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NEVADA REACTS TO THE MY LAI MASSACRE
by
Terry E. Rowe
August 16, 1972
History 716
Dr. M. J. Brodhead
Col. (Ret.) Terry E. Rowe 4800 Warren W~ Reno. NV 89508
(VIeInem. 1964-72)
tAl FILE
DATE
'''72.,
"All I know is what I read in the papers." 1
Will Rogers
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 4
Chapter I. INTRODUCTION •••.••••••.•.•••.••••••••••••••••.•.••••••• ~ The Role of Misperceptions in History Purpose Delinitations
Chapter II. THE EVENTS ••.•••••••.•.••••••••••.•.••••••••••••.•.••••• 10 Chronology of Significant Events of the My Lia Massacre and Subsequent Trials Chronology of Significant Events of the Tate Murders and Subsequent Trials
Chapter III. The NEWSPAPER COVERAGE •••••••••••••..•••.••••••.••••.•. /3 Quanitative Measurements Discussion
Chapter IV. E~osure TO INFORMED Quanitat1rve Measurements Discussion Viewpoints
NATIONAL REACTION ••••••••••.••••••• /9
ChaptjaT V .. LOCAL REACTION ...................................................................................... Ole Quanitative Measurements Discussion Viewpoints Discussion
Chapter VI. OBSERVATIONS ••...••..••••••.•••••••••.•••••••••••••••••• ~6 Objective Impressions Subjective Impressions
FOOTNOTES ........................................................................................................................ 39 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ••••.••.•••.•.••••••••••••••••••.••...•.••.••••• ~~
3
TABLE
LISTS OF TABLES
PAGE
1. ,iecl:ly News Coverage of My Lai/Calley Incidents in Five Nevada Ne\,'spapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 ••••••••••• • /4-
2. Weekly News Coverage of Tate/Manson Incidents in Five Nevada Newspapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 •••••••••••• /S
3. Weekly News Coverage of My Lai/ Calley Incidents in the New York Times During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 •••• ~ ••••• /6
4. \.Jeekly Exposure to Informed National Reaction to My Lai/ Calley Incidents in Five Nevada Newspapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 .................................................................................................... c!J.O
5. Weekly Exposure to Informed National Reaction and Local Reaction to My Lai/Calley Incidents in the New York Times During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 .............................................................................. ill
6. Weekly Local Reaction to My Lai/Calley Incidents in Five Nevada Newspapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971 •••••••••••• &9
4
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION -i1
The Role of Misperceptions in History
Historians are becoming increasingly aware of the paradox that views
and interpretations of historical events can, in themselves, become an
actual force which, in turn, influences history. The interpretations of an
event can displace the actual event in significance, at least in the minds
of men. Many demagogues have made good use of this phenomenon. Nazi Germany
and Communist Russia have employed the technique of manipulating the past
in order to control the present and influence the future.
Many perceptions of historical events are, in fact, misperceptions.
Most of these misperceptions are not the result of conscious and deliberate
distortions. More often, the individual and the public are the unwitting
victims of what psychologists refer to as "cognitive distortion," a ten-
dency for misperception that is present, to one degree or another, in
every human being.~
The role of misperceptions in the causing and continuation of various~ •
has been examined at length.3 A recent conflict that has been viewed as a
classic example of the influence of misperceptions is the current United
States (U.S.) involvement in Indochina. Many aspects of this involvement
provide fertile ground for such an examination: causes of the U.S. in-
volvement, U.S. strategy, ~., There are a number of specific events that
also lend themselves to such an analysis: The Tonkin Gulf incident, the
Communist Tet Offensive of 1968, the U.S. decision to resume bombing of
North Vietnam, and many others.
The Purpose of this Paper
To have a basis for discussing misperceptions of an event, it is necessary
5
to first determine the perceptions of the event. One method of accomplish-
ing this is to examine the reactions to the event. The purpose of this
paper is to identify the reactions of a particular group, Nevad;fans, to a
specific event, the My Lai massacre, in a specific meduim, the Nevada news-
papers. This paper will attempt to provide limited and tenative answers to
three questions: What exposure to the event did the Nevada public receive
from its newspapers? What exposure to informed national reaction did the
readers have? What was the Nevad)fans'reaction? Lastly, some observations on
the coverage and reaction will be provided.
Delimitations
To provide a complete answer to the above questions is beyond the scope
of this paper. To do so would require more time than is available for this
effort. Nevada has more than twenty newspapers, the My Lai incident and
subsequent trials extended for more than two years, and none of the Nevada
newspapers are indexed for other than state and local items.
A total of fourteen weeks and five Nevada newspapers were selected for
examination. Two, seven-week periods were selected on the basis of heaviest
news coverage, as determined by examination of two indexes1 and confirmed
by subsequent research. The first period includes the seven weeks beginning
~
with November 16, 1969, making the first news coverage and public exposure ~
to the My La~ncident. The second period of seven weeks centers on the trial
and conviction of First Lieutenant William Calley. The five newspapers were
selected after informa~onversations with several persons, including members
of the staff of the University of Nevada (Reno) Department of Journalism.
The selection criteria included state population distribution, circulation,
6
influence, geographical representation, and general political orientation.
These five newspapers probably provideas wide a political spectrum as is
available among major newspapers in Nevada.S
Reno Evening Gazette - conservative Nevada State Journal - conservative Las Vegas Review Journal - conservative Las Vegas Sun - liberal Elko Daily Free Press - very conservative
The task, then, has been to examine every issue (on microfilm) of these
7
five newspapers for a period of fourteen weeks - a total of almost 500 issues.
Absolute accuracy in detecting each and every article is not claimed, but an
effective determination and impression of the Nevada coverage and reaction is
claimed. 'Coverage' includes all articles and photographs with the MyLai in-
cident and subsequent trials as their primary theme. 'Informed national re-
action' includes syndicated columns, political cartoons, and a few guest
editorials. 'Local reaction' includes local editorials, letters to the editor
and a few articles containing reactions of the Nevadians.
It was felt necessary to establish two 'points of reference' in this
study in order to provide additional perspective. The New York Times was
selected because it is noted as somewhat of a paragon for news coverage,
in depth, of national and international events. In addition, its articles
are indexed, thereby providing a ready measure, in number of ~rticles, of
coverage and reaction. It was not considered necessary to determine inches
of coverage, as was done with the Nevada newspapers. The other 'point of
reference' is in the area of subject matter. By coincidence, the high points
of news coverage of the Sharon Tate murders and Charles Manson trial coincid-
ed with the periods selected for this paper's examination of the My Lai re-
action. In a sense, a 'domestic massacre' was competing for coverage and
reaction with an 'overseas massacre.' The My Lai incident and subsequent trials
r will be refer;,ed to as My Lai/Calley incidents in this paper; the Sharon Tate
~ murders and subsequent trial will be refered to as Tate/Manson incidents.
A
Some other points should be kept in mind while reading this paper. It
is certainly true that other media might be more important than the Nevada
newspapers in the gauging of coverage and reaction, but that question is ~
far beyond the scope of this paper. The danger of 'overquoting' is very
real in a paper such as this; however, the thrust and tone of the newspaper
selections were considered critica~urposes of this paper. Therefore,select-
ive editing has been favored over paraphrasing. It is realized that much of
the material in this paper, especially lists and tables, could properly be
relegated to appendix status. This material has deliberately retained in the
text to avoid unbalancing of the paper and , more importantly, to provide the
reader with a 'sequential impression,' which the author considers important.
