LONG LIVETHE VICTORY OF

THE DICTATORSHIP OFTHE PROLE,TARIAT!

- In Commemoration of the Centenary

of the Paris Commune

FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESSPEKING

LONG LIVETHE VICTORY OF

THE DICTATOR.SHIP OFTHE PROLETARIAT!

- In Commemoration of the Centenaryof the Paris Commune

by the Editorial Departments of Renmin Ribao (People's Daily),

Hongqi (Red Flag) and, Jiefangjun Bao (Liberation Army Daily)

(March 18, l97l)

FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESSPEKING 1971

Karl Marxgreat teacher and leader of the international proletarlal

Printed in th,e Peo'ple's Republic of Chi,na

Frederick Engelsgrcat teacher and leatler of the international proletariat

Working men's Paris, with its Com-

mune, will be for ever celebrated as the

glorious harbinget of a new society. Itsmartyrs are enshrined in the gteat heart

of the working c1ass.

Karl Marx

If the Comrnune should be destoyed,the struggle would ontry be postponed.

The principles of the Cornrnune ate eter-

nal and indestructible; they will present

themselves again and again until the

working class is liberated.

Karl Marx

CONTENTS

I. The Principles of the Paris Commune AreEternal

II. It Is of the Utmost Importance for the Revolu-tionary People to Take HoId of the Gun

III. Revolution Is the Cause of the Masses in TheirMilIions

IV. It Is Essential to Have a Genuine Marxist-Leninist PartY

V. The Modern Revisionists Are Renegades fromthe Revolutionary Principles of the Paris

Commune

VI. Persist in Continuing the Revolution Under theDictatorship of the Proletariat and Strive forStill Greater Victories

Ltrotes

10

15

20

25

29

[. THE PR.INCIPLES OF' TFIE IJARISCO&IMUNE AR.E ETER.NAL

March 18 this year marks the centenary of the ParisCommune. FulI of profound feelings of proletarianinternationalism. the Chinese Communists and the Chi-nese people under the teaching of their great leaderChairman Mao warmly celebrate this great "festival ofthe proletariat"l together with the proletariat and therevoLutionary people throughout the world.

One hundred years ago the proletariat and the broadmasses of the people of Paris in France staged a heroicarmed uprising and founded the Paris Commune. Thiswas the first proletarian regime in the history of mankind,the first great attempt of the proletariat to overthrowthe bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of theproletariat.

The Paris Commune abolished the army and policeof the reactionary bourgeois government and replacedthem with the armed people; the gun was in the handsof the working class.

The Paris Commune broke the bourgeois bureaucraticapparatus enslaving the people, founded the workingclass's own government, adopted a series of policies tosafegr-rard the interests of the working people andorganized the masses to take an active part in runningthe state.

In the fight to found and defend the proletarianregime, the heroes of the Paris Commune displayed

extraordinary revolutionary initiative, soaring revolu-tionary enthusiasm and self-sacrificing heroism, winningthe acimiration of the revolutionary people generationafter generation.

Although the Paris Commune failed as a result ofthe military onslaught and bloody suppression carriedout by butcher Thiers in ieague with Bismarck, its his-torical contributions are indelible. As Marx said: Theglorious movement of March 18 was "the dawn of thegreat social revolution which will liberate mankind fromthe regime of classes for ever".2

While the battle was still raging in a Paris darkenedby the smoke of gunfire, Marx declared: "If the Communeshould l-re destroyed, the struggle would only be post-poned. The principles of the Commune are eternal andindestructible; they will present themselves againand again until the working class is liberated."3

What are the revolutionary principles that Marxand Engels, the great teachers of the proletariat, summedup on the basis o{ the pra,ctice of the Paris Commune?

In a word, "the working class cannot simply lay holdof the ready-made state rnachinery, and wield it for itsown purposes".4 The proletariat must use revolutionaryviolence to "break" and "smash"5 the old state machineryand carry out the dictatorship of the proletariat.G

In expounding this principle, Marx stressed: Thefirst premiss of the dictatorship of the proletariat 'ois anarrny of the proletariat. The working class must winthe right to its emancipation on the battlefield".T Onlyby relying on revolutionary armed force can the prole-tariat overthrow the rule of rea,ctionary classes and goon to fulfil its whole historicatr mission.

Marx also said: The state of the dictatorship of theproletariat will "be a working, not a parliamentary, body,executive and legislative at the same time".8

As Lenin said: "One of the most remarkable andrnost important ideas of Marxism on the subject of thestate" is "the idea of the 'dictatorship of the proletariat'(as Marx and Engels began to call it after the Paris Com-mune)".e To persist in revolutionary violence to smashthe bourgeois state machine and establish the dictator-ship of the proletariat, or to maintain the bourgeois statemachine and oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat

- this has be,en the focus of repeated struggles between

Marxism on the one hand and revisionism, reformism,'anarchism and all kinds of bourgeois and petty-bourgeoisideology on the other, the focus of repeated struggles be-tween the two lines in the international communist move-ment for the past hundred years. It is precisely on thisfundamental question of the dictatorship of the prole-tariat that a1I revisionism, from the revisionism of theSecond International to modern revisionism with theSoviet revisionist renegade clique as its centre, has com-pletely betrayed Marxism.

A century's history has proved to the full that theMarxist theory of the proletarian revolution and thedictatorship of the proletariat is invincible.

Forty-six years after the Paris Commune uprising,the proletariat of Russia, led by the great Lenin, wonvictory in the October Socialist Revolution througharmed uprising, opening up a new world era of prole-tarian revolution and proletarian dictatorship. Leninsaid: On the path of breaking the old state machine, theParis Commune "took the first world-historical step. . . .

The Soviet Government took the second".l0

Seventy-eight years after the Paris Commune upris-ing, the Chinese people, 1ed by the great leader ChairmanMao, won victory in the revolution. Chairman Maoblazed a trail in establishing rural base areas, encirclingthe ,cities frorn the countryside and finally taking thecities. He led the Chinese people thror-rgh protractedre\zolutionary wars in overthrowing the reactionary ruleof imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, inbreaking the old state machine and brirrging about inChina the people's democratic dictatorship, that is, thedictatorship of the,proletariat. Since then Chairman Maohas been leading the Chinese people in continuingthe revolution under the dictatorship of the proietariatand advancing triumphantly along the socialist road.

