National Report in Slovenia Jan2010

8/8/2019 National Report in Slovenia Jan2010

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Successful Pathways for theSecond Generation of Migrants

Report about Second Generation Migrantsand the pedagogical approach in Slovenia

January 2010

This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be heldresponsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Project nr: 502260-LLP-2009-1-IT-GRUNDTVIG-GMP


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502260-LLP-2009-1-IT-GRUNDTVIG-GMP 2

Alenka Janko Spreizer, Eva Brajkovi, Toma Gregorc

1. Introduction

This text is one of the seven European national reports on second generation migrants composedwithin the framework of Bridge, an EU Grundtvig project. It deals with the situation of secondgeneration migrants in Slovenia (chapter 2) and outlines main autobiographical pedagogicalapproaches that are applied in Slovenia to improve adult education skills and ability (chapter 3).Chapter 4 introduces three best practices of organizations/initiatives that adopt the method ofbiography work in their engagement with first and second generation migrants. The findingspresented in this report are based on an extensive literature and internet research conducted by three

researchers from the Department of Anthropology at the University of Primorska Faculty ofHumanities Koper.

As elsewhere, the issue on migration is the field of knowledge in expansion: this can be percievedin Slovenian academic production. From the year 1991 on the research topics on migration areincreasing. There are several institutions, such as research institutes and faculty units, whereresearchers are exploring the new minorities, the Slovenian national question, theimmigrants, Slovenian emigrants, the erased etc.

The issue of second generation migrants was not often and substantially addressed or explored.There are no statistical data on this topic since researchers were previously focused on Slovenianemigrants, and on ex-SFR Yugoslav (SFRY) immigrations. The reason for this is historical. FormerSFRY was a poly-ethnic state. In this time (from 1945 up to 1991) Slovenia was one of socialistrepublics where the status of Italian and Hungarian minorities was legaly regulated: The membersof these minorities had special collective rights, yet they were considered as native Sloveniancitizens (for analysis on adult education cf Jelenc, Janko Mireva).

On the other hand, from the year 1991, when Slovenia became an independant country, immigrantshad and still have specific collective rights in terms of minority cultural, social and educationalpolitics. In the period of the SFRY the main institutions where the issue of migration was exploredwere the Institute of Ethnic Studies and The Institute of Slovenian Emigration. There were alsosome researchers who started to ethnographically explore the situation of immigrant workers fromformer parts of SFR Yugoslavia (Menari). In present day there are several reserachers who areaffiliated to different scholar disciplines at the Slovenian public and private universities whoexplore the issue of migration.

According to Josipovi (2009) in the times of the former state there were three migration1

1 Josipovi (2009: 25) understands migrations as a part of human mobility or capability to move. He writes about

movements or settlements when the person in questions changes the location of permanent or temporary address, andwhen he or she passes the boundary of the settlement. He warns the reader not to equalize daily mobility. It could beadded, that the Josipovis term migrations joins internal and external migration.

periods:the first period was after the WW2 up to the year 1970, the second period was the period from 1971to 1991. Third period was dated from the year 1991, when Slovenia separated from the ex-SFRYugoslavia and became the independent state. The first period could be descibed as migration


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cleansing (Dedi, 2003a: 17). The term the erased is used to designate individuals who lived inSlovenia and were entered in the Slovenian Register of Permanent Residents. In terms of theirethnic label they were Slovenians, Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, Montenegrins, Bosnians orBosniaks, Roma, etc.; in short, they were mainly emigrants from former Yugoslav republics or their

offspring or they were born in some of the former republics of the SFRY. Many of them were bornin Slovenia; however, they were often listed by the authorities in the Register of republiccitizenship4 according to the logic of racial and blood relations with the territory of their parentsdescent. Before the erasure many of these new aliens, as they were designated by the government,had had permanent residence and employment in Slovenia, paid contributions to their insurance andsocial security funds, paid taxes, exercised their right to vote, and enjoyed rights concomitant withresidential status. Erasure can be seen as an intentional political act, especially since no notificationhad been given to the people in question as to potential repercussions of not applying forcitizenship. In February 26th, 1992, with one single act, shaped by an employee of the Ministry ofInterior following an internal order and thus without any legal or administrative grounds theywere erased from the Register of permanent residents without ever being notified of this decision.