The author, as most everyone, hes his own opinion of the My Lai/Calley
incidents. The author is closer to the subject than most, having served a
total of five years in Vietnam since 1964, including one year with an in-
fantry battalion of the Americru Division (Calley's parent unit), approxi-
mately fifty miles north of My Lai Hamlet. The author has a deep interest in
the U.S. involvement in Indochina, particularly in the U.S. public's reaction
to events such as the My Lai incident; however, a genuine effort has been
made to set aside those personal views while writing this paper. It is hoped
that the author's viewpoint will not be discernible until the last chapter
of this paper, where he has allowed himself a few subjective observations.
The author has not intended a truly 'scientific' approach to this discussion,
in that he has not postulated a conceptual scheme for testing, et. al. Indeed)
8
perhaps a more accurate title would be 'Impressions of Nevadian E~posure
and Reaction to the My Lai Massacre as Reflected in Selected Nevada
Newspapers.'
9
10
CHAPTER II
THE EVENTS
In order to more effectively examine the Nevada response to the My
Lai/Calley and Tate/Manson incidents, a brief review of the significant
events of both incidents is provided. Following, are lists of these events
in chronological order. Both lists begin with the incidents,~, ,.t.., and
continue through 1971. In neither case has there been ~more recent de-
velopments of major significance.
Chronology of Significant Events of the My Lai Massacre and Subsequent Trials
1968 Mar ~ 16: Company 'C', 1st Battalion, 20th Infantry, 11th Infantry Brigade,
Americal Division, U.S. Army, conducts helicopter assault on My
Lai Sub-Hamlet, Tu Chung Hamlet, Song My Village, Song Tiuh Dis-
trict, Quang Ngai Province, Republic of South Vietnam. An es
timated 400-500' civilians are killed, most of them by the First
Platoon. Official reports claim 128 enemy killed and 3 weapons cap-
tured.
First Platoon Sergeant: Staff Sergeant (SSG)David Mitchell First Platoon Leader: First Lieutenant (lLT) William Calley Company Commander: Captain (CPT) Ernest Medina Battalion Commander: Lieutenant (LT~lonel Barker (later killed in
action) Brigade Commander: Colonel (COL) Oran Henderson Division Commander: Major General (MG) Samual Koster
Mar -18: Col Henderson conducts brief informal investigation of killings, with no findings.
1969. Mar~ 29: Ronald Ridenhour, former serviceman, sends copies of letters con
cerning incidents to President Nixon, several Congressmen, and various other officials in Washington.
Apr-- 23: U.S. Army Chief of Staff orders formal investigation of incident. Sep- 5: First U.S. Army press release concerning investigation of ILT Calley. Nov 12: First news service story with indication of scope of incident.
Nov 22: South Vietnam government states there was no massacre committed by U.S. troops at My Lai.
Nov 24: U.S. Army announces Lieutenant General (LTG) William Peers to investigate nature and scope of original investigation into incident.
Nov 25: U.S. Army announces ILT Calley will be tried by general courtmartial on charges of premediated murder.
Nov 27: White House issues statement saying incidents such as alleged massacre are in direct violation of U.S. military policy and are abhorrent to all Americans.
1970 Jan 1 : U.S. Army announces SSG Mitchell will be tried by general court-mar
tial on charges of assault with intent to commit murder.
11
Jan 15: U.S. Army investigation of My Lai incident widened to include thirtyone soldiers and former servicemen.
Jan 18 :
Mar 17:
American Legion announces campaign to raise $200,000.00 for Calley defense fund. U.S. Army, following investigation by LTG Peers, charges fourteen officers, including MG Koster, of involvement in supression of in-formation about My Lai incident.
Apr 10:Book published by S.M. Hersch with first full account of M7 Lai incident and subsequent developments.
May 4: S.M. Hersch receives Pulitzer Prize for reporting of My Lai incident. Jul14: Congressional investigation concludes that My Lai incident was covered-
up at division level. Oct 6: Trial of SSG Mitchell begins. Nov 12: Trial of ILT Calley begins. Nov 20: SSG Mitchell acquited of all charges.
1971 Jan 29: Court-martial charges dropped against NG Koster. Feb 16: U.S. Army sanity board, after lengthy trial recess finds ILT Calley
'normal in every respect.' Feb 26: U.S. Army announces COL Henderson will be tried by general court
martial on charges of covering up My Lai incident. Mar 8: U.S. Army announces that CPT Medina will be tried by general court
martial on charges of premeditated murder. Mar 11: Calley jury retires to consider verdict. Mar 29: ILT Calley found guilty of premeditated murder of at least twenty-two
civilians at My Lai. Mar 31: ILT Calley sentenced to life imprisonment at hard labor. Apr 1: National reaction to Calley conviction includes an estimated 20,000
telegrams and telephone calls to White House, 100 - 1 in favor of Calley. Apr 2: President Nixon orders ILT Calley released from stockade and confined
to quarters while case is rev~wed. Apr 8· U.S. Army announces that discharged servicemen can not be tried by
Army for role in My Lai incident. Apr 9: ILT Calley and ghost '·.'Titer receive $100,000.00 advance for Calley
memo Irs, >.t. ~Ca U·ey·:·".,t,n·-AIIIe..i ca .. ·TT aged!, • May 19: U.S. Army announces demotion and censure of MG Koster. Aug 16: Trial of CPT Medina begins. Aug 20: ILT Calley's life sentence is reduced to 20 years at first level of
Army review.
12
Sept 22: Medina acquitted of all charges. Subsequently applies for and receives honorable discharge.
Nov 15: CPT Medina admits that he suppressed information about My Lai in testimony at COL Henderson trial. Discharge precludes further action against him.
Dec 17: Henderson acquited of all charges. Last individual to be tried for role in My Lai incident and investigation.
Chronology of Significant Events of the Tate Murders and Subsequent Trial
1968
Aug 9: Sharon Tate and four others found slain in Beverly Hills home. Dec 1: First two suspects, Watson and Krenwinkel, apprehended. Dec 8. Five suspects, Including Charles Manson, indicted for Tate murder5.
1970 Jun24: Trial of Manson and five of his followers begins.
1971 Mar 27: Manson jury retires to consider verdict. Mar 30: Manson and three women codefendants found guilty of first degree
murder. Sentenced to death.
13
CHAPTER III THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE
(,uani tative Measurements The following tables provide data concerning the news coverage of the
My Lai/Calley &i:d Tate/Manson incidents in the five selected Nevada news-
papers and the New York Times. It should be noted that there are many dif-
ferences among the newspapers. One of the most obvious is the difference
in number of pages. For example, the weekday editions of the newspapers
ranged from an average of nine pages for the Elko Daily Free Press, to
forty-three for the Las Vegas Sun. The Reno Evening Gazette and the Elko
Daily Free Press provide only daily coverage, with no Sunday editions.
The papers differ in emphasis. As might be expected, some of the papers are
more heavily oriented towards local and state news, rather than national
or international coverage. The Nevada newspapers subscribe to different news
services. There are other differences, but they will not be discussed at
length because this paper is primarily an examination of their collective
coverage and reaction.
