a sb4t was to protect an entrance and make

access difficult for unwanted visitors. The same was true of the sbht

screens whicn were used to protect sacred objects from the gaze of those judged unfit to view them. When sbht was extended in meaning in the Ptolemaic period and used to describe the propylons built

into the enclosure wall at Karnak, the original function of the sbbt

was still preserved since these gates provided the only means of

access to the main gate of each templev and thus protected it from

unwanted intruders.

I Urko 9 ly 20,6.

2 Cle're and Vandierv Textes de la premiere P6riode intermediaire et de la XIeme Dynastiey 16, Bg 9; lange and Sch, iferg Grab- und Denk-

steine des Mittleren Reichesv UP 166 (Cairo 205439 15); Havillev

Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch I, pl. CLI 137A, 20; Legraing ASAE 14 (1914)v 14-

3 Ermanp Die Marchen des Papyrus Westear Up pl. VIIv 26.

4 Wb-q Belegstellen, IV, 24 (ref-929 1)- See also addenclump below p, 237- 5 Griffitht PSBA 18 (1896), unnumbered plate (after p*196). 4- 6 De Buckp The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Ip 193a. 7 Gardinerg Admonitionst pl, 2,10, 8 Mariette, Abydosy UP Pl-309 23-

9 Urkj IVP 4759 6; Navilley OP- cit-P Ig Pl-CXLVIP 133,25-

10 Urk- 9 I'Vq 438,4-

23+

11 ibid., IV, 1654P 9- 12 Cerny and Gardinerp Hieratic Ostraca 6 19 Pl-=Ixt recto, 7-

13 Ibid-9 19 Pl-XCII9 19 versop 9.,

14 Ibidep Ij pleXCIII Ip rectot 4; Wb., Belegstellenp IV, 22 (ref. 839 9)-

15 Beneditep Tombeau de Neferhotepou (al-AF 5P fasicule 3) Pl-III, 3rd

register down,, 2nd column from the left*

16 KRI, 19 184P 36, B.

17 IbLi-d--p 19 1849 % B.

18 Goyon and El-Achiriep loe Ramesseumq VI9 frontispiece; 23; Pl-VIII- 19 Davies, N[ormaný de G9 Seven Private TOmbs at Xurnah pl. XXV; Bor-

chardt, Statuenýund Statuetten, Ily 177, No. 630; PI-116 (omitting

0); LEdrain, Les Monuments egyptiens de la Biblioteque Nationale,

pl. IXX (with ("reversed).

20 Murrayq The Osireion at Abydosq pl. XIp

21 Loc. cit.; Wbe, Belegstellen, IIv 579 (ref-391P 12) quotes an ex-

ample of P which is taken to be a writing of sbi. However in

view of the particular form of, the sign, sb4t is more likely to be the correct readin@;.

22 Ramboval The Tomb of Ramesses VIf Pls-39; 45; 47- 23 Ibid. f pls. 29P 61.

24 Winlockf Excavations at Deir el-Bahrig 1911-1931, P1-88- 25 Montet, la Necropole royale de Tanis, It P1-35- 26 Bouriant, Rec. de Trav. 11 (1889)p 154 (a personal examination of

this text at Karnak showed that the determinative is a shorter sign than the mm given by Bouriaht).

27 jjrk, p Up 189 4-

28 Faulkner, Papyrus Bremnei-Rhind, 34,2; 489 10-

29 Mariette, Denderaht MY Pl-30p at 12; Wb. 9 Belegstellen, IVt 24 (ref. 92p 2 Mariette, op. cit. 9 1119 pl. 68, j and k (with t? ).

30 Ibid. 9 It Pl-13; IIY Pl-57t a; Chassinat, Edfoug It 405-

31 Wb-9 Belegstelleng IV, 24 (refg. 92,2); De Witt Ch. d'Eg- 369 No-71 (January 1961), 669 5; Varille, Karnak, It 3; pl. VI. There are many other ways of writing sbbt in the Ptolemaic periodt but the

variants quoted here seem to occur most frequently. 32 Wbeq IV9 92v 1-9*

235

33 Gardinert Gramma I Sign List, 0-32; 589- 34 Faulkner, Con. Dictop 220e 35 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 422. 36 6erny, (Coptic Etymological Diction 148)9 notes that the Coptic

CGýIf-(Cxum, A Coptic Dictionary, 324a) may have been related to EbLt.

37 T?. q IV, 91,10-20; Paulknerg loc. cite, 38 Compare Wb. 1, Ut 91 and 92. 39 Barguet, Temple, 311. 40 Janssen, Commodity Prices from the Ramessid Period, 389 (There is,

in factj no evidence to support the view that a sb4t at Deir el- Medina was a door-frame and Janssen cites no references for this. Since sbbt does not have this meaning elsewhere it id unlikely to have been used in this w4. )

41 Sauneron, BIFA0 64 (1966), 15, note m; see also Ibid. 9 16, note o. 42 Erman, op. cit. 9 III pl9VIIq 26. 43 M611er, Hieratische Palaeographieg 111 584- 44 Erman, op* cit*9 111 23- 45 Ibid, q III pl. VIIt 26e 46 lf6ller, Op- cit-9 111,340; 341- 47 Ibid-9 19 341. Compare; Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, The Abu

Sir Papyri, Palaeography, pl. VIII, 0.17; IX, 0-32e 48 Gardiner, op. cite, Sign List, 0,13. 49 Ibid. 9 Sign List, 0-14.

50 PM. 9 II# J89;. Baiýgu--et,,, --0p* cit-9 246; pl. X)CEIII9 Be 51 211.9 111 Pl-XVt 585,9-j- 52 Legrain, loc. cit.. 53 As before the following pylons at Karnak; Second (LM., III pl. VII),

Third (Lb. Ldov III pl, X)p Eighth (Ibidet III pl. XIV). 54 Rambovaq op* cite, pls. 29; 39; 45; 47; 59; 61. 55 Budge, The Book of the Dead (Papyrus of Ani)q p1s. 11 and 12; Compare

Naville, op* ci Igpl. CLXV (ý-rryt) with ibidot I, pl. CIX (sbht)0

5A For representations of the sb4wt Of the Book of the Deadq Chapter 146, see; Naville, op. cit., I, pls. CLX-CLXIV; Allen, The Egyptian Book of the Dead, pls. LXXXVIII. -lXXXIX.

57 Urkoq 1,20,6. 58 Wbot IV9 92,3- 59 Hassan, ! aýiza, IV, 173, figo120; 174-175e

. 236

60 Ibid., IV, 170-172; 173P fig. 120; 175. 61 Ibid., IV, 160. 62 Lange and Schiafer, loc. cite- 63 Gardiner, Admonitionsv pl. IIt 10-11e 64 De Buck, loc. cit.;; Clere and Vandier, loc. ci Erman, op. cit

III, plOVII, 26; For a possible further writing of sbbt in the Coffin Texts see; De Buck, op. cit. y Iq 253d, but note Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, 1.55, note 9,

65 Griffith, loc cite. 66 Montet, loc, cit.; In Faulknerv Papyrus Bremner-Rhindo 48,10

the guardians of the sbbwt of the Underworld are called S3w nw sbljwt

67 Spencer, JEA 66 (1980), (forthcoming)o 68 Naville, apr. cit., I, plsoCIV; CLXIV. 69 Urk-, IV, 4389 4; 475,6o 70 Urk., IV, 1654P 9o The Third Pylon at Karnak doesp in fact, have

a sbtLt before the door (ý! Ae, II, ýJX))which was decorated mainly by Seti I and Ramesses II but, as there are remains of a scene of Amenhotep IV, there seems to be no reason to doubt that the sbilt is of the same date as the pylon.

71 KRI, It 184,34, Be 72 KRIq Iq 184,369 Be

73 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, I, 906e 74 Sauneronp op* cite, pl. II, 75 ibidop 16, note o. 76 P11. v 11,176; p1oXIV. 77 Saunero; L, Op- cit-, Pl-IIP X+4o 78 This pylon was erected by Hatshepsut and Tathmosis III (PM. 9 II

174; ploXIV; Barguet, Temple, 258-264)o Barguet (: Pjideq 258)

suggests that the present stone pylon was built on the site of an earlier structure, probably made of brick,, but there is no evidence that such a pylon, if it existed, was the work of Ses-

ostris I. This king doeaq however, seem to have built extensively

at Karnak (ýMo, 11,108; Barguet, op- cit , 15-3055; 356, index). 79 Mariette, Karnak, pl-40- See also Lefebvre, Histoire des gTands

pretres d'AmondeKarnakq 187o 80 Bouriant, loc. cit.. 81 Barguet, op, cit , 29-309 especially note (2).

23'1

1. 82 Clerep La Porte dlEverjýete a Karnakt P113-19,75- On pl. 19, B the

gate is called a which could be restored as either sb[3]

or Lb [bt)

9 The other three inscriptions use the ideogram V (pl.

19, A; 75 (twice)). This could be read as Lbýt but the absence of

a feminine ending on the qualifying adjective ra "great" would

suggest that it was the masculine noun sb3 which was intended. The

form of the sign, without a cobra or hkr frieze would also support

a reading of sb3 rather than sbbt.

63 Varille, loc. cit.. 84 Barguet, op. cit., 29.

65 P11- t 119 208.

86 Ibid., Ht 11-12. This gate, leading to the temple of Maat, is in

fact in the enclosure wall of the Montu temple (Rid. v 119 pls. II;

IV, 2.

87 De Witt op. cit., 66,5; 68,11.

88 Wbeq 11,92,7-

69 Rambovaq op. cit. t pls, 29; 39; 45; 47; 59; 61.

Addendum* A writing of sb73tqPJNOq is found on one of the blocks from the

sandstone building of Tathmosis IV at Karnak (Letellierg Hommages a'* Serge Sauneroný Ip 58). The text relates to a depiction of the door

of the Fourth Pylony sbm 6fvtf and Letellier suggests that the sb: ht is the wooden porch which is known to have existed there (Yoyotteq

Cho d'Eg 55 (1953)t 28-38). Until the entire block is properly published so that the text can be related to the scene it describes the identification must renain open to doubt.

2313

sbty

Dyne XVIII, Ph. Arr. Dyne XVIII,, XIX, XX, XXI9 2

U Ptol., Roman, P2 CID XXII" XXV, Ptole p] '\\ , Ch

Dyne XV1113 Dyne XVIII4 N, K. 5

do M

Dyne XIX 6

Dyne XIX7 Dyne XIX, 8

0H tý DIc:, 11 '2' XX Dyne XIX9 Dyne XX10

C-3 Dyne XX, XXVIII Dyne XX 12 Dyne XX13

A 14 Dyne XX 15 16

Dyne XX or Dyne XXII, PY, t-3 XXI pj U Ptolo

M Dyne XXV17 Dyne XXVI or

18 Dyn. 19 c=1 Xxvii XXX

Alex. 11 20

TT - pk; o H

Ph. Arr. 21 Pi ct?

Ptol. 22

11 U-13 C 3 L .1 Ptol. 23 Roman 24 Roman 25 Roman 26

, "- 11 Al p4z 111 sbty n wmtt 28

JOAO

27 Dyne XVITI 'n UL-9 ==r, ) =Dyne XVIII nM M i 29 30 Dyne XVIII Dyne

PI , 11'ý' -I

=ý-ý )) r-j Xviii

MI 'C: ý \\

Oa the evidence of published texts, sbty does not seem to have been

used prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty. This may be due to the relative

paucity of building inscriptions before this date, or sbty could be a

new word, coinedg presumablyq during the Second Intermediate Periodf

although it does not appear to be a loan word from any other Near East-

ern language. Sbty doesq howeverp survive into demotic3l and Coptic32

as well as the modern languages; Arabic, Dongolese and Nubian. 33

The meaning of the term is not in question sinceg from the contexts in which it is foundq it clearly referred to an enclosure wall. The

earliest extant reference to a sbty is in the text of Kamose, found on his first stela and also on Carnavon Tablet I. In describing his attack on the town of Neferusy the king claims to have hacked down his. (the

, 2aq

rulerýJ, s) sbtyw and killed his people. 34 In this case the sbtyw must

have been the walls of the town. The use of the plural is interesting,

but probably refers only to the various walls making up the outer per-

imeter of the-,, towng rather than to more than one enclosure walle

It is possible that, in origing a sbty was a town enclosure wall

rather than that of a templep as it is used in the former sense also

of the wall of the town of Kadesh35 which was breached by the army of

Tuthmosis. III, and of the wall at Megiddo. In the latter caseq however,

the wall around the beseiged town was built by the Egyptians to pre-

vent the escape of the inhabitants.

This seige is described in several texts where the wall is called

both a sbty and a sbty n wmttp showing that there was no difference

between the two terms. The essence of the various texts is that the

king surrounded Megiddo with a sbty (n wmtt) to deprive , the towns- 36-

people of the breath of life. Tuthmosis described this as a "prison

(bnrt) of their own making"t 37 by which heq presumably, meant that the

inhabitants had chosen to undergo the seige rather than sarrenderg and

not that the wall itself was built by them. The king refused to allow

any-of the townspeople to come out on to the sbty 38

until they were

ready to surrender* The use of sbty to desckibe the seige-wall of

Megiddo is unusual since sbty is more often found to describe the

defensive wall of a town or the protective wall of a temple.

Only two further examples of sbty n wmtt are knowng both from the

Eighteenth Dynasty. A stela from Heliopolis records that Tathmosis III

ordered the r-pr to be enclosed by a sbty n vmtt 39

and Amenhotep, III

, tw m rnpwt at Memphis. 40

The built a sbty n wmtt around his bwt nt h

addition of 'In wmtt" to. the more common noun sbty probably only

serves to emphasis the thickness and strength of the wall. There is

no structural difference between the twov as can be seen from the

fact that both were used of the same wallp at Megiddo*

Farther examples are known of the use of sbty to indicate the

wall of a town or city. In the reign of Amenhotep II captives were

hung from the sbty of both Thebes and Napataq 41 while the same king,

in his campaigns in the Eastq was greeted at Ny by the townspeople

upon their sbty, 42 Other town walls are called sbtyw on the steka

which records Pianchils conquest of Egypt. At Lisht a distinction

was made between the main fortified enclosurep the sbt! xg which was

closed and the actual walls of the.; buildingsp the Inbw, which were

2+0

full of aoldiersp 43

while at Memphis the sbty had been raised in h6ight

to withstand the Nubian attack*44 At Neferusy the sbty had been over-

thrown by Nimlot. 45

The frequent use of sbty to describe a town wall led to ith appear-

ance in the names of tQwas; -, -md cities* 46

This can be seen particularly

in a name for Alexandria "The sbty of Alexander". 47

The oj; her main use of sbty xasas a temple enclosure wall. Such

walls were huge affairs, built high and thick to protect the sacred

area both physically and symbolically. Often thair construction MUat

have taken almost as long as the building of the stone temple and the

walls have survived in some places as well preserved as the temples

they were designed to protect. 48 The examples of the tern used to des-

cribe temple enclosure walls are legion and need not all be examined

in detail. There are inscriptions of various dates which note the building

49 or renewing of the enclosure walls around the temple of Amun at Karnakq

including work of Ramesses 11950 Siptah, 51 Ramesses IIIf 52 Menkheper-

53 54 re, Taharqal Montuemhat 55

and Nectanebo 1.56 Other sbtyw at Kar-

nak include a Ptolemaic wall around the temple of Khonsu-Neforhotep57

and a Roman wall around the temple of Mut, 58 This last wall was built

in the reign of Tiberius when the sbty of Geb at Koptos was also re-

newed. 59

Much building work on enclosure walls was carried out by Ramesses

III and Papyrus Harris I records the erection of a sbty at Medinet 60 61 62

Habu, and at the temples of Osiris at Abydos, of Anhur at Thinisp

of Thoth at Hermopolis 63 and of Wepwawet at Siut*

64 The wall of the

temple of Medinet Habu is also recorded on a stela from the north

side of the second pylon of the temple. 65

Further work on the same enclosure was undertaken in the reign of Taharqa-

66

Other walls at other sites includea sbty of Amenhotep III at 67 6a - Soleb, one of Merenptah at Memphis and the Ptolemaic wall of the temple at Koptos. 69

Petrie decided that this last sbl2t must refer to the inner stone wall rather than to the brick wall because of the measurements which are given in the text. 70 This would also seem to be so in the case of a Twenty-Second Dynasty sbty. A hieratic papyrus states that formulae are to be recited before the imaZes of Amun and Thoth on (I=j a sbty of Kheperkare (Sesostris I) at Karnak. 71 Since figures were not depicted on brick walls sbty must, in this casep

2*1

refer to a stone wallp either dating from or in commemoration of the

reign of Sesostris 1.72 Other GreLaco-Roman sbtyw include one around the temple at Athribis

and that of the temple of Esna upon which the townspeople stood to

watch the ceremonies in the enclosure. 73

One problematical reference to a p1ty occurs in a Twentieth Dyn-

asty papyrus recording the names of the citizens of the West Bank at

Thebes. The list is headed; "List of the men., * .... every man of every

house which is (in) the sbty of the bwt" of Ramesses III "from the

hwt" of Seti I "as far as the 4wt" of Ramesses IIIe 74

This would seem to imply that an enclosure wall encompassed the whole of the West

Bank from Gurna to Medinet Habu which is clearly no, * possible. One

can only conclude that sbty in here being used as a general term for

the land and property which was under the administrative control of the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu.