Fighting bravely, advancing wave upon wave andsupporting and encouraging each other in the past cen-tury, the proletariat, the oppressed people and oppressednations of the world have been promoting the socialistrevolution and the national democratic revolution andhave won most brilliant victories. As Comrade MacrTsetung points out: "This is the historic epoch in whichworld capitalisnn and irnperialisrn are going down to theirdoorn and world socialisrn and people's dernocracy aremarching to victory."u The cause of the Paris Communeis spreading far and wide at a high'er stage in the newhistorical conditions. The world has undergone an earth-shaking ,change.

In comrnemorating the tenth anniversary of the ParisCommune, Marx and Engels, with jubilant revolutionaryfeeling, told the European working class: "Thus the Corn-rnune which the pow'ers of the old world helieved to beexterminated, lives stronger than ever, and thus we mayjoin you in the cry: Vive la Cornmune!"l2 Today, the

flames of the revolutionary torch raised by the ParisCommune are ablaze throughout the world, and the daysof imperialism, social-imperialism and all reaction arenumbered. In celebratlng the centenary of the ParisCommune at such a time, the lVlarxist-Leninists, the pro-letariat and the revolutionary peopie the world over haveall the more reason to shout with unbounded confidence:Long live the Comrrrune! Long live the victory of theproletarian revohltion and the dictatorship of the prole-tariat !

In commemorating the Paris Commune, we shouldstudy the Marxist-Lenirrist theory of the proletarianrevolution and the di,ctatorship of the proletariat, learnfrom historical experience, criticize rnodern revisionismwith the Soviet revisionist renegade clique as its centre,adhere to the Marxist-I-eninist revolutionary 1ine, andunite with the people of the world to win still greatervictories.

U. IT IS OF TT{E UTMOST IN{PORTANCEFOR. THE R.EVOI,UTIONAB.Y PEOPI.E

TO TAKE EIOLD OF TI{E GUN

The historical experience of the Paris Commune hasfully demonstrated that taking hold of revolutionaryarms is of the utmost importance to the proletarian rev-olution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Explaining the experience of the Paris Commune,Lenin referred to Engels' important thesis that the work-ers emerged with arms from every revolution in Franceand that, therefore, the disarming of the workers wasthe fj.rst commandment for the bourgeois, who were at

the helm of the state. On this conclusion of Engels', Lenincommented: "The essence of the matter-also, by theway, on the question of the state (hos the oppressed cla.ssarms?) -is here remarkably well grasped."t3

The Paris Commune was born in the fierce strugglebetween armed revolution and armed counter-revolution.The 72 days of the Paris Commune were 72 days of armeduprising, armed struggle and armed defence. The veryfact that the proletariat of Paris had taken hold of thegun struck the greatest terror into the hearts of thebourgeois reactionaries. And a fatal erro,r of the ParisCommun,e lay precisely in the fact that it showed exces-sive magnanimity towards counter-revolution and did notmarch on Versailles immediately, thus giving Thiers abreathing space to muster his reactionary forces for anonslaught on revolutionary Paris. As Engels said:"Would the Paris Commune have lasted a single day ifit had not made use of this authority of the armed peopleagainst the bourgeois? Should we not, on the contrary,reproach it for not having used it freely enough?"14

Comrade Mao Tsetr-rng has concisely summed up thetremendous importance of arncred struggle and the peo-ple's army and advanced the celebrated thesis "Foliticalpower grows out of the barrel of a gun."15 He points out:"According to the Marxist theory of the state, the arrnyis the chief component of state power. \Mhoever wantsto seize and retain state power must have a strongrfmy."16

Violent revolution is the universal principle of prole-tarian revolution. A Marxist-Leninist party must adhereto this universal principle and apply it to the concretepractice of its own country. Historical experience showsthat the seizure of political power by the proletariat and

the oppressed people of a country and the seizure ofvictory in their revolution are accomplished invariablyby the power of the gun; they are accomplisl-red underthe leadership of a proletari'an party, by acting in accord-ance with that country's specific conditions, by graduallybuilding up the people's armed forces and fighting apeople's war on the basis of arousing the broad massesto action, and by waging repeated struggles against theimperialists and reactionaries. This is true of the Rus-sian revolution, the Chinese revolution, and the revolu-tions of Albania, Viet Nam, Korea and other countries,and there is no exception.

On the other hand, a proletarian party suffers set-backs in the revolution if it faitrs to go in for or givesup revolutionary armed force, and there have beenserious lessons: Some parties failed to take hold of thegun and were helpless in the face of sudden attacks byirnperialism and its lackeys and of counter-revolutionarysuppression, and as a result millions of revolutionarypeople were massacred. In some cases where the revolu-tionary peopie had already taken up arms and theirarmed forces had grown considerably, certain parties

-handed over the people's armed forces and lorfeited thefruits of the revolution because they sought official postsin bourgeois governments or were duped by the reac-tionaries.

In the past decades, many Communist Parties haveparticipated in elections and parliaments, but none hasset up a dictatorship of the proletariat by such means.Even if a Communist Party should win a majority inparliament or participate in the government, this wouldnot mean any change in the character of bourgeoispolitical power, still less the smashing of the old state

machine. The reactionary ruling classes can proclainlthe election null and void, dissolve the partriament ordirectly use violerrce to kick out the Communist Party.If a proletarian party does nb mass work, rejects armed

struggle and makes a fetish of parliamentary elections,

it will only luli the masses and corrupt itseif. The bour-geoisie buys over a Communist Party through parlia-mentary elections and turns it into a revisionist party,a party of the bourgeoisie - are such cases rare inhistory?

