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A THESIS � �������� � ����� ���� ������� ���� ���������������� ����� ���
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A THESIS �� ��� �� ���� ���� ��� ���� ��������� ���� ���������
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CENTER FOR PERFORMING ARTS, ABUJA: A Study of the Methods for Improving Accessibility and Increasing Participation of
People with Disabilities
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NNODIM NKIRUKA JENNIFERPG/MSc./07/46646
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A Study of the Methods for Improving Accessibility and Increasing Participation of
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NNODIM NKIRUKA JENNIFER
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CENTER FOR PERFORMING ARTS, ABUJA:
A Study of the Methods for Improving Accessibility and Increasing Participation of People with Disabilities
An M.Sc. THESIS PROJECT REPORT
BY
NNODIM NKIRUKA JENNIFER
PG/MSc./07/46646
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE
FACULTY OF ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA
ENUGU CAMPUS
MARCH, 2011
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CENTER FOR PERFORMING ARTS, ABUJA:
A Study of the Methods for Improving Accessibility and Increasing Participation of People with Disabilities
An M.Sc. THESIS PROJECT REPORT
BY
NNODIM NKIRUKA JENNIFER
PG/MSc./07/46646
SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF POST GRADUATE STUDIES, FACULTY OF ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES, DEPARTMENT OF
ARCHITECTURE, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, ENUGU CAMPUS.
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF M.Sc DEGREE IN ARCHITECTURE.
MARCH, 2011
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TITLE PAGE
CENTER FOR PERFORMING ARTS, ABUJA:
A Study of the Methods for Improving Accessibility and Increasing Participation of People with Disabilities
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CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that this thesis titled ‘A PROPOSED CENTER FOR
PERFORMING ARTS, ABUJA: A Study of the Methods for Improving
Accessibility and Increasing Participation of People with Disabilities’ is an
original research work undertaken by NNODIM NKIRUKA JENNIFER,
with Reg. No. PG/M.Sc./07/46646 of the Department of Architecture, Faculty
of Environmental Studies, University Of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, under the
able supervision of Arc F.O. Uzuegbunam. The work embodied in this
research has not been submitted in part or full for any other diploma or degree
in this or any other University.
NNODIM, NKIRUKA JENNIFER DATE
(Student)
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ARC. F.O. UZUEGBUNAM DATE
(Supervisor)
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ARC. F.O. UZUEGBUNAM DATE
(Head of Department)
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DEDICATION
This thesis is dedicated to God almighty, to my parents, Mr. and Mrs. B. N.
Nnodim, and also to my siblings: Ikenna Nnodim, Chineye Nnodim, Kelechi
Nnodim and Uchechi Nnodim.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
There have been many people responsible in addition for my coming this far.
At the top of my list is God, who has proved to be alive and living in my life.
He is truly my glory and the lifter of my head. Because you live, Jesus, I live.
Next, Iwill like to appreciate my supervisor Arc F.O. Uzuegbunam. You have
indeed been a great help and inspiration, thank you sir. Dr. Akubue Jideofor,
your unflinching support has driven me on. Thank you very much, sir.
My mother, Mrs. Joy Nnodim, thank you for believing in me even when I
doubted myself, putting me through school and ensuring that I studied the
course of my choice. Thank you for letting me know that there are no limits to
what I can achieve. You have taught me love, bravery, faithfulness and
commitment.
My parents, Mr. and Mrs. B. C Nnodim, you have both been wonderful in
different capacities. Kelechi, Uche, Chy and Ikenna, you made my life
dramatic. I couldn’t ask for better siblings. You guys taught me laughter and
friendship.
Engr. Isaac Udezue and family, Engr. Obum Mabia, Arc. Kelechi Ezeike, Mr
Eduzor, Joshua Adebisi, Abuchi Orakwelu, Chinasa Mabia and Mrs. Nnewa
Mabia, you have taught me to stand when my back is against the ropes.
Barakatu Mohammed, Jude Iweze, Alfred Umoru, Yvonne Odumah and
Martins Utsu, you guys taught me that we do not make friends in this world-
we recognise them!
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Pastor Ben Uzoma, Pastor Chris Oyahkilome, Pastor David Ogbueli, Pastor
Edwin Biayebo, Pastor Kanny, Pastor Tim Maduka, Pastor John, Pastor
Emeka, Pastor C.J, Pastor Justice, PCJ, Sammie, Andrew, Chioma and all
members of Shekinah Assembly International Churches and House on the
Rock- The Word House, thank you for doing your part in helping me grow in
the things of God and keeping me focused on my purpose in life.
