But this is not a coup that resorts toweapons, but a coup with new features, alegal and media coup. It is a bloodless coup.A parliamentary coup. The legitimizationand acceptance of the coup by mostinternational governments challengesdemocracy and makes us questionwhat new type of geopoliticalstructure has begun to emerge inthe region. We have had in LatinAmerica the precedent of Paraguay,that of Honduras, and we now seethe same prospects come to acountry with a greater role in theleadership of the region.How can anti-democratic coupswithout direct military intervention,with the consent of the judiciary andmedia persuasion, so-called juridico -mediatic coups, can reconfigure theworld in a more authoritarian,conservative, and excluding sense?In a cognitive capitalism, nothingmore natural than taking power withthe force of perception and fictitiouslegality. What are the future ofDemocracy when legitimized by aJudiciary that is often on the right,conservative and antidemocratic ideas?

After the coup, the political configuration in the cabinet nominated bythe traitorous vice president is constituted by a majority of whites.This composition reflects an elite that has always bet on thesegregation of the country, where a white minority is fixated on theirprivileges that exclude the majority of the black, mixed-race, andindigenous population and relegates these minorities to a

condition of sub-citizenship. The colonial elite, of slave-owner and aristocrat heritage, designated as“slave-o-crats” [escravocratas], has become the business elite of today. The FIESP (Federação dasIndústrias do Estado de São Paulo—Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo, aBrazilian industry entity) sponsored the coup, and is now the new “Casa-Grande”—the slavemaster’s house—as states Eugenio Lima (artist and activist), in an interview with ElianeBrum, in which he describes the poetic performance Legítima Defesa [Self-Defense]that took place in front of FIESP’s headquarters: “FIESP is the modern Casa-Grande.Firstly, it represents on the one hand the subtraction of constitutional rights, to theextent that this agenda has never been legitimated by an election. This agenda doesnot represent the population. Thus, it can only operate on the sly. The second aspectis that FIESP clearly and directly encouraged fascist actions. Insulting, racializingspeech, putting down. And used public resources to finance private actions, as isthe case with their funding of pro-impeachment demonstrations. This is the wayof the Casa-Grande. I’m not calling the FIESP Casa-Grande just because theyare heirs of slaveowners. But because they operate within the logic of Casa-Grande. The heritage of the Casa-Grande organizes society, it still organizes thestate in its operative likeness. What was the Casa-Grande? The Casa-Grandewas the Church, the Casa-Grande was the hospital, the Casa-Grande was theState, the Casa-Grande was everything. The Casa-Grande is the centeraround which everything orbits. That’s the metaphor that the forcesgathered around the FIESP enacted in this historical moment. It is asimilar historical moment to that of 1964, and FIESP has had thesame behavior in the past, because the 1964 coup was civil aswell as military.” http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2016/05/16/opinion/1463408268_288480.html

MediaticYes, the Coup is

From manipulating data to misleading headlines, the extremebias of Brazilian media has played a fundamental role in thecoup. In cooperation with the judiciary system and its selectiveleaks, the mass media were able to manipulate information inthe most efficient way: by only giving visibility to certain crimesand by obscuring the crimes that involved their right-wing allies.The media did more than just strengthen one of the sides, theyconstructed the coup’s narrative. They gave the names, theyturned the farce into a convoluted novella, they made upchapters and characters, created a climate of doom and crisis. During Dilma Rousseff’s time in office, the hegemonic mediacreated a parallel campaign that favored the conservativeforces, and made a spectacular investigation of the Petrobrascorruption scandal that allegedly implicated the PT, Dilma’sparty, its preferred theme in manipulating information and exploiting the situation. The complicity between the mediaand the judiciary system reached its peakwith the leak of conversationsbetween president Rousseffand former president Lula in aspecial edition of the mostpopular news program in Brazil.This biased approach becamelaughable when journalistscommemorated the approval ofthe impeachment at the voting inCongress. In addition to thisextreme media bias in Brazil, theLeft’s made its own mistakes whenin power. The Left did not establishan agenda to democratize themedia — a significant andfundamental struggle.

Scene 1: Fear and his wife "beautiful, modest and home", forty-threeyears younger, ex-miss of the small town of Paulinia. Scene 2: Inthe middle of the political crisis, Temer leaves “leaking” a letter toDilma: “This is a personal letter. It's an excitement I should have donea long time ago. I tell you right away that it is not necessary to publiclyproclaim the need for my loyalty.” Personal letter? Venting? Loyalty?Scene 3: Temer smiles alongside his man-white-braided gang, whilewinning the presidency without even having a vote. And so thePMDB, Temer's party, without winning any presidential election, wasthird president in 30 years.