The proletariat rnust use the gun to seize politicalpower and must use the gun to defend it. The people's

army under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist partyis the bulwark of the dictatorship of the proletariat and

among the various factors for preventing the restorationof capitalism it is the main one. Having a people's armyarmed with the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the proletariatcan deal with any complicated situation in the domestic

or international class struggle and safeguard the proJ'e-

tarian state.The contemporary triberation movement of the op-

pressed nations is an important component part and a

great aIIy of the proletarian world revolution" The

national democratic revolution and the socialist revolu-tion are related to each other and at the same timedistinct from each other; they represent two differentstages and are different in character. I{owever, to rvin

cornplete victory in the national democratic revolution,it is likewise necessary to get prepared for a trial ofarmed strength with the imperialists and reactionaries.

"For the oppressed nations, it is likewise most importantto take hold of the gun.

Since Wor1d War II, imperialisrn, colonialism andneo-colonialism headed by the United States have inces-santly launched wars of aggression and resorted evermore frequently to such means a-s military intervention,armed subversion and invasion by mercenary troops tosuppress the countries and people that are fighting foror have already gained independence. Incomplete statis-tics show that U.S. imperialism has engineered andlaunched armed intervention and armed aggression onmore than 50 occasions in the past 2b years. As for U.S.-engineered armed subversion, examples are too lfumer-ous to be counted. Therefore, in order to win liberationand safeguard their national independence and statesovereignty and effectively combat aggression and sub-version by imperialism and its lackeys, all the oppressednations must have their own anti-imperialist armedforces and be prepared at al1 times to counter wars ofaggression with revolutionary wars. The war againstU.S. aggression and for national salvation waged by thepeople of the three countries of Viet Nam, Laos andCambodia has set a brilliant example to the oppressednations and people all over the world. The struggles

-against aggression and subversion waged by the peopleof many other countries and regions in Asia, Africa andLatin America have likewise provided valuable experi-ence.

In his solemn statement "People of the World, Uniteand Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their RunningDogs!", Chairman Mao points out: "A weak nation candefeat a strong, a srnall nation can defeat a big. Thepeople of a srnall country can certainly deleat aggressionby a hig country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, dare

to take up arms and grasp in their own hands ttrre destinyof their country. This is a law of history'"r7

As Comrade Lin Piao says, "people's war is the most

effective weapon against U.S. imperialism and its

Iackeys".ls The proletariat and the oppressed people and

nations the world over will all change from being

unarmed and unskilled in warfare to taking. up arms and

being skilled in warfare. U.S' imperialism and aII itslackeys wiII eventually be burned to ashes in the fieryflames of the people's war they themselves have kindled'

IIL RE,VOLUTION IS THE CAUSE OF TI{EMASSES IN THEIR. MILI-IONS

The historical experience of the Paris Commune

te1ls us that to be victorious in the proletarian revolu-

tion and the dictatorship of the proletariat it is impera-

tive to rely on the revolutionary enthusiasm of the

masses in their millions and give ful1 play to their great

power as the makers of history. Lenin said: "Theautocracy cannot be abolished without the revolutionaryaction of class-eonscious rnillions, without a great surge

of mass heroisrn, readiness and ability on their part to'storm heaven', as Marx put it when speaking of the

Faris workers at the tirne of the Comtrnune'"Ie

Marx, the great teacher of the proletariat, highly

valued the revolutionary initiativ'e of the masses of the

people and set us a brilliant example of the correct atti-tude to adopt towards the revolutionary mass movement'

In the autumn of 1870, prior to the founding of the

Paris Commune, Marx pointed out that the conditions

were not ripe for an uprising by the French workers' But

when the proletariat of Paris did rise in revolt withheaven-storming revolutionary heroism in March 1871,Marx, regarding himself as a participant, promptly andfirmly supported and heiped this proletarian revolution.Although he perceived the mistakes of the Communeand foresaw its defeat, Marx considered the revoh.rtionthe most glorious exploit of the French working class.For he regarded this movement "as a historic experienceof enormous importance, as a certain advance of theworld proletarian revolution, as a practical step that wasrnore irnportant tlaan hundreds of prograrnmes and argu-ments".20 In a letter to L. Kugelmann at that time, Marxexpressed his fervent praise: "What elasticity, whathistorical initiative, what a capacity for sacrifice in theseParisians!" 'oHistory has no like example of like great-ness!"2l Lenin saw in this letter a gulf between the pro-letarian revolutionaries and the opportunists and hopedthat it would be "hung in the home of every literateRussian worker".22

Contrary to the Marxists, a1l the opportunists andold and new revisionists oppose the proletarian revolu-tion and the dictatorship of the proletariat and theyinevitably have a mortal fear of and bitter hatred for themasses, and they deride, curse and sabotage the revolu-tionary mass movement. When the Russian armed upris-ing of December 1905 faiied, Plekhanov stood aloof andaccused the masses, saying: "They should not have takento arms." Lenin indignantly criticized Plekhanov's aris-tocratic attitude towards the revolutionary mass move-ment and denounced him as an infamous Russianrenegade from Marxism. Lenin pointed out that with-out the "general rehearsal" of 1905, victory in the OctoberRevolution in 1917 would have been impossible.

10 11

In 1959, when our great teacher Chairman Maodenounced the Peng Teh-huai Right-opportunist anti-Party clique for slandering and opposing the revolutionarymass movement, he sharply told these anti-Marxistrenegades:

"'Please look and see how Marx and Lenill com-

mented on the Paris Commune, and Lenin on the Russianrevolution!" "Do you see how Lenin criticized therenegade Plekhanov and those 'bourgeois gentlemen and

their hangetrs-on', 'the curs and swine of the rnoritrundbourgeoisie and of the petty-bourgeois dernocrats whotrail behind theltr'? If not, will you please have a look?"23

Chairman Mao used this historical experience as a pro-

found lesson to educate the whole Party and urged our

Party members and cadres to follow the example of

Marx and Lenin and take a correct attitude towards the

revolutionary mass movement."Revolution is the rnain trend in the world today''t2r'