Since the sbty was such an important part of the defensive system of any temple or townt it its hardly surprising to find that it was used frequently in epithets of both the king and the gods to emphasise th6ir strength and symbolise the protection which they gave to Egypt, Typical examples of this are; "a sbty which protects Egypt" (of Amen- hotep 11), 75 "my sbtY of a million cubits" (Akhenaten describing the Aten),

76 )77 "a sbty of quartzite" (UD: th describing Seti I and "a sbty for his soldiers on the day of battle" (of Ramesses 11)*78

There are a few-, texts in which sbty is used to enclose something other than a temple or a town but the sense of the term as a Strong defensive wall remains the same. It could be employed to describe

79 so 81 a wall around cattlet a well and a vineyard. The 1! 6rterbuch gives three main meanings for this word "an encl-

osure wall'19 82 "a fortress, #83 and "the wall of a room".

84 For the

second of these the Belegstellen gives references to those texts in

which sbty is used for town enclosure wallsp so "fortress" is not a particularly apposite translation. For the thidd meaning three texts

are quoted. One Is the Golenischeff Onomasticon where sbty occurs- after wsl and before tsmt, Inb and mrrt.

85 Gardiner, in his comment- ary to the Cnomasticonj, translates sbty in this text as "surrounding

wall" 86

and there does not Seem to be any valid reason for suggest- ing another, less commoh9 translation. Another of the texts referred to is a damaged building inscription from the Festival Hall of king

2+1

Osorkon II at Bubastis; ei// /]all its rbtyw in electrum and wb3w-columns [////. 11.87The context would suggest that these walls are part of the

Festival Hall itself and the mention of electrum. implies that they

were stone walls with gilding rather than brick walls.

In this case, thereforep sbty probably does refer to a wall ofia

building and not to an enclosure wall. This is also true of the third

example given by the W8rterbuch where sbty is used for interior walls

in a Nineteenth Dynasty tomb. Four stelae were set into each wall

with a text detailing the recitations which were to be made at the

North, Southt East and West sbty of the tomb. 88

These are, however, iaolated examples of sbty being used in such

a way. The original and true meaning of sbty was a large defensive

enclosure wally usually built of brick. Such walls were erected prin-

cipally around temples and townsp although sbty coulld be used of any

kind of protecting enclosure. The main attributes af a sbty were its

size and strength and this is emphasised by the occasional addition

of n wmtt in the Eighteenth Dynasty. For this reason sbty was not

used as a regular term for any other kind of wall,

1 Lacaut ASAE 39 (1939)v Pl-XXXVII9 15; Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919), 144, s, IX, 10; REký., 11,66,13; Enaanq AS 38 (1900)9 124-

2 Urk-9 IVP 184P 16; 8949 17; ERIt It 190P 15; 1949 1; Louvre stela C-94 ( see Pierret, Insc. Louvre, 119 50 which, however, wrongly

dz gives, cl, in place of '%%); Legrain, Egypt Exploration Pand, Archaeol-

ogical Report, 1906-1907,219 1; Hieratische Papyrus aus den K6nig-

lichen Museen zu Berlin, Us, Pl-339 4-5; H81scher, Exc. Med. Habu

119 349 fig*31; Eman, op. cit... 126.

3 Urkop IV, 661,12; 758t 12; 13129 3; 4 Blancenberg Van Deldeng The large Co=emorative Scarabs of Amenhote

jjjq pl. Xj B-4-

5 Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten 11,1449 N09589* 6 KRit it 1119 6; Naville, Les Quatres Seeles Orienfees du Muslee de

Marseillep pl. XII-XIK*

7 K-RIP UP 919 15- 8 Gardinerv Late Egyptian Miscellaniesq 149 15; Peet, The Great Tomb

Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, II, pl. VIIv 2 versop 2.

9 Gaballat BIFAO 71 (1972), 1319 fig-1; pl-XY-III-

a+a

10 Gardiner, Onom., pl. 1Iq (Gloss* Gol- 5t 16). 11 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris 1,67,11; Legrain, ZAS 35 (1898), 19,2

and 3-

12 Habachiv KLemi 20 (1970)9 T33P fiG-2; 2349 fig-3- 13 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institatep Medinet Habuq I, pl*28,67- 14 Erichsenq op* cit-i 4v 10; 94,6-7; et al. - 15 derny and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca It pl, LXXX, versoy 4- 16 Navillef The Festival Hall of Osorkon II in the Great Temple of

Bubastis 0887-1889), Pl-VI9 frag*llo Wreszinzkit Aegyptische Ins- chriften aus dem K. K, Hofmuseum in Wien, 97, It Z79 6,

17 Urk. t 111,6,12; 26,14; 31,3- 18 Ibido, IIIv 134,2.

19 Habachi, op* cit. v 2319 fi&1; pl*XXIa. 20 Urket IIt 14t 14-

21 Daressyl op* cit-v 145,12-13*

22 Urke, III, 217v I-

23 Marietteg Denderýh It pl. 621 h, 24 Reinach and Weill, ASAE 12 (1912)9 2* 25 Sauneron, EsAdi IIIP Ili 197t 18-

26 Reinach and Weilly op. cit., 12* 27 Urk-t IVP 8329 13 (the copy of the same text in LD. p III, 29b, has

II instead of 11 )

28 Urket IV, 661,4,5-

29 Ibidep IV9 767,11, This was taken by Gardiner QEA 38 (1952), 11)

as Inb n vmtt, to which he compared a text of Tuthmosis III in the

Festival Hall at Karnak where the Megiddo seige wall is described

as an Inb wmtt ( 4ej. U ) (EýLid-, PLIV, 14 and Uffk* p IV9 do C) -

1254t 9)o See further under Inb po 25-26. 30 Urk- 9 IVP 17951 14- 31 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossart 423; Ray,

_The Archive of Vorp 151-

32 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 148; 8sing, Nominalbildung 394; Westendorfq Koptisches Handwo"rterbuchq 177-

33 Roquet, BIPAO 71 (1972)v 100-101; See also Yoyotte, Rev. d'Eg, o 15 (1963)t 106ff.

34 Lacau, loc. cit.. p 35Urkep IV9 894t 17- 35 ir-k- s IVP 184,169 767,11 (see also under inb P, 25 ); 661 v 49 5;

758,12; See Grapowq Studien za den Annalen Thatmosis desyDrittenp 56-57.

ý2-+t

37 Urk-, IV, 1849 15- 38 Ibid., IV, 661,12- 39 Ibid. 9 IVP 8329 13- 40 Ibid., IV, 17959 14o 41 Ibid. 9 IV, 1297,9,15 and 16. 42 Ibid.,, IV, 13129 3- 43 Ibid. v 111,26,14- 44 Ibid. 9 1119 31P 3- 45 lb ýid. , 111,6,12* 46 Gauthier, Dict. Geogev V, 23-26. 47 Ibid., V, 24; Brugsah, Dictionnaire Geographique de 11-ancienne

Eýypte, 11,6.96; n., IV, 969 2, 46 E. g. Barguet, Temple pl. II.

49 Ibid. p 29ff; Habachit op. cit , 229-235- 50 Helck, Die Ritualszenen auf der Umfassungsmauer Rameses' 11 in Kar. -

nak, 124- 51 Lauffrav, Karnak V, 28. Here and Ibid*v 146 (NO-3) a stela of Siptah

is described as havivg been found in excavations in the gouth-East

corner of the Amun enclosure. It is detailed as "Elle commemore des travaux executes dans les rempartso. ee. "e"Rempart" is also used to translate sbty which occurs on a different damaged stela found in 1hesamarea (ýWlt B), Although a plate number is not quoted for the Siptah stela it must be the one on pl. IX, opposite p*289 since only ine stela of Siptah was found* At the bottom of the stela are two lines of hieroglyphs with a building inscription which ends with; 1r, nof m mnw*f n : Lt9fýImn-R[-/////, & The final word is not legible

on the photograph but presumably the excavators were able to rest- ore the traces sufficiently to read sbtyo No hieroglyphic copyp transliteration or translation of this text is given.

52 Habachit op. cit., 2349 fig-3- 53 Legraing Egypt Exploration FLmd, Archaeological Reportv 1906-1907,

22,1.

54 Mariette, Karnak, pl-429 23- 55 Wreszinskig O: rientalistische Literaturzeitang 13 (1910)v PLIIIP 9- 56 Habachig op, cites 231P figol; ploXXIp ao 57 Ermang op. citop 126. 5a Loc. cit..,.

Z11-5

59 Reinach and Weill, ope cit. 9 2v 12e The Greek term for the same

wall is -ffsp, 6a)ýou from which one could suppose that the entire

enclosuret rather than just the wall, was intended. However, one text (Cairo 31101) specitically states that the sbty was of brick.

60 Erichsenp Papyrus Harris 1,4,10- 61 Ibid*, 68,3-

62 ibid., 66,17-

63 Ibid., 67,119

64 ibid., 68,12e

65 Habachi, opo citep 2239 fige2e 66 Ho"Ischerg loco cit. * 67 Urk-, IV9 1750,6. 68 KRI, IT, 32,13- 69 Petrie, Koptosý pl*XX, 17o

70 Ibidet 21*

71 Hieratische Papyrus aus den__Ko"niglichen Museen zu Be=li 119 Pl-330-1r. 72 DaresSY9 opo citop 145,12-13- 73 Sauneronp loc. cit.. 74 Peet, loco cite. 75 Urk-, IV, 1290p 11 and 12. 76 Ibido, IV, 1971,9e 77 KRI, I, 190P 15-

78 KRI, 11,91,15o 79 Blancenberg Van Deldeng loc, cit, o 80 Erichsen, opo cit-, 94,6-7-

81 Ibid*, 109 7o

82 Wbo, IVv 95,10-13- 83 ibid., IV9 969 1-2. 84 Ibid., IV, 969 3o 65 Gardinert Onom , pleXI9 86 Ibido, 11,213* F4-4-41o

87 Naville, op, cite, pl, VI, Noolle 88 Naville, Les Quatres Steles Orientiees du Musee do Marseillev p1s.

XIII XIII; XIV; XV.

2+6

spt

Dyne XX 2 Dyne =3 CIL cm

Dyne XXV4

Although there are only a few examples of this term there is no doubt

that the meaning of spt was the "base" of a column. It is alsop in

Papyrus Harris 19, used of the "bases" of stelae. 5

An qstracon from Deir El-Medineh describes a man as being "like

a column (wbs) of reeds, under which is a spt of copper*" 6

Fortunately

this figurative use of spt is supported by more concrete examples, In a hymn to Amun-Re Ramesses III states that he will erect stone

columns in the wb-3 of the godf with spwt in silver97 whilep in the

Twenty-Second Dynastyp granite columns in a temple of Ptah were to

have 11sp[w]t in every stone. " 8

The dual form of the term is used in a Twenty-Fifth Dynasty insc-

ription from the temple of Aman at Karnak where Shabaka erected a

wooden porch before the gate of the Fourth Pylon. It was supported by two columns worked with electrum "the spty under them in pure

electnim. 119 In this case, as in those described earlier, the bases

would, in fact,, have been made of wood or stone and decorated with the metal.

Spt does not appear to have been used as a term for a column- base in either the demotic or Coptic stages of the language.

1 Posenerp Catalogue de Ostracaihieratiques litteraires de Deir El-

Mýedinehý IIP P1-49P (NO. 12179 3)-

2 Chicago University, Oriental Institutef Rameses III's Temple within the Great Inclomre of Amon,

-. pl: 4231 A. 18. 3 Badawi [Ahmed]v ASAE 44 (1944)p 204-

4 Yoyo-tte ' Ch. d'Eg. 18 NO-55 (1953)9 34- 5 Erichsenq Papyrus Ha=is_Iv 8,3 (the term is spelled Slo am -= and

the bases are described as being decorated in silver and gold). 6 Posener, loc. cit*, 7 Chicago University, loc. cite. 8 Badawiq loc. cit.. 9 Yoyotte, loc* cit**

2-+-l

snb(; t)

Dyn. V,, VI9 M. K.,, ' Dyno V2 XVIII M. K.

Dyne V13

Dyn. V][4 6

Dyn, V15 Dyn. XII

0 M,, K. 7 Dyn. XII8 MOK*9

MOKO 10 M. Ke 11 AAAA Me 12

U

NOK*13 ptol*14 ptol. 15

n ptol. 16

The writings quoted above are treated here as variants of one wordo

anb(t), for reasons which will become clear when the textual evidence is assessed* The W6rterbAchp howeverv preferred to distinguish two

termst a masculine snb translated as I'Mauerzinnen17 and a feminine

snbt "Manor". 18 The same division is followed by Faulkner who trans-

lates snbw as "battlements" and snbt as "rampart". 19 This term has not 20 been discussed oftenp one exception to this being the comments of

Posener-Krileger on the two occurrences of the term in the Abusir

papyri. In these papryi anb is found as a part of a door (03)9 which is

divided i2jo ds. f "itselfllp presumably the framep 13wyo "its leaves"

and snb. f which Posener-Kri6ger takes to be the "couronnement" in brickwork above the lintel of the door. 22 The other occurrence in these papyri is spelled subt and is translated as "muraille". 23 This

passagep howevert also seems to refer to parts of a door (sbj) so it 24 is possible that this snbtf which is described as having fallen (h3. t is also the coping above the lintel.

Unfortunately snb(t) occurs most frequently in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts in contexts which are of limited value to this study. The term is most often found with reference to "the falcon upon the anbw of the bwt of The-One-whose-Name-is-hidden ()3: mn_ ). 11 25 Other gods are also described as being upon snbw(t)p including Sobekj as a hawkv26 and Khnum,, 27

2. +B

This idea of gods in bird-form sitting on snbw(t) recurs in Ptol-

emaic 28

and it is from these examples that the suggestion of "battle-

ments" as a translation for snbw(t) has arisen. Such a translation

is also supported by the unusual determinative 16 which is found in

the Pyramid Texts. 29 This determinative is used for both snbw and snbtv

indicating that only one term is involved. In additiong in spell 355

of the Coffin Textsp the phrase "Khnum sits on his snbwt" has variants

which show writings of snbw. 30

Khnum is also associated with snbwt in the Book of the Dead in an interesting passage which would also seem to support a translation of "battlements"; "Khnum has sat

31 upon his snbte If the sky comes with

a north wind, he sits to the south of it. If the sky comes with a south

windp he sits to the north of it ....... n 32 This implies that the

god could shelter from the weather behind the snbto Another god who is associated, in the Pyramid Texts# with snbw(t)

is Shup where the snbwt of Shu seem to be obstacles which must be

destroyed before the king can reach heaven. 33 In the Coffin Texts there are also references to the snbw(t) of the sky.

34

The evidence of these religious texts would seem to indicate that

the anbw( ) were battlemented ramparts on the top of buildings. This

translation would also bb suitable for two occurrences of the te=

on Middle Kingdom stelae, The first is a stela of the reign of Amenemhat IIIf which Reisner

found at Kerma. It belongs to an official who records the number of 4bt (brickst or perhaps blocks of stone) required to bgild "the snbt

which is in 1qValls-of-Amenemhat"j, 35 Reisner originally identified the place 'Jnbw (Imn-m-4st) with the funerary chapel (? )p K*IIP at

36 - Kerma but it has since been shown that the Egyptian monuments found at Keims, had been taken there from Egyptian sites with the

result that "Walla-of-Amenemhat" does not have to be a building at Kerma itself. 37 Hintze has suggested that it was perhaps situated in the region of the second cataract38 and comparison with the name of an east-Delta fortresst 7Inbw V3ý3p "Walls-of-the-Raler" in the

39 story of Sinuhe, would suggest that "Walls-of-Amenemhatn was also the name of a fort.

There is an interesting parallel to this stela on anothert also of the reign of Amenemhat 1119 which was found (or perhaps merely

2+9

purchased) at El-Kab. 191is majesty ordered that snbwt which are in

"Wall s-of- Se shemu-tavy" be built a 40 Unfortunately the rest

of the text is lost. Seshemu-tawy is the "Horus" name of Sesostris

II so this can be assumed to have been a fortress named after this

king. Since the exact provenance of this stela is uncertaing it may

also refer to oneof the Nubian fortresses. In these stelae snbwi

could well be fortified ramparts* Sabw(t) recurs in hieroglyphic texts of the Ptolemaic period4l

but only one more occurrence from dynastic Egypt has been published. This is on an Eighteenth Dynasty stelaq of king Ahmosep from Karnak,

which deswibes a stozm during which damage was caused to the Theban

templese The king took measures so that "the monuments of the gods

should be established,, their snbwt raised up and sacred objects be

replaced in the ct sp sst. "42 In such a general description it is

not possible to be certain as to the exact nature of the snbwtv but

the use of the verb tsi "to raise" 43

would suggest that the snbwt

were on the top of the buildings.

This was never a very common term andq outside of religious texts, examples are few and far between. Ifp as the evidence suggestsp

enbt was used particularly to describe the battlemented ramparts of

a fortified buildingg then the lack of examples is hardly surprising

since most detailed building texts refer to temples. The original meaning of the term may have been less specific since it appears to have been used in the Fifth Dynasty Abusir papyri to describe the

coping above a door.