Junior Agbaje, Bankole Williams, Ibrahim Suleiman, Fatihi Agbaje, Julian
Toba, Eddie Sampson, Enabe Ebam and all members of Youth with a Purpose,
thank you for sharpening me through the years by your passion and dedication
to the work of God, you have taught me teamwork in an army that does not
break ranks.
My Mentor, Dr. Charles Ononiwu, thank you for mapping out a pathway for
me. You have taught me purpose, focus, vision, hope and the love of God.
Words cannot express how grateful I am to God for the gift of you. Only God
can reward you openly for all the help you have rendered secretly.
The M.Sc 2 Architecture class of 2009 and 2010, it has been quite a journey
and I am glad I made it with you all. See you at the top!
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ABSTRACT
People with disabilities do not participate in the performing arts as much as the
able-bodied population largely because the existing centers for performing arts
have not been adequately accessible to them. The purpose of this study was to
provide solutions to the accessibility problems in such centers. The investigation
into this problem initially examined the historical significance of the social
construction of disability, the developments of the performing arts, and the
evolution of associated government and corporate policies. In order to gain an
understanding of the specific elements in the current accessibility problems in
centers for performing arts, existing literature was consulted as well as
international building codes, interviews were conducted with a range of
representatives of people with disabilities during which a list of criteria was
derived from the United Nations Accessibility Design Manual and the
Architectural Access Board requirement for Places of Assembly. These criteria
were used as a guide to test existing local and international centers for performing
arts for their degree of accessibility. The study clearly identified that most local
performing art centers in Nigeria are not accessible, and most accessible foreign
centers were recently renovated. The barriers to accessibility in such centers
include steps at entrances of buildings and stage areas, pavement furniture,
narrow corridors, lack of platform lifts, lack of wheelchair spaces and lack of
accessible restrooms.
Addressing the issues in these areas will significantly increase accessibility,
allowing people with disabilities to participate more effectively in the performing
arts.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page……………………………………………………………...…i
Certification……………………………………………………………..ii
Dedication……………………………………………………………….iii
Acknowledgement………………………………………………………iv
Abstract…………………………………………………………………vi
Table of Contents…………………………………………………..….vii
List of Tables…………………………………………………………….xxiii
List of Figures…………………………………………………………..xxiv
List of Plates……………………………………………………………xxxi
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of study ......................................................................1
1.2 Statement Of Problem.....................................................................4
1.3 Aim of Study..................................................................................5
1.4 Objectives of the Study..................................................................5
1.5 Research Questions……................................................................6
1.6 Motivation.....................................................................................6
1.7 Significance of the Study...............................................................8
1.8 Project Justification.......................................................................10
1.9 Research Methodology..................................................................12
1.10 Scope of the Study........................................................................13
1.11 Area of Study................................................................................14
References: Chapter One ………………………......................................17
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
2.1 Historical Background.......................................................................19
2.1.1 History of Disability………………………………………………19
(a)Early Western Civilizations……………………………………....19
(b) Victorian Era……………………………………………………24
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(c) Western Judea- Christian Society………………………......27
(d) Renaissance………………………………………………………29
(e) Early Twentieth Century…………………………………………31
2.1.2 History of Accessibility...............................................................34
2.1.3 Disability Rights Movement........................................................34
(a) History…………………………………………………..36
(b) Timeline………………………………………………………38
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(iii) 1970s…………………………………………….39
(iv) 1980s……………………………………………..40
(v) 1990s……………………………………………..41
2.1.4 Organizations For /Of People with Disabilities……….………..41
2.1.5 History and Development of the Performing Arts......................43
(a) Renaissance…………………………………………………44
(b) Modern Era………………………………………………….44
