Multiculturalism in Higher Education: Filipino-American ... · PDF fileMulticulturalism in Higher Education: Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University Diversity in

Multiculturalism in Higher Education:

Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University

Ardith L. Feroglia

Western Washington University

Running Head: MULTICULTURALISM IN HIGHER EDUCATION 1

Multiculturalism in Higher Education:

Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University

Diversity in higher education is often thought of as a benefit of many university systems.

Students are often presented with the opportunity to learn amongst peers, staff, and faculty from

varying backgrounds. At Western Washington University (WWU), students of color make up

about 17% of the entire student population (“Diversity at WWU,” 2007). This statistic

demonstrates that WWU exceeds state standards in its proportion of Asian American students

(“Executive Summary: Working Towards ‘Engaged Excellence’,” 2008). This information is

valuable, as it also demonstrates to prospective students that WWU is a university with a

commitment to diversity. However, WWU assesses itself as still being in need of a better way to

attract, retain, and help “all faculty and students…feel comfortable at Western” (“Executive

Summary,” 2008).

In an attempt to meet this requirement, WWU has outreach services and programs in

place to facilitate multicultural students’ success and retention (“Multicultural Support Programs

and Retention,” 2007). One outreach entity is known as the Ethnic Student Center (ESC).

Located in the Viking Union, the ESC serves as the home base for multiple ethnically-affiliated

clubs and programs. However, the existence of the services mentioned implies that multicultural

students are continuing to experience hardships in adjusting to the university lifestyle. A simple

Google search for minority drop-out rates pulls up numerous articles addressing a concern of so

many American schools: how to get minority students to feel comfortable in higher education.

One should evaluate the effectiveness of WWU’s current commitment to diversity in order to

assess strengths and weaknesses.

MULTICULTURALISM IN HIGHER EDUCATION 2

3

For the researcher, there is special interest in a specific minority and Asian American and

Pacific Islander (AAPI) population. Living life as a mixed-background Filipino-American

prompts many questions for the researcher. The Filipino-American (Fil-Am) student population

at WWU, like many of the other ethnic populations, comes predominantly from the greater

Seattle area. Fil-Ams make up the second-largest AAPI group in the Seattle area, reflecting

similar nationwide statistics (“Profile of General Demographic Characteristics,” 2000). Thus, it

is logical that a significant amount of Fil-Am students from the Seattle area attend school at

WWU.

The second-largest AAPI group in the United States and the second-largest AAPI group

in Washington state’s biggest metropolitan area should have access to resources which attend to

cultural interests and needs. Academically, at WWU, this is not the case. Asian-American studies

focus primarily on historically significant groups, namely East Asian groups such as the Chinese

and Japanese cultures, with more general AAPI coverage taking place in introduction-level

courses. Foreign language courses at WWU offer limited AAPI languages, as well (“Modern and

Classical Languages,” 2008). Given this information, one should also examine the attitudes of

Fil-Am students at WWU in order to see if their needs are being met by a school interested in

improving minority students’ experiences.

Finally, recent events pertinent to minority students’ success in higher education are again

making headlines. In Arizona, efforts are underway to eliminate race-based clubs (“Arizona

Proposal Would Prohibit Race-Based Student Groups,” 2008; Welch, 2008). These efforts could

directly and negatively affect programs WWU sponsors; special concern should be directed

towards the ESC, which houses WWU’s ethnically-based clubs, including FASA. While the


4

proposed bill may never go into effect, a great danger lies in the contagiousness of anti-ethnic

sentiment within the general US population. The following study will examine the necessity and

effectiveness of outreach services and programs to the Fil-Am population at WWU, while also

assessing potential areas of academic interest for Fil-Am students. The results will hopefully then

lend themselves to the development of a sound refute against the proposed Arizona bill; the study

will ultimately provide educated grounds to form rebuttals against those seeking to eliminate

race-based clubs. Along with providing grounds for allowing race-based clubs, the study will

also provide recommendations for WWU’s general curriculum and outreach programs, as well as

giving a voice to the Fil-Am community.

Background: Filipino-Americans’ Presence in the United States

Filipinos arrived in the United States several centuries ago, living in colonies located in

Louisiana. Despite such an early presence, the Filipino population in the United States became

“sizable only in the past few decades” (Healey, 2007). Significant waves of immigration to the

United States from the Philippines continue to contribute to the ever-growing number of Filipino

immigrants. Early immigrants were often agricultural workers, located mainly in Hawai’i and the

United States’ West Coast. This pattern is part of the reason a large number of Filipinos still

reside in Hawai’i and the West Coast. Additionally, the Philippines’ territorial status in earlier

decades made immigration relatively easy; no quotas were imposed until 1935, when the

Philippines gained its independence from the US (Healey, 2007). Afterwards, a shift in the type

of immigrants occurred, due in part to US immigration priorities. Since 1965, a majority of

Filipino immigrants have been professionals, many of which work in the health and medical


5

fields (Healey, 2007). However, Fil-Ams continue to work in a variety of professions, adding

depth to the diversity of the population.