AII round the globe, the people are thundering: Down

with the U.S. aggressors and all their running dogs! The

strategic rear areas of imperialism have become front-Iines in the anti-imperialist struggle. The victorious

two super-powers is gaining momentum' The national

liberation movement in Asia and Africa is shooting for-ward as violently as a raging fire. The struggle of the

people of Korea, Japan and other Asian countries

against the revival of Japanese militarism by the U'S'and Japanese reactionaries is daily surging ahead. The

Palestinian and other Arab people are continuing their

I

advance in the fight against the U.S.-Israeli aggressors.Revolutionary mass movements on an unprecedentedscale have broken out in North America, Europe andOceania. The workers, students, black people and otherminority peoples in the United States are daily awaken-ing and rising in a revolutionary storm against thereactionary rule of the Nixon government and its policyof aggression. In Latin America, the "backyard" of U.S.imperialism, the long-suppressed anti-U.S. fury in thehearts of the people has now burst forth, and a newsituation has emerged characterized by joint struggle forthe defence of their national interests and state sover-eignty. The revolutionary struggle of the people incertain East European countries against social-imperial-ism is in the ascendant. The spring thunder of revolu-tion is sounding even in hitherto relatively quiescentareas. Reacting on and encouraging each other, thesestruggles have merged into the powerful torrent of theworlci people's revolutionary movement.

In the face of the present great revolutionary move-ment, every revolutionary party and every revolutionarywill have to make a choice. To march at the head of the

- masses and lead them? To trail behind them, gesticulat-ing and criticizing? Or to stand in their way and opposethem? Genuine Marxist-Leninist parties and all revolu-tionaries must warmly support the revolutionary actionsof the masses, firmly march at the head of the massmovement and lead the masses forward.

The political parties of the proletariat and a1l revolu-tionaries "ought to face the world and trrave the storrn,the great world of mass struggle and the rnighty storrnof mass struggle".25 They must share weal and woe withthe masses, modestly learn from thern, be their willing

12 13

pupils, be good at discovering their revolutionary initia-tive and draw wisdom and strength from them. OnIy byplunging into the mighty storm of the mass movement

can a political party of the proletariat temper itself and

grow in maturity. And only through the practice of themasses in class struggle can a correct programme or linebe formulated, developed, tested and carried out.

The mainstream of the revolutionalry mass move-ment is always good and always conforms to the develop-

ment of society. In the mass movement various trendsof thought exert their influence, various factions emerge

and various kincls of people take part. This is onlynatural. Nothing on earth is absolutely pure. Throughtheir practice in struggle and repeated comparison, thebroad masses of the people will eventually distinguishbetween what is correct and what is erroneous; they willeventually cast aside revisionism and all that is erroneous

and accept and grasp the revolutionary truth of Marxism-Leninism. A proletarian party must go deep among themasses and work patiently, painstakingly and for a longtime, so as constantly to raise their political consciousness

and lead the mass movement forward along the correctroad.

The question of first importance for the revolu-tion is to distinguish between enemies and friends, tounite with our real friends and attack our real enemies.

The development of the revolutionary mass movementcalls for the constant strengthening of unity within therevolutionary forces and the smashing of the plots tosplit and sabotage hatched by the imperialists, revision-ists and reactionaries. The people, who constitute over90 per cent of the population - the lvorkers, peasants,

students and all those who refuse to be oppressed by

imperialism - invariably want to make revolution. Inorder to defeat U.S. imperialism and all its running dogs,

it is imperative to form a broad united front, unite withall forces that can be united, the enemy excepted, and

carry out arduous struggle.Comrade Mao Tsetung points out: "Direct reliance

on the revolutionary masses is a basic principle of the

Communist Farty."26 We must rely on the masses and

Iaunch mass movements when we fight for politicalpower. We must likewise rely on the masses, launchmass movements and adhere to the mass line in all ourwork when we engage in the socialist revolution and

socialist construction after the establishment of thedictatorship of the pro}etariat. "As long as we rely on

the people, believe firmly in the inexhaustible creativepower of the masses and trence trust and identify ourselveswith thern, no enemy can crush us while we can crushevery enemy and overcorne every difficulty-"27

IV. IT IS ESSENTIAI. TO I{AVE A GENUINEMARXIST-LENINIST P,A.RTY

In summing up the experience of the Paris Commune,Marx and Engels explicitly stated: "In its struggleagainst the collective power of the propertied classes,

the working class cannot act as a class except by constitut-ing itself into a political party, distinct frorn, and opposed

to all old parties forrned by the propertied classes."2S

This is a condition indispensable to seizing victory in theproletarian revolution, establishing and consolidating thedictatorship of the proletariat, and realizing the ultimategoal of abolishing classes.

,l

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1415

The fundamental cause of the failure of the parisCommune was that, owing to the historical conditions,Marxism had not yet achieved a dominant position in theworkers' movement and a proletarian revolutionaryparty with Marxism as its guiding thought had not yetcome into being. On the other hand, Blanquism andProudhonism which were then dominant in the parisCommune could not possibly lead the proletarian revolu-tion to victory.

Historical experience shows that where a veryfavourable revolutionary situation and revolutionaryenthusiasm on the part of the masses exist, it is stiltnecessary to have a strong core of leadership of the pro-letariat, that is, "a revolutionary party . . built on theMarxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style".2e Only such a party canlead the proletariat and the broad masses in defeatingimperialism and its running dogs and winning victory inthe revolution.

A revolutionary situation appeared in many coun-tries at the time of World War I. However, since almostall the political parties of the Second. International haddegenerated into revisionist, social-chauvinist parties, itwas out of the question for them to lead the proletariatin seizing political power. OnIy in Russia, under theIeadership of the Bolshevik Party founded by Lenin, wasrevolution, the Great October Socialist Revolution,crowned with success.

During and after Wor1d War II, the revolutiontriumphed in China thanks to the leadership of the Com-munist Party of China with Chairman Mao as its leader;in some other countries, also under the leadership ofMarxist-Leninist parties, the revolution was victorious

or protracted revolutionary struggles were persevered in.But in certain countries, the revolution failed because theopportunist, revisionist line had got the upper hand inthe parties.