Snbt does not appear in Erichsen's Demotisches Glossarg nor does it seem to have occurred in Coptic,

I Posener-KI-ileger and De Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyrit pl*XXIA9 Bt 4; I_Zr. t 1121b; 1955b; De Backq The Egyptian Coffin Textst Vt 2c; Vandersley6np Rev* dlE * 19 (1967), PI-8t x+14; 9P x+19-

2 Posener-Kri'bger and Do Cenivalp Op. citol pl, IXIXL9 b; De Backi

op* citep Vp 2c; VIIf 110t. 3 PYr-y 1778a*

4 Ibidop 299b,

5 loc. cit; Ibidtt 1953b. 6 Reisnerp Kerm 9 IV-vt 5091 fig-343ý NO-30- 7 De Buck, op. cit. 9 119 221d; 223a.

260

8 Stobartv Egyptian Antiquitiesp collected on a voyage made in Upper

Egypt in the years 1854 and 18559 P1-1 (StobarVs copy is also rep- roduced by legrain in PSBA 27 (1905)r plate opposite p. 106).

9 Gardinerv Rev. d'Eg. 11 (1957)9 Pl-49 141; De Buck, opcit*p 11, 220a; 223a; VIII 220h.

10 Ibid., 11,221d; IVP 46g.

11 Ibidtv V9 2c.

12 Blackmant ZiS 49 (1911), 63; Budget The Book of the Deadq (1898)9

Textp 129t 3-

13 Navillet Das Aegyptische Todtenbucht It pl,, CLXp 2* 14 Mariotteg Denderah, IIIr pl. 66p at 3; 104michen#. Kalendor Inschrif-

ten, pib, =p fq 2; Id., Tempel Inschriften Ut pl. XV, 2.

15 Chassinatp Edf P It 16, lowerv 9, 16 Dumichent OP-cit-9 It Pl-XIX9 3- 17 In-t IIIP 458,6. 18 Ibid., 111,4589 7-

19 Faulknerv Con. Dictop 231- 20 Cne can only notep with interestv the comment of Adams (Nubiag

210); "No-one knows what a embt was, since the wo±-d occurs in

no other text"* 21 Posener-Kribeer and De Cenivalq loc. cit,, 22 Posener-Krieger,, Archives Neferirkareq Us 4409 note b; Id, q Bei-

trAse Bf. 12t Festschrift Rickeg 83- 23 Idop Archives Neferirkareýq UP 430- 24 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivall op. cit. t pl, XXIA9 Bt 4- 25 Pyr., 1778a; De Buck, op. citot Ilt. 220a; 221d; 223a; VIIP 1990- 26 Gardinerp loc* cit,, 27 De Back, op. cit. t V9 2c. 28 Chassinatq loc. cit.. 29 Pyrot 1778a; 1953a. 30 De Buckp loc. cit*. 31 The version in the New Kingdom Papyrus of NU has ch'sn nJ bnm,

uses the plural form of snbt and changes the suffix pronoun with bms to the first person (Blackmang op. cit. 9 63-64)-

32 loc* cit*. The text continues in the same vein with regard to the east and west winds. Blackman notes thai this Middle Kingdom text is a better versionýthan that of Nu.

251

33 Pyr. 9 299b; 1121b; 1953b-1.955b. 34 Do Buckv op. cit-P IVP 46g; V. TI, 110ts: 220ho

35 Reisner, loc. cit. e

36 Ibid., It 126-127- 37 Adams, op. cit. t 209#

38 Hintzep ZAS 91 (1904)t 84- 39 Sinuheq B. 17*

40 Stobart, loc. cit.. There is a third stela which may once have con-

tained a similar text to those from Xerma and 131-Kabo This is a

stela of Kamose which was re-used at Buhene The text-is badly pre-

served but can be restored to readq after the datel "building the

ýP3) which the ["///////Igreat 3tw of the city did['//,, 311

(Smitht H*S. j The Fortress of Buhenj, The Inscriptionst 6-9; pl. II;

LVIIIr 1). Smith has suggested that the damaged word could be either Inb or snb and prefers Inb because of the masculine article, P30 Snb(t) does seem to have been a feminine word but it could be

written without the t and could, possibly, have been mistaken for

a masculine term. The similarity to the other stelae and its prov- enance make it at least possible that this stela also refers to building activity on the ramparts of a Nubian fortress.

41 Damicheng op. cit-P It P1-XIXP 3; Ut pl. XV9 2; Id. p Kalen&. er Ins- chriftent pl*LIXp fq 2; Ma=iettep loc. cite*

42 Vandersleyeng loc. cit.. 43 n-P VP 405-407*

252

sh-ntr

Dyn. III-Alex. D7no V2 Dyn. Vs XIX9 XX13 12 ri) XX7I9 Ptols

6 Dyn. VI4 Dyn. x15 Dyn. XII

T il 1n 11 TCM

Dyn. X� X1117 Dyn. XVIII 8 Ptol. 9

v"m Xv ii ei ni One of the most frequent uses of this term is in the epithet of Anabis

lanty s4-ntr. 10 The nature of the dki-ntr in this context has been

investigated in detail by Altenmaller 11 so this study of the term

will be restricted to those examples of sh-ntr, from which the type

of building can be identified.

Probably a s4-nj was originally a temporary boothp made of light

materialsp 12

erected-to perfo= some function in the festivals of the gods. Evidence is lacking fortthe existence of the term in the

earliest dynastiest outside of its use in epithets. Howevert there

are two tomb-scenes of the Fifth Dynasty in which shrines are labelled

specifically as Fqi-nj . The first is from the tomb of Iymeri at Giza (No916) and shows

carpenters at work on the funerary equipment of IYmeri. A, -finished shrine stands alone and is des-

cribed as; sh-ntr n wcng -"A sh-ntr of Juniper". 13

The second scene occurs in the tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep at Saqqara. In this scene a shrine of the form ? is being pol- ished by a kneeling workmang the entire group being labelled as sn- sh-ntrt 'Tolishing the s4-ntr. " 14

In both of these examples the sh-nt is a parý of the burial equip- ment of private individualsy a small wooden shrine*

Other examples of the term in texts of the Old and Middle King- doms can not be identified 15

with any particular types of building. Fortunately the same is not true of the New Kingdom.

A good example is an ebony shrine of which Naville recovered one side and one door-leaf in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El- Bahari. 16 Most of the dedication texts are damaged at the point where the name of the shrine should be givenp onep however, is pre- servedo describing the shrine as a sb-ntr ýpss m hbny n tPW : b3swtp

263

"a noble slý-njr in ebony of the best of the foreign lands"* 17 The

shrine stood over six feet tall, was decorated both inside and out

and opened with a double-door. It is clearly a shrine made to con-

tain the image of a godt presumably Amunige, since it is he to whom

the shrine is dedicated. Porter and Moss suggest that it originally

stood in a chapel of Amun within the temple, 19

In the. reign of Hatshepsut, slý-nt is also applied to the stone

sanctuary of the Aman temple at Kamak. The blocks from this were

found in the fill of the Third Pylon. 20 Cne block has a scene of the

Queen dedicating electrum before Amunp the electrum being intended

"to decorate the noble s4-ntr which she has made. " 21 Lacau and 22

Chevrier have suggested that this text refers to the sanctuary itself,

and there seems to be no reason to doubt this. Another text may also

refer to the same sanctuary as a s4-ntr. This is the stela of Djebuty which describes work of Hatshepsutp

including a st wrt sji-ntr ý. d(W) m nit "a st wrtg a sh-ntr built of 23

granite. " The main obstacle to the identification of this slý-nt

with the Hatshepout sanctuary is the fact that the sanctuary is not

made entirely of granitep but consists of red quartzite on a base of

black granite. This discrepancy is noty howeverv insurmountable as

the Egyptians were often inaccurate when it came to using the correct

terminology for building materials and the sanctuary wasp in any casep

partly made of granite. In additiong the to= st wrt was elsewhere

applied to the Hatshepsut sanctuary in a text which mentions the

building by name. 24 It can, thereforet be regarded as a possibiLity

that the sb-ntr of the Djehuty stela is this sanctuary, particularly

as there. is no other edifice named on the stela which could be so identified* It is unlikely that this chronicle of Hatshepsatts works

for Amun should omit the sanctuary of the main temple*

r.: b'lbcks from this sanctuary mention- a further sh-nýr at Ka=ak. This is the alabaster barque-shrine of Amenhotep I which was

also used in the Third Pylon. 25 A dedication inscription on the shrine itself describes it as "the slý-ntr (named) 7Imn-mn-mnw in alabaster of Hatnubp with c-2ýW upon it in Asian copperg while on the blocks

of Hatshepsat (Nos. 102 and 128) it is called "the shn_tr of alabaster (named) "Imn-mn-mnw*1127 The scene on block 102 has been publishedg previouslyp by Lacau2B and shows the barque of Aman resting on a pedestal-within the alabaster shrine.

as+

Three writings of sh-ntr occur in an incomplete building text of

Tathmosis III from Karnak. The first refers to the shrine on the

sacred barque of Amun "Aman-user-hetI, 29 and the second to the mono-

lithic alabaster naosp within which were carved two seated figures,

of Amun and Amenijrp and which the king placed in the Eastern temple

at Karnak. 30 The text describes this naos as "a sh-ntr.... *frOm, one

block of stone.,, 31 The third example refers to the alabaster barque-

shrine in the way-station of Tuthmosis 1119 to the south of the 32 Seventh Pylonq describing it as "a s#-ntr;... *in lustrous alabaster

of Hatnab.,, 33

Each of these examplest all of which can be identifiedy accord

well with the evidence that a slý-ntr could be either a shrine in

which the image of a god could reside, or a barque shrine in which

the god could rest whun he was carried in procession. Other texts of the Few Kingdom mention sjiw-n_tr which were almost

certainly cult or barque- shrines. Another of the buildings listed

on the stela of Djehuty is a qlý-nt called Iqlorizon of the god"(3tt

ntr). 34 This sli-ntr is also called a st wrtv indicating that it was

a shrine in which the image of the gid could rest. A scene in the tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes shows copper being

brought from Retenu to cast the doors (c2tw) of the sý-njr of Amun

at Karnak. 35

Undoubtedly the term continued to be used for such shrines through-

out the dynastic period, although continuous evidence for this has

not survived. Howevery in the Thi3tieth Dynasty a monolithic red

granite shrinel parts of which were found at Shubra Hor in the Deltat

was described as a "very great sb-ntrpt, 36

Unfortunately -sh-ntr seems also to have broadened in meaning

until it became a synonym for hwt-ntro helpedq no doubt, by the fact

that the two terms employed similar groupings. Where a writing of 112 has been treated syntactically as a feminine noun, I have taken

it to be an example of liwt-ntrp because writings such as IQ Cý-3 show

that the sign ý could be substituted for Q in 4: wt-ntr. 37

There are occasionsp howeverv when sh-ntr was used to mean 11templell -Lý

For example the Annal Inscriptions Of Tuthmosis III are described as having been recordeýd; lir sb-n-tr pn "upon this slý-ntfll,

38 the use of the masculine, En, suggesting that the goup is to be read as all-nj and not as the feminine tLwt-ntr. Another text of the same reign uses

aS5

slý-ntr to mean "temple"* It occurs on an architrave from the king's

temple at El-Kabq in a largely destroyed. dedication text. 39

In the Nineteenth Dynasty a dedicatory inscription of Ramesses II

from the forecourt of the temple of Luxor d scribes this court as 48 "a ws)jt ýLbyt for the s4-ntr in sandstone'19 certainly referring to the

entire temple. It is also of note that a Memphite temple could be

called either; s4-ntr 3b(Sti-mry-Pth) m, pr Pth 41 or 4wt-njr 34(Stl-

mry_pttL) m pr ptb. 42

Another case in which sli-ntr is used to mean "temple" is with regard to the temple of Kflonsu at Karnak. A dedication text of Herihor 43 describes "making festal his slý-ntr as a fine monument for eternity*11

In the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu a scene depicting the preparation of food in the temple slaughterhouse includes a row of men carrying offerings which are destined to go Itto the slý-ntr'1944 and a text of SetiII at Karnak relates that it was this king"who increases his (Amunts) pr, who embellishes his sb-ntr as an excellent work of eternity.,, 4.5

In the Graeco-Roman period stL-ntr could also be used of a single room within a temple 46

and there is evidence to show that this may have been true in earlier periods* An incomplete text on the east wall of room 29 in the mortuary temple of Ramesses III mentions a slý-ntr hry-i7b hwt-Wsr-m31-t-r1 mry.! Imn [m] Pr ',, =. 47 In this- expression 4wt refers to the temple itself so that it can only be concluded that ski-ntr is being applied to room 29.48 Cne further use of the term was to describe the Serapeum. at Saqqarav49 a complex which was also regarded as a bwt-ntr. 50

Erichsen cites only one reference for s#-ntr in demotict translat- ing the expression as 11G6tteshallen. 51 The term did not recur in Coptic.

A, sb-ntr, thereforeq in the pre- and protodynastic periodsp was probably a light boothp or shrine, erected for specific festivals. In th§ Old Kingdom it is attested as a term for a shrine, forming a Part of the funerary equipment of Private individyals. Although the textual evidence has not been preserved, it would seem likaly that sdý_nt could always have been used to describe the shrine in a cultus temple in which the image of the god was kept. By the New Kingdom it was also applied to a barque shrine in which the god Could rest when his image was carried in procession and to the

a56

shrine on the barque itself. At the name time, howeverp either by

extension of meaning or through confusion with hwt-ntrv sb-ntr came to mean "temple". It could alsov at least in the Graaco-Roman period,

and probably earlier, be used for one specific room within a temple*

The actual form of the shrine can vary and can be depicted in great detail. Murray, Saqqara Mastabasp p1s. Ij II; XX; Dunham and Simpsong

The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, figs-3a; 6; 10; Iv 1209

10; 108P 3; Cl6re and Vandier, Textes de la premiýre Periodd inter-

mediaire et de la Xleme Dynartiev 309 T), 1 and 3; Urkot VIIq 29

2; 43,6; IV9-296,6; 4279,15; 734P 15; 829v 10; 13419 16; ITitas, Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 x+6; x+ 14; x+ 20; Lacaup ASAE 26 (1926)9 pl. IV (between PA30 and 131); Pillety ASAE 24 (1924)9 57; Abd El-Razikv JEA 60 (1974)9 155; Helcky ZA'S 83 (1958)9 plellIt 27; Chicago Universityp Oriental Instituteg Medinet Ra-lu. q 111,1739 16-21; LDT9 Iq 15; J6quierq L'a=chitecturel 1119 plois

2 Moussa and Altenmi-iller., Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotepy

pl. 62*

3 LDP IIP 499 b (the group as reproduced by lepsius is n, The

coýy of the same text, by Champollion (Monuments de L'Egypte et de la Nubiev IV,, pl. CCCC=3: 9 1) has in - 'Whatever the actual fo=

of the sign it is clearly intended to be for n ); ERIv Iq 3109 2 and 3; Chicago Universityq op. cit. 9 VII, pl. 486, C9 2; Vercoutter, Textes biographiques du Sgrape-um de Memphis# 17'; pl. II; Mariette, Denderah, II, ple22; Urlte, II, 63P 11; 69,16.

4 Pyro, 2100c.

5 Cle"re and Vandiert op, cit., 25P 49 1- 6 De Buck, The Eaptian Coffin Texts, Ip 196a (BIOC b

7 Arnoldo Der Tempel des K6nigs Mentahotep von Deir El-Bahari, 119 pls922; 23; De Buck, op. cit., Ip 196a; Urk*, IV, 4219 10; 11509 12.

8 Urk-P IVv 1423P 17 (with the masculine article p-s). 9 Chassinatv Edf 9 Is 358- 10 Wb-9 IIIP 465t 1-3- 11 Altermaller, Jaarbericht-ex Oriente Lux 22 (1971-1972)9 307-317- 12 The simple tezm, ph, was not generally used of temples or parts

thereof; one exception to this being in the Graeco-Roman period

26-1

when it couldp like sb- 9 be used of a room in a temple (T2. p-1119

464v 3-21)* The sh itself seems to have been a light construction

supported by a wooden column, see; Wb. 9 Beler2dtelle 9 1119 1299

(ref-464,3)-

13 IP-, 119 49v b (see note 3 above). The term w1n is translated by

Faulkner (Con. Diet*, 57) as 10juniper(? )". The W6rterbuch restricts

itself to the less specific "Conifer" QLbov 19 285t 16-20; 2869 1-

4)- In view of the fact that the juniper is a red wood (Iucas and

Harrisp Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industriest 437) and a

shrine made of wn is coloured red in a tomb scene from Deir El-

Gebrawi (Davies, No de G. 9 The Rock Tombs of Deir El-Gebrdwi_ 119

pleX)p the identification of w'n with juniper seems likely. The

term used for the shrine at Deir El-Gabrawi ist unfortunatelyp not

preserved* All that remains of the label is [////In

wcn. It is

possiblet however, that the missing term is to be restored as 64-ntr.

14 Moussa and Altenim-11lerv loc., cito, 15 E-G-P Pyrop 2100c; Axnold, op, ci op pls. 22; 23; 529 No- 4931;

Urk., VII9 2t 2.