Even with the large professional influx, a significant number of Filipinos find themselves

“competing for work in the low-wage secondary sector” (Healey, 2007). The implication of this

is that the Fil-Am population experiences a wide range of class diversity. Often, low-wage

workers are petitioned by family members already residing in the United States; this means that

the US-based family members petition the government to give their other relatives the chance to

immigrate. This process, repeated over and over, results in extreme variations in the “educational

and occupational profiles” of immigrants (Healey, 2007). This is the case for the Filipino-

American population, which results in nonconformity to the model minority myth or stereotype.

The model minority myth basically lumps all AAPI groups under the same blanket,

causing many to believe any AAPI member will naturally be successful (Kumashiro, 2006). It is

important to mention the myth now, though it will be discussed later; knowing that there is wide

variation in Fil-Am household income implies that Fil-Am students bring their own diverse

experiences to the university. This is not in line with the assumption that since Fil-Am students

are from an AAPI group, they will naturally be successful and therefore fit into the majority

society quite easily.

A simple show of hands at a recent conference demonstrates that today’s generation of

young Filipino-Americans is largely first, 1.5, or second generation; in other words, these young

adults either immigrated, left the Philippines at an extremely young age, or were born in the

States, respectively. Few Filipino-Americans at the university level are considered third

generation (personal communications, April 5th, 2008). First through second generation Fil-Ams


6

experience closeness to cultural ties that sets them apart from most Caucasian-Americans;

whereas Fil-Ams’ parents, or the young Fil-Ams themselves, grew up in a country other than the

United States, for many Caucasian-Americans, their families established residency in the United

States at the turn of the century. As generations grow further away from their original culture,

they most likely will tend to view themselves as purely American, rather than Irish-American or

Italian-American, for example. This difference may explain why Fil-Am students, and other

ethnic minorities, need ethnic outreach services in order to stay in touch with their culture while

away from their parents.

Principle Areas of Research

Multiculturalism in Higher Education

Over a decade ago, Olnek (1993) assessed the situation of multiculturalism in American

education. In earlier decades, equality in education was simply equal distribution of resources;

that is, everyone needed to have equal access to items such as rewards and achievements (Olnek,

1993). For the most part, nowadays, people realize that there is more to an individual’s success

than having equal access to resources.

Laanan and Starobin (2004) discovered that many colleges offer services designed for

minority students. The study recognized that many of these colleges do not offer services for

AAPI students. Services consist of not only outreach programs, but ethnically-affiliated

publications. Even in the publication realm, few services cater to AAPI interests (Laanan and

Starobin, 2004). Additionally, even if one were to use the outdated definition of multiculturalism

that Olnek (1993) provided, one would be able to see that AAPIs were not able to access equal

resources. AAPIs seem to be multiculturally disadvantaged. Likely causes for the lack of AAPI-


7

serving institutions lie in the existence of the model minority myth. If educators assume that

AAPIs are able to succeed no matter what, then it is logical that there would be fewer services

available. Lack of multiculturalism can affect AAPI groups beyond having access to resources,

though.

Pang (2006) focuses on the unintentional disadvantages educators may impose AAPI

students. To illustrate, Pang (2006) introduces the study with a narrative about an elementary

school teacher. Many of the students in the teacher’s class are AAPIs, and this particular teacher

recognizes that AAPI students are often not given an equal education. One should assume that

the students have plenty of access to the same resources that all the other students have. What the

teacher realizes is that AAPI students are subjected to the model minority myth and educators

may not strive to give these students as much feedback or encouragement in subjects outside

math and science (Pang, 2006). If left unnoticed, this sentiment can leak into higher education, as

Laanan and Starobin note (2004). The fact that educators may unconsciously follow the

stereotypes brought forth by the model minority myth limits true multiculturalism in educational

settings.

Multiculturalism is also deemphasized in actual curriculum. Budd (n.d.) says that the

importance in teaching multiculturalism lies in the lack of multicultural insight. For example,

“social studies have been taught with a European slant” (Budd, n.d.). This means students,

regardless of their backgrounds, learn one set of history. In the US, this history is that of

immigrants who make up the group commonly referred to as White. Budd (n.d.) continues,

saying, “The major accomplishments that make our country what it is today have been credited


8

to White Americans with little to no mention of the contributions of men and women of

color” (Budd, n.d.).