14
TABLE 1
Weekly News Coverage of My Lai/Ca11ey Incident in Five Nevada Newspapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971
(Number of Artic1es1 Inches of Coverage)
1969 Reno. E.G. Nevada S.J. L. V. Review L.V.Sun E1ko D.F.P. Weekly Totals
Nov.16 3/41 3/49 9/156 3/40 4/28 22/314
Nov.23 8/136 7/150 13/281 9/146 9/73 51/786
Nov. 30 7/108 5/123 15/278 7/146 10/71 44/726
Dec.7 5/33 4/41 9/150 7/107 4/37 30/368
Dec.14 4/55 4/59 5/87 4/37 0/0 17/238
Dec.21 3/33 3/34 4/58 0/0 0/0 10/125
Dec.28 4/41 3/49 2/42 4/46 0/0 13/178
Totals 34/447 29/505 62/1052 34/5222 27/209 187/2735
1971 --Mar.l 3/44 3/47 5/55 5/50 5/11 21/207
Mar.7 6/69 5/72 5/65 4/65 5/38 25/309
Mar.14 5/47 5/45 2/54 3/32 3/8 18/186
Mar.21 5/38 4/43 3/28 4/65 5/9 21/ 183
Mar.28 8/112 7/122 10/289 10/244 13/82 48/849
Apr.4 10/122 8/135 10/129 11/ 178 6/19 45/583
Apr. 11 2/12 2/15 2/57 4/31 0/0 10/115
Totals 39/444 34/479 37/677 41/665 37/167 188/2432
15
TABLE 2
Weekly News Coverage of Tate/Manson Incidents in Five Nevada Newspapers During .,..., Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971
(Number of Articles/Inches of Coverage)
1969 RenoE.G. Nevada S.J. L.V.Review L.V. Sun E1ko D.F.P. Weekly Totals
Nov.16 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0
Nov.23 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0
Nov.lO 6/165 7/210 9/257 7/146 5/36 34/814
Dec.7 4/75 4/85 7/167 3/29 5/26 23/382
Dec.14 6/52 5/62 8/101 2/18 1/6 22/239
Dec.21 3/20 3/28 4/73 5/58 0/0 15/179
Dec.28 2/12 2/16 2/42 1/11 1/6 8/87
Totals 21/324 21/401 30/640 18/262 12/74 102/1701
1971
Mar.1 1/16 1/17 1/12 3/23 1/2 7/70
Mar.7 0/0 0/0 2/35 2/25 0/0 4/60
Mar.14 1/11 2/17 2/30 0/0 2/8 7/66
Mar.21 4/48 3/52 1/20 3/27 4/8 15/155
Mar.28 4/82 4/94 3/73 4/80 5/51 20/380
Apr.4 1/6 1/9 1/12 1/9 0/0 4/36
Apr.l! 2/15 2/18 ~ 1/10 ~ 9/57
Totals 13/178 13/207 12/203 15/189 16/77 69/854
16
TABLE 3
Weekly News Coverageof My Lai/Calley and Tate/Manson Incidents in The New York Times ~ During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971
(Number of Articles)*
1969 MyLai/Calley Tate/Manson ---Nov. 16 20 0 Nov.23 42 0 Nov.30 19 5 Dec.7 25 5 Dec./if 17 6 Dec.21 6 2 Dee."ll! 8 0 Totals 137 18
,Q71 Mar.7 8 0 Mar.14 11 2 Mar.21 14 2 Mar.28 33 4 Apr.4 27 1 Apr.ll 5 2 Apr.18 2 2 Totals 100 ---u--
* Length of articles not determined.
Discussion
The My Lai/Calley incidents were deserving of extensive news coverage.
The My Lai incident was adjudged the fifth most important news story of
7 1969 in a poll of North American newspaper editors. It was voted aore
newsworthy than such items as the U.S. economy, U.S. racial unrest, and the
u.S. Senate rejection of Haynesworth for the Supreme Court. The Vietnam Wa~
in toto, was rated the number two story •. In 1971, the Calley trial was
voted eighth in headline impact, with the Indochina War ranked second. The
Tate/Manson incidents did not appear on either poll of the top ten stories.
The Nevada newspaper coverage of the My Lai/Calley incident was ex-
tensive, both in number of articles and in space devoted to the articles.
Allowing for differences in size and orientation, the coverage by the five
newspapers was roughly comparable. As might be expected, the Nevada news-
papers rank considerably below the New York Times in number of stories (and
one suspects this could also be projected for leng6t of coverage, although
this was not measured). There was a consistent peak of coverage in all the
Nevada newspapers during the weeks of November 23 and November 30, 1969,
~"" ' when full dieGlgey£e of the extent of the My Lai incident became known, and
during the weeks of March 28 and April 4, 1971, when the Calley verdict was
announced. The New York Times showed similiar, although not identical, peaks
of coverage.
A significant and unaccounted for difference between the Nevada news-
17
papers'and the New York Times' coverage is apparent when comparing the weekly
ratio of coverage of the My Lai/Calley and Tate/Manson stories. In the New
York Times, the My Lai/Calley story consistently dominated the Tate/Manson
story during the entire fourteen weeks, as measured by number of articles
in any given week. The Tate incident came very close to superseding the My i
Lai incident during periods of peak coverage in the Nevada newspapers, and
18
clearly dominates in the two Reno newspapers. On the other hand, the Calley
trial coverage is never in the same danger from the Hanson trial coverage /:..(..,") .II;"
in the Nevada newspapers. In other words, in coverage of the events surround-
ing the incident, the Tate murder tended to dominate the My Lai massacre;
when the trials are considered, the Calley trial clearly dominated.
There is another indication of the predominance of the Calley trial
coverage, via-i-vis the My Lai massacre, in the Nevada newspapers. Although I
the story is current for a shorter period, the Tate murder total coverage
dominates that of the Manson trial, while the My Lai massacre and Calley trial
coverage is rel~tively equal. In the New York Times, both incidents dominate
their respective trials.
In summary, wherfhe Nevada newspaper coverage of the Hy Lai/Calley in-
cidents is compared with that of the New York Times , or the Tate/Manson cover
age, it is the Calley trial that predominates over the My L~ massacre. It
should also be noted that the Nevada coverage of the My Lai! Calley incidents
was primarily focused <rn..-- the details of the events, themselves, and there
was lirtle provided in the way of background coverage. As might be expected,
there was extensive background coverage in the New York Times.
19
CHAPTER IV
EXPOSURE TO INFORMED NATIONAL REACTION
Ouanitative Measurements
Nevada newspaper readers are constantly exposed to relatively informed
reaction to national and international events. Although a few news articles
may include such reaction, the bulk of it is usually to be found on the editor-
ial page in the form of syndicated columns and political cartoons. The pro-
fessional task of the political columnist and cartoonist is to examine news
events and trends in a responsible and thoughtful manner, and to comment on
iile<4 significance, or lack thereof. These matters usually have political conna-
tations and the comments mayor may not include partisanship.