Yes, the Prospects for Cultureare Elitist and Antidemocratic

The eradication of black youth is at the core of all theillegality the state perpetuates in Brazil. Here a directcriticism should be made of the previous left-winggovernments that did not prioritize the fight against theeradication of black youth at the hands of Brazil’s policeforce. How can one speak of the legitimacy of the state, thelegality of democratic processes, when no one secures thephysical integrity and life of the youngest and mostvulnerable segment of the population? Brazil’s police forceis the deadliest in the world, according to a report byAmnesty International. Here the nation and itsinstitutionalized racism is at its most perverse: the violent

death of youth by state agents.“Brazil is the country with the highest number of murdersin the world. In 2012 alone there were 56,000 murders. In2014, 15.6 percent of these murders were perpetrated bypolice officers. According to Amnesty International, thepolice shoot at people who have already surrendered, whoare already wounded, without giving any warning signalthat would allow a suspect to surrender before beingshot.” On top of the deaths caused by the police force,during recent decades black youth has beensystematically eradicated. There’s been an epidemic ofmurders in the outskirts of the largest cities in the country.

The number of murder victims between the ages of oneand nineteen grew 475 percent in twenty-three years. Blackyouth were the most affected by this increase.The Brazilian Left didn’t correctly evaluate the problem,and by not prioritizing the issue it in effect dismissed italtogether. Today this police state has borne fruit. It’s nowonder that the coup against the president sprang frompolice operations and judicial actions. We are witnessing apolice state taking over Brazil, which has its origin in theillegal, fascist, and genocidal acts against black youth. http://g1.globo.com/globo-news/noticia/2015/09/forca-policial-brasileira-e-que-mais-mata-no-mundo-diz-relatorio.htmlhttp://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2016/06/29/politica/1467227156_026422.html

Yes, the Coup is Based on the

Throughout the whole time the Left was in power and since the beginningof Lula’s government in 2002, culture became one of the areas where theright- and left-wing political projects were clearly differentiated. In the lastelection, artists and cultural producers organized and practically single-handedlyreversed the imminent defeat of the Left in the presidential elections. Culturalproducers and artists had a fundamental role in maintaining the Left in power andit is this form of resistance that is today being challenged by the coup. What can artdo in the midst of a white coup that not only has connections with the most fascistsections of the military, but is also convinced of its own “legality”? Different groups have since appeared in this context as a way to denounce and warnagainst a dystopic future, a future holding many negative perspectives of culture:organizations like Arte pela Democracia (“a movement made by artists, collectives,associations, entities, workers and people related to art and culture for the defense ofdemocracy”), Aparelhamento (a project created by visual artists for self-sustaining acts ofresistance and against the current government) and isolated performances like Confio, which wedeveloped to present during th impeachment vote in Brasília. It is important to mention also all the artistic resistance during the post-coup period, which beganwhen several organizations and artists occupied federal cultural spaces (Funarte) throughout thecountry in protest and to propose new ways of managing public goods.Yes, there is a poetic mode of resistance taking place. And this resistance is active, thoughdisarticulated and almost completely taken by a melancholic feeling of defeat. This resistance ispreparing itself for a time when the political opposition can be criminalized and preparing itself againstthe demonization of artistic gestures by evangelical crusaders.

Yes, the Coup is

The Pré-Sal oil fields (discovered in 2006 and one of thelargest oil reserves in the world) are perhaps the maineconomic factor at play in the white coup that deposed theLeft in Brazil. The Left, in keeping with its tradition, bet onnationalizing natural resources; and the Right, on thecontrary, seeks to open these resources to theinternational market—that supports part of thisconservative political opposition. The future ofPré-Sal, post-coup, starts to become evident withthe diminished participation of the state-ownedPetrobras, simultaneously showing greater openness toforeign companies in the concession of this naturalrichness.