The Model Minority Myth

Jo (2004) makes the important point that the term minority has several meanings;

commonly, it means a small number, but it may also mean those without power. In regards to the

study at-hand, minority seeks to differentiate groups that are not of the majority group, straight,

non-Hispanic Whites. However, Jo’s (2004) observation remains relevant, as minority groups

strive for equality within society. All AAPI groups still struggle to achieve equality;

unfortunately, and ironically, because of the historical success of select AAPI groups, AAPIs are

often times set back by what is known as the model minority myth (Kumashiro, 2006).

The model minority myth, which is also a stereotype and a construct, is not unfamiliar to

those researching multiculturalism. Introduced in the 1960s, the model minority stereotype

distinguishes certain high-achieving AAPI groups as the bar for all minority groups (Jo, 2004).

Furthermore, Jo (2004) states that this construct emphasizes “many virtuous characteristics of

Asians” and that “Asians can be successful despite all the difficulties they are facing” (p. 21). At

first, this seems as if it could be quite inspirational to all groups facing adversity. However, the

model minority myth works in very different ways, affecting all groups commonly associated as

AAPI.

Lee (2006) presents several points regarding the reasons behind why the model minority

myth affects AAPI students on several different levels. First of all, racial discourse in the U.S.

relies heavily on a false dichotomy between Black and White (Lee, 2006). In other words,

AAPIs, including Fil-Ams, fall somewhere in-between Black and White on an imaginary scale.


9

Most non-White immigrants, Lee (2006) asserts, also fall somewhere on this scale. Some AAPIs,

like wealthy Chinese immigrants for example, are “ideologically whitened,” and moved towards

the White side of the scale. Other AAPIs, such as southeast refugees like Cambodians or Hmong,

are “ideologically blackened,” due to the high poverty rates the populations experience. Lew

(2006) states that AAPIs “face conflicting messages...as racial minorities, they are often excluded

from whiteness, while on the other hand, they are also stereotyped as model minorities that align

them with whiteness" (pp. 337-338).

To illustrate, the model minority myth comes into play when the refugee groups are

lumped in with wealthy Chinese immigrants. Not understanding the diversity in cultures and

class causes people to hold unsound expectations of groups and people who may not measure up

to false assumptions; this is the problem central to both the model minority myth and the

essentialization of AAPI group members. By disregarding cultural differences between groups,

the “model minority” label essentializes all group members into one, homogenous, and

presumably successful group. Ignoring the strife of the Southeast Asian refugees is not

beneficial; on a similar note, believing that the refugee groups are deficient and classifying them

on a similar, negative level as other ethnic groups is also harmful. A person from an

“ideologically blackened” background may not receive support in educational systems;

furthermore, the model minority myth may harm members from “ideologically whitened” groups

if they do not perform up to the model minority standard.

Somewhere in between the two extremes, the model minority myth may give AAPI

students the impression that they are not subject to social problems by leaving AAPI groups out

of historical discussion. By leaning on a White vs. Black dichotomy, even while expanding to


10

encompass Latino issues, people are able to make the AAPI population disappear. Lew (2006)

notes that this assumed middle ground between Black and White contributes to the phenomena,

coupled with the model minority stereotype. One way that invisibility may affect AAPIs is by

falsely portraying AAPI groups as having few problems in society. Members of AAPI groups are

then not aware, for the most part, of current issues affecting their social standing. In education,

AAPI groups may learn about issues pertinent to other minority groups, but not necessarily their

own groups. Leaving out the issues commonly associated with various AAPI cultures renders the

groups unconscious to their own social significance.

With students from any background, success in education can be attributed to more than

just ethnicity. For example, Lew (2006) concludes that though Korean American students share a

common background, students identify themselves in different ways due to their class

backgrounds, generational status, or other aspects. Lew (2006) also points out that people tend to

assume minorities, such as Blacks or Latino/as do worse because of their backgrounds, but it

should be kept in mind that minority families still often struggle economically; AAPI students,

with their wide range of cultures and backgrounds, also find themselves in varying class

backgrounds. Because of historical and current struggles, it is known that a large portion of

minorities find themselves in low-class standings. AAPI students fall into a group where a

higher-than-normal percentage earn enough to put their family in the middle- to upper-class

range, but at the same time, other AAPI groups earn substantially less. If one is to follow the

model minority myth, the lower-earning AAPI families are forgotten, and these students’

academic success or failure is attributed to “unknown” factors (Lew, 2006; Healey, 2007).