The following tables show the amount of informed national reaction to
the My Lai/Calley incidents that appeared in the Nevada newspapers and the New
York Times during the periods under discussion. No tables were included for
such reaction to the Tate/Manson incidents because such reaction was almost
mon-existent. Only one syndicated column discussed the subject in any of the
Nevada newspapers or New York Times during the entire fourteen-weel period:
20
TABLE 4
Weekly Exposure To Informed National Reaction to My L~/Calley Incidents
In Five Nevada Newspapers During Selected Periods of 1969 and 1971
(Number of Articles/Inches of Coverage)
1969 R..::no E.G. Nevada S.J. L.V. Review L.V. Sun Elko D.F.P. Weekly Totals ~---- -----Nov.16 0/0 0/0 1/21 0/0 0/0 1/21 Nov.23 0/0 0/0 1/21 0/0 0/0 1/21 Nov. 30 1/18 3/79 7/145 9/152 2/56 22/450 Dec.7 1/20 2/46 7/157 4/55 1/25 15/303 Dec.14 3/57 0/0 3/53 0/0 1/17 7/127 Dec.21 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 1/24 1/24 Dec.28 0/0 0/0 0/0 1/12 0/0 1/12 Totals 5/95 5/125 ~ 19/397 14/219 5/122 48/958
1'i71 Mar.7 0/0 0/0 1/15 0/0 0/0 1/15 Mar.14 0/0 0/0 2/30 0/0 0/0 2/30 Mar.21 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 Mar.28 0/0 0/0 1/12 1/28 1/35 3/75 Apr.4 4/94 4/84 9/113 7/124 4/85 28/500 Apr. 11 0/0 1/21 5/74 3/41 2/32 11/168 Aer. 18 1/11 0/0 0/0 6/64 0/0 7/75 Totals 5/10 5/105 18/244 17/257 7/152 52/863
21
TABLE 5
Weekly Exposure To Informed National Reaction and Local Reaction To My Lai/Calley <~. Incidents in The New York Times During Selected Periods
~ of 1969 and 1971
National Reaction Local Reaction", 1969 (Number of,tolumns and Cartoons) (Number of Editorials and Letters)
Nov. 16 1 1
Nov. 23 7 3
Nov. 30 8 5
Dec. 7 3 5
Dec. 14 1 5
Dec. 21 0 3
Dec. 28 1 4 Totals 21 26
1971
Mar. 7 I 1
Mar.14 1 1
Mar. 21 0 0
Nar. 28 3 3
Apr. 4 9 24
Apr. 11 5 6
Ae r • 18 0 5 Totals 19 40
* Included in this table for convenience, will be discussed in Chapter v.
22
Discussion
There are two noteworthy aspects of the Nevad~n newspaper readers'
exposure to informed national reaction. The extent of exposure is rather
striking in all the Nevada newspapers, with the exception of the Reno news-
papers. One might expect the New York Times to have a clear edge, given its
advantage in size and orientation. A number of the Nevada newspapers, how-
ever, approach the New York Times exposure in absolute
by number of columns and cartoons. The Reno newspapers
terms, as measured y •• t ,.,~ • ,I.
a{e~ identified as
clear excepU ons when comparing the figures for the Elko Daily Free Press
during both periods (a total of 12/274) with those of the Reno ~wspapers
(10/200 and 10/230). The Elko newspaper averages less than half the pages
of either Reno newspaper. It should also be noted that the exposure to
informed national reaction was approximately equal for both periods, the
incident and the trial, for the Nevada newspapers and New York Times.
V• -f". ie.nnts
A
The nature of the informed national reaction to which the Nevada news-
paper readers were exposed is worthy of examina.ion. To a largely unmeasure-
able degree it may have provided background information to local readers,
and more importantly, may have influenced local opinion and reaction.
Following, are the broad themes, in the form of questions, which provide
gene'ral catagorization of the more than one humdred informed reactions to
which the Nevada readers were exposed. Some brief quotations, extracted from
the syndicated columns, provide further characterizations of the themes:
23
The comments in this catagory tended to discuss possible specific reasons
for the My Lai inciden~s, rather than the more far-reaching questions of
primary causes and blame.
Could it have been panic? What is it that causes panic? It is a commonplace that soldiers who are being shot at, who do not know whether they will live to see another day, who are tired and calloused and excitable, do things which their consciences would not justify when in cool working order ...................................................................... '" .......... "" .................. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. '" .......................................................................................... ..
Thus far, it looks like simple barbarism, like bloodlust sadism. The trouble with that explanation is that it does not easily reconcile with what we know about typical Americans. Were those a typical Americans? Were they the kinds of Americans, who, if they had not found themselves in Vietnam with Vietnamese to fire at, might have found themselves in Chicago or New York or Los Angeles aiming their guns at bank tellers? 9
It's well known that the military is made up mostly of young men. And it's known that young men meke the best fighters •••• ~[t's also well known that young people like to raise hell. As much as they can in some cases. It's a natural tendency for a teenager or a man in his early 20's. Many of them get a simple joy by antagonizing or destroying.
So, given a war situation where a young man is living under relaxed rul~s, where he is invited to be as aggresive as he can be, and where he must release himself in certain ways - I think this night explain some atrocity instances. 10
Can or should it be justified o~xcused?
These comments were primarily concerned with the question of whether the
incident could be justified, and with arguements currently being used to ration-
alize the incident. The most frequent themes were: killing as a part of war
and in the nature of man, the relationships between My Lai and Nazi and Japanese
actions in World War II, comparison with bombing in World War II and Vietnam,
and comparison with the enemy's actions in Vietnam.
The best answer is General William Sherman's - that war is hell •••. It is hell that, like Milton's Satan, each of us carries within him and that war releases in some more than others •••• r-- It is a sad fact about man under stress that he sometimes behaves worse than animals do •••
24 man under emotional stress seems to kill out of <orne pychic destructive need, beyond reason, even beyond his own survival."
It does not follow that war equals the massacre of civilians.But it may follow that war makes inevitable the incidence of Song My G~y LaD and Hiroshema and Dresden. The prosecution of the guilty will tell us a lot about them,and not a little about us; and about those who dream of wars fought from the turret of the good ship 1011ipop.12
As regards to the question of ultimate responsibility, the public is entitled to be confused. We hanged Admiral Yamashita after the second World War, and if we applied rigorously the logic of that execution, we would have a case for hanging General Westmoreland. That would be preposterous and cruel. So that we learn, gradually what some people knew and warned us against in 1945: victor's justice. 13
Don't waste your sympathy on him (Calley). If he'd had even a rudimentary understanding of the Rules of War, he could have accomplished his mission with precisely the same results and nobody would have turned a hair. Calley should have withdrawn his troops from My Lai and called for a saturation B-52 bombing raid.14
Where does the guilt lie?
The primary thrust of theae discussions was to examine the question, Who
~ what is to blame for My Lai? The moral tone of the United States, U.S.
foreign policy, the military, Calley, or other candidatesZ •
How many people were actually guilty? A very important question, because one struggles to define the limits of aberrancy. Jack the Ripper was not a corporation, so we can think of him as an aberrant. We can not
.~~ that about ~ the Nazis under Hitler or the Communists under Stalin ••• .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. • .. .. .. .. 0
If it is agreed that it was a cross section of American youth ••••••• then who, and what do we blame?
Why what we blame is the Vietnam war. That has brutalized clean and wholesome American youth, has turned them into ~adistic killers who think nothing of gunning down children. That is one explanation. It is insufficient ••••• It is simply unbelievable that two or three months of combat duty can corrupt otherwise ethically stable young men. It must be what came before. 15
Columnist Tom Wicker quoting President Woodrow Wilson's agonizing over ask-
ing Congress for war against Germany in 1917:
"Once lead this people into war and they will forgwt there ever Was such a thing as tolerance. To fight you must be brutal and ruthless and the spirit of ruthless brutality will enter into every fiber of our national
life, infecting Congress, the courts, the policeman on the beat, the man in the street ••••••••••••••.•• " 16
25
". ...--... LThe VIetnam \.Jar] sprang from the messaianic conviction of a long line of policymakers that America alone could save the world from its basest instincts, represented by the hordes of Communism. It went sour, and My Lai demonstrated how sour.17
There is a rule and policy of a civilized army and My Lai violated that rule and the United States Army is covering up the violation, and it ·.ill never be the same army until it restores its self-respect. 18
This column's investigation of the nasty Song My [My LaiJ massacre raises the possibility, at least, that the accused mass murder, Lt. William Calley, Jr., may be more of a scrapegoat than orge •••••
The tight-lipped Calley is a perfect patsy for the Army to offer as a sacrifice to public opinion ••••••••..•••.