For workl revolution the situation today is betterthan ever before. The objective situation urgentlydemands strong leadership by genuine Marxist-Leninistparties, and the building of proletarian revolutionaryparties which completely break with the revisionist line,which are consolidated ideologically, politically and

organizationally and which have a broad mass character.To be able to lead the revolution, it is of funda-

mental importance for a proletarian party to takeMarxism-Leninism as its guiding thought, integrate theuniversal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concretepractice of the revolution in its own country, and for-mulate and implement a correct line suited to the condi-tions of that country. With a correct line, a weak forcecan grow strong, armed forces can be built up fromscratch, and political power can be attained. With an

erroneous line, the revolution will suffer setbacks and

the gains already won will be forfeited.In leading the Chinese people's revolution through

- protracted struggles, Comrade Mao Tsetung repeatedlypointed out: "As soon as it was linked with the concretepractice of the Chinese revoXution, the universal truth ofMarxism-Leninism gave an entirely new complexion tothe Chinese revolution"30 and "it has been the consistentideological principle of our Party to closely integrateMarxist-tr eninist theory with the practice of the Chineserevolution."sl

Comrade Mao Tsetung further expounded this funda-mental principle in his important inscription written for

1617

Japanese worker friends: ..The Japanese revolution willundoubtedly be victorious, provided the universal truthof Marxism-Leninism is really integrated with the con-crete practice of the Japanese revolution.,,32

A proletarian party should, in accordance with thebasic principles of Marxism-Leninism, use the Marxist-Leninist stand, viewpoints and methods to carry out deep-going investigations and study of the class relations insociety, make concrete analyses of the present conditionsand the history of its own country and the characteristicsof the revolution in that country, and solve the theoreticaiand practical problems of the revolution independently.It is necessary to learn from international experience,which, however, should not be copied mechanically; aproletarian party should creatively develop its own ex-perience in the light of the realities of its own country.Only thus can it guide the revolution to victory and con_tribute to the cause of the proletarian world revolution.

To keep on integrating theory with practice, a pro_Ietarian party must maintain close ties with the masses,go deep among them and adopt the method of leadership,"from the masses, to the rnasses,,,rl3 so that the party,scorrect line and principles can be translated into massaction. At the same time it should be good at summingup experience and lessons, carry out criticism and self_criticism, persist in doing what is right and correct whatis wrong in the interests of the people, and find out thelaws of development through practice in struggle andthen use them to guide the practical struggle.

Comrade Mao Tsetung says: .,Opposition and strugglebetween ideas of different kinds constantly occur withinthe Party; this is a reflection within the Farty of contra_dictions between classes and between the new and the old

in society."34 To ensure that its political line is correctand its organization consolidated, a proletarian party mustconduct uncompromising struggles against opportunismand revisionism of every description, against the ideolo-gies of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes'

The struggle between Marxism-Leninism and revi-sionism, the struggle between the two lines in the inter-national communist movement, is a protracted one' Formore than a decade, the Chinese Communist Party, the

Albanian Party of Labour and aII the genuine Marxist-Leninists of the world have together waged a resoluteideological, theoretical and political struggle againstmodern revisionism with Soviet revisionism as its centreand have won great victories. But the struggle is by no

rneans over. To keep on promoting the proletarian worldrevolution, the Marxist-Leninist parties and the revolu-tionary people in various countries have an importanttask to fulfil, namely, to continue criticizing modern revi-sionism with Soviet revisionism as its centre and carrythis struggle through to the end.

The ideologies of the bourgeoisie and all other ex-ploiting classes have long dominated society. The bour-geoisie invariably does its utmost to influence, corrupt

-and "corrode" the Communist Party ideologically byevery means and through every channel, whether indeveloped capitalist countries or in economically back-ward countries; whether the status of the CommunistParty is legal or not; whether before the seizure of politi-cal power by the proletariat or after the establishment

of the dictatorship of the proletariat' If a proletarianparty fails to wage resolute struggles against the inroads

of bourgeois ideology, it cannot possibly maintain itsideological, political and organizational independence and

18

will turn into an appendage of the bourgeoisie and its

ideology to defeat the reactionary bourgeois world out_iook with the proletarian world outlook.

V. THE MODERN REVISIONISTS ARE RENEGADESFROM THE REVOLUTIONARY FR.INCIPLES

OF TI{E PAR.IS COMMUNE

At the time when the proletariat and the revolution_ary people of the world are marking the grand centenaryof the Paris Commune, the Soviet revisionist renegadeclique is putting on an act, talking glibly about ,,Ioyaltyto the principles of the Commune,,r]5 sn6| making itseifup as the successor to the paris Commune. It has nosense of shame at all.

What right have the Soviet revisionist renegades totalk about the Paris Commune ? It is these renegades whohave usurped the leadership of the Soviet party andstate, and as a resutrt the Soviet state founded by Leninand defended by Stalin has changed its political colour.It is they who have turned the dictatorship of the pro_letariat into the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and putsocial-imperialism and social-fascism into force. This isgross betrayal of the revolutionary principles of the parisCommune.

From Khrushchov to Brezhnev, al1 have tried to masktheir dictatorship of the bourgeoisie as the ,,state of the

whole people". Khrushchov used to say that the Soviet

IJnion had been ,,transformed. . . into a state of the whole

peciple".36 Now Brezhnev and his ilk say that theirs is ai'soviet socialist state of the whole people"37 and that

what they practise is "soviet democracy"' A1I this is

humbug.The Soviet, a great creation of the Russian prole-

tariat, embodied the fact that the working people were

masters in their own house, and it was a glorious title'However, the name "Soviet", like the name "Communist

Party", can be used by Bolsheviks or Mensheviks, by

Marxist-Leninists or revisionists. What is decisive is not

the name but the essence, not the form but the content'

In the Soviet Union today, the name "Soviet" has not

changecl, nor has the name of the state, but the class con-

tent has changed completely. With its leadership usurped

by the Soviet revisionist renegade clique, the Soviet state

is no longer an instrument with which the proletariat

suppresses the bourgeoisie, but has become a tool withwhichtherestoredbourgeoisiesuppressestheproletariat.The Soviet revisionist renegades have turned the Soviet

Union into a paradise for a handful of bureaucrat-

monopoly-capitalists of a new type, a prison for the mil-lions of working people. This is the whole content of

what they call a "soviet socialist state of the whole peo-

ple" and "soviet democracy". It is by no means the fact

that ,,the state of the whole people is a direct continuation

of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat",38 but

rather that Brezhnev's line is a "direct continuation" of

Khrushchov's line. This is essentially why Brezhnev and

his like are clinging desperately to the slogan of the "state

of the whole PeoPle".