11

The model minority myth works on multiple levels when dealing with the Fil-Am

population. The diversity within the Fil-Am population could potentially complicate the way the

model minority myth affects Fil-Am students. As stated previously, Fil-Ams vary drastically on

the income scale, and most Fil-Am students are first, 1.5, or second generation; their parents fall

anywhere on the income scale. Lew (2006) notes that class background affects the identification

of Korean American students, and if one assumes that this applies also to Fil-Am students, then

one can also assume that Fil-Am students experience education in very diverse ways. The model

minority myth may then apply itself to Fil-Am students, regardless of their individual

backgrounds, either confirming that Fil-Am students are successful or disconfirming the model

minority myth and “ideologically blackening” the Fil-Am population.

Rationale and Purpose

After examining the literature pertaining to the model minority myth and multicultural

education, several questions should be raised. Lew’s (2006) study on cultural identity within a

group makes the point that assumed homogeny disregards underlying factors which separate

students. For the Korean American students involved, these differences relied heavily on class

background. As mentioned previously, Fil-Am students come from a wide variety of class

backgrounds, due to factors such as immigration priorities assigned to different workers.

Several researchers (Kumashiro, 2006; Lew, 2006) look into the effects of the model

minority myth. Lew (2006) identifies the dichotomy between Black and White, in regards to race

relations in the United States; the implications of this finding mean that other minority groups,

including Fil-Ams and other AAPI groups, are overlooked, or rendered invisible. This invisibility


12

will obviously have consequences; whether these consequences are viewed as negative by in-

group members has yet to be assessed.

Given WWU’s commitment to diversity and on-going efforts to assist students of color, it

makes sense to examine how these efforts directly affect a particular AAPI group. Fil-Am

students were selected because of historical insignificance and the growing population, which

now ranks second in the US (Healey, 2007). Additionally, coupling these reasons with general

ideas about the model minority myth leads to the following research questions:

RQ1: What is the relationship between the model minority myth and a Filipino-American

student’s academic experience in the classroom?

RQ2: What kinds of curriculum would increase students’ perception regarding their level of

belonging in an institution of higher learning?

The purpose of this study will be to give Fil-Am students a voice in their educational

system. As a growing minority group, the Fil-Am population needs to have their interests

addressed. Additionally, the model minority myth affects all AAPI groups; since it pertains

heavily to educational experiences, the study will attempt to assess how the myth and stereotype

affects a historically overlooked AAPI group.

At a school such as WWU, special attention must be given; with the Seattle area’s large

Fil-Am community and Bellingham’s relative nearness, WWU should understand that there is

much to gain by listening to Fil-Am students. The study seeks to understand which aspects of the

educational system at WWU are serving their needs and which areas need improvement.

Research Methods and Results


13

This study uses a survey questionnaire to assess the strength of cultural identity in several

different aspects, along with a qualitative interview to examine other areas pertinent to research

questions. The questionnaire is based on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)

developed by Phinney (1992). The questionnaire is comprised of 15 short questions which uses a

nominal scale. Responses range from an answer of “1 – Strongly disagree” to “4 – Strongly

agree.” The original document is attached (Appendix A) and the researcher’s changes are noted

in italics.

The quantitative questionnaire was distributed to members at a FASA general meeting.

Each member was informed of the nature of the questionnaire, and participation was voluntary.

17 participants identified themselves as being of Filipino heritage. Out of these 17 responses, 2

indicated that they were of mixed background, with Filipino as one of responses. Once the

surveys were collected, the averages were computed for each of the questions. Averages ranged

from 3.18 to 3.88 on the 4-point scale.

Out of the 15 questions, four questions stood out in terms of responses. Questions 4 and 8

displayed the lowest averages, 3.18 and 3.24, respectively; questions 9 and 12 displayed the

highest averages, 3.82 and 3.88, respectively. The implications of this will be discussed in the

following section.

Question 4 states: “I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group

membership.”

A lower mean here indicates that fewer participants actively think about how their lives

are affected by their own ethnic status. A broad question like this aims to encompass thoughts

about ethnic identity may affect school or work experiences, or how certain social situations may


14

work differently in an ethnic, minority student’s life as compared to a student belonging to the

majority culture.

Question 8 states: “In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often

talked to other people about my ethnic group.”

Question 8 indicates that fewer students seek out information from other members of the

ethnic group on issues pertaining to the group. Lack of talking about these types of issues may

indicate several things.

Participants may be more inclined to research the culture on their own time. Participants

may also be more interested in experiencing the culture through food, dance, or other rituals, as

indicated by question 10, as opposed to asking questions or through discussion. This presents an

opportunity for a university system, such as WWU’s, in that providing classroom discussion on

issues relevant to the Fil-Am community may help students in understanding their place in

society.