Yes, the coup is misogynist, as is evident in the sexist attacks of the opposition against presidentDilma Rousseff. The president had her image publicly tarnishedexecrated and shamed. Gen-der-based attacks and imagery of Rousseff in humiliating situations have attempted to diminishher political credentials. Dilma’s political career was already an exception to the workings ofBrazilian politics; the country has only 10 percent female representation in congress, and thisprocess of defamation became one of true aversion and hatred. As Márcia Tiburi put it: “Whathappened to Dilma Rousseff made us aware that the violent power of patriarchy doesn’t onlyturn against women, but against democracy as whole, especially in the increasingly radicalversion of democracy, with its intimate connection with the feminist propositions and con-tinued struggle for rights. What happened to Dilma Rousseff helps us understand the innerworkings of a true misogynistic machine, the patriarchal power machine, at times an op-

pressor, at times a seducer. A machine composed of many differ-ent institutions, from the state to the family, from the shurch tothe school. A machine whose function is to preclude womenfrom reaching and remaining in power.”

The coup is misogynist, as was made evident by the politicalframing established by the currently illegitimate interim pres-ident Michel Temer, right after the impeachment. Temersolely nominated men to his cabinet of ministers. The coupis misogynist because it takes a conservative stance thatis also mostly white and male.

Judicial Collusion with theMurderous Military PolicyThe Brazilian judiciary system is in collusion with the extermination of black youth by the policeforces: the lack of prosecution of police crimes legitimates further infractions by the statepolice. This is a form of state terrorism. Take, for example, the case of the May 2006 attacksin retaliation for the murders of policemen by the PCC (a criminal organization initially formedby inmates within São Paulo’s prison system). In May 2006, the organization ordered thekilling of over forty policemen, and the police force followed suit by killing around two hundredcivilians in the city in the following months. These became known as the “May Crimes” [Crimesde Maio]. With the obvious collaboration of military police officers, São Paulo’s prosecutorsdismissed the case. On May 25, 2006, seventy-nine prosecutors of the city of São Paulosigned a letter addressed to the general commander of the military police in which theyacknowledged the “Military Police’s efficiency in their response [to the police killings], itsconcern in re-establishing the violated order, and uncompromisingly defending the State”

and affirmed that “eventual excesses practiced individually [by the police officersinvolved in the operation]” would be ascertained. This document was sent nine daysafter the military police officer Alexandre André Pereira da Silva and another fivehooded men stormed a car wash in the north of São Paulo screaming “we are incommand” and executed three youngsters. Ten days after in Santos (SP), four

hooded men, identified as police officers, shot nine-month-pregnant Ana PaulaGonzaga dos Santos in the head and abdomen and claimed “children of crooks arecrooks” … This was written right after what is known as the May Crimes, when SãoPaulo’s military police was suspected of perpetrating one of the worst massacres in

the history of Brazil. The Prosecutor Office’s letter was in effect ademonstration of support from those who should instead beregulating the police officers’ actions. As the Mothers ofMay movement recalls, these are the same prosecutorswho are trying to jail former president Lula, renderinghim unelectable.

POLICE RACISM.WHO POLICES THE POLICE?Posters pasted around battalions in São

Paulo. Frente 3 de Fevereiro, 2004.What to expect from a country thatkills its population at the most activeage? And who profits from thesedeaths? The arms industry, the

uniforms industry? Cemeteries,funeral homes? And who police the

police? And what do I have to do withit? And what do you have to do withit?http://www.frente3defevereiro.com.br/

USA and GeorgeBush electionIn the 2000 US presidential elec-tion, the dispute between Re-publican candidate George W.Bush (Texas governor) and Demo-cratic candidate Al Gore (vice president)ended up being decided in court. “This electionwas marked by the controversy over the granting of 25 votesto the Florida Electoral College, the subsequent ballot recountin that state, and the unusual occurrence of the winning can-didate receiving fewer popular votes than the loser: Goreadded 50,999. 897 votes to 50,456,002 from Bush. But that'snot what it's worth. It was the fourth election in which the winner in the Electoral College did not also receive a majorityof the popular vote... Gore formally contested the results andthe Florida Supreme Court ordered the manual recount ofmore than 70,000 votes. The Supreme Court, however, over-turned the ruling, proclaiming the final outcome of the lawsuitin favor of the Republican.”http://operamundi.uol.com.br/conteudo/historia/32916/