The legal basis of their existence in Slovenia was gone. Their valid personal documents, such aspassports and identity cards were destroyed; they lost their jobs and were denied the possibility towork legally, many of them could not retire and enjoy their pensions. (Cf. Krivic, 2003: 159).5

Theauthorities interpreted the erasure as a transfer from the Register of citizens to the Register of aliens.This move rendered the erased politically displaced or dead: they were treated as permanentresidents who no longer live in Slovenia for various reasons, such as death or permanent emigration(Cf. Dedi, 2003b: 19). Consequently, some of them were completely marginalized and sank into

illegality.

All their papers were officially annulled. Some of the erased were advised by police to leave thecountry to avoid deportation, while others left Slovenia of their own initiative. Some weresuggested to get their papers in order in the countries where the war was still raging: for some ofthem the regulation of their new status of foreigners was not possible. (Krivic, 2003: 157164). Inseveral cases individuals who were born in Slovenia became apatrids - due to administrativenegligence they had not been entered into the Register of citizenship. The general public remainedsilent for a decade; then the silence was broken; the issue of the erased precipitated the publicationof research on the legal context of this violation of human rights and an ethnographic study (Dedi,

Jalui, Zorn, 2003).

4 At the time, the institution of the 'republic citizenship' was unknown even to numerous legal experts and had beenconsidered fairly insignificant before the break-up of Yugoslavia; in any case, it definitely did not hold as muchrelevance as it did after the year 1992 (Cf. Zorn, 2003: 93).5 After the successful plebiscite on the sovereignty and independence of the Republic of Slovenia (held on the 23rdDecember 1990), the Basic Constitutional Charter on the Sovereignty and Independence of the Republic of Slovenia,Declaration of Independence and several acts asserting sovereignty were passed on the 25th June 1991. 26th December1991 was the application deadline for obtaining Slovenian citizenship. On the 26th February 1992 stipulations from theAliens Act come to force for individuals who had registered permanent residence in Slovenia but failed to apply forSlovenian citizenship or had their requests denied. The Ministry of Interior conducts an ex officio erasure on the 26thFebruary 1992, without accordingly notifying the persons concerned. In 1994 the first constitutional initiative againstthe Aliens Act is filed (Dedi, 2003a: 152). It is only in April of the year 2003 that the Constitutional Court finds The

Act Regulating the Status of the Citizens of Other Successor States of the Former SFRJ in the Republic of Slovenia(ARSCSS), passed in 1999, not in accordance with the Constitution, since it denied the erased the status of permanentresidence. A six-month period is set for the elimination of the discrepancies with the constitution. By May 2005 thisissue has still not been resolved by the new Slovenian government.


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1.1. Statistics of ethnic affiliation and diversityWe explored the statistical data for the year 2002, when of The Statistical Office of the Republic ofSlovenia (SORS).http://www.stat.si) did a national census of population. We also looked at the

statistics of EUROSTAD. We did not find the data we were searching for.

On the one side, the statistical data on national diversity in former Socialist Federative Republic ofYugoslavia were collected. The national censuses population data are published on the website ofThe Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia (SORS) (avaliable at:http://www.stat.si/doc/statinf/05-si-088-0301.pdf). There are several data on ethnic structureavaliable in Slovenian and in English language:

on national belonging/ethnic affiliation structure, data about the national belonging/ethnic affiliation and mother tongue, data about national belonging/ethnic affiliation and the spoken language in the household; data about national belonging/ethnic affiliation, the country of the first residence and sex. data about citizenship, sex and age (page 10)

The avaliable data which are published in this report are also: numbers and shares of immigats to Slovenia, by year of immigration, country of first

residence and sex6 the country of first residence and sex, in the intervals on every 6 years; data on national belonging/ethnic affiliation, age group and sex (page 12-13)

At this webpage there are also some publications published but on the basis of these it is notpossible to conclude how many people are SGM.

On the other side, from the year 1971 on, the data about ethnic or national affiliation are opional: itwas stated by the National Census Instructions that people were free to declare their national/ethnicaffiliation. In 2002 among the options also appeared the statement that person does not want todeclare his/her national/ethnic affiliation. (ircelj, M, 2003).