16 Navilleg Deir El-Bahariq 119 1-4; pls. XXV-XX=. This shrinev which is now in the Cairo Museumq is also described as a iwnnt see p, 22,

17 Lnjid. v pl, XXVII (Urk, 1, IVt 296,6).

18 MY IL 355- 19 Ibidop 363-364; Pl-XXXVI, 4P IX. 20 Lacr-u and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnakq I, 23-44t

21 Ibid. y 231,366.

22 Ibide, 231P 367- 23 R-rk-9 IV, 4279 15- 24 Ibid*, 1679 3. This text also calls the sanctuary a 1ým and describes

it as being made of inr n rwdt n dw dýsr "quartzite" (Harris, Lex- icographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Mineralso 76). Another odr the blocks from the shrine also uses the term bm and describes it (for once accurately) as being made of both quartzite (rwýlt nt dw d5r) and granite (m3t) (Lacau and Chevrier, op. cit*, 261,411)-

25 PM-v 11,63-64- 26 Pillet, loc. cit.. 27 lacau and Chevrierv op. cit-P 195,286. 28 Lacau, ASAE 26 (1926), pl, IV2 B (between p. 130 and 130-

269

29 Rims, Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 x+6.

30 PM9 119 216-217. For views of this naos see; Varillep ASAE 50 (1950)9

pls. VII-XT-T.

31 Nimso op- cit-v, fig-7, x+ 14-

32 PM, 111,173-174-

33 Rims, op- cit-t fig-7, x: + 20, For the identification of these slýw-

ntr at Karnak, see; Ibid., 72-73. The alabaster barque-shrine had

a dedication inscription which isp unfortunatelyp badly damaged.

The term used for the shrine is destroyed but has been restored, in Urkop IVP 852v 29 as hm, paralleling a text from Medinet Haba

(jrk, v IV, 881,10). Sethe (LbLidd*, 852, note a) states that b 2M is

a necessary restoration because of a following masculine pronounp

although sb-ntr is another possible restoration. 34 ir-k-, IV, 421,10*

35 Lb-id-, IV, 1150,12. This scene is labelled "Bringing Asian copper

which his Majesty brought from Retenu of Amun

at Karnak" (Daviesp N* de G., The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebesp '_7' to IIv pl. LIII). Faulkner (Cone Dicter 76) takes the group

jj'C=

be the only example of a term wdb meaning "door of cast metal". This group isp in fact, to be read w-dh `1wy "to cast the '3-doors"

and the entry shouldt thereforep be deleted from Faulkner's dict- ionary.

36 Habachiq ASAE 53 (1956), fig-14 (after P-464 37 See aboveg 4wt-nt I P-183-184- 38 Urk-, IVP 734,15; 7439 7- 39 Ibidop 829,10, 40 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974)9 155-

41 LDT*p 19 15-

42 Petrie, Scarabs and Cylinders with names, pl. XXXIXv 2* See also YoYottev KAmi 14 (1.957), 84, note 2.

43 Wb., Belegstellen, 111,129 (ref-465,6).

44 Chicago University, Oriental Institutep Medinet Habu, III, pl-173, 16-21.

45 Barguetv Temple, 118, 46 Wb-, 111,465,9- 47 Chicago University, op. cit-, VII, pl-4869 C, 2*

48 For the disposition of this room within the temple, see; Ibid., fig-16.

2S9

49 See above, #wt, 175, n. 67- 50 Vercoutter, Textes biographiques du S6rapeum de Memphis, 17; pl-II. 51 Brichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 445-

. 2bo

ýt sw - r, - (Iýr3bty)

23 Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII9 XIX9

0 T, 0: ý

xxi JCý

T 1, L -j

((

o, ý 456 Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyno XVIII M C) 10

Dyne XVIII7 Dyne XVIIIP O. k tnIC-3

Dyne XVIII 9 Dyne XVIII 10 Dyne XVIII 11

AX

12 T 13

jjýyn* XX14 Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII

TI c--j

(i 5ý ol en TI Tt C-3 0

16 Dyno XX15 Dyne XX

'n 0 r0) C-3 I

Dyne XX17

Tc C, C-3 I

130a, \\ C-3m

Roman18

This Anusual term is known only in texts from the Eighteenth Dynasty

onwards. The most usual writing of the word is 5wt-r , occasionally

abbreviated to ! Swtv however, in Papyras Wilbourg the tem is frequent-

1-0 ly given as swt-r'-4r34ty, showing that it is this aspect of the solar

god which is involved. This is also indicated by the frequent use of

the te= in inscriptions from Akhetatenj since it was Re-Horakhtyp

and not any other aspeat of the god Re, which was associated with the

Aten. 19

In addition the epithet bry-lb s"wt-rloccurs above a represent-

ation of Re-Horakhty in the temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habut 20

so that there can be no doubt thatq even when the term is abbreviated -. 0 to

_'swt-r' or swt, it is to be understood as a chapel dedicated to

the god Re-Horakhty.

This expression was discussed by Fairmant particularly in relation to 'swt-rl. in the Amarna period

21 and Stadelmann hast more recentlyp

identified 5wt-r' with a Re-chapel within a temple dedicated to an-

other god* 22 Stadelmann has shown that the main element of a 9wt-r"

was an open court containing an altar 23

andq as examples of this, he

cites the Re-chapels in the mortuary temples of Hatshepsut at Deir

el-Bahari, 24 of Seti I at Gurnag 25

of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu 26

and the temple of Abu Simbel. 27

There would seem to be no doubt that this interpretation of the

I fo I

of the design and function of a twt-r' is correct althoug1-4 in only

one case, the Re-chapel at Medinet Habu in which the epithet tLry-lb

S_Wt-r' referred to above occursv is the chapel in question named as

a 9ýwt- r-.

Stadelmann has also suggested that the RM, -chapelp which is known

to have existed on the roof of the Amun temple at Karnak, was a 'SWt-

r'- 28

and he wnuld equate this with the a mentioned in the

29

1 1ý C-32

Chronicle of Prince Osorkon. Cne can only assume that this chapel

corresponded in plan to the Re-chapels in other New Kingdom templesp

as no remains of the roof-chapel have benn found.

By analogy with the 'swt-r' which Stadelmann has identified it

would seem logical to assume that the 6wt-r' of the Amarna period were

also chapels dedicated to Ite-Horakhty within temples to the Aten, al-

thoughp as the Aten was originally an aspect of Re-Horakh*y, the rel-

ationship between the two divinities is somewhat unique*

In his discussion of the term Fairman identified one of the 'swt-

rc-at Akhetateng belonging to the princess Meretaten, with the central

kiosk on the island of Maruaten to the south of the city030 The texts

which mention this `6wt-rt show that it wasq originallyl inscribed

for .a

queen931 but was later re-assigned to Meretaten* In-view of the

fact that blocks inscribed for the Aten m t3 'swt-rl n sit-nsw Mrt-Itn

M P3 msrw n Itn n ps Itn m 3bt-itn (the name and title of the princess

not being original) were found within one of the smaller kiosks on 32

either side of the approach to the central kioakf it is more likely

that the entire complexg known as Maruaten IIp was the 9wt-r1j with

the ceitral kiosk., containing an altarp as the focal point. The exc-

avation report implies that this kiosk was roofedg 33

although there

appears to be no actual evidence for this and, as cult-places at

Akhetaten were, axiomaticallyo open to the sun's rayso it is more likaly that this kiosk was open to the sky so that the sunlight could

reach down to the offerings heaped upon the altar, This Amarna `swt-r",

thereforev contained the principal element of the other Re-chapels,

an open area with an altare Unfortunately the identification of the

remaining gwt-r4 at Akhetaten is not so certain. The ? 5wt-r( of queen Tiy is depicted in the tomb of Huya, at Amarnal

and was clearly an edifice of some size and complexity. 34 It is note-

worthy that no qualifying statement as to the location of the Gw't-rc' of Tiy is given* It is not, presumably, to be found at Maxuaten like

16 Z

the example discussed above, nor is it to be found within the pr 4'-Y

n p-5 itn as is the case with two further swt-rc from Amarna. It can

only be assumed that this g t-rl of queen Tiy was a building large Ewl

enough to stand alone,, the location of which was obvious without

qualification. The templev as depicted an the tomb-wall, consists of

a pylon-gateway leading into a large court, surrounded on all four

sides by colonnades with statues of a king and queen. In the centre

of the court is an altar, reached by a flight of stepsp while another

pylon-gateway leads to the smaller halls and courts at the rear of

the building.

This 'S`wt-r4 cannot be identified with any known building at Amarnag

although the fact that the lowest register shows river-scenes has led

to the suggestion that the s"wt-r- of Tiy was situated somewhere along

the river-bank like that at Maniaten. 35

The connection between the &t-rt and the royal women at Akhetaten

is not in question but the reason for this is unclear* Stadelmann has

connected it with the role of the queen as God's Wife of Amun in rel-

ation to Re as the creator-god. 36 Whatever the reasong it is certain

that s-wt-rl existed at Akhetaten for the kingts mother Tiyt presumably

for the great queen Nefertiti37 and possibly also for another queeng

Kia*38 There were also two 9wt-rc assigned to the two eldest princesses

Meretaten and Ankhesenpaatenp both of which were m pr kicy n pi 3. tn m

pr Itn m 3ht Itn,

This is the name of the large monumental building to the west of

the Royal Road which was described by the excavators as the "Great

Palace". 39

Howeverg such an adifice was clearly not intended as the

domestic quarters of the royal family and Uphill has suggested that

it was, in fact, not a '! palace" but a "templest. 40 This interpretation

does seem to be more plausible althoughp as Assman has pointed aut, 41

the distinction between civil and religious buildings at Amarna is

not very clear.

The name of the building would also support an interpretation

as a religious structurep particularly one connected with the Sed-

festiva, 42 and it would, therefore,, not be surprising that two 'BWt-

re were situated within the pr-jilty. Uphi, 143 equated the swt-r'L of queen Tiy with a part of the pr-

4cYp at the rear of the buildingg opening off the hypostyle hall. 44

zbs

This was balanced,, on the other sidev by a similar stracture which

could not be planned as it was under the then line of cultivation.

It is noteworthy that this temple has no sanctuary on the axis, the

hypostyle hall being the central room at the rear mf the building*

It seems likely, thereforeg that the two identical structures on either

side of the hall are the focal points of the temple and it is tempt-

ing to identify these two structures with the two 'SWt-r' which are

known to have existed within the pr-tLcy. It isp however, unlikely

that either is the 'Swt-rc of queen Tiy9 since this is not described

as being within the pr-]ýcy and would seem to have been an altogether

more complex building than these two areas of the pr-tL'y.

Each of the structures consisted of a peristyle court in the

centre of which was a concrete platformv on whichp as Uphill has sugg- 45

estedv probably stood an altar. Four side rooms opened off this

court beyond which was a large open courtp containing two kiosks, one

of which was never completed* The plan of this part of the pr-41y

has all the major elements of the standard Re-chapel and cang thereforef

be identified as a 'swt-r. In addition, blocks from the doorways lead-

ing from the hypostyle hall into the 6wt-rc show Akhenaten as a lion-

sphinxg 46

a representation of Re-Horakhty which occurs on unproven,

.1 47

anced blockst possibly from this building, which do mention a swt-r'. The ownership of these two ýSWt-rc is open to question. Cne almost

certainly belonged to the eldest princess Meretaten. It is mentioned

on a statue base, now in the British Museum, t3 'awt-rc n sst-nsw.... Mrt-1tn. -,. 9m pr-]ýcy n p3 Itn m pr iltn m 3tt-Itn.

48 The name of the

princess is original and the statue gives the early forms of the names

of the Aten so it would seem fair to assume that this swt-rl was

always intended for Meretateng rather than having been re-assigned to

her on the death, or downfall, of any queen. The second gwt-rl was, at one time, assigned to Ankhesenpaaten

although Hanke has suggested that it belongeds ofiginallyg to queen Kia. 49

Howeverg of those inscriptions which mention the `6Wt-r4 of Ankhesenpaaten/Kia quoted by Hanket only two do not require the rest- oration of the term swt_r,, 050 These texts are both on blocks from

Hermopolis and both have bean wrongly restored, in the pastf to give the name of the princess Ankhesenpaaten-ta-sherit,, 51

From Roeder's

photographs neither of these blocks seem to have been re-workedg al-

2 bI-

though Hanke implies that they were. There is also a third block which

gives the name of the 5wt-rt and the name and titles of the princess

in full, leaving no doubt as to the correct restoration of the other

two, incompletbf, toxts. This third block has a scene of Akhenaten be"

neath the rays of the Aten, who is described as being m t3 -swt-r' n

s-3t-nsw n ht, f mrt. f '-nla. s-n-pz-ltn m pr-h4y n p3 itn m pr Itn m 3bt- ? 52 itn. This blockt although not well preservedg seems not to have been

re-worked but, unlike the statue base of Meretaten, bears the later

forms of the names of the Aten.

It is possiblep thereforep that these two 'swt-rl were intended

from the start to belong to the two princesses, although one may have

been originally assigned to a queen.

The importance of a sýwt-r- as a cult-place is indicated by texts

from Amarna and particularly by the Ramesside Papyrus Wilbour.

In one version of a h3ýlnn to the. Ateh --Swt-rlis used instead of the

more usual 1ývt_ntr, 53

indicating thatp to some extent, the two words

were regarded as synonyms* It is also evident that a 'Swt-r' had its

own priesthood as both a wb-priest 54

and ýEw-nt 55

are attested

for various 'SWt-r.

Papyrus Wilbour, while not helping to identify any SWt-r' with

particular buildings, shows that a *6wt-rl could own and cultivate 56 land, for which an administrative and labouring staff would have

been essential. The 9wt-r', of this papyrus are situated either within

a pr of another god57 or are described as being in a particular town?

One is located within a fortress (? 20)59 which can be compared with

another 'swt-r' situated within a sfbye 60

A 'swt-3: 4-, thereforep was a cult-centre of the god Re-Horakhty,

which could be situated within a temple dedicated to another god or be a separate temple. The main element of a 'swt-r' was the large open

court with an altar, upon which offerings could be placed 61

and to

which the sun's rays had direct access. A s'wt-r' had its own priest- hood and staff9 although it wasp no dmubtp under the administrative control of the cult-centre of the chief god of the area.

Although the earliest known reference to a -SWt-r' is of the Eight-

eenth Dynastyt it is possible that they existed prior to this date. All the surviving examples are of the period from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Dynastyp with the exception of one writing frcm the

265

temple of Esna, in the Roman periodq 62

indicating that the term had

been in constant use from the New Kingdom onward. ýwt-r4 occurs in neither the demotic or Coptic scripts.

1 U-rk-, IV, 498,1- 2 Ibidv 1673,11-

3 Petri. eq Tell El-Amarna, Pl-XXIV, 76; Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian

Ships Logs, 15,26 and 27 (omitting (); Spiegelberg, Correspond-

ances du temps des rois-pie"tre , 57,10 (transcribed as I here, but

read as T by Fairman in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten 1119

203, e), 4 Davies, El-. Ajaarn , V, pl, XXX, 15-

5 Roederp AmarnaReliefs aus Harmopolisp pl. 19 (RG7-Vll: % A); Tawfik,

MDA 32 (1976), 222, fig. 1; Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 99,

No,, 13- 6 Roeder, OP- cit-v Pl-55 (450-VII, A)-

7 British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, VIII, pl. XXIV*

8 Pendlebury, op. cit., 111,201, e( C-$f'20) is probably an abbrev- I-0 iated form of the name of the Aten (Fairman? op. cit., 111,169;

Peet and Woolley, The City of Akhenaten, It 167) showing the ident-

ification of Re-Horakhty and the Aten. )

9 Peet and Woolley, op, cit. 9 I, pl. LVI (22/273, reverse). 10 Ibid., IV pl*LVI (22/273, obverse). 11 Davies, op* cit*, III, pl*YIII (there is also an example, copied

as presumably in error; lb6i. rpito). 12 Pendlebury, op, citep III, pl., IXXXVIII, 109 (for (-nh r' see note

8 above). 13 Ibid., pl. L'-UVIII, 1109

14 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris It 701 12-13 (Erichsen transcribes the

initial sign as *F but Fairman, op, cit., 202,2, d reads it as? );

Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, I, pis. 63,22; 70,20; 70,22; 72,

23,24; 60,4 (the last has an additional i after the a ).

15 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, VI9 Pl-427t A.

16 Gardiner, op- cit-t I, pl-7 (A, 169 38); This is the standard fall

spelling of the term in this papyrus, although the signs are often

more cursive, See alsop Ibid. t Pls-3 (A, 9t 1); 8 (A, 18,37); 18 (A, 40,21); 29 (A, 62,33); 30, (A, 64,29); 48 (At 98t 17); 49

26b

(At 100,9). 17 Ibid. 9 19 Pls-37 (A, 78,34); 42 (A, 86,46); 44 UP 91,30)- 18 Sauneron, Esna, III, 10P 197,14- 19 Redford,, JARCE 13 (1976), 47-61; Tawfik, op. cit., 217-226. 20 Chicago University, oriental Institute, loc. cit.. 21 Fairmanp op. cito, 200-208o 22 Stadelmanno MDAIK 25 (1969), 159-178- 23 Ibid., 165ff- 24 Naville, Deir El-Bahariv 1,1-11; PloI-VI; EMP 11,362-363; Plo

XXXVI, 4 (for the dedication inscriptions on the altar see; qrko, IV9 295,13-16).

