Nationalism, Regionalism, Modernization, and Cross-Cultural Paradigms in

Chinese and Indonesian Performing Arts Some preliminary thoughts

J. Lawrence Witzleben Chinese University of Hong Kong

I n the 1950s, "comparative musicology" gave way to "ethnomusicology" as the favored term for the scholarly study of music which includes all of

the world's cultures. At least two reasons for this widely accepted change can be observed: firstly, "comparison" as a mode of inquiry may suggest qualitative judgments of the relative value or sophistication of musical cultures; most noticeably, though by no means exclusively, comparison of Euro-American art music with other traditions. To ethnomusicologists and anthropologists schooled in cultural relativism, this type of comparison is, at best, misguided. Secondly, as many ethnomusicologists have noted, comparison is only one of many directions of inquiry available in the study of music, and should not be singled out as the defining element in our work. In fact, the vast majority of ethnomusicological studies, even during the era of so-called "comparative musicology," have been culture-specific, with the case study of a particular community or musical genre occupying a central place in the ethnomusicological canon. This is not to suggest that attempts to develop cross-culturally valid ways to study the various aspects of music have not continued to shape and influence ethnomusicology, but to point out that area specialization has most often been the norm. In recent years, the name comparative musicology (as in Nettl and Bohlman 1991) has made somewhat of a comeback, but for the most part, the comparison involves closely related cultures or different communities within a single culture, exemplified by Thomas Turino's description of his research in Peru as "explicitly comparative, grounded ethnographically at the local level"

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(1993: 7). Commonalities in musical instruments, writing systems, music theory, and religion and philosophy have also resulted in convincing cross­cultural studies of music in East Asia, such as in the work of Wang Yaohua (1991) for China, Japan, and Okinawa and Hwang Jun-yon (1998) for China, Japan, and Korea.

Bearing in mind the dangers inherent in discussing broad issues cross­culturally, comparative examination of parallel developments in two cultures can shed light on and raise further questions for our understanding of both areas. The impetus for the present paper is similar to what Clifford Geertz has observed in his recent reflections on Javanese and Moroccan cultures: "they reflect back and forth upon one another, mutually framing, reciprocally clarifying. Or so they seem to do to me" (1995: 28).

Although culturally and musically distinguished as belonging to East and Southeast Asia, China and Indonesia share several interesting similarities. Both are large, ethnically diverse countries that only became unified nations under their present geographical boundaries and political systems near the middle of this century. Both rely on nationally shared languages existing over a layer of regional languages and dialects which are often mutually unintelligible. In terms of music, both countries have invested considerable energy in developing music conservatories and have adopted some elements of Western or Western-influenced teaching methods, notation, tunings, and musical forms. At the present time, a variety of popular musics attract the largest audiences in both countries, along with the collective disdain of many music educators, government authorities, and religious leaders.

My own interest in this topic has been sparked by the often striking similarities between the concerns of Chinese and Indonesian scholars and musicians with reference to their respective musical traditions. As Judith Becker has noted:

One repeatedly articulated aim was that within the confines of the conservatory an attempt should be made to synthesize Indonesian musical arts and create an artistic expression that would be representative of the whole republic .... [in the words of one scholar] "artists will have the opportunity to organize a thousand and one varieties, experiments, until finally they will meet that which they are always seeking, that is Indonesian music that is truly based upon the foundation of national culture" (1980: 34).

To anyone conversant with the rhetoric surrounding Chinese music over the past several decades, all of these ideas should sound a familiar gong.

Nationalism, Regionalism, Modemizaition, and Cross-Cultural Paradigms 129

Despite many shared characteristics and aspirations, Chinese and Indonesian musical cultures have developed in quite different ways. In the present paper, I will briefly discuss four factors which may help to explain these differences: the nature of pre-existing traditions, the relative values placed on old traditions in the new societies, areas of compatibility between indigenous musics and Western musics, and language and ethnicity.

Pre-existing traditions

In 1920s and 30s, the idea of Guoyue or National Music took hold in China. At the time, the term referred to developments such as the Modem Chinese Orchestra and to new compositions for solo instruments, such as the erhu and pipa pieces of Liu Tianhua. The coining of a new term suggests that prior to the early twentieth century, there were no nationally-shared traditions in China: in fact some solo traditions such as that of the qin zither had devotees throughout the nation, but these were too esoteric to fit the mood of modem nationalism growing out of the New Culture Movement in the 1920s and 30s. In most ensemble traditions, similar tools - instrument types - and ideas about music-making were traditionally manifested in a myriad of regionally diverse genres, repertories, variants on basic instrumental types, and schools of playing. The centralized traditions of court music had become essentially extinct by the early twentieth century; even more important, court music in China has always been cultivated in a highly restricted environment, and interaction between court traditions and regional musics, at least in modem times, has been minimal.