21

Their frenzied opposition to violent proletarian rev_ncentrated expression of the betrayalprinciples of the Paris Commune byt renegade clique. Brezhnev and his

company clamorously demand of ,,the leaders of the pro_letariat to reduce violence to the minimum at every stageof the struggle and empioy milder forms of compulsion;,;they bleat that "armed struggle and civil war are accom-panied by colossal sacrifices and sufferings on the partof the masses of the people, by destruction of the produc_tive forces, and by the annihilation of the best revolu_tionary cadres". To find a pretext for their fallacy of"peaceful transition", this group of renegades wantonlydistort history, even preaching that the paris Communewas "initially" an "almost completely bloodless revolu_tion".39

The revolution of the Paris Commune was from be_ginning to end a life-and-death fight between the proletar-iat and the bourgeoisie, a struggle of violence between rev_olution and counter-revolution. In less than six monthsbefore the Paris Commune uprising, the people of parishad staged two armed uprisings, and both were bloodilysuppressed by the reactionaries. And in the battles fol-lowing the Paris Commune uprising, tens of thousands ofworkers and other working people laid down their lives.How can this revolution be described as an ,,initial1y,,

"almost completely bloodless revolution,,? Marx pointectout: "Working men's Paris, with its Cornrnune, will befor ever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a newsociety. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart ofthe working class. Its exterrninators history has alreadynailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayersof their priests will not avail to redeem them.,,1o The

Soviet revisionist renegade clique has now come out intothe open and is playing the part of the priests sayingprayers for the exterminators. This is a monstrous insultto the martyrs of the Paris Commune !

The Soviet revisionist renegades try in a hundredand one ways to justify counter-revolutionary violence,but they curse revolutionary violence with clenchedteeth. Under the rule of violence by imperialism and thereactionaries, the working people suffer unending painand large numbers of them die every day, every hour.It is precisely to put an end to this man-eating system soas to free the people from exploitation and enslavementthat the oppressed people carry out violent revolution.But the Soviet revisionist renegades level so many crim-inal charges against the revolutionary armed forces andtheir revolutionary wars, making allegations about the"sufferings of the people", the "annihilation of cadres"and "destruction of the productive forces", and so on andso forth. Doesn't this logic of theirs mean that the firstIaw under heaven is for the imperialists and reaction-aries to oppress and massacre the people, whereas it isa hellish crime for the revolutionary people to take uparms and rise in resistance ?

- The Soviet revisionist renegades want the people ofall countries to reduce revolutionary violence "to theminimum", but they themselves keep on increasingcounter-revolutionary violence to the maximum. Indif-ferent to the life or death of Soviet people, Brezhnev andhis gang are going all out for militarism and the armsrace, spending more and more rubles on more and moreplanes, guns, warships, guided missiles and nuclearweapons. It is by means of this monstrous apparatus ofviolence that these new tsars oppress the broad masses at

23

home and maintain their colonial rule abroad, trying tobring a number of countries under their control. It isthis apparatus of violence that they are using as capitalfor bargaining with U.S. imperialism, pushing powerpolitics and dividing spheres of influence.

The Soviet revisionist renegades want the revolution-ary people to employ "milder forms of compulsion"against counter-revolution, while they themselves use themost savage and brutal means to deal with the revolution-ary people.

May we ask:Is it a "milder" form when you send large numbers

of armed troops and police to suppress the people of dif-ferent national.ities in your country?

Is it a "milder" form when you station,large numbersof troops in some East European countries and the Mongo-lian People's Republic to impose a tight control overthem, and even carry out the military occupation inCzechoslovakia, driving tanks into Prague?

And is it a "milder" form when you engage in miii-tary expansion everywhere and insidiously conduct allmanner of subversive activities against other countries?

What the Soviet revisionist renegades have done fullyshows that they not only oppose violent revolution butuse violence to oppose revolution. They put on benevo-Ient airs, but actually they are "the worst enernies of theworkers - wolvcs in sheep's clothing".al

And there is a Miyamoto revisionist clique in Japan,which, too, zealously opposes violent revolution and thedictatorship of the proletariat and urges that it is "neces-sary to make every effort"a2 to take the parliamentaryroad. Racking their brains, they allege that according tothe dictionarv the word "violence" means "brute force"

or "1aw1ess force", and the people should not make sucha revolution.a3 They also say that some people are"frightened" by the phrase

- the dictatorship of the pro-Ietariat - which is a "very inappropriate" translation,and it is necessary to "make a really accurate translation"in the future."a In order to maintain U.S. imperialist andJapanese militarist rziolence and to oppose the Japanesepeople making revolution, the Miyamoto clique even seekshelp from the dictionary, falls back on semantics andjuggles with words. How modern revisionism has de-generated ideologically!

Cornrade Mao Tsetung points out: "The socialist sys-tern will eventually replace the capitalist system; this isan objective law independent of rnan's will."'*5 Khrush-chov, the arch-representative of modern revisionism, haslong been swept into the rubbish heap of history. Novot-ny and Gomulka, who followed Khrushchov's revisionistline, have also toppled in their turn. There can be nodoubt that whoever runs counter to the laws of history,betrays the revolutionary principles of the Paris Com-mune and turns traitor to the proletarian revolution andthe dictatorship of the proletariat will come to no good

-end.