25 EMY, 11,420; pl. XLv 1 (court XLII). 26 H61scher, Exe. Med. Habuv 111,15, fig-8; PM, 11,509-510; Pl-

XLVIII, (rooms 17-19)- 27 P11, VII, 99; plan on p. 96. (the North chapel). 28 Stadelmann, op* cit*, 175-176. 29 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, The Biibastite Portglj pl.

22,11o

30 Pairman, op. cit*, 1119 206o

31 Hanke has suggested that this was a 9wt-rc of Kia as the names

and titles of Nefertiti would not. fit into the space now occupied by the name and title of Meretaten (Hankep Amarna Reliefs aus Her-

mopolis, 166-168)o

32 Peet and Woolley, op. cit*, 1,121-122; pls. XXXIV, 1 and 2; LVIy 22/273o

33 ! hLd-, 122.

34 Daviesp El-Amarnaq III, pls,. VIII-XIo Fairman (op cit., 205) sugg- ested that S'Wt-rl may have referred only to the small kiosk with

an altar at the rear of the temple (Daviesp op. cito, pl. VIII; XI)

as the names and titles of the Ateny described as nb t-3 -SWt-rn

mwt-nsw hmt-nsw wrt Till, occur over this rear part of the templeo However, the title of the entire scene is quite explicit; "Con- ducting the Great Queen, the king's mother, My, to let (her) see her 6wt-r1111, it would seem to be more logical to assume that -SWt-

r'- was the name of the entire complex. See also; Stadelmann, 2po SLto, 163-164-

35 Pairman, op* cit., 204; Stadelmann, opo cito, 164o

261

36 Ibid. 9 165-

37 There seem to be no texts extant which mention a tWt-rl of Nefer-

titi by name, but the boundary stelae state that a '6wt-r*of a queen (name lost) was to be built (Davies, op. cit., V, pls. XXX9

15; XXXIIt 17) while a hieratic docket mentions t3 'SWt(c-nb rl)*.. n t3 bmt-nsw .... 4r rsy "The ýswt-rcof Ankh-Re (see note 8 above),.

.* of the queen.... in the south" (Fairman, op. cit.,, 201, e. See

also; Ibidej, pl*IXXXVIII, 108; 109. 3B See note 31 above and note 49 below.

39 Pendleburyp OP- cit-9 III, 33ff; pls*XIIU-XVI* For the identific-

ation of this building with the pr-h(y see Fairmang op. cit. 9 III,

193-194. The excavators included in the pr-hly the buildings bet-

ween the main structure and the Royal Road. Howeverg in view of the true nature of this building, it is more likely that the name

refers only to the temple itself. As Pairman pointed out there is

no direct evidence that the "harem" was regarded as a part of the

pr-hl-y (Ibidep 193-194)-

40 Uphillp JNES 29 (19709 151-166.

41 Assman, JNES 31 (1972)9 155-

42 Ibid. 9 150ff-

43 Uphillp op* cit-Y 156-160.

44 Pendleburyl, op. citop HIP 58-59; pls. XIIIB; XIV; XLI; XLII*

45 Uphillq op. cit-, 158- -

46 Pendleburyq op* cit*9 1119 pl*X. LIp 2 and 3-

47 Tawfikq op, cit*, 221-2229 fig. 1; Aldred., loc. cit..

48 British Museum, op. cit*, VIIII 27-28; Pl-XXIV-

49 Hanke, op. cit., 168; Abb-44-45; 48-50- It should be noted that

although some of Hanke's examples in which he has restored the

name swt-r" are entirely plausibleg it is also possible that an-

other term, such as prp would be the correct restoration. See

particularly blocks 443-VIII A (PLid. 9 Abb-48; Roeder, op. cit

Pl-47); 32B-VIII A (Hanke, op. citog Abb-49; Roeder, op. cit. p

Pl-19); 324-VIII C (Hanke, loc, cit*; Roederg Op- cit-9 pl-53)-

50 These are Hermopolis blocks 207-VIII A (Hwnke, op* cit. 9 Abb-48;

Roeder; op, cit., pl. 19) and 338-VI A (Ibid. 9 Pl-148; Hankev 22*

cit*, Abb-49)-

51 Both have been wrongly restored in the past to read szt-nsw n h-t. f

Zbg

mrt. f F-nb. s-n-p-s itn-t3--Srt ms n s3t-nsw cnI3. s-n-p-s-Itn (Roeder,

OP- Cit-9 Pls-19; 148; Brunner,, ZXS 74 (1938), 106 (block 338-VI

A only). Both texts are correctly restored by Hanke (9p. cit.,

Abb-48; 49 ) but incompletely, omitting m pr itn m 31at-itn. 52 Roeder, Op- cit-P Pl-55 (450-VII A).

53 Davies, op, cit, p 1, pl, XXVII-

54 Janssen, op. cit-P 15-

55 Loc, cit.; Gardiner, op. cit-9 Ip pls-70p 20; 72t 23- 56 ý! &- Ibid-P Pls-7 (A 16,38); 8 (A, 18,37); 70 (Bg 23,22); 72

(Bg 20,23-24); et ale. 57 In a pr of Amun; Ibid. 9 19 plo 29 (A, 62,33); of Seth; Ibid, , I,

P1-7 UP 169 38); 30 (A, 64,29).

58 Ninvu; Ibid., I, Pls-3 (Ap 9v 1); 70 (B, 23,20-22); Harspera; pl. 60 (By 13Y 4); Menankh; Pls-42 (A, 66, 96,17); Shatina; pl. 8 (A, 18,37); Sc (A, 100,9).

59 Ibid. 9 pl. 18 (Ap 40,21). 60 Janssen, loc. cit..

46); 44 UP 91P 30); 48 (At

o; P1.37 (Aý 78v 34); 49

61 The emphasis on offerings with regard to the 'swt-r( is shown in the

following texts which otherwise give no indications as to the fun-

ction or plan of a 'swt-rl; Urk,. g IV, 4989 1; Fairman, op., cit-P III,

202; Saunerong loce cite. 62 Loc. cit..

2b9

k3 rl'

Dyne VI I

-=:.. Zý- M. Ke 2

3ý q-ý

'1? " <: ý- M. Ke 3

1 4 Dyne XII 5 Dyne XII

6 Dyne XII

r)

Dyne XII7 D. 7n. XVII18 M

9 Dyne XVIII, Ptole

19 m 1-3 <=>

a 10 11 Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII9

xix

12 Dyne XVIII

Dyne XVIIItI3 Dyne XVIIII 4 Dyn. XVII11 5 C-3 xx

<=:

Af3 MI -44

V4 C-3 Dyne XIX9 XX 16

v Dyn. XXt xx Mi

l7 1-Y -\

Dyne XIX9 XX 18

<=>C-3

Dyn* XXI 9 1ý0

Dyne XX 20

C-3 41

Dyne XXII 21

-=711A D

Dyne XXII

xnii C--3 or

22 Dyne XX7I 23 ,.

Dyne XXXt 24

Roman

Dyne XXX 25 4J C3

Ptol. 26 Ptol. 27

4Q Ptolo 28

The earliest known writing of k3rig the only example which antedates

the Middle Kingdomp occurs in the Pyramid Textst and refers to a k3r(

in heaven, 29 This writing'is determined with the unusual sign

which represents a palanquin and more usually determines the nouny

rpytt "a female statue" or "a goddess,,. 30 This palanquin also figures

in scenes of the Bed-festival where it boaxs the msw-nsw to watch the rituals*31 The evidence from texts of later periods would make

it unlikely that a k3ri was originally a palanquing and the use of

this determinative can best be understood as an attempt to represent

a shrine on carrying poles* In the Nineteenth-Dynasty temple of

Ramesses II at Abydosp a shrinep described as a k3rip is shown being

carried on polesp by four meno, 32

This kind of portable shrine was one of the meanings of the term,

and it could also be used for the "cabin" of a barque-shrine which

was also carried in processionO33 Howevert the principal meaning of karl 'was "naos'19 the evidence for this being quite conclusive.

2410

There are several Late-Period examples of naoi which are actually labelled Ilk3ri'll. Cne is the granite naos provided for the temple of Horus at Edfaq by Nectanebo Ill which is described as "a noble karl

in graniten. 34 Another granite naosp of the Twenty-Sixth Dynastyp is

also called a ksr(l), 35 as is a naosp made from the rare ýý_stonev

found at Koptos and dated to the Thirtieth Dynasty, 36 In addition a Ptolemaic relief from the temple at Tod shows a naos, elevated upon

a stepped podiump which is labelled as a kzr(l). 37

Although all these examples of naoi which can be proved to have

been regarded as k3rw date to the latest periods of Egyptian historyp

earlier texts also support the view that a k3rl was a naos. Unlike

sb-ntr and bm, kzA does not seem to have been used for an open-endedo

stone barque-shrine.

Examples of k3ri are rare before the New Kingdom, although this

may not be significant since most building texts which are extant date to the period after the Second Intermediate Periods The earliest

writing from the Pyramid Texts has already been noted. From the Middle

Kingdom there are several occurrences, only one of whichp from the

stýla of Ikhernofretv gives any indication as to the nature of a k3rlo

11-fashioned the gods-who are in his (Osiris') followingg and made their

klr(l)w (determined with'Z ) anew. " 38 This refers to the shrines of

other gods within the Abydene temple of Osiris.

K-srl is also used of the chap-ell containing a statue of the dec- 39 easedp in the tomb of Khnumhotep II at Beni Hasan v and occurs in the

descriptions of temple-building in Papyrus Reisner 1.40 From the New Kingdom onwards there are many references to the

k1r1w of the gods in general which support a translation of "naoi,,. 41

A typical example is0lis father Re created him to fashion those who are in their k-6ri(w)p to provision their altars..

42 Other texts give more specific information about particular shrines;

"*****, kar1w in stonep with, 3w-doors in true cedar to follow the 43

statues of my majesty "o (Inscription of Tathmosis III at Karnak). "I made for you (Alm, n) a secret k3ri from one fine block of

graniteq. L3w-doors upon it in copper, worked and engraved with your divine name, your image resting within it like Re in his horizon, " 44

(Work of Ramesses 1171 at Thebes). Usuallyt as in these two examplesp a k3ri was made of stone, but

wooden examples are also known to have existed;

2-11

"Then the scribe of the armyp Cnerq sent to him again, sayingg ISend me a k3rl of cedar' and the scribe, Sedi, gave him a ksri which

measured two cubits in height.,, 45 (Tomb-Robbery Papyri).

"I found this pr of Amun fallen into ruinp rerected it as it had 46 been... ***1 caused his ks to rest as it wishedv I made for him ak in cedarell

47 (Twenty-Second Dynasty graffito on the exterior wall of the temple of Luxor).

K3rIq thereforeq unlike other "shrine" termsq seems to have had

a specific meaningg a naosp and to have retained that meaning from the

Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period. Sarprisinglyp perhapsq the term

does not appear in Brichsents Demotisches Glossar, nor is it found in.

Coptic texts.

1 PYr-v 1773c- 2 De Buckt The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 19 248a.

3 Loco cit, * 4 Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestucke, 71,6. 5 Simpsonj Papyras Reisner Ip Pl-14Aq 32 and 38. For anotherp damagedv

Occurrence of k!, 7! 1 in this papyrusq see; lbid*j Pl-13Aq 6. 6 Urk-P VII9 34P 19. 7 Lange and Schlýfer, Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichesq II,

1559 4- Urk-P IVt 13509 12o Budgep The Book of the Deadg It 18 ( twice).

(1898). Texto 44; Chassinatv Edfou

10 Urk-t IV9 130P 16. 11 The exact form of the determinative varies* Ibid*t IV9 168t 15;

5539 13; Naville, Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchp It pl. CXLIII; CXCI;

KRI-P It 58P 13; 1269 3; Mariette, Abydos, Up pl. lgt c and do

12 Urk. 9 IV9 1320,2.

13 Ibid., IV, 1674P 1; KE-ley 14 ! r_k#v, IVv*-445t 39 15 Ibid-, IVP 13419 16. 16 KRiqv iv 1861,16; 1879 1;

Vt 2269 13-

1889 4; Fxichseng Papyrus HaxTis 19 59

8; 6p 5; 6,8; 7p 4; 309 14; 529 12* 17 The exact form of the determinative varies. KRI*p It 429 5; Chic-

ago University, Orintal Institutep Med, Habup IIIt PI-138t 45 (wrongly quoted by 'Lb*9 V9 1089 3t as; Pl-1389 55); Navillev op,

all

sit. 9 1, p 1, CIXXXVIII.

18 Gardiner, Late F4Wtian Miscellaniesp 479,9; Erichsenj op. ci op 50,17; 67P 4-

19 rbid. , 29t 17-

29 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 119 pl*XXI, (B. M. 10053)9 versop 4.21 and 23-

21 Daressyt Rec. de Trav. 14 (1893)t 34# LV9 e. 4-5- 22 Spiegelberg, Rece de Trave 19 (1897) p 95-96, B9 I (the same term

also occurs in line 3y without the divine determinative).

23 Piankoffq Rev. d'Eg. 1 (1933)9 164-

24 Legraing 4UE 6 (1905)t 122 (Roaderf Naost 569 gives - instead

of r'73 . The photograph (D? id. 9 Pl-15) is too indistinct tu make

out the correct form of the sign); Saunerong Esnav IIIP 32ý 206,

10.1 25 Navillep Goshen and the Shrine of Saft el-Henneh,, pljp Sbv 3*

26 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, 1.2929

27 Chassinatp op. cito, 119 23P 112.

28 Ibideq 19 542v VI9 37 amd 38-

29 PYr-9 17730-

30 Wb-9 Ilt 4159 1-14; Faulkner, Con* Diet*,, 148, 31 E. g. 9 Kaiserv Beitrage Bf., 12, Festschrift Rickeq FaIttafel 4, top

register; 5P lower two registers# Quibellp Hierakonpolist Iq pl. XXVIt B.

32 Mariettet op* cit, t III, pl, 19p c. 33 H-g-t Spiegelbergq loc. cite; Satmeront loc, cite, 34 Chassinatt op. cit. 9 It 18 (twice), For the form of the naos see;

Lbid. 9 9t fig. 2.

35 Piankoff, loc. cit. * For the fo= of the naos see; Ibid. p pl. VIII. 36 Legraing loc, cite* For a photograph of this naos see; Roedert

OP- cit-t PI-15- 37 Champolliong loc. cit.. 38 Sethe, loc. cit.. 39 Urk-t VIIt 349 199 For a plan of the tomb see; Newberryp Beni

Has . 19 pl. XXII. 40 Simpsonp 22- 'ci -t P1-13A, 6; 14A9 32 and 38. 41 E-9-P Urk-, IV, 1309 16; 1320p 2; Met It 42P 5; 126P 3; 1879 1;

186,1 6; V, 116t 10; 226,13; Gardinerp loc. cite; Brichsen, op. Si-t-9 79 4; 50P 17-

21B

42 Urk. 1, IV, 5539 13- 43 P?

_id-v IV, 168,15, Barguetv Templ v 124, identifies these k3r1W

with the side-chapels of Tathmosis III in the Northern court, be- hind the Sixth Pylon (PM. 9 II, 92-93; Pl-XI-)-

44 Erichsen, op. oit. v 69 8 (similarlyp for Re, Ibide, 30,14; and for Ptahq Ibid. 9 IV9 529 12).

45 Peetq loc- cit.. 46 See wrij; ing No*21 above* 47 Daressy, loc. cit. *

Z114-

t3y(t)

Coll ffo Dyn. X3X 1

, -9=, )ý. 44 zAn,

H. Ko 2

ptol. 4

vjý44V

Dyn. XX3

The Wdrterbuch distinguished two terms; ts, translated as "doorg ,j5-6 gatep in temple and t3yt "door in temple". It would seemp how-

ever to be unlikely that more than one term'is involved since the

writings and apparent meanings are so similar.

This term is used in temple descriptions only rarely and not

prior to the Nineteenth Dynasty, although its earlier meaning can be surmised since other words with the stem t3 are connected with

weaving and woven garments. 7A temple-t3yt was probablyp originallyp

some kind of curtain or screen of woven reeds* The Nineteenth-Dynas- ty LS! Q from

8 the temple of Seti I at Abydos, are described as being

made of gold so the samustv clearly, have been more solid objects* -, Likewise the-example of the term from Papyrus Harris I refers to the t3yt of a st wrt as being "of gold like the two Iliwy of heaven. " 9

This text would seem to suggest that a t3ytv determined here with the----), signp was a gildedp wooden double-door, 10

The hieroglyphic sign e! ý 9 11

was used from the Old Kingdom

onwards in the title of the Vizierp 12 and as a determinative of words

with the stem t3, but the exact interpretation of the sign is open to question. Gardiner regards it as a "gateway (? ) surmounted by protecting sexpents9l,

13 while Habachi-sees it as an attempt to

depict both the plan'and the facade of a hall. 14 The taller version of the sign which figures in three of the four known writings, is also found as a determinative of sbbt, a screening-porch in front of an entrance915 and it is interesting to note that these two terms are used. in parallel in descriptive epithets of a Vizier; "A sbht of Amun, 6, t3yt in the time of the Lord-of-All. 11 16 It is tempting to suggest that a t3yt served a similar function to a sb)3t and was also some kind of screening-device,

Screen-wallsp surmounted by friezes of uraeiv are found in Egypt- ian architecturet particularly in connection with the Window-of-

. Z. 1 5

Appearances, 17 and in Graeco-Roman templesq'8 although it cannot be

proved that t3yt was ever actually applied to such walls. The t3Yt in Papyras Harris I could have been a gildedv woodeng

double-doored screen which stood before a shrine (st wr )q perhaps

even enclosing it like the gided'Ishrines" from the tomb of Tatankh-

amune

1 KRIP 19 1339 3; 1349,7- 2 6erny and Gardinerv Hieratic Ostracav 19 pl. XCII9 1p versop 10

(Osto Gardinert 303)- 3 ErichGent PaPYrUs Ha=ris 19 509 16. 4 Chassinatj Edfoug Iv 18, 5 Roy V* 230P 15- One of the references quoted is; Marietteg Abydosv

Is plol9t a. The writing is given in Wbot Belegstelle t VP 439 as V 'A P9 which does not, in factp occur on the plate quoted and seems to be the result of confusion between writings O-f t_ý and ýh spss.