Josipovi who is one of the leading demographers studying fertility behavior, ethnicity and

demography warns us that from the data on non-declared (neopredeljen) it could not be concludedthat people who did not declared themselves by nationality were necesarry immigrants or theirdecendants. With the statistical data from the municipalities where the migration was notsubstantial, he illustrated that among non-declared there is a big share of the majority, i.e.Slovenians. (cf Josipovi 2006: 257).

We closely looked at the page of ESS (http://www.ess.gov.si) where the annual reports arepublished from 1998 up to 2008. There are data available on ethnic affiliation of immigrant workersfrom 1998 up to 2003 and could be found in the category of Employment and UnemploymentTrends as a subsection there were data in details according to ethnic affiliation 7

6 Data are classifies for Countries of former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia Yugoslavia Macedonia;Member States of EU: Austria, Germany, Italy, France; other members of EU; Other European countries: Candidate

Countries, other European countries; Non-European countries

. From the year2004 on, when Slovenia became a member of EU, the data about the ethnic affiliation are

7http://www.ess.gov.si/eng/AnnaulReport/lp03/Pogl03.htm#3.%203%20Employment%20and%20work%20of%20foreign%20workers
http://www.stat.si/doc/statinf/05-si-088-0301.pdfhttp://www.stat.si/doc/statinf/05-si-088-0301.pdfhttp://www.ess.gov.si/http://www.ess.gov.si/http://www.ess.gov.si/http://www.ess.gov.si/http://www.stat.si/doc/statinf/05-si-088-0301.pdf


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country where they live? We also wanted to find data on work where do they work, in whichsector and what type of jobs did they have.

We looked at the report on Employment and working conditions of migrant workers - Slovenia

(Trbanc, M. 2007)8

. The author reports on the statistical data about migrant workers who are in thenational statistics of The Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia (SORS) referred to asforeigners. According to Trbanc, Migrant workers represent about 5% of active population inSlovenia. The majority of migrant workers are workers from countries of ex-Yugoslavia. They are

mostly poorly educated and hold hard, low paid jobs in construction, metal manufacturing and

similar sectors. After 2004 the numbers of migrant workers from new EU member states somewhat

increased, while numbers of migrant workers from old EU member states and from other countries

are very low.

Her report brings also the data of Employment Service of Slovenia (ESS)9, Ministry of Labour,Family and Social Affairs (MLFSA) and the Labour Inspectorate, which is an agency of MLFSA10

In these reports the category of migrant worker is considered as foreign worker, which could meanthat these people do not have Slovenian citizenship and that they only hold temporary workingpermits.

.

In Trbancs publication, the term SGM is not used nor is any the similar term which would includepeople denoted as SGM. In this document the statistical data on migrant workers are available andthe researcher explains that these categories of people are termed as foreigners. Additionally, thereis no statistical data about the structure in terms of age and sex of migrants (i.e. foreigners)available and there are no data on SGM published.

In our search for the category of SGM we have looked at several documents, such as the suggestedreport of Thomas Liebig, T. (2009) Children of immigrants in the Labour Markets of EU andOECD Countries. We did not find any data relevant for the Slovenian case.

2.1. Second Generation of Migrants in estimated numbers

According to Josipovi migrations in Slovenija from some locations of the former SFRY represent

the main part of the immigration. The total number of immigrated in Slovenia is 169.605: thosewho migrated from the former SFRY represent 89,3% or 151.432 people. These imigrants from theformer SFRY represent 7,7 % of the Slovenian population. Immigrations were not coincidental:

ethnic structure is in accordance with the ethnic structure of emmigrated sites (obmoje).

Immigrations in Slovenia could only paritally be explained with economical reasons. Josipoviexplained that there were also political and geographical reasons and contexts of Yugoslavmigrations: the intention of these migrations was to change ethnic structure in certain parts ofSFRY. The majority of immigrants from abroad is in towns, but they rarely overcome 16%(Josipovi 2009: 28).