(c)Post-War Performance………………………………………46
2.2 Theoretical Framework......................................................................47
2.2.1 The Evolution of the International Classification of Impairment,
Disability and Handicap......................................................................47
2.2.2 Approaches to Disability……………………………………….52
2.2.3 The Social Model of Disability...................................................54
2.2.4 Types of Disabilities....................................................................62
2.2.4.1 Mobility Impairments…………………………………….62
(a) Adaptive Techniques and Aids…………………………………….62
(i)Cane…………………………………………………………63
(ii)Crutches……………………………………………………63
(iii) Canes, crutches, and forearm crutch combinations……….64
(iv)Walkers…………………………………………………….64
(v)Wheelchairs and Scooters…………………………………65
(vi) Stairlifts and similar devices………………………………65
(vii) Others…………………………………………………….65
2.2.4.2 Visual Impairment…………………………………………….65
(a)Adaptive Techniques and Aids……………………………..68
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(b)Mobility……………………………………………………..69
(c)Reading and magnification………………………………….71
(d)Computers…………………………………………………..72
(e)Other aids and techniques…………………………………...73�
2.2.5 Disability in Africa.....................................................................75
2.2.6 Disability in Nigeria....................................................................78
2.2.6.1 Provision of Disability Services in Nigeria.......................80
2.2.6.2 The Disability Rights Movement in Nigeria.....................81
(a) The Joint National Association of Persons with Disabilities
(JONAPWD)……………………………………………………..82
(b) Association for Comprehensive Empowerment of Nigerians
With Disabilities (ASCEND)………………………………….83
2.2.6.3 Barriers to Social Inclusion of People with
Disabilities in Nigeria.........................................................................83
2.2.6.4 The Nigerian Policy Context With Regard To
Disability Issues...............................................................................86
2.2.7 Disability in the Arts…………………………………….……......88
������������������������������������������������������������(a)AXIS Dance Company…………………………………….89
(b)Candoco…………………………………………………….89
(c)DV8 Physical Theater………………………………………89
(d)Remix Dance Project……………………………………….90
(e)Nicu's Spoon Theater Company…………………………….90
2.2.8 Disability Performance Art.............................................................90
(a)Graeae Theatre Company……………………………...92
(b)PHAMALY……………………………………………93
(c)Theater Breaking Through Barriers…………………….93
2.2.9 People with Disabilities in the Performing Arts.............................93
(a) Blind Tom" Wiggins………………………………….94
(b)Christopher Reeve……………………………….……94
(c)Cobhams Asuquo……………………………………..94
(d)Dana Elcar…………………………………………..…94
(e)Ian Dury……………………………………….…….…94
(f) Sarah Bernhardt……………………………………..…94
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(g)Stevie Wonder…………………………………….……94
(h)Sudha Chandran………………………………….…….95
2.2.10 Accessibility......................................................................................95
2.2.10.1Transportation……………………………………….………96
��������������������������������������(a)Accessibility planning……………………………………..98
(b)Low floor…………………………………………………..99�
2.2.10.2Housing…………………………………………………….100
��������������������������������������(a)Adaptations and accommodations……………………….102
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2.2.10.3 Telecommunications and Information Technology
(IT) Access…………………………………………,……...............103
2.2.10.4 Meeting and Conference Access………………………......105
(a) Mobility access…………………………………………105
(b) Hearing access………………………………………….105
(c) Sight access…………………………………………….106
(d) Other issues…………………………………………….106
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2.2.10.5 Test Accessibility………………………………………….106
2.2.11 Education of People with Disabilities in the Performing Arts......108
(a)The National Theatre of the Deaf Professional Theatre School for
Deaf Theatre Personnel……………………………………………………..108
(b)The National Theatre Workshop of the Handicapped………..109
2.2.12 The Provision Of Accessible Features In Performing Arts
Theatres in Nigeria...................................................................................110
2.2.13 Elements of Accessibility in the Built Environment......................111
(a)Audio description……………………………………………....111
(b)Braille Signage………………………………………………….112
(c)Continuous accessible path of travel……………………………112
(d)Ramps…………………………………………………………………112
(e)Platform lifts………………………………………………………….112
(f)Pathways………………………………………………………………113
(g)Obstructions…………………………………………………………..113
(h)Universal accessway………………………………………….113
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2.3 Case Studies.........................................................................................114
2.3.1 Case Study 1: Eastman (Kodak) Theater Rochester,
New York……………………………………………………..115
2.3.2 Case Study 2: Sydney Opera House, Australia..........................126
2.3.3 Case Study 3: The Lincoln Center for Performing Arts…….....133