In 2009, then Honduran PresidentManuel Zelaya was removed fromhis home by the military forcesfollowing a warrant issued by theJudiciary and placed in a planethat took him to Costa Rica. “Hourslater, the Honduran Supreme Court issueda statement saying it had ordered Zelaya to bedeposed in the army. The National Congressaccepted what they said was Zelaya's 'resignationletter', although the president said that the letterwas not written by him. Then, the president ofthe Congress, Roberto Micheletti, was namedPresident of the Republic.”https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_militar_em_Honduras_em_2009

Venezuela and Haiti?An unsuccessful military coup attempt in Venezuela occurredin 2002. The people went to the streets and prevented thecontinuation of the coup. It is interesting to note that the strat-egy of military intervention that did not work out indicated theneed for new strategies: the military route will be replaced bythe "parliamentary and legal" route. In Haiti, however, we havea historical inflection with US direct and military intervention,removing President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004, in the mid-dle of the night and taking him to the middle of Africa! Shortlythereafter, Brazil is invited by the UN to head Minustah, Haiti's"peace and stabilization" mission. Brazil remains a 12-yearmilitary occupation force in Haiti. Currently the struggle of theHaitians is for a real democracy without the interference of the"Core Group" (USA, Canada, France, Spain, US and Brazil) inthe presidential elections.

The political leaders who judge him are prosecuted for crimesthat harm society, as they are cited several times by those who

report on the largest corruption investigation inBrazilian history. The president was not

mentioned only once in cases ofmisappropriation of public money.

Paraguay and Lugo“Three years after the fall of Zelaya in Honduras took placein Paraguay a coup that resembles more the climate of Braziltoday. By 39 votes in favor and 6 against, the Senateapproved on June 22, 2012 the removal of Fernando Lugofrom power, opening space for Vice President FredericoFranco of the Autonomous Radical Liberal Party, a year afterbreaking the coalition with Lugo. The decision crowned theapproval in the Chamber of Deputies, with 73 votes in favorand 1 contrary to the process of impeachment. According tothe official argument, Lugo was removed from power by the‘weak performance of his functions’.”http://www.cartacapital.com.br/revista/895/honduras-e-paraguai-motivos-de-inspiracao

One of the first actions of the coup government was the dissolution of the Ministryof Culture, seen as a “stronghold” of resistance. After weeks of pressure and theoccupation of federal cultural spaces by protesters and mass demonstrations byartists, the interim government finally relented and re-established the Ministry ofCulture. In the meantime, a zombie ministry was created, solely as a judicial andinstitutional façade. The ministry’s activities, despite its re-establishment, were defacto interrupted and there are no prospects of cultural policies ever beingdemocratically discussed, debated, and constructed. Instead, we have a Ministryof Culture that refuses to build a political project for culture, and which is barelycontinuing the functions outlined for it by the previous government. By so doingit is cutting off the majority of the population’s access to culture.This government’s stance is that culture is inferior and less relevant than its otherpriorities. Cultural policies that have been maintained are mostly in place due toprivate funds and tax incentives (Rouanet Law).

This government has suspended open calls for artistic projects (previously themost democratic way to access funding for culture in Brazil) and has sneakilyremoved this funding from its annual budget and plan. The prospects look grimfor pop and contemporary culture, urban and techno-digital art alike. The politicalproject for culture has become an orphan.At the same time, the pre-existing tax incentive laws continue to reveal theirantidemocratic nature, something that was there from before. Leaving decisionsregarding cultural incentives to companies has only led to further accumulationof power by these companies, and the prioritization of megalomaniac projects. Ithas led to a general retreat from popular culture, and an abandonment of small-and medium-scale cultural activities. It has concentrated the decision-makingprocesses in the hands of the marketing departments of these private companies,that are ultimately in it only to support their profits.

CopyleftCopyleft is a form of copyright protection that aims to preventbarriers to the use, diffusion and modification of a creative work.It is free from reproduction for non-commercials, provided theauthor and source are cited and this note included.

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Yes, the Coup is

Occupy

In Brasilia, during theprocess of voting for theimpeachment of PresidentDilma Rousseff, a wall wasinstalled dividing opponents.