8 available at:http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ewco/studies/tn0701038s/si0701039q.htm9 ESS Annual Reports in English language are available at:http://www.ess.gov.si/eng/AnnaulReport/AnnualReport.htm.10 available at:http://www.id.gov.si/en/annual_report/).
http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ewco/studies/tn0701038s/si0701039q.htmhttp://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ewco/studies/tn0701038s/si0701039q.htmhttp://www.ess.gov.si/eng/AnnaulReport/AnnualReport.htmhttp://www.ess.gov.si/eng/AnnaulReport/AnnualReport.htmhttp://www.id.gov.si/en/annual_report/http://www.id.gov.si/en/annual_report/http://www.id.gov.si/en/annual_report/http://www.id.gov.si/en/annual_report/http://www.ess.gov.si/eng/AnnaulReport/AnnualReport.htmhttp://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ewco/studies/tn0701038s/si0701039q.htm


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Also Janja itnik (2004) published data on the share of the immigrant population in Slovenia in herpaper on Integration. In the 1991 national census of population in Slovenia the share of immigrantswas 12.2 %, and a considerable number of the rest refrained from declaring their nationality wasreported. In the year 2002 their share was 17 %. 2.5 % of the population skipped the question about

their nationality, (meaning ethnicity, not citizenship). Another 6.4 % are those whose nationality isunknown, and 2 % are foreign citizens or people with unknown citizenship. The largestminorities, considered as autochthonous minorities, i.e. the Italians and the Hungarians, constitute together with the Italian and the Hungarian immigrants approximately 0.5 % of the population(0.6 % by their mother tongue, and only 0.4 % by their declared nationality). In her descriptionitnik (2004) explains, as follows: Mostly due to the recent increase in their immigration rate, theshare of the Romany population has risen from 0.01 % in 1961 to the present 0.17 %.11

A deductionfrom these figures shows that at least 14.5 % of the current population in Slovenia are thoseimmigrants who state their nationality other than Slovenian; whereas the share of either thoseimmigrants or their descendents who state Slovenian nationality (most of the latter are children ofnationally mixed couples), is unknown. Josipovi warns about the difficulties in defining the

descendants of immigrants in Slovenia. Generally he agrees with the conclusion of Janja itnik,who wrote that the share of immigrants and their descendants in Slovenia is approximately 15% of

population. Josipovi thinks that the share is a little bit lower. However, it could be concluded, thatthis share is big enough, that these people could obtain certain rights (Josipovi, personal

communication; cf Josipovi 2009b).

Further Janja itnik (2004) states that the number of the present first generation immigrants whosettled in Slovenia before 2002 is 169,605 (or slightly over 8.6 % of the entire population). Majorityof them is ex-SFRY by origin: Of these 169,605 first generation immigrants, 150,763 came fromthe former Yugoslav republics.

itnik also quoted The National Report on Cultural Policy in Slovenia, where the immigrants arereported as economic migrants. She underlined that the joint number of the first generationimmigrants and their descendents born in Slovenia was not directly evident from the publishedstatistics. In the National Report on Cultural Policy in Slovenia from the year 2003 the share of theeconomic migrants was estimated that the current result would actually exceed 14 %. Accordingto their stated nationality, the largest groups are the Serbs, the Croats, the Bonjaki, the Muslimsand the Bosnians.12

It is known that the distribution of immigrants in Slovenia is mainly concentrated in urban areas,

and the share of immigrants in some cities is much larger than in others. In the Slovenian capitalLjubljana for example, only in 63.4 % of teenagers (at the age of 15), both parents state Sloveniannationality, which reflects their choice rather than their ethnicity; in 12.5 % one of the parentsdeclares a nationality other than Slovenian, and in 22 % both of their parents identify themselves interms of one of the Non-Slovenian options reports itnik (2004). She added that it would be asuperficial oversimplification to say that if immigrants in Slovenia declared Slovenian nationality itwould mean that they had been assimilated.

11 Source: www.stat.si/popis200212 Ibid. The option of theBonjaki nationality was introduced in the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1994. Inthe 2002 Slovenian census, Muslim pertains to ones ethnic (and not religious) affiliation. Those who identified theirnationality in previous Slovenian censuses asBosnians, were placed in the column regionally identified.


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itnik (2004) underlined that the share of those (first and second generation) immigrants whodeclare Slovenian nationality has not been undisputedly established but it seems to be relativelylarge. Some immigrants have adopted Slovenian nationality on the basis of two facts: 1) afterseveral decades of their lives spent in this country they now actually identify themselves with

Slovenian nation; and 2) the 2002 census, like previous censuses, offered a free nationality choice.Many immigrants, on the other hand, state Slovenian nationality for other reasons, the mostfrequent of which is fear.