6 Wbov Vp 2319 10- 7 lbide p Vq 231-233- 8 RIP Ip 133p 3; 1349 7- 9 Erichseng loc. cit.. 10 Beep Christophey Melanges Masperot '19 fasc-4v 23- 11 Gardinerp Gramm . Sign Listp 0.16. 12 Loc. cit.; Faulknerp Con. Dict., 293- 13 Gardiner, loc* cit.. 14 Habachiv ASAN 52 (1954)v 503- 15 See sbbtq aboveo P*227ff. 16 C-einy and Gardiner, loc, cit*, 17 E. g. 69 at Amarnap Daviesv El-Ama=a, Ip pl, XXV; III, pl. XIII; and

at Medinet Habug H61scher, Exc. Mede Habu, 1119 P1-4- 18 Eg, p J6quierg L'Architecturet III, pls*25 (Edfu); 37 (KOIR Ombo);

56 (Denderah); 72 (Esna)o

2116

tW3

Dyn. XIX Ptol. 2 ptol.

ptol. 4

Ty, %, 4i' T

The W6rterbuch dates this term to the Graeco-Roman period only. 5 How-

everp 6sing has suggested that the first writing quoted above-p which

comes from the Nineteenth Dynasty Anastasi Papyrus IIIp is an early

example of tw-3.6

The passage in question is badly damaged but concerns work carried

out in the royal workshopsp among which are; (2 --b- J4 %N

I /A ---* ///, '10ý, JA

C-3 'M III -_. Vi III. A-U I'll

Caminos interpreted this as 11dwt of willow-wood of the three great

doors". Osingg however, has demonstrated that the second word is not

trt "willow-wood" but tri "door" and he prefers to take tw3-trl as a

compound noun meaning "Thr-Pfosten". 9 Such a compound would seem to

have been an illogical choice for "door-jambs" since either bntw or

htri(w) would have been preferable and both terms were in use in the

Nineteenth Dynasty. dsing suggested that the compound tw3-tr: 'l could be compared to

the use of a compound htri-sbsp meaning "door-jamb" which occurs in

Papyrus Harris I. This compound does notp in fact, existf the examples

in this papyrus being all writings of "the door-frames (4triw) and

the door-leaves (sb3w)t111O where both elements were made of the same

material* The order of the two terms could also be reversed, 11

and the separate identities of latr and sb5 are confirmed from other pass-

ages where the two are made of different materials, 12 It isv therefore,

most unlikely that tw3-trl is a compound noun and it is probably to

be interpreted in the same wayp as "the tw341columnslland the trl-doors. 11

Since tri could be used of any of the elements which went to make

up a door 13 it is possible that these tr1w are "door-leaves"* The tw3w couldv thereforep be the "door-jambs" although either bn-sw or ]Xtriw would have been preferable.

In the Graeco-Roman temples tW3 is used as a general noun for a column14 ,a logical development from the etymological origin of the term in tw3 "to raise up, to supportit.

15

2-1-1

16 6sing also proposed that tw3 be regaxded as the ancestor of the Coptic -royo, '*door-post" or "lintel" 17

refuting the suggestion of

Pecht that --roYcx originated in an, as yet unfound, compound *tpy-cb. 18

The recognition of tw3 in Anastasi III pushes back the known

history of the texm to the Nineteenth Dynasty although it would seem

to have changed slightly in meaning between then and the Graeco-Roman

period.

Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 309 12 (P. An. IIIv versop 19 8).

2 DInicheng Baugeschichte des Denderatempelsp pl. XXMIIP 5 (Ma=iette,

Denderah, Ip P1-7p b gives ^d\ for the second sign). 3 Do Wit, Cho d'Eg- 36 NO-71 (Jan. 1961), 69.

4 Dbmichen, OP- cit- , 4-

5 In., Vt 2509 1ge 6 6singj Nominalbildung, 635-,

7 Gardinert loc. cito, 8 Cazinosy Late Egyptian Miseellaniesp 107-

9 6sing, loc. cit. 9 see also t3A, note 22 belowq P-283- 10 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris Iq 59 10; 9,16; 949 8-

11 Ibido, 6t 7; 109 11.

12 Ibidev 689 13-14; 70t 2.

13 See below, tr3. pe 281ff.

14 Vimicheng 02- cit-t Pls-XV9 4; XXXVIII9 5; De Witt loce cit** 15 TI. t V9 248-250-

16 6sing, opa cit., 148; 634-637-

17 Cnmv A Coptic Dictionaryo 443b.

18 Fechtv Wortakzent und Silbenstrukturq 103-104v 194-, Both sagi; estions for the etymology of -Taja. are noted by Westendorf, Koptisi:: hes Hand-

w6rterbuch, 251v but -royo. is omitted from 6erny's Coptic Etymol-

ogical Dictionary.

alls

tp-4wt

Dyne Vs, 2ad. Dyne XXII

Intell Dyne V2 , ),

I)yn. XVII, ptol. 3

Dyne XVIII, XIX94 Dyne xvili5 N, Kq 6

XXIIP XXV, Ptol. 1 C-3

J5) 5 1

Dyne XX7 9

Dyne XXII9 Ptol, ldmý Ink 1-3 =I C3

kp 'CI. M C-3

=

Ptol. 10

Tlie W6rterbuch translates tp-4wt as "der Dach" 11

and this meaning is

in no doubts Originallyp presumablyt the term would have described

only the roof of a temple (tLwt) and this is its most usual meaning in

Egyptian texts, although it could also be used for the roof of other

types of buildings. In the Admonitions,, tp-hwt refers to the roof of

a private house, 12 and in the new Kamose stela tp-bwt_describes the

roof of the palace (? ) at Avaris*13 The tp-4wt of another palace ('4)

is attested'on a New-Xingdom stelal4as is the tp-bwt of a storehouse

on a Ramesside papyrus. 15

Most oftenp howevert tp-4wt describes the roof of a templet and it

is as such that it first occurs in the Abusir Papyri and on the Pale=o

Stone, both of the Fifth Dynasty.

In the Abusir Papyri tp-4wt is used for ther roof of the mortuary temple of Neferirkare. 16

As such it was one of the places included in

the duty-rota, for the priests of the temple "those who are on watch (on) the tp-4wt u 17

On the Palermo Stone are the first indications of the existence of'chapels dedicated to the god Re on the roofs of temples

of other gods. 18

This would seem to have been quite a common practice

and is particularly well-attested for the temple of Amun at Karnako19

This chapel -seems to have been called a swt-r _9 20

and it is possible that the other roof-chapels dedicated to Re were given the same names

Tp-bwt has also been found in texts which describe-other templesP In the Specs Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsut the 4wt-ntr of the Lady of Casae is described as being in ruinp "the eaxth had swallowed up its noble bmp and children danced on its tp_bwt. j, 22

Similarlyo in the Twenty-Fifth Dynastyp Taharqa found the temple of Amfin at Kawa in disrepair, the sand-drifts having accumulated up to the level of the

2-lq tp_tLwto 23

The term may occur in the demotio script 24 but does not seem to

recur in Coptic.

Tp-4wt was used-for the roof of a building, particularl. Y a temPl0v

from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Periodq a-ad dibes not seem to have

had any other meaning.

Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyri, pls-IIIAp e; Up aq 1; XIAq i; Gardinerf Admonitionso, 139 3; Legraing Statues

at Statuetteov 1119 32v 2. 2 Urk, q IV9 244P 3; 2489 1; Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp op- cit-9

pls. xjjA,, a; XIVAq B; IXMIA9 Be

3 Habachiq The Second Stela of Kamoseq, pl*VIP abbol2s 8; Marietteg

Denderahv IV9 ple2e 4 Benedite, Tombeau de Neferhotpoup pl, III9 upper regiater; Gardinerf

Late Egyptian Storiesq 2,2; Cerny and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostrakat 11 pl*XLVP 49 5; Chicago Universityp Oriental Institutev The Bub-

astite Portalt pl*229 11; Chassinatt Edfout Iv 513; Faulknerp The Papyrus Bremner-Rhindt 33P 5; Macadamq, The Temples of Kawa, 19 pl. 12t 16.

5 qrk-P IV9 386t 6; 1760P 7- 6 Schiaparelliq Museo Archeologico di Firenzeq Antichita Egiziev Iv

491; Macadamp op* citev Iv pl, 89 lle 7 Gardiner, Onomev pl, XII (Amenemope, 6v 3)- 8 legraing opo cit-P 1119 80P fo 3; Marietta, Monumemts Diverso ple

479 Be

9 Id. 1, Denderahp IVP Pls-7; 9; 10; Brugschp Thesaurus 539- 10 Chassinat, op. cit-, 1,549- 11 Wboy 1119 2tI; V9 2909 9-18, 12 Gardinerv Admonitions, 13,3* 13 Habachip loc. ci .. 14 Schisparellip loc. cit. * 15 Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documentst 37,1. The W6rterbuch

(Vt 290,11) quotes Sinahe B. 19 as an example of tp-4wt to describe the roof of a fortress* However other variants of the text have tp Inbw which is probably to be preferred (Blackmanp Middle Egypti Stories, 12; Barns, The Ashmolean Ostrakon of Sinuhev recto, 16).

16 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalf op. cit., pl. VA9 at 1; XIA9 i;

ago

XIIA, e; XIVA, B; LXXVIIA9 Be See also; Posener. -Kri6ger, Archives Neferirkare, 510-511-

17 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalt op* citq pl, II3: Av ee 18 Urk. 9 19 2449 3; 248,1-

19 Spiegelberg, Rec, de Trav- 35P (1913)t 38; El-Sayed, BIFAQ 78 (1

978)9 462-463; legrain, loc. cit Faulkner, loc. cit derny and Gardiner,, loc. cite; Mariettev Monuments Divers P1-47y Be

20 Chicago University, Oriental Institutev loc. cit*. See further, swt-r'-I above P*261.

21 Benedite.. loc. cit.; Mariettev Denderabi, IVv pls. 2; 7; 9; 10;

'7 " -. - Chas sinat, op. cit.., 1,549- 22 Urke 9 IVv 386,6. 23 Maoadamp op, citeg, pls*8j 11; 121,16. 24 Exichsen, Demotisches Glossar 627 OP-09

28%

tri

Dyne XIX 1 %\

Dyne XIX, XX 2 Dyne 3 ICAIýý xu

Dyne XIX4 Dyne XX5 J4 \\

t4_1C-3 ý11ý144 will

6 C=> I)yno XX Dyne xx7 Dyne

ý4c: it

44 17-3 xx

Dyne XX9 Dyne XXI 10

IT) Trl seems to have been first used in the reign of Ramesses II, to des-

cribe doors at Thebes. In one case the word is found in the plural

but, as it is followed by the dual adjective wrty, it is presumably

to be understood as 4 dual. 11 Plantikow-Munster, following Yoyotte, 12

identified these two tri as the doorways leading from the outer hall

to the inner hall of the Eastern Temple of Razesses II at the back of

the temple of A= at Karnak. 13 This text certainly refers to the

Eastern Temple but the suggested identification for the trl'W remains

open to doubt. They are described as being "great, of electrump their

beauty joining with the sky9s, 14

and it is, perhapst more likely that

such a description would refer to the great gilded doors at the main

entrance to the temple rather than to minor doorways within the build: - ing. This is also suggested by the fact that the description of the

tri -w comes between that of the gardens and that of the flagstaffsp

both of which would be more closely associated with the main entrance

than with inner doorways. The use of the dual and also the material

of which the tr1w are made imply that it is the doorleaves which are being described.

Another inscription of the same reign, however, uses the same word for an entire doorwaye This text notes the meeting of the 1ýnbt-council

at the 'r'yt of Pharaoh, in the Southern City (Thebes) beside 11hrw- 15

ib 4r M3-tg the great tri of Razesses-Miamune" This gateway, the

precise location of which is unknowng is also mentioned in another text where it is called a sb3p

16 indicating that sbS and trl were interchangeable at this date. In such a context tri is unlikely to

have referred to the door-leaves alone. In Papyrus Harris I most of the occurrences of tri can be best

ITZ

be translated as "door-leaves" since tLtrw and wmwt are used to des-

cribe the door frames and the tr1w are made of woodp decorated with

precious metals. 17 However in the same papyrus trl is also used of

the door frames. For example, the description of work of Ramesses III in the temple of Amun speaks of Jr1W of granite with sb3w and 4trw in

16 sb3wt in this case,, being used for the door-lea-; 19 gold, 27eaves. A Sim-

ilar example is found in the temple of Medinet Habu where the tr1w

were of gold inlaid with precious stones while the door-leaves were 20 decorated with ktmt-gold,

A final example of tri used to mean an entire doorway occurs in

the story of the Two Brothers where the blood of the bull falls beside

the two door jambs (LnL5w, qqvoý of his majesty, "one on each side of the great tri of Pharaoh. "

71 Other occurrences of the word may also

be for the doorway, rather than the door-leaves, 22

Kitchen has suggested that trl is a loan-word from West Semitic dl 23

which would explain the relatively late appearance of the word, in the Nineteenth Dynasty and the varied syllabic writingsq With the

24 ;, possible exception of one text, tri is used only for monumental doors in either temples or palaces and was probably restricted in use to these large, highly decorated doors,

Like sb3, tr1l could be used for the entire doorway, the frame or the leavesp 25

so each occurrence of tri will have to be judged on its

context, Tri does not occur in either demotic or Coptic.

I Plantikow-Manster, ZIS-95 (1969)t 1199 abb, 19 b, 6.

2 E=way ZAS 17 (1879), 72; Erichaen, Papyrus Harris It 4P 8; 50P 12; 67P 1; 67,13; 689 4-

3 Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 30t 12. 4 Kitchent JU 60 (1974)9 173, fig-It 40 5 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Storiesq 26,13; 27,1. 6 Legraint Statues et Statuettes, 119 539 d, 4- 7 Gardiner, Chester Beatty It plolnig, 'll. 8 Erichsen, op. cit., 6,1; 6,6.

9 KRI9 Vt 74,4-

10 Hamadap ASLE 47 (1947)9 179 5- 11 Plantikow-Mýnsterq op, citog 128, notes z and dd* 12 Yoyotteq K; mi 14 (1957)9 88-

293

13 Plantikow-Milnster, op. cite, 128, note dd. For the situation of these two doors see; Barguet, ASAE 50 (1950)t 270t C and D; L119

II, pl. XVIII, Me Yoyotte, (loc. cit. ) also included as one of the

tr1W "the Upper Gate", the main entrance to the temple (Barguet,

ON cite P 270# A).

14 Plantikow-Mfinster, op. cit. t 119t abb. 1, b, 6.

15 Ezmanj loc* cit*, 16 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanieso 39p 2; Caminos, Late Egypt-

ian MsCellanies, 148.

17 Erichsen, op. cit. 9 67,1; 67,13; 68P 4- Other examples where tri

is probably used for door-leaves include; ibid*9 49 8; 6,1; 509

12; Legraint loc. cit.; Kitchen, loc. cit.. For a discussion of tri in Papyrus Harris I see; Christophel Melanges Masperop I, face.

4,23,111, be

18 Erichsen, opo cit. t 6.6.

19 See sb-s p. 222. One final occliLrrence of tri in Papyrus Harris I is

problematical since, among the door parts, it lists 4trw, wmt,

sb3w and tr1w (Erichsen, opo cite, 50t 12)o

20 KRI, V9 74,4- For ktmtp a kind of gold, see; Harrist Minerals,

37-38-

21 Gardiners late Egyptian Stories, 26,13; 27,1.

22 Hamada, loco cite; Gardiner, Chester Beatty I pl-179 10 (this is

the curious spelling which Gardiner (Ibid., 38, note 2) takes

to be a writing of trio If ao this is the only example where trl

does not refer to a monumental dooro One finall damagedg writing of tri may occur in Po Anastasi III (Gardiner, Late Egyptian Misc-

ellaniesq 309 12). This was taken by Caminos (Late Egyptian Misc-

ellanies, 106) to be for trt "willow-wood" but this has been re- futed by 6sing (Nominalbildung 635) who prefers to see this as a writing of a compound dw3w-tri, meaning "door-poststlo See further

under tw3 p* 276. 23 Kitchen, opo cit-ý 170. 24 See note 22 aboveo 25 For the dictionary entry for tri see; ILbol V9 318,14-17o

218+

Dyn. XVIII

tM This word is known from only one text, on a granite block from the

sanctuary of Tuthmosis III in the temple of Amun at Karnak. 2

The

inscription records benefactions of the king to the god consisting

of building projects within the temple and also gifts to the temple

treasury.