The Olympic Games were, along with the World Cup, a symbolic battlefield. Duringthe first weeks, political demonstrations inside sports arenas were prohibited—demonstrations, that is, against the current illegitimate government (the “Out withTemer” slogan, for example). It became a legal battle to allow citizens to bringprotest signs into stadiums, but it also became a challenge to symbolic creation inside the media spectacle around sports. The National Guardpatrolled sports arenas, omnipresent in their active “terrorism prevention.” In this scenario, the Brazilian athletes, in a symptomatic manner, beganto salute when receiving medals. Ironically the athletes’ current military support was originally created by the Left. This twist of fate demonstratesyet another stab perpetuated by the Police State. The same Police State that emphasizes military protocol. The actions taking place in stadiums and sports arenas broke free, even if temporarily, from these norms. It’s also symptomatic that themainstream media spectacle had to be invaded by a guerrilla protest for the message to come across in its outlets—so absolute andhegemonic is its mediatic narrative. Guerrilla actions are needed, even if symbolic and small. Actions that break free and announce

another possible world, a world that is more democratic, a world that is more connected to culture, to the symbolism of a messageand to a humanitarian perspective, antiracist and feminist.

It’s interesting that, for us Brazilians, sports have once again became a battlefield, a political field of symbolic constructionof the future of democracy in Brazil—and why not?—the future of democracy around the planet.

In telephone tapping revealed after the Impeachmentvote in Congress, Romero Jucá, a prominent politician

of the plot, reveals the alliance between the two major political figures of the coup:Jucá - If it is political, how is politics? You have to solve this fucking thing ... You

have to change the government so that you can stop this bleeding. [...]Machado -Man, the easiest solution was to put the Michel [Temer]. Jucá - OnlyRenan [Calheiros] that is against this solution. Because he does not like

Michel, because Michel is Eduardo Cunha. Guys, forget Eduardo Cunha,Eduardo Cunha is fucking dead. Machado - It'san agreement, Michel, in a big national agree-ment. Jucá - With the Supreme Court, witheverything. Machado - With everything,everything stopped there.http://brasileiros.com.br/2016/05/min-istro-planejamento-juca-e-pego-em-gravacao-prometendo-parar-lava-jato/

Temer, the traitor

President Dilma Rousseff committed nocrime of tax liability. The vast majority ofpoliticians who judged her are being

themselves prosecuted for crimes that harm society and are cited severaltimes for further investigation by the informants informers in the biggest anti-corruption investigation in Brazil’s history. The president has not been citedonce in this process. Yes, there is an ongoing coup in Brazil! Recordingsdisclosed after the impeachment vote in Congress clearly showed anarticulation of politicians linked to the new government and linked to right-wingopposition for a “national pact/deal,” aiming to depose the democraticallyelected president from power. Recordings show the vice president himself, in aMachiavellian gesture of political betrayal, building the “Temer solution” and inone blow setting forth the coup against President [Rousseffs government] andseeking to freeze ongoing investigations of corruption involving himself andhis allies.* The 2014 elections divided the country. In May 2015 theimpeachment process began, which culminated in August 2016, and thepolitical forces defeated in the 2014 election gained power. The coup is now

Yes, There is Poetry in

Resistance!Nationalism

The name “Media Family” is used because all the major media inBrazil are conservative, sitting in the armchairs of fake Sunday familymorals. “Family Media” is used because its families are indeed—alongwith Pentecostal churches—what holds the hegemonic power of masscommunication.

Estadão newspaper: Headed bythe Mesquita family. It is the most

conservative of the print journalism outlets. Abastion of the geopolitical clout of São Paulo inthe rest of the country.

Folha de S. Paulo newspaper:Headed by the Frias family.

Perhaps the most influential of all newspapers.Folha de S. Paulo is intimately connected tothe PSDB (liberal conservatives); it’s theessential cultural reference of the middleclass. It’s the major aggregator of the PT’s(Worker’s Party) opponents.

Abril: Headed by the Civita family.It’s the largest news imprint inBrazil. Under its coordination,Veja, the magazine with the largestcirculation in the country,

showcases conservative discourses andpersonalities. It uses its magazines aspart of the campaign against left-wingparties and discourses.

SBT: Headed by the Abravanelfamily. A popular TVbroadcaster, it is owned by

television presenter and a self-made-man Silvio Santos. Its shows with an audience are a majorexample of the alienation of the public by the media.

Record: Led by Universal Church of the Kingdom of God(IURD). The interdiction on churches to acquire mediabroadcasters didn’t prevent pastor Edir Mascedo frombuilding an empire on the triad of faith, media, and church

tax. Recurring to homophobic condemnations and religiouspersecutions of Afro-Brazilian religions, this radically conservativebroadcaster defends the Bible in the manipulative media.