In theatrical music, regional operatic genres shared many musical and theatrical conventions, but were highly diverse in music, language, and accompaniment, and rarely had substantial followings outside of the region of their origin. Peking opera, most commonly refferred to as Jingju, did emerge as a kind of national tradition in the twentieth century, and its development paralleled that of the Beijing-dialect based Mandarin as the national language. However, despite continued efforts at promotion on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, Peking opera has rarely rivaled regional operatic traditions in popularity or widespread interest. Nevertheless, many of its proponents continue to stress its appeal as a representation of national, rather than Beijing, culture.

In Indonesia, "national music" is also a relatively new phenomenon, but as in China, some common musical instrument types, ensemble groupings, and ideas about music-making have also been widely shared. Gamelan music, certainly the most internationally known and internally supported

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tradition in Indonesia, is mainly associated with the islands of Java and Bali, but the principles of music-making involving a layered, stratified polyphony are shared to a certain degree in the gong chime traditions found on some other islands, including Sumatra and Kalimantan. Despite these similarities, however, it would be overstating the case to view gamelan music, or even gong chime traditions at large, as a national music, although its association with the numerically and politically dominant Javanese culture does allow gamelan traditions to playa rather prominent role in contemporary Indonesian music. Also in Java and Bali, the shadow puppet theater, wayang kulit, holds a place which is in many ways analogous to that of Chinese opera: the role-types, individual characters, and stories are standardized, as are many of the musical and theatrical conventions, but the specifics of the instrumental accompaniment and repertory vary widely and regional languages or dialects are the norm.

In contrast to China, the court traditions of music and dance flourished throughout the rise of the modem Indonesian nation. In addition, gamelan music has long existed in a continuum from the ancient bronze ensembles of the Central Javanese courts to the iron gamelan played in homes or villages throughout that island, and the relationship between court and other traditions was far more viable than that existing in early twentieth century China.

Old music and new societies

In the People's Republic of China, arts associated with the "folk" or the "masses" were given unprecedented attention and encouragement after 1949, and solo traditions for instruments formerly of relatively low social class, such as the erhu and dizi, underwent rapid development and promotion. The Modem Chinese Orchestra, soon referred to as the Minzu Yuetuan or "people's orchestra," was viewed both as an evolution of indigenous folk regional traditions and as an example of national aspirations, and has remained a centerpiece of China's modem musical culture. Especially since the 1980s, ancient instruments such as the large sets of bronze bells, bian zhong, and vertical harp, konghou, have been reconstructed and performed; realizations of ancient scores such as the Dunhuang manuscripts have been featured in performances both in China and abroad; in Qufu in Shandong province, Confucian ceremonial music has been revived. These musical reconstructions could be placed under the general heading of court music, and there is clearly some interaction between these activities and other modem developments. Still, these "new

Nationalism, Regionalism, Modemizaition, and Cross-Cultural Paradigms 131

old" traditions are somewhat peripheral to the mainstreams of modem Chinese instrumental music: these mainstreams have been the Modem Chinese Orchestra, which has absorbed instruments and repertory from many regional traditions, and the solo performance tradition, in which a performer of a given instrument is expected to master a sampling of pieces from a variety of regional styles.

In contrast to instrumental music, regional operatic genres have continued to thrive, not only among amateur performers, but with governmental support for schools and troupes, at least until recent economic de-centralization began to affect state-supported organizations, artistic and otherwise. Peking opera certainly continues to have wide appeal, but has remained rooted in tradition. The development of the Model Operas or yangbanxi during the Cultural Revolution may be seen as a failed attempt to develop a theatrical tradition which is both national and contemporary.

In Indonesia, the establishment of Jakarta as the permanent national capital would suggest a growing dominance by West Javanese (Sundanese) traditions, but Central Javanese gamelan has remained far more dominant, especially in terms of the modem conservatory systems. While the gamelan ensembles of the National radio stations have replaced the courts as the centers of musical influence, court gamelan are still actively performed and listened to, and conservatory music and dance students value the opportunities to perform in the elegant pavilions and to play the fine old instruments. The basic instrumental components, structural features, and some repertory are shared with amateur and village traditions. In addition, and unlike in China, the court traditions have carried far less stigma from associations with feudal oppression; in contrast to the widely despised "last emperor" of China, at least one of the Javanese sultans is respected for having hidden the revels from the Dutch during the struggle for Indonesia's independence.

Western music

From a Western ethnomusicological perspective, the Minzu Yuetuan of China is a syncretic tradition, combining indigenous instruments and playing techniques with elements of Western harmony and orchestration. The 12-tone equal-tempered scale has become almost universally adopted in the conservatory environment; this temperament was invented in China, and although its widespread acceptance is surely influenced by admiration of Western music played in equal-temperament, the very concept of

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establishing a national tuning system is a venerable Chinese tradition. Musical notation has been widely used in China for centuries, and the adaptation of cipher notation or, later, the five-line staff, has been a relatively easy step.

The gamelan ensemble of Indonesia, however, presents formidable barriers to would-be syncretists. Traditional tuning systems are far removed from 12-tone equal temperament, and the concept of tuning, even within the courts, has always been a flexible one, with each gamelan maker creating a somewhat unique intervalic structure and resultant musical personality. The centrality of tuned percussion in Indonesia also contrasts sharply with the typical large ensemble in the West. For various reasons, five-line staff notation is not particularly suited to Indonesian music, but the cipher system, originally of Western origin, has become integral to the gamelan tradition.