VI. PERSIST IN CONTINUING THE REVOLUTIO}{UNDBR THE DICTATORSHIP OF TI{E

PROLETARIAT AND STRIVE FORSTII,L GREATER VICTOR.IES

Historical experience since the Paris Commune,especially since the October Revolution, shows thatcapture of political power by the proletariat is not

andthethe

25

end but the beginning of the socialist revolution. Toconsolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and prevenbthe restoration of capitalism, it is necessary to carry thesocialist revolution through to the end.

The world proletarian revolutionary movement hasgone through twists and turns on its road forward. Whencapitalism was being restored in the homeland of theOctober Revolution, for a time it seemed doubtfulwhether the revolutionary principles of the Paris Com-mune, the October Revoiution and the dictatorship of theproletariat were still valid. The imperialists and reac-tionaries were beside themselves with joy. They thought:Since the Soviet Union has changed through "peacefulevolution", won't it be possible to overthrow the dicta-torship of the proletariat in China in the same way? But,the salvoes of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolutioninitiated and led by Chairman Mao himself have destroy-ed the bourgeois headquarters headed by the renegade,hidden traitor and scab Liu Shao-chi and explodedthe imperialists' and modern revisionists' fond dream ofrestoring capitalism in China.

Chairman Mao has comprehensively summed up thepositive and negative aspects of the historical experienceof the dictatorship of the proletariat, inherited, defendedand developed the Marxist-Leninist theory of the prole-tarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat,advanced the great theory of continuing the revolutionunder the dictatorship of the proletariat and solved, intheory and practice, the most important question of ourtime - the question of consolidating the dictatorship ofthe proletariat and preventing the restoration of capital-ism. Thus he has made a great new contribution toMarxism-Leninism and charted our course for carrying

26

the proletarian revolution triumphantly to the end. InChina's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, MaoTsetung Thought and Chairman Mao's revolutionary lineare being integrated more and more deeply with therevolutionary practice of the people in their hundreds ofmillions to become the greatest force in consolidating thedictatorship of the proletariat.

Socialist society covers a considerably long historicalperiod. Throughout this period, there are still classes,class contradictions and class struggle. The struggle stillfocuses on the question of political power. The defeatedclass wiil still struggle; these people are still around andthis class still exists. They will invariably seek theiragents within the Communist Party for the purpose ofrestoring capitalism. Therefore, the proletariat must notonly guard against enemies like Thiers and Bismarck whooverthrew the revolutionary political power by force ofarms; it must in particular guard against such careeristsand scherners as Khrushchov and Brezhnev who usurpedparty and state leadership from within. In order to con-solidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and prevent therestoration of capitalism, the proletariat must carry outthe socialist revolution not only on the economic front,but also on the political front and ideological and culturalfront and exercise al1-round dictatorship over the bour-geoisie in the superstructure, including all spheres ofculture. It is essential to enable the Party members, thecadres and the masses to grasp the sharpest weapon,Marxism-Leninism, and to distinguish between the cor-rect and erroneous lines, between genuine and shamMarxism, and between materialism and idealism, so as toensure that our Party and state will always advance alongChairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line.

27

Chairman Mao says: "The final victory of a socialistcountry not only requires the efforts of the proletariatand the broad masses of the people at home, but also in-volves the victory of the world revolution and the aboli-tion of the systern of exploitation of rnan by man overthe whole globe, upon which all rnankind will be emanci-pated."z'e

The revolutionary movement of the proletariat is

always international in character. Therefore, the victoryof the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of theproletariat calls for the realization of the great slogans:

"Working men of all countries, unite!""7 and "'Workersand oppressed nations of the world, unite!""8 The prole-tariat of the capitalist countries should support thestruggle for liberation of the colonial and semi-colonialpeoples, the people of the colonies and semi-coloniesshould support that of the proletariat of the capitalistcountries, and the people who have triumphed in theirown revolution should help the people who are still fight-ing for liberation. This is the principle of proletarian in-ternationalism.

The Chinese revolution is part of the world revolu-tion. The revolutionary cause of the Chinese people isclosely bound up with that of the other peoples of theworld. We always regard the revolutionary struggles ofthe people of other countries as our own and as helpingthe Chinese people. We should learn from other revolu-tionary peoples, firmiy support their struggles and fuifilour bounden duty. We should carry forward the prole-tarian internationalist spirit, further strengthen our mil-itant unity with all genuine Marxist-Leninist parties andorganizations, and strengthen our militant unity with the

proletariat, the oppressed people and oppressed nations ofthe world for the seizure of stil1 greater victories.

A hundred years ago, Marx said of the Paris Com-mune: "\Mhatever . . . its fate at Faris, it will rmake le tourd.u mond,e."4e This great prediction of Marx's is more andmore becoming a glorious reality. Reviewing the pastand looking into the future, we declare with increasingconviction: The final destruction of imperialism, modernrevisionisrn and all reaction is inevitable, and so is thecomplete emancipation of the proletariat, the oppressedpeople and the oppressed nations!

The lnternationale written by Eugene Pottier, thepoet of the Paris Commune, is today reverberatingthrough the world. "No more tradition's chain shall bindlr.s." "We shali be aII." "Let each stand in his place; TheInternationale shall be the human race!" Let the impe-rialists, social-imperialists and all reactionaries tremblein the great storim of the world people's revolution! "Theproletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. Theyhave a world to win."5o

NOTES

lEngels, "Message of Greetings to the French Workers or-t

the 21st Anniversary of the Paris Cornmune", Mart and, Engels,Collected Worlcs, Chinese ed., Vol. 22, p. 331.

2 Marx, "Resolutions of the Meeting in Honour of the FirstAnniversary of the Paris Cornmune", Marr and Engels, Collected,Works, Chinese ed., VoI. 18, p. 61.