BAND: Led by the Saad family. This broadcaster isconnected to agribusiness. Its shows and broadcastjournalism engage mostly with the Bullets, Bulls, andBible formula (the acronym designates three political

forces that have at times lobbied together: military forces, police,armament lobby; religious fundamentalists; and predatoryagribusiness, deeply rooted in a settler mentality). It openly opposesall the Left.

Rede Globo: Headed by the Marinho family. This networkhas been monopolizing TV broadcasting since themilitary dictatorship. Roberto Marinho, a BrazilianCitizen Kane-type, who died in 2003, consolidated animmense media complex. Globo constructs crises, takes

down presidents, and its journalists often need to take coverduring major leftist demonstrations in which protesters can be heardshouting: “The people aren’t stupid, out with the Globo Network!”

Photos: Daniel Lima, Fernando Coster and Miguel Salvador. Posted on August 31, 2016.

InvisíveisProduções

SQUATTERS, SECUNDARISTAS (HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS IN PROTEST),BLACK AND FEMINIST MOVEMENTS

COUNTER-NARRATIVEIndependent media has self-

organized and created a new wayto tell their stories. This media,almost always working in a

collective and collaborativemanner, has been on the ground.

Instead of transmittingdemonstrations from above, filmed

from rooftops or helicopters,independent media has shown the faces ofthe people on the streets, their character,apprehensions, doubts, their strength andtheir struggles. And it has revealed themainstream media’s farce to the outsideworld. Independent media used thenetworked environment of the internet as abroadcasting platform, and soon the internetbecame an outlet for the immediate relay ofevents taking place offline. This mediaticexplosion was felt in the pages of JornalistasLivres, Mídia Ninja, Imprença, R.U.A.,FotoColetivo, Democratize, Vaidapé, Brasil deFato and in other progressive media sources.The counter-narrative creates its own gamepieces amidst the coup’s grand board game.A sense of urgency is in the streets!By Fernando Sato - Jornalistas Livres

Honduras and Zelaya

Yes, the Olympic GamesWere also a Battlefield

Recent uprisings by high school students (Secundaristas) have led to theoccupation of hundreds of schools across the country. These events attest notonly to the nascent political creativity of these young adults but also to the

birth of a transversal political practice capable of representing these many voicesand the diverse needs of this particularly vulnerable segment of society. Occupy! Thisoccupation is also the outcome of an ongoing flux of protests—e.g., anti-discrimination

“flash mob”[rolezinho] protests to support the feminist, black, and suburban struggles.(These flash mobs consist of very large groups of people, sometimes in the thousands,from the poor suburbs of Brazilian cities, who converge in middle class shopping malls.Once they began, the flash mobs were immediately perceived as a threat by authorities).

EMERGENCY EXITThe relationship of police andterritorial control over African

American populations isthroughout America that hassuffered the trauma ofslavery. Emergency exit,geopolitical cartography,

linking different cities. An action research that

denounces a world structuredin institutional racism andannounces a revolution throughcoexistence, art and thought.www.danielcflima.com

Yes, the Coup isJuridicalYes, the Coup is

Temer is Cunha

Media FamilyFamily Media

Eduardo Cunha, president of the Cham-ber of Deputies until July 2016, was oneof the main architects of the coup. Fed-eral Deputy linked to the evangelicalbench symbolizes the turn of the PMDBfrom its position of democratic center tothe conservative right. Accused of divert-ing public money with various documen-tary evidence, he blackmails thePresident to get rid of the process. Thegovernment voted against his acquittal,Cunha began the impeachment process.He is currently in jail, awaiting trial (editedon January 6, 2017).

Cunha,the blackmailer

Yes, the Coup is

ElitistIn Brazil, we’ve created a battlebetween opposing political projects.One side is invested in maintaining atradition of segregation that comesfrom colonial Brazil, that is theconservative project; and the otherside fights for democratization andincome distribution. This latter projecthas been winning at the ballot box for the last sixteen years and onlynow, with the coup, has it been subjugated by the conservatives. Thesetwo political projects have coexisted for many years throughconcessions and deals. The Left has abdicated on many issues andhas embraced the conservative forces in order to maintain“governability.” These deals distanced the left-wing leaders from theirpopular support.We now know we are amidst an image war designed to influence thenation’s perception. The differences between both projects havebecome clearer and divisive across the country. And rightly so, becausethis highlights the differences between both political projects and alertsus to the fragility of our democratic ideal. In discussing these twoopposing projects, it is important to recall and continue to reiterate thatBrazil was the biggest slave-based production system in history andcontinues to this day to be one of the most unequal countries in theworld. It is now clear: Brazil is politically divided and will remain politicallydivided. This is the class struggle at stake here.But this is an unequal struggle between political projects because theconservative right’s stance gained acceptance due to the major roleplayed by the highly concentrated mainstream media’s bias. Themedia’s bias convinced the public that an extreme politico-economicsituation was reached, legitimizing the impeachment and ousting of thepresident, despite the absence of proof of Dilma’s alleged crime.