On the other end, participants responded very positively to questions 9 and 12.

Question 9 states: “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.”

Question 9 is a matter of pride, and participants indicate that they have a great deal of

pride in their culture. One point of interest is in that the only participants to not strongly agree

with the question were of a mixed background. This may indicate another future point of study

relevant to an increasingly diverse university population.

Question 12 is similar, and reads: “I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.”


15

This is different than question 9 that it assesses a student’s personal, positive feelings

about his or her ethnic identity. All participants responded very positively to question 12,

suggesting that pride and feeling good may not quite go hand-in-hand.

In order to gather more in-depth information about feelings and thoughts on ethnicity and

the current state of diversity at WWU, interviews were conducted. 12 FASA members were

interviewed, though 3 identified as non-Filipino. Qualitative out-group perspectives are still

useful, however, as they were able to compliment ideas about AAPI curriculum at WWU.

Interviews were conducted in a closed-door, one-on-one session. Each interview was

digitally recorded, with answers also recorded electronically in a word processor. The interview

questions consist of informal questions, designed to elicit conversation on several talking points.

Of interest to the researcher were feelings of comfort and belonging, feelings and thoughts on the

model minority myth, and general suggestions for WWU regarding multicultural education.

Common themes were relatively easy to identify, since questions were standardized and

asked in a consistent order. Regarding comfort and belonging, participants identified several key

ideas:

(1) the Ethnic Student Center (ESC) provides a “safe haven” for students of color;

(2) the ESC needs to be expanded and/or relocated;

(3) participants recognize that WWU is taking steps to improve diversity on-campus, but

these efforts have areas for improvement;

(4) participants feel very proud of their ethnicity; members who participate in race

relations class know what the model minority myth is;


16

(5) participants do not feel their ethnicity is either a disadvantage or advantage in the

classroom;

(6) participants demonstrate a strong want for more classes which cover the histories,

cultures, and languages of AAPI cultures, with emphasis on Filipino and Pacific

Islander studies.

Implications and Recommendations

In regards to the research questions, there was little indication that the model minority

myth affected students’ experiences within the classroom. There was no clear indication that the

model minority myth caused educators to view participants’ ethnicity either negatively or

positively. Several students indicated that their ethnicity seemed to be a small advantage only in

terms of standing out amongst their other classmates; in other words, when a teacher asked a

question, the teacher may have been more inclined to call on a Fil-Am student simply because he

or she is more noticeable to the eye. This was not viewed negatively, but viewed simply as a

reality.

On the other hand, though, while ethnicity may serve as eye-catching in a predominantly

White classroom, the non-effect of the model minority myth on Fil-Am students may contribute

to the invisibility of the Fil-Am population. If people do not recognize the group, whether it is

positively or negatively, it may lead to little attention to Fil-Am social problems, or a lack of

awareness by in-group members. Some participants indicate that they did not consider the

standing of Fil-Ams in the United States until they participated in a race relations course. If

issues regarding Fil-Ams are not discussed, then there is little else that provides Fil-Ams

recognition. There is obvious lack of media attention, and this may lead to the understanding that


17

there is nothing, negative or positive, affecting the Fil-Am population. Students are not given the

chance to fully consider their minority status. Though this may seem as if it is an advantage in

terms of discrimination, it is troubling to realize that invisibility essentially erases a group’s

greater problems or achievements. It is also unsettling to understand that Fil-Ams are an invisible

group since the population is significant. Members of second-largest AAPI group in the United

States are often not even aware of how big the Fil-Am population is. A lack of attention can lead

to false acceptance of the group’s insignificance. However, providing outreach services and

programs, along with curriculum covering Fil-Am and AAPI issues, assists in giving an

otherwise unheard group a strong voice.

The second research question prompts an extensive amount of information. After taking

both the survey questionnaire and the interviews into account, several points become clear. The

first significant implication is that the ESC is providing an incredibly valuable service to students

of color. Students feel safe and comfortable around the other diverse members. Some students go

to the ESC to re-create the rich diversity they experience in their hometown; for others, the ESC

provides first-hand contact with other ethnic students that hometowns and high schools may not

provide.

Though the services offered by the ESC are beneficial, there are drawbacks. First and

foremost, participants voiced a concern that the ESC is difficult to locate and consequently, not

very prominent on campus. The space is also inadequately small, making the ESC somewhat

inconvenient for large groups and activities, among other things. A majority of participants

suggested that the ESC be relocated so that students at WWU, regardless of background, are

aware that it exists. Relocation may also provide a more inviting atmosphere, as students do not


18

have to feel lost or confined when tracking down the ESC for the first time. Some students also

noted that relocation to a more prominent part of campus will provide the opportunity, with less

effort, to let WWU students know that the ESC is not an ethnic-exclusive club, and that all

students are welcome to discover the programs and people within the ESC. Of course, ESC

expansion is dependent on funding and available space; in the interest of students, WWU should

discuss at-length plans to follow through with a plan to improve the ESC.