Unfortunately this interesting text is badly preserved and it

is not possible to be certain to which parts of the temple the

inscription refers. The line immediately before that which mentions

the t3 columns gives the name of the door of the Sixth Pylon "Imn

'-. 3'*gfYt- 3

After a break in the textq the relevant line is; A14

4z=> % 1-= 00 CO

0--%^

Nimsp who first published the complete textp translated this as; "a great spacious hallp ti-pillars of sandstone, inlaid with electXn3m

and costly stone . *,. " 5"and

originally identified this wsbt with one of the two courts to the north and south of the sanctuaryp the

columns of which are papyriform clusters. 6

However, lateA Nims decided that this passage did in fact refer to the "festival hall"

of Tuthmosis III at Ka=ak7 in which case the t3-pillars would be the formalized stone tent-poles which are peculiar to this hall.

It is impossible to identify this hall at Karnak with any degree of certainty. As well as the festival hallp, Tathmosis III

created, the courts with the papyrifo= cluster colonnades On

either side ofthe Sixth Pylon and also changed the plan of the hall

of Tuthmosis I between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons, 9 The description

of the hall as a wsbt 13t w. 3dyt could well fit the last 6f these

which is elsewhere described variously as a lwnytp a wsht and a w3dyt.

10 The exact meaning of w3c *t as an adjective is unclear. Nims' translation gives "spacious", "

unless this is a reflection of the "breadth" of the wsbty in which case he leaves w3dy un- translated. A parallel to this is found on a stela of Sebekhotep IVY also from Karnakp in which mention is made of work carried out m wsýt w3-dyt nt bwt-ntr tn. 12 Helckv who published the text translated wsLit w3dyt as "S"aulenhalle" 13 but since this must haNe referred to a part of the now-destroyed Middle-Kingdom templev it

21? 5

is impossible to identify the hall. If w. 3dyt in these two cases ref-

lects the fact that the halls were columnedq then one would have

little hesitatioij in identifying the wsljt c3t w. 3dyt of Tuthmosis III

with the hall of Tuthmosis It as was suggested by Barguet14 who gave

a copyo in fountl of the sentencei wsh. t '3t w3d inr n rwdt Yt t3W MI

which he translated as "grande salle (ou cour) i colonnes. o.... ep en

pierre de, gres. 11 However this would mean that taw would have to refer to the single-stem papyriform columns of this hallp which is hardly

satisfactory since these were elsewhere called w34w and the three determinatives of the t3-columns, although indistinct in formt have "closed" capitals.

This feature of the t-sw could correspond to either of the sets of papyrus cluster columns behind the Fifth and Sixth Pylons or to the tent-pole columns of the festival hall. The former type is elsewhere

called w3rl and 4bt15 so that one would hesitate to suggest that this one column-form could have had a third name, t3.

Cn the other hand one would have expected the tent-pole columns to have been called caw since this was the name of the original wooden columns which were reproduced in stone in the festival hall and, in fact, a dedication inscription on one of these columns reads;

As reproduced in Urkunden IV the so signs are clearly 1: 3-columns although it is possibley if improbablep that these ideograms were to be read as t3w rather than I: sw.

Probably t3w was an alternative name for the tent-pole columns of the festival hall. This would explain why the word has not been found elsewhore17 as these columns were unique in Egyptian stone architecture.

1 Nimso Studies in Ilonor of John A Wilsong fig-7v x+3* 2 Ibid., 69-74-

3 Ibid, p fig-79 x+2. 4 LbLd-9 fig-79 x+3- 5 Ibidog 709 UP (3); 71, note d. 6 Ibid. P 72p II; LMp 119 92-97; pls. XI9 VI; XIIv VI; Barguetp Templey

115-136. For photographs of these columns see Jequier, Architecturev Iv Pl-489 1-

7 Nims, Beitrige Bf. 129 Pestschrift Rickel 107, note 3- 8 PMt Up 110-111; plsoXII9 2; XIIII 1; Bargueto op, cit , 167-182;

Por photographs of these columns see; Jequierv Architecture, I.

ý226

pls-49-50- 9 For a detailed description of the building projects of Tathmosis

III in the Amun temple see; Borchardtp Baugeschichtep 21-33- 10 See the separate entries for each of these words. 11 Nimsy Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsonp 70P Ili (3)-

12 Helckq MDLIK 24 (1969), 199, -n; pl. XVII.

13 ibid. p 196.

14 Bargaety op. cit*p 54. Barguet reproduces the determinatives of 11w as "'. i. columns.

15 See under each entry. 16 Urk-9 IVP 857-17. The forms of these columns are depicted more

accurately in the determinative M of the word 4rt-ib (Urk, p IV,

856.8 and note c. ) which was used to describe the festival hall

itselfe see above p*192ff.

17 There remains the possibility that the t3, sign is an ancient

error on the part of either the scribe who composed the text or the mason who transferred it t6 the wall of the temple. If the

sign were to be omitted altogether then the three columns could be taken as the determinatives of w3ýjytq indicating the unusual

column-type involved.

281

tsmt

Dyn. XIX' Dyn. XX 2 Dyn. XX3

I[C) -46- M

Dyne XX4 Dyn 9 XXV5 Dyn, XXV 6

==� hell M Z=> gl -.; =- =- r-3 =1 --. 41- M1-. "- 1t%

--0-

1 -u

1

Dyn. XXV7 Roman 8

Tamt occursq in the plural formp along withlrwt and tkrwt in Papyrus 9

11arris 1, as a part of the enclosure walls of the temples of Inhurp-

Wepwavetq 10 Thothp" and Osiris. 12 The term is also used in the dea-

cription of a wall around a wellt this time without crwt and tkrw*13

Tsmwt is not found in relation to the enclosure wall at Medinet Rabue

In theoryt thereforeq tsmt should be the name of an architectural

feature which is omitted from the enclosure wall of the mortuary

temple of Ramesses III, but exists at the other temples* Unfortunately

the walls of this king at the other sites*have not survivedp so the

temple plans cannot be compared with the descriptions given in the

papyrus. The excavators at Medinet Habu assumed that both the inner and

outer enclosure walls had crenellated ramparts14 but these do not

seem to have been preserved* The possible absence of the rarenellations

is interesting as Gardiner has suggested that this is the meaning of

tsmwt. 15 The main evidence which would support this theory comes

from the stela of Pianchig where the king is beseiging the city of

Memphis; "His majesty saw that it was strongp the sbty having been

raised by'new buildingp the tsmw(t) manned by strong men. " 16 How-

17 evert Traunecker has since suggested that tsmwt were "bastions ta translation which would also fit the Pianchi textt and he has pointed

18 out that there were no bastions on the enclosure walls at Medinet Habu.

T#e earliest occurrence of this term is of the reign of Merenptahv

on the Israel stelat where messengers are described as being sheltered from the heat of the sun by the temwt. 19 In the Cnomasticonq tsmt

20 occurs between the two major "wall" wordsp sbty and Inb, suggest- ing that it wasp in itselft a prominent feature* This writing is in

the singular form as is another writing in the Pianchi stela which

Ise

has the curious determinative - 21 Tefnakhte is telling his troops

that they will be safe in Memphis; sbtyq a gmeat tsm(t) has

betn built, constructed with skillful workmanship. " 22

Later in the same dynasty, Montuemhat records the rebuilding of

the'sbty of the temple of Aman at Karnakp including the re-erectiong in brickq of tsmwt which have fallen to the ground.

23

Finallyp tsm(t p again in the singular formp occurs on a stela of the Roman periodg describihg work carried out at Luxor for the emperor Tiberius. 24 Traunecker has pointed out that the Roman wall at Luxor

did have bastions. 25

The balance of the evidence would seem to support the saggestion.

that tamt should be translated as "bastion##*

1 Spiegelbergg ýLS 34 (1896)p 89 3- 2 Erichseng Papyrus Harris 1,66,18; 68,13; 949 7-8.

3 Pýid., 679 12; 68P 4-

4 Gardiner, Onom., pl,. XIIA, 6,1.

5 Wreszinakil Orientalistische literaturzeitang 13 (1910)p Pl-IIIP 10 (after P-387)-

6 Urk*p 1119 319 3-

7 Ibid,, 1119 29p 15-

8 Daressyq ASAE 19 (1919)p 165-

9 Ericheent opo cit., 66,18,

10 Ibidep 68p 13-

11 Ibid., 67v 12.

12 Ibid., 689 4.

13 Ibidet 94P 7-8.,

14 H61scher, Exe. Med. Habup IVP 1-3; pl. 2. 15 Gardiner, op. cit. p 119 213*9 F4-4-5ý

16 Urk-9 1119 319 3* 17 Traunecker, Karnak Vq 151-152. 18 Ibid. 9 151P note 5- 19 Spiegelbergq loc. cit.. 20 Gardinerp op. cit. 9 pl. XIIAt 6,1.

21 The form of this determinative has been checked on the stela in the Cairo Museum and resembles that given in Urk. s 1119 299 15-P

Marietteg Monuments Diverst Pl-4p 88 hasc9 while De Rouge, Chrest

omathiet No 47 gives 42% -

299

22 Urk. , III p 29v 15- 23 Wreszinski, loc. cit. * 24 Daressy, loc. citoi, 25 Traunecker, op* citts

(opposite P- 468). 1519 eiting liabachi, ASAE 51 (1951)9 pl-1

lqo

tkrvr

qc:; b N% , Dyn

36 C--3 11

Tkrw is only known from Papyrus Harris I where it occurap always in the pluralp in association with Irwt and tsaw an parts of an enclosure

wall (sbty)e That of the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet

Habu is described as having only Irw t and tkrw (of sandstone)p 2

while the other temples have tomwt as wel, 43 As has been noted above4 the

outer enclosure wall at Medinet Rabla which had turrets straddling the

wall and fortified gates at the entrancep was faced with sandstone*5 Since Irt comes from a stem which means "to climb" this torm was

probably applied to the turrets on the top of the wall,, while tkrwt 6 from a somitic stem meaning "to lock" referred to the gates at the

entrance to the enclosure. -

1 Erichsen, Papyras Harriis It 49 11; 66,18; 679 12; 689 4; 689 13- 2 Ibidop 49 11- 3 ibid. 9 66,18; 67v 12; 681,4; 68,13- 4 See '-rtt P-39- 5 U61scher� Exc. Mode Habug Vp 1-31 pl*2* 6 Holckv Die Beziehungen igyptenn zu Vorderanian im 3 und 2 Jahr-

tausend Ve Chrey 525, Noo297; Burchardtg Fremdworte und Eigennameng IIP 599 11729

2q%

d3cls

Dyn * XTI 1 11ý IMM3

Dyn. XVIII 25

Q C== Dyne XVIII

0 Dyn. XIX4

XX 13ý0ý 1111C-3 I I, 'op 'o

Dyn. XX 6

Dyne jX7 D5m" XXI8

Lai Q tj ý\ 106

Dyn. XX19 Alex. II jo Uý Ptol. 11

1 r-3 17 It 1A

12 C-3

Ptol. ptol. 13

WUL. J

The first point to note concerning dsýU 9 is that the writings quoted

above may not all be variants of the same term, The earliest exampleg

occurs on a granite doorway from Qdntir. 14 The door wasp apparentlyo

first erected and inscribed by Amenemhat 1 15 and was re-inscribed

later in the same dynastyp by Sesostris 111.16 Two identical texts of

the latter king, on the jambst read; "He made as his monumentp the

erecting of the sbi of the d3d3w of Amenemhatj by renewing that which 17 his fatherv the King of Upper and Lower Egyptt Sehetepibrep had made*"

Unfortunatelyt the noun.. d3d-SW iSp on both jambsg inscribed over the joins between the lintel and the jambs, and is, therefore, badly

damagedg so that the form of the determinative cannot be confirmed from the photograph. Habachi reads the word as dzdAw, and identifies

the building as a "palacellp since the doorway does not have either the name ofq or a dedicatory inscription top any god. Bietak 18 trans-

literates the term, wronglyp as S1.3dw, and equates it with the noun for a "Beratungs oder Audienzhalle" in the palace.

19

The building in question has not been excavated since the greater

part of it lies under a modern village, but a brick wallp three metres thickv led off from either side of the doorway, and limestone blocks

were found in the vicinityg one of which showed. the king andv' presum-

ablyp Seshat participating in a foundation ceremony. 20 A statue of

Amenemhat 19 which describes him as "beloved of Ba-neb-djedl, 21 is

also said to have been found "lying not far from the stones*of the door". 22 The block with the foundation ceremony might suggest that WYMAmenemhat was a templep or a shrine within a temple enclosure,

act I

but the determinative usedq and the absence of a deity on the door-

way would tend to support Habachils view that this building was of

a secular rather than a religious nature.

It is possiblev thereforet that this example of ought to be

distinguished from the others which refer to temple-buildings. The

problem could only be satisfactorily resolved if the Qantir building

were to be excavated, and its true nature revealed, Although the remaining examples of Lisd, ý are all identifiable as

religious structuresp few can be actually related to any known build-

ings. The earliest writing from the New Kingdom occurs on a stela of king Ahmose. "He (made) as his monumentp adsdz. anewp for his father

Monthu.., 11 23 Despite the unusual order of -the variuus elements in

this sentence (a more usual order would be; Ir. nf m mnw. f n It. f

Mntw ..... ýid3) there can be no doubt that the d-5d-5 is the building

which has been constructed* This stela is unprovenanced but the fact

that the Od3 is dedicated to 'Wonthup Lord of Thebesq who is in the

midst of (hry-17b) Armant"j, would suggest that Armant was its original

provenance. Cne block of Ahmose has been found in the temple at Armant 24

and three pieces of limestone relief-wo: rkp showing Ahmose 25 offering to Monthug were re-used in the construction of the Bucheum.

These blocks may come from the did3 of Ahmoset or from the temple to

which the d3di was attached. Barguetv who has discussed the meaning of this term in some detailp

considers that a dsdi is a "colonnade" erected before the entrance to a temple, such as those of Taharqa at Karnak.

26 The evidence would

certainly seem to suggest that a d3d3 was a separate structure sit-

uated outside of the main temple building. It is often linked with

processions of the god 27

and could be positioned on the side of a 28 29 30

canalt , sacred lake or quays The only real description of a 43ds comes from the Nineteenth-

Dynasty inscription of Bakenkhonst concerning the Eastern Temple of Ramesses II at Karnak, 11erected obelisks in it (lwt-ntr granite, ) in

their beauty reaching up to heaveng a di. in front of it (4wt-nt

in stonet in front of (m Mf [tjý= n) Thebes,,,

31 From this descrip-

tion it can be assumed that the dsýb stood before the entrance tot

the templet on the site now occupied by the colonnade of Taharqa*32

One can only assume that it was some kind of kiosk or peripteral

chapel.

193

Althoggh Barguet is convinced that the Tsharqa "colonnades" are didiw there is no evidence fmr this in the texts of the colonnades themselves, so that this identification must remain a matter of spec-

ulation. Barguet is not the only writer t6 have discussed the nature

of cI'sdSwq although none have reached any definite conclusions as to the appearance and function of these structures033

The evidence that does exist would suggest that a d3d, 3 was an edifice within a temple's environs but separate from the main temple- buildingo and often situated by the side of a canal or lake where it

served as a resting-place for the image of the god when in procession, It wouldq therefore, seem to be most likely that d3d3 was a term for

a peripteral chapel. Despite it3frequent use in Ptolemaic, hieroglyphic texts, 113d3

does not appear to have been employed in the contemporary demotio texts., less surprisinglyq it does not recur in Coptic.

1 Habachi, ASAE 52 (1954)9 451; Pl-IV- 2 Stewartq Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintingsv Iv pl. 1v I. 3 Hayes, JEL 46 (1960)t pl. XAv 89 1. 4 Plantikow-Miinsterg ZAS 95 (1969)9 119p abb*lbv 5- 5 Marciniakq Deir EI-Baharit Iv pl*XII Av 7* 6 Mariette, Karnakv Pl-40Y 7-- 7 Gardinerg Ramesside Administrative Documenta, 62,12. a Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El-Khargehp pl. XXII9 9.

9 Barguety Templeg 36 (Egypt Exploration Fundq Arphaeological Rep-

ortv 1906-1907,21-22).

10 Barguety Le Papyras N. 3176 (S) du Musee du Louvreg 209 1; 209 7;

229 1.

11 Chassinat, Edf 9 VP 350,6; 351,1; Alliot, le Culte d'Horus a Edfou au temps des Ptolemees,, 266-267, takes this to be for 41ýd-3

! law (also writing 12). However, see Gardiner, ZIS 73 (1937), 74- 12 Mmichen, Bauurkunde der Tempelanlagen von Dendera pl*XVII, dep-

icts the bird as %,., as does Brugschq Thesaurusq 365* However, Marietteg Denderah,, It pl... 6ý2,99 h and iq shows the bird as alýo and this is followed by Alliotq loc. cit** These writings areq un- fortunately, in the part of the temple not yet re-published by Chassinat.