Until 2* 2 a 5* 5 a10* + de 10**minimum wagehttp://g1.globo.com/politica/eleicoes/2014/blog/eleicao-em-numeros/post/datafolha-para-presidente-por-renda-escolaridade-idade-regiao-religiao-e-porte-do-municipio.html

Intention of votes by income(%). Presidential elections2014: Dilma x Aécio 52

3742

49

33

58

24

69

Misogynist

consummated. Specialists, technicians, and even the judiciary admitted thatthere was no crime of tax liability, and that this is a purely political process. Sothis is an explicitly juridical-and-mediatic coup, a white coup that dispensedwith weapons and army but which was nevertheless able to remove alegitimately elected president in the middle of her term. The legitimization andacceptance of most international governments in relation to the coupchallenges the notion of democracy and makes us ask what new geopoliticalstructure has begun to emerge. In Latin America, we’ve had the precedent ofParaguay and Honduras. The question that now arises is how these whitecoups in which the judiciary power and the mainstream media replace directmilitary intervention are reconfiguring the world in an even more authoritarian,conservative, and exclusionary direction. In cognitive capitalism, nothing ismore natural than the seizure of power accomplished by influencing publicperception through fictitious accusations of illegality. What is the future ofdemocracy when it is legitimated by a judiciary often tending to the right wing,to conservative and anti-democratic ideas?*https://theintercept.com/2016/05/23/new-political-earthquake-in-brazil-is-it-now-time-for-media-outlets-to-call-this-a-coup/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=on7s339cRNchttp://www.danielcflima.com/Haiti---Nou-Pap-Obeyi

There are timeswhen the Americashave suffered coups against the

democratic process. In thesecond half of the twentieth century,military coups in South and CentralAmerica were “sponsored” by the US asa way to combat the spread of communism in thepostwar world. Between mid-1950s and 1980s, South andCentral America were largely dominated by military regimes.Haiti, Paraguay, Argentina, Peru, Guatemala, Ecuador,the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Brazil,Bolivia, and Chile saw the military seizingpower by force of arms. Thousands ofpeople died, were persecuted,imprisoned, and tortured in thestruggle for democracy. This perioddeeply traumatized LatinAmerican societies. In Brazil,Dilma Rousseff establishedthe Truth Commission tocollect testimonies fromthis period throughoutthe country for nearlythree years.

Dilma Rousseff awaits trial asa terrorist during the militarydictatorship in November1970, while the military in theposition of judge slaps theface before the photo.

http://www.cnv.gov.br/institucional-acesso-informacao/verdade-e-reconcilia%C3%A7%C3%A3o.html

http://ponte.org/10anosdechacinasdapm/index.html#artigoemicida

Fascist CONFIO – DEMOCRACY HANGS BY A THREAD CONFIO is a series about thedemonstrations against the impeachment process. CONFIO actions have

included: a telephone made of paper cups linked by a string that connectedthe two sides of the wall of shame (in Brasília, during the voting process for theimpeachment of president Rousseff, a wall was erected to divide the

opponents); interviews with right wing protesters of Av. Paulista; even “Outwith Temer” protest actions during the Olympic Games. http://www.danielcflima.com/Confio1

Wall ofShame

Police StateGenocide of Black Youth

by Daniel LimaTEXTS, DRAWINGS, AND DIAGRAMS

Racist

http://revistacult.uol.com.br/home/2016/07/a-maquina-misogina-e-o-fator-dilma-rousseff-na-politica-brasileira/

Economic

MilitaryCoups inSouth andCentralAmerica

Participation: Fernando Sato, Élida Lima, Maurinete Lima, Marie Ange Bordas and Jornalistas Livres. Translated by Catarina O

liveira, Mariana Silva e Daniel Lima.

Dilma RousseffElected with more

than 54 million votes

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