WWU already has a commitment to diversity. To participants, this commitment should be

manifested by improved active efforts to publicize the ESC. If expansion is not possible, more

collaboration between WWU administration and the ESC is necessary. Most students, when

asked if they were aware of the ESC’s existence prior to coming to WWU were unaware of the

programs and services offered. Students that did know about the ESC were informed by friends

or family; one student stated that he requested information and was provided with the quarterly

ESC newsletter. Why students are not aware of the ESC’s existence is not clearly stated; looking

at the WWU website, there is a link to “Diversity” on the main page, but for some reason, the

publicity does not seem to be in place. Analyzing this disconnection will be useful in recruiting

and retaining students of color.

Additionally, making a greater effort to publicize and assist the ESC will help the school

in attracting students from the metropolitan area. The University of Washington, located in

Seattle, has an advantage in that for many Fil-Am students, it is nearby and has a prominent

diversity program. Greater publicity for the ESC will potentially make WWU more competitive

in gaining students’ attention. Furthermore, expansion of cultural studies courses will also help

WWU compete against other universities, in terms of attracting and retaining students.


19

WWU should also seek to diversify its staff and faculty. One student said that there were

no teachers that looked like him. Another said that he could only remember a few instructors of

color, and that these instructors were teaching lower-level courses. Diversifying the instructors

on campus may help with students’ perceptions of belonging. It also provides the opportunity for

more instructor involvement in programs such as the ESC. If faculty and staff show support for

these programs, it can strongly affirm the ESC’s standing as a service of worth on campus.

When questioned, participants agreed that more classes need to be offered which address

AAPI cultures. Though offering a course on every culture is unrealistic, it is more in-reach to

offer courses which cover various cultures. One course, as stated by students, already exists that

tries to address the Asian-American experience. One student noted that the course covered

Filipinos, which surprised her; another student, however, said the course leaned heavily towards

the study of Japanese culture. Other cultures seemed to be glossed over, providing little

opportunity to explore histories rarely offered in an academic setting.

On a similar note, students expressed the desire for a Tagalog 101 course at WWU.

Tagalog is the basis for the national language, Filipino, as it is widely-spoken in a land of many

dialects. As such, Tagalog binds the different regions of the Philippines together and provides a

basis for mutual culture. A majority of the students interviewed do not consider themselves

bilingual. One participant recognized herself as fluent in Tagalog; two more stated they could

understand the language, but were not able to speak Tagalog fluently.

Lacking bilingual ability can potentially lead Fil-Am students to feel isolated from their

cultural background. This is important, as most Fil-Am students in this particular generation still

have direct ties back to the Philippines through family members. However, there is little one can


20

do as far as accessing resources to learning the language. Being at college, most students

probably do not have time to pick up a second language outside of school. As such, participants

in the study expressed that they want a program that will offer Tagalog language resources. Other

schools are able to offer the language, namely the University of Washington (“Program

Description,” 2007) and South Seattle Community College. One non-Filipino participant also

acknowledged that she would enjoy the Tagalog class if WWU offered it; to her, offering the

class provides an opportunity to expand knowledge of other AAPI cultures outside of her own.

She also recognized that it is a benefit to other students outside of the Fil-Am community.

Interview participants recognize that class enrollment and overall student interest will

determine the feasibility of offering a Tagalog language course. However, there are options

available which may allow WWU to sponsor a Tagalog course. Perhaps a summer offering or a

partnership with another college already engaged in the program would be more realistic at this

point. Testing out the student interest, though, is necessary. It should also be taken into account

that other minority groups may be looking for the same type of resources. It is difficult to find

qualified teachers for AAPI languages, but recognizing the need for AAPI language courses is a

step in the right direction for WWU.

Furthermore, participants in the study display a significant amount of pride in their ethnic

background and culture. These students do not necessarily seek out discussion in order to

understand the current issues affecting the population. According to the questionnaire, students

would rather experience their culture than just talk about it. This opens up additional options for

AAPI curriculum. While history and sociological aspects of a culture are appealing, students may

also be interested in courses which focus on areas such as martial arts or traditional dance.


21

WWU’s dance department already offers a GUR focusing on world dance; perhaps it should be

expanded by adding more types of dance or by being offered more extensively. Literature is also

another area which is open to exploration. Knowledge of AAPI authors and their contributions

may help further cultural understanding, while also providing narratives about history. When

searching for opportunities to enhance the AAPI and Fil-Am experiences on campus, WWU

should remember that there are many facets to a culture which provide new and exciting areas

for curriculum.