Compatibility with Western music is not, of course, without its drawbacks. Aural transmission, improvisation, and/ or non-equal-tempered tuning systems are integral to many musical traditions in China, but advocates of these elements are usually ignored or viewed as opponents of progress. In Indonesia, aural traditions have been affected by the increasing use of notation, though to a much lesser extent than in China; the issue of standardizing regional tuning systems has rarely even been raised, at least in Java.

Ethnicity and language

In political terms, Chinese "nationalism" includes all of the ethnic groups existing whithin the current borders of China, but the concept "national music" has been much more narrow in scope, in practice usually limited to the traditions of the majority Han Chinese. CompOSitions based on real or imagined musics of the "national minorities" have been a popular source of exoticism in recent decades, but no serious attempts have been made to create a national music fusing musical cultures as diverse as those of, for example, the Mongolians, Tibetans, and Uighurs, although this has been attempted in the area of "ethnic dance." Beijing, as the location of both the nation's capital and national language, has been the most important center of music education, scholarship, and performance, but modern developments in instrumental music have drawn from geographically diverse sources for repertory, styles, and ensemble types. Peking opera can be heard in most Chinese cities, but regional operatic traditions sung in local dialects are far more common and popular.

Nationalism, Regionalism, Modemizaition, and Cross-Cultural Paradigms 133

In Indonesia, the situation is, at least to a non-specialist such as myself, even more confusing. Javanese culture and performing arts have probably been the most widely influential, but the nation's capital is part of Sundanese culture, and the national language is derived from Malay. There is no equivalent to the distinction between the Han majority (who share, among other things, a common written language) and the "other" national minorities found in China, although in some ways the Javanese-Sundanese­Balinese regions seem to collectively compose a dominant cultural continuum; in terms of population if not in area, Java and Bali comprise a majority culture analogous to Han China. The distinction between the economic and political center of Jakarta and the cultural centers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta also results in a complicated separation of spheres of influence, a situation rather different from that found in China.

Conclusion

At a very broad level, contemporary Chinese instrumental music performance is dominated by national traditions that draw from a variety of regional sources, and a professional performer is expected to learn pieces from all the important regional traditions associated with his or her chosen instrument. Regional ensemble traditions exist both within and apart from the national tradition: for example, musicians throughout China are familiar with Jiangnan sizhu or Chaozhou xianshi, but specialization in these latter traditions, including mastery of a large repertory and improvisatory practices, remains within the purview of amateur music groups.

In Indonesia, again at a very broad level, gamelan music itself remains regionally diversified, but a Java-centric concept of national models can also be observed in the systematic training of performers in conservatories and in the influence of related arts such as the large-scale dance drama. Although notable efforts to create music and dance works including a diversity of regional elements have been made, the idea of a "national orchestra" combining instruments from various gamelan and non-gamelan traditions is hardly imaginable. Advocates of development in regional traditions may assimilate elements of the dominant Javanese performing arts in order to help their traditions achieve a higher level of national prominence and attention.

If we treat Chinese opera and Indonesian shadow theater as roughly parallel traditions, many more similarities can be observed. Most obviously, regional dialects continue to be used for singing and narration, and local musical styles are also incorporated. Shadow theater using the national

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Indonesian language, Bahasa Indonesia, has never developed as a viable tradition; in China, Peking opera, sung in the national dialect, remains a viable genre, but outside of the Beijing area, it remains a minority tradition which is far outshadowed in popularity and prominence by regional operatic traditions. It can also be observed that in both China and Indonesia, some regional theatrical forms are able to survive commercially without any state or institutional support, a statement which is far less true for instrumental music, whether regional or national in nature.

The nature of traditional performing art genres, the perception of their relative values in modern society, the nature and extent of Western influences, and language and ethnicity are all useful paradigms to begin cross-cultural discussion of nationalism, regionalism, and modernization, but they are obviously only starting points. Further inquiry must include, among other things, examination of the reasons for the Widely varying influence and acceptance of regional traditions within China and Indonesia, not only in terms of their political influence and/or "correctness," but also in terms of the artistic characteristics which affect their acceptance or lack of it, compatibility with national or dominant traditions, and capacity for or resistance to change. I welcome my fellow ethnomusicologists working in Indonesia and elsewhere to correct my misinterpretations and to suggest directions for further study of these important yet elusive issues.

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Glossary

bian zhong ;f;~ Chaozhou xianshi lI:i+lg~~

bell chime string and wind ensemble music from coastal Guangdong province

136

dizi m-f­erhu =.tJ1 Guoyue ~~ Jiangnan sizhu iIrw*,*1t

Jingju *jlj konghou ~:(l Minzu Yuetuan ~~~III pipa!M~ yangbanxi flt)d~

transverse bamboo flute two-stringed bowed lute National Music string and wind ensemble music from the Shanghai area Peking opera vertical harp symphonicized Modern Chinese Orchestra four-stringed plucked lute revolutionary opera from the Cultural Revolution period

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