From his letters he didn't seem to be a man who could shoot down women and children in cold blood. 19
What does it all mean?
The theme oj: these discussions are the broader implications of the My Lai
incident, such as its impact on the morality of the United States and the
American image of himself as a 'good guy'.
Calley is at once a symbol and a reminder. He is a symbol of how a democracy that calls itself humanist cannot fight a war •••••• without risking the chance that its young men may be caught between killing widely and being condemned.
It isn't the discipline of soldering that can save the young man from this fate. It is the discipline Calley, for one, never had in civilian or Army life - of learning what you believe and what you don't, what you will do and what you won't, what limits you place on your freedom to act as you choose. This Is the discipline neither the far left or the far right has learned. But if the center abandons it, too, then we are indeed lost as a nation. 20
No sensitive American can aborb the ghoulish account of this massacre in My Lai hamlet without feeling a measure of personal guilt. For this is not merely an account of war brutalizing one lieutenant or one 20-year old infantryman, or one platoon; it is the story of how war brutalizes a people and a nation. 21
It was always the other side that committed the massacres, slaughtered the innocent, shot prisoners, and tortured captives. We were the good guys and they were the gorillas; they were the enemy Japanese, the hartless Germans, the unsmiling Russians •••••• Then along comes the alleged slaughter at Song My (My LaiJ. All the shame and sorrow and horror of Vietnam seemed to settle on this tiny hamlet •••.•••••
26
As terrible and unhaman as this event at Song My may be, it is still the price that a nation n,~st pay for its miscalulations and fOlly. You can't separate events from war and say it was a clean honorable fight if this thing hadn't happened. When you go to war, you have to take the brutalities, the innocent slaughter, the deceits of leadership and the military. 22
Why the extensive and emotional reaction by the American public to the
Calley verdict and sentence?
The reaction, by any measure, was overwhelming. It included petitions, parades, draft board resignations, legislative resol.'ions, flag-flying campaigns, letter-writing campaigns, etc. The tone of the reaction is indicated by the fact that the White House received more than 20,000 telegrams and telephone calls in a two-day period, running 100-1 in favor of Calley.23 The columnists' discussions of this reaction centered on the role of the press and individuals, use of the incodent as a political issue, and the need for caution and reflection:
For awhile it looked as if somebody were going to propooe giving Lt. l.Jillam to Calley Jr., the Congressional Medal of Honor. Not since the firing of General Douglas MacArthur during the Korean War has thet~ been such an outburst of sympathy for an American soldier. So at last Vietnam has produced an officer everybody recognizes - an antihero for a war without glory or nobility, and a symbol for a time of moral confusion. 24
It appears that the mail is altogether lopsided, 100-1 in favor of Calley, and that is a vexing datum, inasmuch as Americans do not usually rally to the cause of someone who, it has been determined, aimed a rifle at old ladies and little children, and killed them. 25
We have adopted Willaim Calley; he is the foster son of millions of families; he wore his country's uniform, earned medals for valor, went into the dreadful swamps and jungles to risk his life for those of us who stayed home. There is kindship toward the little fellow, there is parental pride, and the horror that we feel for his crime is something entirely apapt. For his guilt we have sorrow, but not anger. 26
And if any good has come out of this shabby story of Song My (My Lai) it is the tenacious honesty of young veterans and servicemen who have come forward as witnesses to the truth. How strange that a people who perhaps have no Anne Frank to keep a diary in Hue, no Dietrih Bonhoeffers to send letters fro~y Lai,do have a representation in the moral history of man through American infantryman~ and heli-copter pilots who are now speaking fearlessly. 27
The doves are saying that (alley should not be punished unless admirals and generals, Secretary of Defense, and even the President of the United States are also tried for murder. The hawks are screaming that neither Calley nor anyone else should be punished for the My Lai massacre because they were all just good patriots 'doing their duty'.
What kind of country are we becoming when people rationalize away bestial killings because it suits their political prejudices? 28
27
The tremendous, spontaneous welling up of indignation over the Calley outcome should not overbear the fact that justice must remain in the courtroom - not in the market place. 29
1: ~ What about the Vietnamese, especially the victims?
This was the most muted aspect of the informed national reaction, only
five of the more than one hundred columns or cartoons dealt directly with this
subject at any length. Another facet of this question also had a little menti(.n:
the racial overtones to the My Lai massacre and in some of the reaction.
Some of Calley's defenders are moved by some bizarre notion that "patr~tism" requires them to support "our boys" who go abroad to "defend our freedom~ however heinous the behavior of certain "our boys" may be. But to cloak the My Lai massacre in red, white and blue bunting is to defile the very word, pacriotism.
The implication is clear that they are now applying what is known in Vietnam as I th.,ere gook rule.' What Calley shot was "merely a 0unch of gooks", and who is going to lock up a good American boy for that?
To the extent that Americans apply the 'mere gook rule' to the Calley case or any other aspect of My Lai, to that extent they strip morality away from an involvement that has cost almost a million lives. And they give overpowering credence to cries that this is a 'racist war.'
Once we convince the world of that, we are through in Asia and much of the rest of the world. Not all our arms can save for us any portion of leadership.
And in truth, we sha 11 deserve none. 30
28
CHAPTER V
LOCAL REACTION
gu~n;tfttive Measurements
~;:,i·4 &; (,/0.;L 9) provides a quani tative view of the Nevada reaction
to the My Lai/Calley incidents, as measured by local editorials and letters
to editors. A more limited measurement for the New York Ti,nes is contained
in Table 5 of this paper. Again, there was no, reaction to the Tate/Manson
incidents in either the Nevada pupers or the New York Times during the
periods under discussion:
Discussion
The fact made clear by Table 6 is the very heavy emphasis on the second
period under discussion, the Calley trial and verdict, in the Nevada news-
papers and in the New York Times • In the case of the Nevada newspapers, the
three weeks following the verdict saw almost a3 much reaction, as measured by
editorials and letters, as in the other eleven weeks combined(35/215 - 15/231),
this was especially true of the letters to editors.