13 Sauneront Esnap 111,110 1979 18.

29+

14 Habachip Op- cit-9 448-458- 15 Ibid. 9 pleIII9 16 Ibidop pl*IV* 17 Ibidet 455; PLIV- 18 Bietakv Tell El-Dablaq Up 37. 19 Wb-p Vp 527P 11-15- 20 Habachig op. citp pl. VIIp A. 21 Ibid. p 453; Pl-V- 22 Ibidev 452. 23 Stewartp loco cit,. Stewart reads as d3d3y pw

and translates it as "this edifice" (Lbid. t 1,1. note 2). 24 Mond and Myers, Temples of Armantq It 172; 11, pl. C, 6..

25 Id. p The Bucheump 11,50; IIIt pl. LIV9 46 ( the reliefs each have

a vertical dedicatory-text of which only /n, f m mnw. f/// remains. )

26 Barguet, Temple, 301-302; Idop Le Papyrus N-3176 (S) du Musee du Iouvret 39-41 -

27 Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El-Khargeh, pl*XXII9 9; Barg-

uet, op, ci op 20,1; 20,7; 22,1; Mariette, loc, cit. * See fur- ther; Alliotp loc, cit.,

28 Hayesp loc. cit., 29 Mariette, Karnakq Pl-40,7- 30 Sauneron, loc. cit.. See further, Id., las Fetes religieuses dIEsna

343p note (1).

31 Plantikow-Miinster, loc. cit.. 32 PM. 9 119 208ff; pl. XVIII.

33 Cf., for examplep*Yoyotte, Kemi 14 (1957)t 86, note 4,, which gives

a wimmary of the opinions of earlier writers; Sauneron, loc. cit.; Alliotp loc. ci o; Hayesq OP- ci -, 36, note jo

, 2q 6

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3z+

-e,

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"Inbw 94t 26. "Inbw 113; sp 26; 248s

Inbw §jTM: jjLwZv 249-

qnpw m sbLit io4t(t)t 231-

1 3. nr, n rw-dtt 182. 1 inr n rwdt It cjw esrt 204; 257o

Inr bd nfr n cnwp 126; 130, n-47;

182a I inr ]ýý nfr n rwdto 182o 1 inr ii-d nfr n

g3c tq 189.

ji! ý nfr n ts 189, n-47- 35, n. 14-

'=tp 48-

lry-p-t (I)r(y) 4nbw ws4t, 99. Iryw sbJjtt 230-

1 1000 k: st nw 4wt-ntr I=p 181.

123; 125; 137. ct t3t9 11. 'It wlbtg 82- 't spssty 11; 249-

'Inh-11 , 265� n, 8- 'r/. i'ro 41; 47- chv 205- '# (n wsbt)p 97; 146. tlýtg 172, n. 15- ". hnwtY» 145- ! lbg 83-

w3d9 30-

1L3Ldyt (ac1J-)v 94-95; 264-285-

! ýbp 2649

w"btp 160.

wcn, 252; 257, n-13- wbzj>t, 73, n. 41-

wnbp 83-

! Ltt 249 n»29� wbm '3 n nswy 152.

whm n crrYts 48o

325

wbm nswv 152o

wlým nsw tpys 152o

wIlm tpy n 'Irrytt 152.

Wý= tpy n nswg 152.

lrbg eq. n-30-

walo 241-

Wsbt 93-

wsbt m. 3ctYwo 114- wobt =9 , 97. wtn bnr, 9jo

woot Wyt, 9'1; 104, n. 90o

wds, 96.

wd' mdir za waqtt 100-

wdhg 258o bnbn, 196. bnrt, U5-

(mansion)t 118- (stone)t ZIO-

p3 m3rw n)jtn n ps3Itn m sht-litno

261.

prs hr (c3 9pas n hhw n =pwt Pr-* %4-

c3 hr Imntt wasto IYO-, 1'159

n*75- pPImn-htp n P3 039 IZI.

Pr-439 98; 125-

pr wrw, 46-47; lb8-

pr n nwb, 195-

pr-now, 1251 145; 154, n-7-

pr nor, 99*

pr n obtf 1000 pr-lýfy n p-&>Itn m pr.! Itn m 3ht-

"Itn, 262-264; 267, n-39- pr, -hdt 123; 181-

pr-dw3g 127; 184.

pryt pr-r, 39 123- PMP 46-49- pd-las 169.

m hnt, 62.

M319 253; 257-

ITn, bpi--rc ýI=-dsr-stv 2009

m=t, 241.

mdt, 78- 2 FJ-WsDt-Ntq 99,

Rjwt, 167.

Ebp 217.

nbwy, 83, n. 1; 215-

Nmty-m-wsb v 105, n. 106.

Nn-W3*1-r-fs, 146.

nhbt, 133-

nhmt, 133-

!! ýbt 133- Ntr-=w, 23; 182; 19o, n. 85-

Ntrt n hrt-ib wrt,, 193-

-rt 38, n. 8; 160.

r-l-wos_, 217-

r6-rwty, 145.

rPytp 269.

rbyt, log. hp loo. L3-9 157- IlYt 114- hyt, 161. hbny n tPW t13SWtv 252.

H. rw-Ib-hr-m3'-t. 50; 281.

4wYt 196.

4wt-'-3t, 192; 205; 231-

Vwt Wsr-m3lt-rl mry"ý m pr )Imn, 255-

ýwt nt hhw I'L rnPwtv 79; 96; 127;

110; 1*15, n. 66, GI; 239- Vwt-k3-Pt4,144-

hb-sdv 198-199. L- ýbytl ill, n*24- "-njr, 264-

U6

ým-njr wdýt Ilthr, 99- snw, 61, n. 121*

A hro 114- r4w, 96.

Hr m abht rOA09 2319 Sbm 5l'yt, 2379 addendum*

9 292. plikrt 217-

hry w3dytt 64, addOnd"Jn- OS, 210.

Rry p3 w1p p 85- sgr,. 264.

hryw hmwt nw 4wt-ntzt 181* stp-s p 1259''

hrwq 215- A- smsw '-rrYtt 48-

4tp wsbt, 93; 101. 154, n. 6.

htrt 1979 no 27. . L-

sn' n htpw-ntrp 220.

449 93. gn" , 252.

h3p 980 X

ýnwt, 209* - 12ty, 161. knbt, 44; 45; 49; 50-

204- -

ýcdp 10; 25. %, bm (image? )p 201, nolO.

ktmt, 36, n-35; 2B2; 283, n*20

fto 1980 grg Prp 124-125.

X- Ilm-darp 2DO; 2029 n-43-

ts (weave), 274- ts m hd, 217-

ýnztt 239 lanty ab-n; r, 252o

Irto 2839 n-22o *tpy-cs. 34; 277.

hnty-S, 180. tnwlv 210.

ýntt St M V3ýytq 63- tsl 249-

brP webt, 93- v

brp ag wshtg 100. drp 217-

trp sl m welit 100. d-sdw, 291 o

St-1l)-R't 47- n prp 123- dx7tq 25; 230-

039 214P no17. do-ft 220; 247.

ll'Aw, 214, n, 179 4t, 144-

0 32 c "rYt . 48 - B3 9 nee nbwyg,

0 ZVI (=Yt)t

-44; 152* 41 217. BE% 2 <=> sb3(atar)t 112, n. 32, 11acl (hwt-ntr)t 183; 254- cl obbo 2Zt-220. abbt (ecreen)p 2309

Sbbt ts pn, 232.

a 264o

moib, 1261 127-

mew h2ytt 100-1011 150*

327

Index of A=bLitectural Signs*

(Iýffibt)t 44- (and variantst 'rrY )p 43-44; 48- (I=t)t 2BS, n. 21.

33; 221; 222; 231- 145; 237, n. 82. (in dual)p 149-1509 n. 63- 220. 274- 228o 234, no2le 45.

1%] 137. 0 25- C'3 123-124- M 1009 nole rD 1009 nl.

(and variants)t 92.

103-184; 254-255-

270- 165-167- 190-199. 256, n-34, 30-

IM 162, n. 13* 206, n. 16. 50-59; 68; 134- 284-285- 133o 133- 240. 220o

321?

Topographical Index

Abu Gurob, sun temple of Niuserre, 121*

Abu Simbelp 260.

Abusirp mortuary temple of Neferirkarep 46-47; 94; 133; 168; 178;

220; 2471 278; mortaary temple of Niuserret 121.

Abydosq archaic Ifortalp 166-167; archaic royal tombsq 166; 167#

chapel of Tetisheri, 169; temple of Osirist 87; 108; 138; 145;

166; 178; 184; 188, n*25; 195; 240; 270; 287; temple of Razesses

119 371 119; 122; 205; 221; 269; temple of Seti 1,14; 19; 23;

96; 119; 122; 146; 184; 193; 200; 205; 222; 231; 274-

Alexandriat 88; 240- Amadat Eighteenth-Dynasty temple, 13; 18; 109; 138- Amarna, 'great palacelt 96; 98; 262-264; 267, n-39; great temple of

the Atent 96; 112; 103; Maxuaten, 261-262* Axmantq the Bucheum, 292; templep 221; 292. Ithribis, the w'bt of the Falconp 38v n, 8; 160; temple, 241.

Avaring 278.

Beni Haean, 139; tomb of Khnumhotep 11,34; 37; 270-

Bubastis, see Tell Basta.

Buhen, 103; 251; northern temple, 138; southern templep 13; 108-109;

189, n-47- Byblos, 39-

Crocodilopolieg temple of Sobekq 57-58; 94; 213-

Cusaet temple of Hathort 199; 278.

DaGhur, valley temple of Snofera, 168e

Deir el-Bahexi, 42; temple of Hatshepsutt 22; 126; 180; 181-182; 203;

204; 2101 252-253; 2601 temple of Menthuhotep-Nebhepetrep 178.

Deir el-Gebrawi, 257*

Doir el-Medinah, 132; 228; 235, n-40; 246.

Dender: a, 1511 temple of Hathort 14; 31; 63; 70; 119; 160; 192; 193-

Edfut temple of 110rull, 31; 160; 192; 193; 206; 270*

El-Bershaht tomb 5P 57-

El-Kabo 15, n*24; 249; 255-

El-Kharga oasis, temple of Hibist 59; 77; 79; 160ý

Elephantine, 193; 213; temple of M=Um, 13P 18; 109; 138; 180; 184;

221*

Hanat 160; 241-

-329 Gebel Barkalt 122.

Gizat 124; tomb of Debhenp 137; 229-230; tomb of Iymerit 252-

Gurnaq 140; temple of Seti 1,68; 71; 72; 118; 184; 187; 200; 206;

241; 260.

Hatnub, 178; 209.

Heliopolisp temple of Ret 22; 38; 70; 127; 184; 206; 239-

Heracleopolist temple of Horshefv 70; 79; 90-91; 159-

Hermopolis (Upper Egyptian)q temple of Amm, 87; temple of Nehmetawyy

59; 160; temple of Thothq 70; 121; 145; 178; 220; 240; 287-

Hierakonpolis, axchaic templet 1889 n. 25-

Kadeshp 239-

Kahunt 57-

Kanaisq temple of Seti 1.184-

Karnakv temple of Amin, 23; 34; 137; 40, n-5; 55; 70; 74t n. 5ý1; 82;

86; 96; 119; 127; 138; 139; 159; 160; 170; 178; 160-181; 182;

184; 195; 215; 217; 221; 231; 232; 240; 249; 254; 255; 270; 286;

288; 292; 293; barque-shrine of Amenhotep It 253; barque-shrine

of Tathmosis IIIt 254; Bubastite gatet 76; 79; chapels of Tuth-

mosis III behind the Sixth Pylong 273, n-43; court of Tuthmonis

I behind the Fifth Pylon, 17; 110; court of Tuthmosis III be-

hind the Sixth Pylong 83; 95; 284; 285; eastern templet 67-68;

69; 139; 180; 181; 254; 281; 292; E! dth Pylon, 146; 231-232;

235j n. 53; 236t n-78; festival complex of Tathmosis 1119 15, no 24; 30; 95; 126; 130; 138; 181; U32; 192-193; 243, n. 29; 284; 285; Fourth Pylon, 118-119; 145-146; 159; 180; 2379 addendum; 246; Fifth Pylon, 118-119; 145-146; forecourt of Sheshonq, It 63; 110; hall of Tuthmosis IV before the Fourth Pylong 13; 18-19; 209 n-7; 21, n-33; 113; 2379 addendum; E[ypostyle lially 58; 59; 68-69; 105, n. 93; 181; 210; hypostyle hall of Tuthmosis I bet- ween the Fourth and Fifth Pylons, 18; 19; 59; 62-63; 95-96; 104t n. 90; 108; 110-111; 204-205; 284-285; Middle Kingdom temple, 94- 95; 179; 193; 194; 220-221; 284-285; palace of Hatshepsut, 97; roof-chapel of Ret 261; 278; sanctuary of Hatshepsut, 55; 62; 108; 181; 1909 n-74; 200-201; 203-204; 253; sanctuary of Philip Arrhidaeus, 206; Second Pylon, 127; 235i n-53; Sixth Pylon, 119; 284; southern approachp 145; 146; temple of Ramesses 111,319 70; 126; 181; 184; 282; Tenth Pylon, 229; Third Pylon, 217; 231; 2359 n-53; 236, n-70-

330 Karnakt temple of Khonsut 58; 110; 119; 139; 181; 232; 240; 255;

temple of Monthut 86; 139; 181; 232; temple of Muto 59; 138; 139; 181; 240; temple of Opet, 206; 208, n. 63; temple of Ptaho 85-86; 138; 139; 180; 181; 204-

Kawa, temple of Taharqa, 84; 85; 119; 126; 146; 278-

Kermap 248; 251j n-40- Koptosv 139; 240; 270; temple of Min, 47; 126; 138; 221.

Kumma, temple of Tuthmosis III, 18o; 189, n. 47.

Lahunp 94-

Letopolis, 198-199; 200.

Ushto 26; 239-

Inxorv templet 55; 58; 68; 69; 85; 86; 68, n. 10; 96; 109; 133; 139;

184; 187; 205; 255; 271; 288,

Medamud, templet 96; 109; 121; 188, n. 25; 220* Medinet Habut Eighteenth-Dynasty templet 15, n,, 24; 200; temple of

Horemheb, 61i n-25; temple of Ramesses IIIv 39; 67; 70; 96;

109; 119; 146; 195; 206; 240; 241; 244, n-51; 255; 260; 261;

28 2; 287; 290.

Megiddo, 25; 26; 239; 243, n. 29.

Memphis, 26; 144; 184; 240; 287; 26p; temple of Amenhotep 1119 79;

96; 239; temple of Ptaht 70; 105, n. 93; 112; 184; 206; temple of Seti It 255.

Meydumq tomb of Rahotep, 12.

Moalla, tomb of Ankhtifi, 15, n. 27; 158; 213-

Naga ed-Der, 11.

Naharain, 125-

Hapatal 239; temple of Amun, 66-67; 131; 159; 184- Nebeshah, 199.

Neferusy, 238; 249.

Nubia, 12; 15, n. 231 fortresses, 26; 248-249; 251, n-40, Hy, 239-

Philaep 13; temple of Isis, 86; 110; 160. Pi-Ramesse, 39-

quantirt 'palace' of Amenemhat It 220; 291-292.

Redesiehl, temple of Seti 1,184-

Saiv tomb 2,64-

Saqq, p. ra, archaic tombs, 166; mortuary temple of Queen Wedjebten, 144;

147; pyramid-temple of Merenrep 220; pyramid-temple of Unas, 84; Serapeum, 1759 n. 67,184-185; 255; Step Pyramid complex, 12; 57;

331 99; 166; 198; tomb of Kagemnip 137; tomb of Niankhkhnum and Xhimlm- hotepp 252; tomb of Ti. 137.

Semnap temple of Rithmosis 111,179; 189, n. 47. Sklubra Horp 254- Silsilas, quarries, 63; 110- Sinaig temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Khadimp 13; 213- Siut, 209; temple of Wepwawett 17; 124; 179; 240; 287# tomb of Khetit

17- Soleb, temple of Amenhotep, 1119 119; 122; 240- Speos Artemidos, 18; 34; 179; 184; Z18- Tell Bastap festival hall of Osorkon 119 241-242; Old-Kingdom templeg

173- Thebes, 26; 70; 71; 184; 239; 241; 281; chapel of Menthuhotep-Saankh-

kareq 121; mortuary temple of Amenhotep 1119 jig; 180; Ramesseump 59; 96; 195; royal mortuary temples, 127; 139; 169-170; temple of Amenhotep-of-the-wbs, 69-70; 127; 130, n-54; tomb of Amenmose, 1z7; tomb of Kheruefq 147; tomb of Sekhemreshedtavy-Sobekemsaafg 193; tomb of Panehsyg 126-127; tomb of Puyemreg 139; tomb of Rekhmire, 147; 158; 217; 254; tomb of Senmat, 76; 78-

TUnis, palacep 98; temple of Anhur, 240; 287. Todv templev 104; 175, n-59; 270- Tura, 229-230- Valley of the Kingst 'The Tomb', 82; tomb of Ramesses IV (Turin pap-

Yrus)v 41; 45; 78; 114.