3. Pedagogical intercultural approaches based on autobiographical narratives

In our search for examples of pedagogical intercultural approaches based on autobiographicalnarratives we conducted a three-step survey. The first step consisted of web search where weexamined the webpages and web materials provided by different Slovene educational and

pedagogical institutions. These were: The National Educational Institute (http://www.zrss.si),University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department for pedagogy and adult education(http://www.pedagogika-andragogika.com/), Slovenian Institute for Adult Education(http://www.acs.si/), Slovenian Institute of Migration (http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/), Faculty of EducationLjubljana (http://www.pef.uni-lj.si/), Faculty of Education Maribor (www.pfmb.uni-mb.si), Facultyof Education Koper (www.pef.upr.si). In addition to this we searched viawww.google.comusingthe following keywords: autobiographical learning, intercultural education/intercultural learning,intercultural approach, intercultural pedagogy (in Slovene: una biografija, uni ivljenjepis,interkulturno uenje/izobraevanje, interkulturni pristop, interkulturna pedagogika). This first stepgave us directions and links to different experts in the field of pedagogical and educational sciencesin Slovenia. The second step included contacting 14 of the selected experts by e-mail. These were:

Klara S. Ermenc (University of Ljubljana), Dragica Motik (The National Education Institute), IrenaLesar (Slovenian Institute of Migration), Marija Javornik Krei (University of Maribor), PetraMrvar (University of Ljubljana), Mojca Sikoek (CDI Univerzum), Natalija Vreer (Slovenianinstitute for Adult Education), Monika Govekar Okoli (University of Ljubljana), Vida Dimovska(University of Ljubljana), Andreja Hoevar (University of Ljubljana), Mirjana Ule (University ofLjubljana), Nena Mijo (University of Ljubljana), Marko Radovan (University of Ljubljana),

Natalija alec (Slovenian institute for Adult Education). 11 of them answered our enquiry and twoof them provided additional links to other researchers. 9 of those who answered reported that theydont know any examples of the use of pedagogical intercultural approches based onautobiographical narratives neither in research nor in practice. One is using the method ofprofessional autobiographical narrative (the impact of teachers professional development andcompetences on the process of teaching) in her research and one gave a reference to a special issueof the journal Socialno delo, 2001, no.2-4 which dealt with the use of the method ofautobiographical narrative in social work, but none of the articles dealt with migrants and theirnarratives. Only one article dealt with the so called ethnically mixed-marriages (families in whichspouses have different ethnical background) and the author (Sedmak, 2001) used theautobiographical method in her research. The third step consisted of reading the articles andmaterials that we gathered via web search and e-mail enquiry (for list see: References). We providethe summary of these bellow. Overall our survey revealed that in Slovenia actually no examples ofpedagogical intercultural approches based on autobiographical narratives can be found.

In the search for major intercultural pedagogical approaches based on autobiographical narratives(oral autobiography, written autobiography such as diaries, letters etc.) in Slovenia we found nosignificant production of knowledge from this field of social sciences. In the same time we found arelevant amount of researches done in the field of intercultural/multicultural pedagogy. Between the
http://www.zrss.si/http://www.zrss.si/http://www.zrss.si/http://www.pedagogika-andragogika.com/http://www.pedagogika-andragogika.com/http://www.pedagogika-andragogika.com/http://www.acs.si/http://www.acs.si/http://www.acs.si/http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/http://www.pef.uni-lj.si/http://www.pef.uni-lj.si/http://www.pef.uni-lj.si/http://www.pfmb.uni-mb.si/http://www.pfmb.uni-mb.si/http://www.pfmb.uni-mb.si/http://www.pef.upr.si/http://www.pef.upr.si/http://www.pef.upr.si/http://www.google.com/http://www.google.com/http://www.google.com/http://www.google.com/http://www.pef.upr.si/http://www.pfmb.uni-mb.si/http://www.pef.uni-lj.si/http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/http://www.acs.si/http://www.pedagogika-andragogika.com/http://www.zrss.si/


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notions multicultural and intercultural different authors stress different conceptual differencesor similarities (cf. Vreer (ed.), 2009; Grobin, 2006; Motik and Velji, 2007; Pevec Semec, 2008;itnik, 2004). Intercultural is mostly used as a notion in the critiques of multiculturalconceptualizations of social realities. Multiculturalism is by some authors seen as a concept that

implicitly carries the meaning of different cultures that have no impact or contact while living in thesame geographical space. On the other hand, interculturalism presupposes a conceptual frame wheredifferent cultures are in a complex interaction and from this interactions new (mental, social,cultural) categories are formed. In this sense intercultural pedagogy a key issue in the new reality ofEU (cf. Grobin, 2006).