29
TABLE 6
Weekly Local Reaction to My Lai/Cal1ey Incidents in Five Nevada Newspapers During Selectetl Periods of 1969 and 1971
( Number of Editorals and Letters/Inches of Coverage )
1969 Reno E.G. Nevada S.J. L. V. Review L.V. Sun Elko D.F.P. Weekly Totals
Nov. 16 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0
Nov. 23 0/0 0/0 1/21 0/0 0/0 1/21
Nov. 30 0/0 2/13 0/0 0/0 0/0 2/13
Dec. 7 0/0 0/0 1/14 2/36 1/16 4/66
Dec. 14 0/0 0/0 0/0 1/1 0/0 1/7
Dec. 21 0/0 1/39 0/0 0/0 1/22 2/61
Df'c. 28 0/0 0/0 1/14 0/0 0/0 1/14
Totals 0/0 3/52 3/49 3/43 2/38 11/182
1971
Mar. 1 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 C/O
Mar. 7 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0
Mar. 14 1/6 0/0 0/0 0/0 0/0 1/6
Mar. 21 2/8 1/11 0/0 0/0 1/24 4/43
Mar. 28 4/28 6/32 1/6 8/52 1/14 20/132
Apr. 4 1/8 1/4 1/9 5/32 1/3 9/47
Apr. 11 1/9 1/7 1/7 3/13 0/0 6/36
Totals 9/59 9/54 3/22 16/88 3/41 40/264
-'\J/:-".'(;~"?' t ,
30
Viewpoints
What were tIle reactions of the Nevada newspaperpditors and readers? Most of
the same broad themes were apparent, but with somewhat different perspective
and tone. Emotionalism was greatly in evidence, especially in some of the
earlier letters after the Calley verdict. In some instances the letters were
difficult to classify because of this factor. The later letters were less
emotional and more reasoned.
Can or should it be justified?
The Nevada reaction seemed to be answering this question, rather than
asking it. In some instances this answer was an emotional and emphatic 'yes~,;
however, tr.ere were dissenters:
I am sure that we all felt horrified by what happened at My Lai; but we must all consider the type of war our boys have been asked to fight. This is an enemy that USES women and children to kill and main our soldiers, who USES a baby as a time bomb, who USES our reverence for human life as a weapon against us. It is stupid to ask our fighting men to conduct themselves as Boy Scouts against an enemy who doesn't know what honor means ••••••••••• 31
These so-called innocent civilians have been known to put ground glass in our soft drinks, lure our men into traps, and give the enemy any information they wanted about our bases •••••• -Jar has one purpose and that is to defeat the enemy whether it be men, women, or children ••••
How can you single out a man and convict him of murder when every day civilians are being killed by inaccurate bombing a~d artillery missions? If killing civilians is the wrong thing to do then how about the pilot who bombed Hiroshima? What makes him right and Lt. Calley wrong? They were both following orders to destroy an area populated with civilians.32
I'm sure when the order was given to shoot at anything that moved and burn anything that didn't, our men had learned through better experience and much loss of life that this order had unquestioned validity.33
31
One of the most regrettable results of the reaction to the Calley conviction has been the blurrinb in the minds of many Americans the distinction between what is permissible and what is not permissinle in war •..••...•..•
Others have asked what is the difference between killing civilians by dropping bom~s on them from 30,000 feet and shooting them at ~30 feet? There is all the difference in the world. The difference is whether a nation kills noncombatants inadvertently in pursuit of a military objective or whether;L kills them by design ••••••• The difference is whether in this war, or any other war, U.S. bombs or bullets have been directed against civilians as a matter of policy-against homes, churches, schools, hospitals, orphanages - to the exclusion of purely military targets. 34
Where does the guilt lie?
The Nevada reaction includes some speculation on this question, but the -~~,-!. -, /~ -;'
focus is upon more specific corrolative questions, all involving Calley: Can
anyone judge him? Should he have been tried? Should he have been found guilty?
Probably the most disturbing question of them all: having been tried and found
guilty, should his sentence be carried out? Again, Calley as a sc:apegoat
and his following of orders are predominant themes.
Judges, juries, lawyers are not qualified to judge this case unless they have actually been in front-line combat. Even then, every battle is different. There are always errors •••••••• I could not possibly judge Lt. Calley guilty, regardless of the testimony. Only God can judge a man who is forced to kill in battle. 35
For shame America! Why are we picking on this Army officer, Lt. Calley, who was doing what he was sent to do? It's a natioanl disgrace to try a man for killing the enemy •••••••.. I would think the whole matter would never be mentioned. I wonder what some of the bleeding hearts would do if they were confronted with women and little children booby trapped to the gills and no other way out but to kill them or be killed?
Where were all the squaks when President Truman ordered the bombing of old folks and little children in World War II of the two cities in Japan? Eighty-four thousands killed and many mai(,.ed for life! Nobody seemed to object to these bombings. How premeditated can you get? 36
The conviction of Lt. Calley, U.S. Army, is without a doubt the most severe travisty of justice within the annals of U.S. Military history •••• What kind of a nation are we to ash our sons to fight for this country and then punish them for that very thing? 37
31<1
Are we to negate the jury's dLcision just because it seems to be undesirable? Do we set up a system of justice and then disband it when it issues a decision with which we disagree?
Furthermore, if we relieve Lt. Calley of responsibility for his actions because he was following orders, then I suggest we give an apology to all "innocent" Nazi soldiers who were merely following orders when they murdered defenseless Jews and were convicted at Nuremburg. Or have American ideals changed so much in the last 25 years, or worse yet, are Americans so ccrceived that they cannnot be held for war crimes? What gives us the power to judge other men without judging ourselves?
What does it mean?
Relatively few letters or editorials probed deeply into this matter. Most
of those that did, were concerned with the more explicit implications, such as
those for our Vietnam policy.
The action of Song My [My L~J and, really, the developing action throughout the entire war testifies to a gradually creeping Ferception which has reappeared and now absolutely haunts this nation ••••••••••••
The phantom perception is MacArt<:::l1ur' s fundamental a,don: "In war there is no substitute for victory." 39
The trial conviction and sentence just recently imposed on Lt. IHlliam Calley, Jr. is, in truth, the trial, conviction and sentence of American foreign policy in Southeast Asia. 40
If the comments received by the White House concerning Lt. William Calley's conviction were representative of public opinion, President Nixon should immediately withdraw every U.S. trooper from Vietnam •
. Nineth-nine of e:very 100 persons who wired or wrote the President said Calley shOUld not have been convicted. To say that is to say something else; the deaths of 22 South Vietnamese are not sufficient reason to imprison one American soldier.
Do we really feel that way? If so, the deaths of more than 45,000 American~n the defence of those same people is an absurb, horrifying national tragedy.
Think about it. More than 45,000 Americans sacrificed for a people we don't respect ••••••••••
What's going on here? What did they die for. If not for the South Vietnamese, for whom? 41
•••••• time is the one thing the American people need at this point •••• ••••••••• time for all of us to ponder as objectively as we can what ,appened at My Lai, both in its im. erliate context and in the larger ~ontext of the war, of human morality, and our nations future. 42
32
Have all Americans gone mad and become nationalistic a la Hitler's Germany that we insist on whitewashing massacres?
We seem to have so much blind sympathy for Calley. What about the babies? I did not see any rifles or grenades hidden on their naked and defenseless bodies ••••••••
The fact remains if we leave in~idents such as this unpunished we no better than the barbarians on the other side. Am nthe only person in the whole country who feels this way? 43
j"hat about the Vietnamese, especially the victims?
Here, &gain, there were remarkably few letters or editorials that addressed
this subject at any length, and even fewer that alluded to the racial questions
involved.
Do people really feel that since the small children and other civilians be shot and murdered were Vietnamese, it is ok? For the love of humanity turn it around. If a group of American women ~nd small children had beer. forced out of a hotel in Saigon and then slaughtered, these same people would be horrified and incensed at the horrible soldiers ~~ould cold bloodedly murder.