The benefits for understanding participants’ sentiments are manifold. Beyond being able

to provide a more inclusive environment, WWU will be able to develop a strong reputation as a

diversity-focused school. WWU is already very forward-looking, but increased efforts for

diversity will allow prospective students to see for themselves where WWU outdoes the

competition. Already, one can see that being an AAPI-serving institution is critical; Laanan and

Starobin (2004) noted the lack of AAPI-serving institutions, and by overcoming this, WWU

opens doors of opportunity for itself and its students. Adding more AAPI-focused curriculum and

services will not only aid Fil-Am students, it will aid all students, regardless of color. More

extensive and interesting courses may be added in the areas such as history, language, or dance,

which will engage students in ways which cause them to think even more critically about the true

state of multiculturalism and diversity.

WWU should also realize that it is making progress and that students recognize that. One

student states, “I was really surprised at how much Western cares about diversity,” and this goes

to show that efforts are not going unrecognized. Though growth may not be at the rate students

want, many also understand the difficulties involved in creating new programs or relocating the


22

ESC. Continuing to listen to students’ concerns will not only help the university understand what

is needed and desired, but it also sets the stage for improving relationships between

administration and the student body. Opening this line of communication may positively impact

students’ perceptions of the university by creating an inclusive atmosphere.

Conclusion

The current study provides much insight into the experience of Fil-Am students at a

public university. It reveals that Fil-Am students are not explicitly subjected to the model

minority myth’s negative aspects. However, it does illustrate that not addressing Fil-Am issues

can lead to a greater in-group unconsciousness regarding cultural and social issues; this can also

lead to invisibility among the entire population, in this case, the United States’ population.

Fortunately, it seems that invisibility can be reduced through offerings both in and outside the

classroom.

Participants voiced similar concerns regarding the ESC and the current curriculum

offered by WWU. If WWU listens to these concerns, many opportunities appear. Beyond simply

catering to one particular minority group, WWU can use the information to understand which

areas of instruction should be improved in order to better serve all students. Additionally, with

other universities competing to attract and retain minority students, WWU’s concern for the well-

being of its students of color may positively influence the interest of prospective students.

Continuing to improve WWU’s commitment to diversity will help students find meaningful and

positive experiences, which translates to more on-campus diversity. WWU should also strive to

find qualified instructors from minority groups, which participants state is one shortcoming of

the university.


23

Last of all, this study provides a voice to a group which is subject to invisibility. As one

student said, “We’ve been really growing…as an identity in America…We’re getting our own

spot there, with the Latinos [on the ‘race continuum’].” As the greater AAPI population

continues to grow, the university should recognize the impact this has on multiculturalism and

diversity. Fil-Ams are an important part of the American culture, and they should no longer have

to be overlooked. The culture, like all world cultures, is important to understand and recognize.

As a large and growing group, Fil-Ams have the potential to contribute greatly to society. This

should be acknowledged, especially by a university, and the recommendations previously

discussed should be fully considered.


24

References

Arizona proposal would prohibit race-based student groups. (2008). Accessed on May 17th, 2008

from http://chronicle.com/news/article/4338/arizona-proposal-would-prohibit-race-based-

student-groups

Budd, E. (n.d.). Afterthought: Multicultural insights: The importance of culturally responsive

curriculum and teaching for culturally diverse students who have special needs. Black

History Bulletin, 70(1).

Diversity at WWU. (2007). Accessed on February 28th, 2008 from http://www.wwu.edu/

wwu_diversity

Executive summary: Working towards “engaged excellence”. (2008). NWCCU Self-Study

Report.

Healey, J. F. (2007). Diversity and Society, 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, California: Pine Forge Press.

Jo, J. O. (2004). Neglected voices in multicultural America: Asian American racial politics and

its implication for multicultural education. Multicultural Perspectives, 6(1), 19-25.

Kumashiro, K. K. (2006). Afterword: Toward an anti-oppressive theory of Asian Americans and

Pacific Islanders in education. Race Ethnicity and Education, 9(1).

Laanan, F. S. and Starobin, S. S. (2004). Defining Asian American and Pacific Islander-serving

institutions. New Directions for Community Colleges, 127.

Lee, S. J. (2006). Additional complexities: Social class, ethnicity, generation, and gender in

Asian American student experiences. Race Ethnicity and Education, 9(1), pp. 17-28.