Intercultural education mostly remains in the domain of the individual but may carry long termpolitical results. In difference to the multicultural approaches where cultures are mostly seen asisolated categories or realities the intercultural approach in education must by necessity producenew qualities and new knowledge that in the same time preserves the previous qualities and exceedsthem (a sort of aufhebung we may say). EFIL (European Federation for Intercultural Learning)

already in 1970 defined intercultural education as a form of learning where pupils are engaged inthinking about differences as crucial points and a source for wider consciousness and not asobstacles or deviations from established norms (Grobin, 2006: 35).

Some authors redefine and use the concept of multiculturalism as a synonym for interculturalism(cf. Vreer (ed.), 2009). A specific for Slovenia after 1991 (after the independence) is theconceptual move from Yugomulticulturalism to Euro/Anglo-centric notion of multiculturalism(Pevec Semec, 2008: 2). Most of the above mentioned authors are concerned with theoretical,methodological and practical issues of an intercultural/multicultural pedagogy by which migrantswould be able to participate in a normal pedagogical process but none of the mentioned authorsconcentrate systematically on second generation migrants.

Different authors (Ermenc (2003, 2005, 2006, 2007), Motik (oral source, 2010), Lesar (year notstated), Mrvar (2004), Javornik Krei (2006)) stress the importance of intercultural approach in

learning and intercultural competence of teachers. Some of them are quite critical about the ways inwhich these are being implemented in practice. Irena Lesar from the Slovenian Institut of Migrationin her article Response of Slovenian teachers to children of migrants from ex-Yugoslav countries(summary published athttp://isi.zrc-sazu.si/?q=node/106) reports that the results of her study showthat Slovenian teachers feel considerably less responsible for achievements of migrant children thanfor the achievements of other children, and, furthermore, do not feel responsible for migrantchildrens successful inclusion in the class. The question therefore is where this feeling of

irresponsibility towards migrant children felt by teachers comes from. For this reason, Lesarconcludes, it is necessary to pay utmost attention to making teachers aware of their key role inimplementing moral and educational goals of education as well as teaching them to be moresensitive to the real problems of migrant children and to be better prepared for interculturaleducation.

Klara S. Ermenc is also very critical regarding the implementation of intercultural learning inelementary schools. She argues that the hidden and official curriculum of Slovenian publicelementary schools work together to develop an ethnocentric and Eurocentric frame of mind when

judging other cultures. This presents an obstacle for the professed promotion of interculturallearning and valuation, and fosters the social marginalisation of ethnic minorities. She also reports

that since independence, Slovenian schools have not collected data on the pupils ethnic origins, andthe teachersas could be seen in the studygenerally prefer not to have knowledge about this(Ermenc, 2005: 11).
http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/?q=node/106http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/?q=node/106http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/?q=node/106http://isi.zrc-sazu.si/?q=node/106


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Dragica Motik from The National Education Institute told us that their institute is involved indifferent projects that aim at improving the implementation of intercultural learning in elementaryschools. They are the main authors of The strategy for education of children of foreigners in

kindergartens and schools, a paper which defines the categories of foreigners and their children(and surprisingly totally excludes the migrants with Slovene citizenship and their children!), statessome compulsory measures that the schools and kindergarten must partake, and gives some broadprinciples and recommendations, for example that the children of foreigner should start attendingkindergartens at least two years before they enter elementary school so that they could learn theSlovene language; that their language and culture should be respected etc. The far most importantissue that this strategy is concerned about is assuring that children of foreigners properly learn theSlovene language. Dragica Motik also told us that they are not satisfied with the implementation ofthe intercultural approaches in elementary schools. They only play an advising role and cannotsupervise the actual implementation which is mostly left to the teachers themselves. Regretfully theteachers still mostly try to assimilate the pupils rather than integrate them through an intercultural

approach. The research methods they have been using in their survey are mostly inquiries andquestionnaires and not interviews and/or autobiographical narrative.