What makes Lt. Calley any different? Because he wears an American uniform does he turn into a perfect person? 44
This last letter does contain an extensive statement about the racial question
in Vietnam, but it seems largely inadvertent on the part of the author. One of
the ironies of the letter is that the author (from the Reno area) was serving in
an assignment that
Vietnamese, and the
requires a great deal of understanding and empathy for the J '; ~.:!£JA(,",-
CUPP pTogram is considered to have been one of the most effect-
ive programs implemented during the U.S. military involvement. Perhaps one can
visualize a simi liar letter being signed, William Calley, Jr.?:
I am a marine in Vietnam on my second tour. I have been wounded three
times by these poor littie "defenseless.people. I have worked my last eight months in a Combined Unified Pacification
Program. This means we live in a village with-the people and work with the South Vietnamese 'lrmy in a combined effort to keep the North Vietnru"ese and Viet Cong out of this area.
On the radio this morning we heard that Lt. Calley was found guilty
33
of premeditated murder. I personaUJam not a hippie or anything else, but an American doing a job I believe in. I perso~lly feel ..•. that the verdict is wrong •••••• I know from past personal experience that you can't trust anybody over here, no matter what sex or age •••••
You people back home don't see t~€ young and old American lives and legs and arms that are lost because some 10-year-old gook [italics mine] kid or a 35-year-old gook mother planted a mortar round on a trail.45
Discussion:
Two further questions rema~: Does the editorial and reader reaction in the Nevada newspapers reflect the opinions of the Nevadtpublic as a whole? Do these opinions coincide wi th the opinions of the Amer'can public? There are no definitive answers to these questions, but indications of the answers are available.
On April 2, 1971, the Las Vegas Sun published the results of a poll conducted - --.-~-- -
after the Calley verdict.46 A random sampling of fifty Las Vegas citizens re-
plied to questions about the verdict. Forty of the fifty felt that the court's
decision was unfair. Some of the responses considered typical by the newspaper:
"He was acting on his superior officer's orders; he should be punished, but others
should also" "The decisioon was made by higher-ups. He (Calley) could have re-
ceived the death penalty, administered on the spot, for refusing an order under
fire." "Having been in the army for four years t I know this man was trained.
Calley's statement that the lives of his men were uppermost in his mind is
perfectly acceptable to me." Forty of the fifty felt that Calley was made a scrape
goat by the army: "He is the butt of the Army face-saving instinct. A lot of
man:i.pulation went into making him a sctapegoat." "The press blew it up and the
politicians and gemerals had to alleviate the pressure from themselves." "He
was a sc:apegoat .••.•• remember the Nuremburg trials. 1I "I'm as guilty a~ he is."
Hhen asked their opinion of a proper verdict, 10 agreed with the life sentence,
15 wanted a lesser degree of punishment, 15 thought the case should have been
dismlssed, and 10 thought a 'not guilty' verdict should have heen returned:
34
"I think he should be freed because his own conscience will be his judge."
"I think he deserved imprisonment, but not for life. v "Calley's conviction
should be reversed •••••• he should be given a medal for common sense and
effectiveness." The nespaper commented that the following statement seemed to
express the immediate public reaction to the Calley decision: "I feel that its
the most unjust thing that's ever happened in this country. You don't ask
people to go over there and fight a war that's not a war, and then convict
them for murder." Other indicators of Nevada public reaction tended to confirm
the opinions expressed in this limited poll. 47 The statements in this poll and
in the other referen~es are consistent with the reactions expressed in the Nevada
newspapers.
On April 6, 1971, the results of a Gallop national poll on the same sub
ject were reported by the Las Vegas Sun. 48 Following, are some of the questions
and the responses:
"Do you approve or disapprove of the court-martial finding that Lt. Calley
is guilty of premediated murder?
Approve-9%
Disapp··ove - 79'7.
No Opinion - 1 n
"Do you disapprove of the verdict because you think what happened at N~
Lai was not a crime or because you think many others besides Lt. Calley share
the responsibility for what happened?
Not a crime· 207.
Others share responsibility-71%
No opinion; other answers-9%
"Do you think Lt.Calley is being made the sc:apegoat for the actions of
others above him, or not?
35
Yes-697.
No -12'7.
No opinion -19'7.
Other national polls show similiar results. 49 Again,it would appear
that these results are compatible with the Nevada poll results and the reactions
expressed in Nevada ne"",sIBPers. ,
36
CHAPTER VI
OBSERVATIONS
Objective Impressions
As with most papers that discuss historical events, this is certainly
not a definitive work and probably raises more questions than it answers. Some
further questions that may be worthy of additional thought and research: What
p policies govern the selection of syndicated columnisufor R particular newsraer?
A
What are the polici.es that determine which letters will be printed? Why did
hoth Reno newspapers show a consistently lower level of coverate and reaction
to the events in question, especially since their editorial policies are supposed-
ly separate? What is the relationship between political orientation or prefer-
ence and coverage of such events as the My Lai/Calley incidents? There are many
more.
The purpose of this paper was to ~etermine(at least to the extent of an
impression) the NEvada reaction to the Hy Llli/Calley incidents, not to pass
judgement on the reaction or to refute the viewpoi~ts expressed. However, a
number of tentative conclusion. or observations Cdn be made.
The amount and pattern of news coverage of Hy Lai/Calley incidents was ~
revealing. With certain exceptions, the coverage was rather extensive, especially
when considering the state and local emphasis of most of the newspapers. That the
Hy Lai massacre was recognized as a highly significant event is debatable, in
that the Tate murder story threatened to ~~ it during peak coverage of both
events. It is clear that the trial of \,j lEarn Calley was considered at least
as significant as the My Lai massacre of sever.al hundred Vietnamese civilians.
37
The amount of exposure to 'informed national reaction' in the Nevada news-
papers was somewhat surprising, eSI)ecially when compared to that 'paragon' of
national and international news coverage, the New York Times. The exposure was
extensive, both as to quanlty and the spectrum of viewpoints.
Given the extensive exposure to news coverage and informed national reaction,
one might have anticipated a relatively thoughtful local reaction to the My
Lai/Calley incidents, and in some depth. This was not always the case. Bl>th the
chronological distribution of the reactions at d the viewpoints express( d, make
it clear that the trial and conviction of C~lley was the primary focus of the
Nevadian reaction. Further, much of the reaction was marked by emotioalism, at •
the expense of logic. A psyc:,olvgical analysis of the reaction is beyond the scope
of this paper; however,an Wintolerance of ambiguityll is clearly at work, along
with certain psychological 'mechanisms' such as "selective inattention" and
II se l ec tive interpretation. II SO These mechanisms permitted the focusing on Calley's
predicatment at the expense of the massacre.
The author has noted two significant areas which received little attention
in the informed national reaction and even less in the Nc-'vada reaction: the
racial overtones to the My Lai massacre and the counter-productive effects that
the incident has had on the 'other war' in Vietnam, the nation-building effort.
The r&ci&l question is undefined, but certainly present. It would make for an
interesting area of further study. The incident's effect on the nation -building
effort in Vietnam is a manifistation of the view that atrocities such as My Lai
are more than the difference between decency and savagery, they are the differ-
ence between winning and loeing a guerrilla war. Further, an army can not win this
type of war if it loses sight of the main objective - the people it is there to
defend. ~~y this area of discussion passed almost without notice, eculd be another
38
area of further research.
Subjective Impressions
The author has particular reason to be disturbed by the Ny Lai massacre and
the American reaction to it, having served five years in Vietnam as a volunteer,
four of them working with Vietnamese military and civilian personnel. The impli-
cations for the United Staks; however, are even' ffiore disturbing. A particular
letter to an editor from a young Nevadian haunts the author of this paper because
of its unique combination of vehemence, insight, and challenge to the Army's
conscience and our national conscience:
I was not surprised that American soldiers, immersed in that brutal and brutalizing war, were able to commit an atrocity to rival the Nazis at Belson and Buchenwald. Nor was ~surprised when the army, which managed to cover up the whole business for a year, finally felt obliged to single out a scltapegoat.