Lew, J. (2006). Burden of acting neither White nor Black: Asian American identities and

achievement in school. The Urban Review, 38(5).


http://chronicle.com/news/article/4338/arizona-proposal-would-prohibit-race-based-student-groups




http://www.wwu.edu/wwu_diversity




25

Modern and classical languages. (2008). Accessed on May 24th, 2008 from http://www.wwu.edu/

mcl/

Multicultural support programs and retention. (2007). Accessed on February 28th, 2008 from

http://www.wwu.edu/depts/sos/programs_mspr.shtml

Olnek, M. R. (1993).Terms of inclusion: Has multiculturalism redefined equality in American

education? American Journal of Education, 101(3).

Pang, V.O. (2006). Fighting the marginalization of Asian American students with caring schools:

focusing on curricular change. Race Ethnicity and Education, 9(1).

Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with

adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7,

156-176.

Program description. (2007). Accessed 10 March 2008 from http://jsis.artsci.washington.edu/

advise/catalog/Asianba.html

Welch, A. (2008). Arizona state legislator says race-based clubs cause culture clash. Accessed on

May 17th, 2008 from http://media.www.theramonline.com/media/storage/paper1075/

news/2008/05/28/Features/

Arizona.State.Legislator.Says.RaceBased.Clubs.Cause.Culture.Clash-3361778.shtml


http://www.wwu.edu/mcl/






http://jsis.artsci.washington.edu/advise/catalog/Asianba.html




http://media.www.theramonline.com/media/storage/paper1075/news/2008/05/28/Features/Arizona.State.Legislator.Says.RaceBased.Clubs.Cause.Culture.Clash-3361778.shtml






26

Appendix AThe Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)

The MEIM was originally published in the following article:

Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156-176.

It has subsequently been used in dozens of studies and has consistently shown good reliability, typically with alphas above .80 across a wide range of ethnic groups and ages. On the basis of recent work, including a factor analysis of a large sample of adolescents*, it appears that the measure can best be thought of as comprising two factors, ethnic identity search (a developmental and cognitive component) and affirmation, belonging, and commitment (an affective component). Two items have been dropped and a few minor modifications have been made. Attached is the current revision of the measure, without the measure of Other-group orientation. The two factors, with this version, are as follows: ethnic identity search, items 1, 2, 4, 8, and 10; affirmation, belonging, and commitment, items 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12. (None of the items are reversed.) The preferred scoring is to use the mean of the item scores; that is, the mean of the 12 items for an over-all score, and, if desired, the mean of the 5 items for search and the 7 items for affirmation. Thus the range of scores is from 1 to 4. The suggested ethnic group names in the first paragraph can be adapted to particular populations. Items 13, 14, and 15 are used only for purposes of identification and categorization by ethnicity. The Other-group orientation scale, which was developed with the original MEIM, is not included, as it is considered to be a separate construct. It can, of course, be used in conjunction with the MEIM. Translations of the measure into Spanish and French now exist and are available, but we currently have no information on their reliability. No written permission is required for use of the measure. However, if you decide to use the measure, please send me a summary of the results and a copy of any papers or publications that result from the study.

Jean S. Phinney, Ph.D.Department of PsychologyCalifornia State University, Los AngelesLos Angeles, CA 90032-8227

Phone: 323 343-2261FAX: 323 343-2281E-mail: [email protected]


mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

27

*Roberts, R., Phinney, J., Masse, L., Chen, Y., Roberts, C., & Romero, A. (1999). The structure of ethnic identity in young adolescents from diverse ethnocultural groups. Journal of Early Adolescence, 19, 301-322.


28

In this country, people come from many different countries and cultures, and there are many different words to describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come from. Some examples of the names of ethnic groups are Hispanic or Latino, Black or African American, Asian American, Chinese, Filipino, American Indian, Mexican American, Caucasian or White, Italian American, and many others. These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react to it.

Please fill in: In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be ____________________

Use the numbers below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement.

(4) Strongly agree (3) Agree (2) Disagree (1) Strongly disagree

1- I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs. 2- I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own ethnic group. 3- I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me. 4- I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership. 5- I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to. 6- I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group. 7- I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me. 8- In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic group. 9- I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.10- I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.11- I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.12- I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.

13- My ethnicity is (1) Filipino (2) Asian or Asian American, including Chinese, Japanese, and others (3) Black or African American (4) Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American, Central American, and others (5) White, Caucasian, Anglo, European American; not Hispanic (6) American Indian/Native American (7) Mixed; Parents are from two different groups (8) Other (write in): _____________________________________

14- My father's ethnicity is (use numbers above)15- My mother's ethnicity is (use numbers above)


Documents

Multiculturalism in Higher Education: Filipino-American ... · PDF fileMulticulturalism in Higher Education: Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University Diversity in