4. Some good practices about autobiographical narratives in adult learning for

migrants and second generation of migrants

We found little references on educational programs based on autobiographical narratives.Theoretical approaches are mostly homogenized (there is no wider evidence of diversificatedtheoretical production) and there is almost no evidence of examples of good practices; mostly we

found approximations to it: a pedagogical approach that does not stand on autobiographical data butcontains fragments of such practice, like: my hidden identity, I was falsely accused, this isme, people like me, my values etc (Pevec Semec, 2008: 6).

Since in Slovenia we have two legally acknowledged national minorities (Italian and Hungarian) insome regions there is a common practice of bilingual education. Some parents enrol their childrendeliberately in this schools where the majority of the pedagogical process is done in the minoritylanguage (for example in Italian) (Pevec Semec, 2008: 4). From the research (interviews) weconducted it is evident that some parents (second generation migrants) enrol their children in ourcase in Italian schools because of the supposition of a lesser degree of stigmatization: they feelmore comfortable as a minority among a (official) minority.

Motik and Velji (2007) propose an educational model (for teachers and students/pupils) on

intercultural/multicultural basis with the scope of expansion of consciousness about this problems (amulticultural classroom has to present a challenge for the teacher not a burden to carry). Theirproposals are different models of education that sharpen the sense for managing a multiculturalmilieu (the classroom).

i) The primary schools Livada in Ljubljana, Zali rovt Tri and Stopieand the Secondary nursing school in Ljubljana are public schools where animplementation of multicultural education is in practice. This is due to theincreasing realizations of the existence of multicultural classrooms (andindeed realities). In the case of the secondary nursing school the maindiscourse is the discourse on social sensibility because the students will beworking with people of different descents, social strata and disabilities


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while in the primary schools the main discourse is based on a newmulticultural reality of the classrooms.

ii) The methods of multicultural education were implemented in the primaryschool in the subjects: Environmental education, Musical education,Slovenian language, and Arts, while in the secondary school in thesubjects of Health education and Classroom hour. The presented casestudies are at some points essentialistic: In their souls, their blood they keeptheir melos (Motik and Velji, 2007: 63). Most of the cases of best practicesare based on nationalistic and folkloristic grounds. In primary schoolsteachers managed projects based on autobiographical narratives of thepupils where they talked about the nations of their origins, roots,customs (folk tales, songs, traditional wear). The teachers noted a radicalchange in the behaviour of the pupils when they spoke in their mother tonguesor talked about themselves. At the same time the pupils became aware of the

Slovenian culture and costumes. This project lasted from a few days to theentire school year. The scope was to get knowledge of festivals, costumes,folklore, music of classmates and their own culture and increasing the socialsensibility for life in a multicultural milieu. In the secondary school theprograms were mostly concentrated on the auto reflexivity of students andthus stimulating a more open perception of any kind of diversity (elders,migrants etc.). (cf. Motik and Velji, 2007: 57-94).

5. Concluding remarks

On the basis of our extensive research it could be concluded that the issue of second generation ofmigrant is not substantially explored in Slovenia. There are no precise data about ethnic structureavaliable. Some remarks about the terminology need to be underlined. Scholars in the field ofstudying migration do not widely use the term SGM. Furthermore, on the basis of reading andphone interviews it can be concluded that the preferred term in use is immigrants and theirdescendants/offspring (priseljenci in njihovi potomci.) With this category the immigrants fromex-SFRY are denominated and among them many of them have Slovenian citizenship.The statistic about immigrants on labour market is reported: here the immigrants are represented asforeign workers, i.e. people without Slovenian citizenship. It is not possible to establish among

them how many of them may be SGM. Some other categories of people and the satistics on themwere explored for the purpose of the Bridge SGM research.The usage of autobiography is neglected in the educational programs in Slovenia. Autobiography,life history is widely used in socio-cultural anthropology and ethnology and also in migrantresearch, but the issue of educational biography is quite neglected. Here a lot of work shoud bedone in the near future. Janko Spreizer did a short interview with a person from the SlovenianInsititute for Adult education who developed the project connected with autobiography in educationand reported that in practice the issue is not accepted by practitioners.Some models of good practice were found, yet on the other hand and through the eyes ofanthropology they are full of essentialism which could have perioulus effects.


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