3 Marx, "The Record of a Speech on the Paris Commune",Marr. and. Engels, Collected' Works, Chinese ed., VoI. L7, p. 677.

4 Marx, "The Civil War in France", Marr and Engels, CollectedWorks, Chinesc ed., Vol. 17, P. 355,

29

5 Marx, "The Civil War irr France", Mart and Engels, CollecteilWorks, Chinese ed., VoL 17, p. 360.

Marx, "To L. Kugelmann", April 72, t8?l, Maru, Engels, Leninand Stali,n on the Paris Commzne, second Chinese ed., People'sPublishing House, 1971, p. 215.

6 Marx, "On the Seventh Anniversary of the International",Mart and Engels, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 17, p. 468.

7 rbid.8 Marx, "The Civil War in France", Marx and Engels, Collected,

Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 17, p. 358.e Lenin, "The State and Revolution", Collected Works, Chinese

ed., VoL 25, p. 389.10 Lenin, "First Congress of the Communist International",

Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 28, p. 443.11 Mao Tsetung, "The Present Situation and Our Tasks",

Selected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 4, p. 1260.12 Marx and Engels, "To the Chairman of the Slavonic Meeting

in London in Celebration of the Anniversary of the Paris Com-mune", Marr ancl Engels, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 19,p. 271.

13 L,enin, "The State and Revoluti on" , Collected, Works, Chineseed., Vol. 25, p. 436.

1/-Engels, "On Authority", Marr and Engels, Collected, Works,Chinese ed., Vol. 18, p. 344.

15Mao Tsetung, "Problems of War and Strategy", Sel,ectedWorks, Chinese ed., Vol. 2, p. 535.

1c rbid.17 Mao Tsetung, People of the World. Ilnite and Def eat the

U.S. Aggressors and, All Their Running DogsJ, May 20, 1970.18 Lin Piao, Long Lirse the Victorg of People's War!, September

3, 1965.le Lenin, "The Agrarian Programme of Social-Democracy in

the Russian Revolution", Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 15,p.152.

20 Lenin, "The State and Revolution", Collected Works, Chineseed., Vol. 25, p. 401.

21 Marx, "To L. Kugelmann", April 12, 1971-, Marr, Engels,Lenin and Stalin on the Paris Commtr.me, second Chinese ed.,People's Publishing House, 1971, p. 215.

3031

22l-enin, "Preface to the Russian Translation of the Lettersof K. Marx to L. Kugelmann", Col,lected, Works, Chinese ed.,Vol. 12, p. 101.

2s Chairman Mao's instruction on "The Correct AttitudeMarxists Should Take Towards the Revolutionary Mass Move-ment", August 15, 1959, where he quotes Lenin's "A Great Begin-ning" and "Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution", Lenin,Collected, Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 29, p. 386 and VoL 33, p. 35.

2" See note 17.25Mao Tsetung, "Get organized!", Selected Worlts, Chinese

ed., Vol. 3, p. 936.26 From "Absorb Proletarian Fresh Blood", editorial of the

journal Hongqi (Red Flag), No. 4, 1968.27Mao Tsetullg, "On Coalition Govelnment", Selected' Works,

Chinese ed., VoI. 3, p. 1097.28 Marx and Engels, "Resolutions of the General Congress of

the International Working Men's Association HeId at The Hague",Marr amd Engels, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 18, p. 165.

2e Mao Tsetung, "Revolutionary Forces of the World Unite,Fight Against Imperialist Aggression!", Selected Works, Chineseed., VoI. 4, p. 1360.

30Mao Tsetung, "Reform Our Study", Selected. Works, Chineseed., Vol. 3, p. 795.

31 Mao Tsetung, "Opening Address at the Eighth NationalCongress of the Communist Party of China", September 15, 1956.

32 Chairman Mao's irnportant inscription for Japanese workerfriends, September 18, 1962, Renrnin Ribao (People's Dailil,September 18, 1968.

33 Mao Tsetung, "Some Questions Concerning Methods ofLeadership", Selected, Works, Chinese ed., VoL 3, p. 901.

3aMao Tsetung, "On Contradiction", Selecteil Works, Chineseed., VoI. 7, p. 294.

35 "The Paris Commune and the Present", article in Sovietrevisionist Kommuni.st, No. 2, 1971.

36 N. S, Khrushchov's report on the "Programme of theC.P.S.U." at the Soviet revisionist "22nd Congress", October 18,1961.

37 L. I. Brezhnev's report at the meeting in "comrnemoration"of the centenary of Lenin's birth, April 21, 1970.

38 "The State of the Whole PeopJ.e and Democracy", article intlre Soviet revisionist Pratsd.a, June 7, 1970.

3e Sinister anti-China book compiled by F. Konstantinov andothers, Russian ed., the "Mys1" Publishing House, U.S.S.R.,published in August 1970, pp. 119-120.

"0 Marx, "The Civil War in France", NIart and Engels, Col-lected, Works, Chinese ed., VoI. 17, p. 384.

at Engels, "Preface to the Seconr1 German Edition of 'TheCondition of the Working Class in England', 1892", Marx andEngeis, Col,lected" Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 22, p. 373.

"2 Sanzo Nosaka's talk, Akahat&, January 3, 1g?1.

aJ Korehito Kurahara's speech at a Japanese revisionists'meeting in "comr-nemoration" of the centenary of Lenin,s lcirth,Akohala, April 2, 1970.

aa l{enji Miyamoto's speech at a meeting convened by theJapanese revisionist Kyoto committee, Akahata, March 20, 7970.

4'i Mao Tsetung, "speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Sovietof the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the GreatOctober Socialist Revolution", November 6, 1957.

"G From Comrade Lin Piao's report to the Ninth National

Congress of the Communist Farty of China.47 Marx and Engeis, Mani,festo of the Communist Partg,

Chinese ed., People's Publishing House, 1964, p. 58.1'8 Lenin, "speech at the Meeting of Activists of the Moscow

Organizations of the R.C.P.(B.)", Collected Works, Chinese ed.,Vo1. 31, p. 412.

4e Marx, "The First Draft of 'The Civil War in France, ,,_

Marr. and, Engels, Collected, Warlts, Chinese ed., VoI. 17, p. 5BZ.50 See note 47.

32

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