What really surprised me was the angry reaction of some Americans at Calley's conviction. They are incensed that an American soldier should actually be punished for the wanton slaughter of unarmed civilian. (cnemy'gooks', after all, even kids).
Hitler, you are avenged! All that fuss about killing you, and here you are - alive and well in the land of the Good Guys! 51
Overstated? Perhaps. But consider the responses to this single question extracted from a nationdl roll conducted after the Calley trial and more than a year of disclJssion of Ny Lai: 52
If you were a ,soldier in Vietnam and were ordered by your superior officers to shoot old men, women and cnildren suspect~of aiding the enemy, would you follow orders and shoot them or would you refuse to shoot th2m?
Follo~ orders P.efuse Not sun'
437. 41 "I. 16 7.
If I were sitting in judgement on the American people (all of us: (i
soldiers, politicians, electorate, ~e'.,,) and judging our share of the
guilt for the Hy Lai massacre, my findings would be 'guilty.'
39
The semtence: for each of us to spend a life-time thinking about it.
FO<YrNOTES
I.Henry Davidoff, ed., The Pocket Book of Quotations (New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1959)p.176.
2. Ralph K. White, Nobody Wanted War (New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1970) p. 5
3. Ibid, Hhite has made an extensive examipation of the role of misperceptions in wars, especially WWII, WWII and Vietnam
4. Zada Limerick, "d., Reader's Guide to Penodical Literature, Vols. XXIX, 71 (Supplements) (New York: H.W. Wilson Co., 1970, 71); New York Times Index, Vols. LVII -LVIX (t;ew York: N.Y. Times Co., 1970,70.
5.These political designations are admitterily subjective and sibject to dispu~~ but their validity is not ~ to this paper since a comparison, political or otherwise, of Nevada newspapers is not within the major theme of this paper.
(" Calley was subsequently tried for the murder of 22 civilians, but see !:cfCOour M. Hersh, Ny L2i 4 (Nel<lYork:Randoa House, 1970, p.75.
7. Las Vegas Sun, Jan. 1, 1970,p.21.
8. Ibid ., Dec. 31, 1971, p.6.
9. William Buckley, Column, Elko Daily Free Press, Dec. 5,1969,p.2.
lO. Tom Tiede, Column, Reno Evening Gazette, Dec.20, 1969, p. 7.
11. Nax Learner, ['.Jlumn, Las Vegas Sun, Dec.2, 1969,p.:13.
12. William Buckley, Column, Elko Daily Free Press, DeC. 5, 1969,p.2.
13. WCliam Buckley, Column, Elko Daily Free Press! Apr.9, 1971 , p. 2.
14. Arthur Hoppe, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr. 7, 1971, p. 59.
15. William Buckley, Column, Elko Daily Free Press, Dec.13, 1969 p.2.
16. Tom Wicker, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Dec.8, 1969, p.28.
17. Peter Lisagcn, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr.6, 1971 p. 28.
18. Frank Mankeiwicz, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Nar.ll, 1971,p.29.
40
19. Jack Anderson, Column, ;,evada State Jou_rnal. Dec. 4, 1969, p.4.
20 Hax Lerner, Column, Las Vegas Sun, Dec.2, 1969, p.23.
21. Carl Rowan, Column, Las Vegas Sun, Dec. 2, 1969, p. 23.
22. David Poling, Column, Reno Evening Gazette, Dec.13, 1969, p. 5.
23. Reno Evening Gazette, Apri,l, 1971, p.l.
24. Tom Reston, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr. 7, 1971, p.59.
25. William Buckley, Column, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr. 7, 1971, p. 58.
26. Holmes Alexander, Column, Elko Daily Free Press, Apr. 9, 1971, p. 2.
27. David Poling, Column, Reno Evening Gazette, Dec. 13, 1969, p.5.
28. Carl Rowan, Column, Las Vegas Sun, Apr.8, 1971, p.38.
29. Editorial, Christian S·cience Monitor,n.d., quoted in Elko Daily Free Press, Apr. 17, 1971,p.2.
30. Carl Rowan, Column, LAs Vegas Sun, Apr. 8,197l,p.38.
31. Letter, Reno Evening Gazette, Apr.7,197l,p4.
12. Letter, Elko Daily Free Press, Apr.9, 1971, p. 14.
33. Letter, Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 18, 1971, p. 41.
34. Editorial, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr. 20, 1972,p. 32.
35. Letter, Reno Evening Ga;'ette, Apr. 16, 1971, p.4.
36. Letter, Nevada State Journal, Apr. 7, 1971, p.20.
37. Letter, Las Vegas Review Journal, Apr.6, 9171, P. 59.
38. Letter, Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 7, 1971, p.27.
39. Letter, Nevada State Journal, Apr. 6, 1971, p.4.
40. Letter, Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 10,1971, p.25.
41. Letter, Las Vegas Sun, Apr .11, 1971, p. 33.
42. Editorial, Las Vegas Review Journal,Apr.13,197l, p.29.
43. Letter, Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 10, 1971, p.25.
44. Ibid.
45. Letter, Reno Evening Gazette, Apr.6, 1971,p.4.
46. Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 2,1971, p.9.
47. "Inquiring Photographer~ Las Vegas Sun, Dec 10,1969, p.15;t'l,r.7, 1971; p.26;Apr. 14, 1971, p. 30
48. Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 6, 1971, p.l.
49."Harris Su-('vey'~ Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 5, 1971, pp. 1,4.
50. See White, pp. 242 -320.
51. Letter, Reno Evening Gazette,Apr. 19, 1971.
52. "Harris Survey'l Las Vegas Sun, Apr. 5, 1971, pp. 1, 4.
41
42
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Section I: Books
Hersch, Seymour M. My La! 4. New York: Random House, 1970.
Knoll, Ed"in, ed. War Crimes and the American Consciemce. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wilson, 1970.
Nighswonger, William A, Rural Pacification in Vietnam. New York: Fredick A. Praeger, 1968.
White, Ralph K. Nobody Wanteo War. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1970.
SectionII: Periodicals
Elko Daily Free Press (Nevada), Nov.16,1969 - Jan. 3, 1070; MH. I, 1971-Apr. 18, 1971.
Las Vegas Review Journal,Nov. 16, 1969- Jan.3,1970; Mar.l, 1971 _ Apr.ls, 1971.
Las Vegas Sun, Nov. 16, 1969 - Jan3, 1970; Mar. 1, 1971 _ Apr. 20,1971; Dec. 31, 1971.
Limerick, Zada, ed. Headers' Guide to Periodic Literature. Vols XXIV,71 (Supplements) New York: H.W. Wilson Co., 1970, 71.
Nevada State Journal (Reno) Nov. 16, 1969-Jan.3, 1970; Mar. 1,1971-Apr. 19, 1971.
Reno Evening Gazette, Nov.16, 1969 - Jan.3. 1970; Mar. I, 1971 -Apr. 19,1971.
New York Times, Nov. 16, 1969 - Jan.3, 1970; Mar. I, 1971 - Apr. 18, 1971.
New York Times Index, Vols. LVII - LVIX. New York: N.Y. Times Co., 1970,71.
J}