2.3.4 Case Study 4: The Maui Arts and Cultural Center, Hawaii........141
2.3.5 Case Study 5: The National Arts Theatre, Lagos………………148
2.3.6 Case Study 6: Oduduwa Hall, Oau Ile-Ife, Osun State………..156
2.3.7 Case Study 7: Calabar Cultural Center………………………...162
2.3.8 Summary of Findings………………………………………..…170
References: Chapter Two........................................................................172
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 GENERAL PLANNING PRINCIPLES AND DESIGN
CONSIDERATIONS
3.1 Parking.................................................................................................178
(a)Number …………………………………………………………….178
(b)Location ……………………………………………………………178
(c)Dimensions …………………………………………………………178
(d)Parking curb………………………………………………………….179
(e)Curbside parking……………………………………………………..180
(f) Drop-off areas …………………………………………………………….180
(g)Surface ……………………………………………………………….181
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(a)Ramp configuration ………………………………………………182
(b)Width……………………………………………………………... 183
(c)Slope ……………………………………………………………...183
(d)Landings…………………………………………………………..184
(e)Handrail…………………………………………………………..184
(f)Surface…………………………………………………………….185
(g)Tactile marking……………………………………………………185
(h)Drainage ………………………………………………………….185
(i)Mechanical Ramps………………………………………………..185
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3.3 Elevators..............................................................................................185
(a)Elevator cab ………………………………………………………186
(b)Control panel ……………………………………………………..187
(c)Call buttons ………………………………………………………187
(d)Floor identifiers ………………………………………………….188
(e) Hall signal ………………………………………………………188
(f)Door re-opening activators ……………………………………188
(g)Audiovisual signals ……………………………………………188
(h)Floor surface …………………………………………………..188
(i)Colour ………………………………………………………….188
3.4 Platform Lifts..................................................................................189
(a)Vertical movement platform lifts ……………………………..189
(b)Inclined movement platform lifts ……………………………..190
(c)Lift size ………………………………………………………..191
3.5 Stairs.................................................................................................191
(a)Width ………………………………………………………….192
(b)Landing………………………………………………………..192
(c)Nosing …………………………………………………………193
(d)Handrails ………………………………………………………193
(e)Tactile marking ………………………………………………..194
(f) Surface ………………………………………………………..194
(g)Emergency stairs ………………………………………………194
(h)Mechanical stairs (escalators) ………………………………….194
3.6 Railings And Handrails.....................................................................195
(a)Height …………………………………………………………195
(b) Mounting …………………………………………………….196
(c)Form ………………………………………………………….197
(d)Handrails for ramps and stairs ……………………………….197
(e)Wall-mounted handrails ……………………………………...198
(f)Tactile marking ……………………………………………….198
(g)Colour …………………………………………………….......198
3.7 Entrances.........................................................................................199
(a)Signs ………………………………………………………….200
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(b)Entrance landing ……………………………………………..200
(c)Threshold …………………………………………………….201
(d)Colour ……………………………………………………….201
3.8 Vestibules ......................................................................................201
(a)Layout………………………………………………………………202
3.9 Doors..............................................................................................203
(a)Door types…………………………………………………….203
(b)Door opening …………………………………………………205
(c)Manual door hardware ………………………………………..206
(d)Automatic doors hardware ……………………………………207
(e)Threshold …………………………………………………….207
(f) Exit doors landing ……………………………………………207
(g)Glazing and glazed doors ……………………………………208
(h)Kick plates ……………………………………………………208
(i)Signage ………………………………………………………..208
(j)Colour …………………………………………………………208
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(a)Width …………………………………………………………209
(b)Obstructions…………………………………………………..210
3.11 Restrooms.......................................................................................211
(a)Public rest rooms …………………………………………….212
(b)Special public rest rooms………………………………………….213
(c)Rest room fixtures……………………………………………213
(d) Urinals……………………………………………………..216
(e)Rest room door ………………………………………………...216
(f)Accessories ……………………………………………………216
(g)Grab bars ……………………………………………………..216
(h)Mirrors ……………………………………………………….217
(i)Faucets ……………………………………………………….217
(j)Flooring……………………………………………………….218
(k) Alarms………………………………………………………218
(l)Pipes………………………………………………………….218
3.12 Places of Assembly...............................................................................218
(a) Number of Accessible Seats………………………………..219
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(b)Armless seats . ……………………………………………..219
(c)Accessible Space…………………………………………….220
(d)Placement of Wheelchair Spaces …………………………..220
(e)Distribution..………………………………………………..220
(f)Exception ……………………………………………………221
(g)Accessible Route: ………………………………………….221
(h)Companion seats:……………………………………………221
(i)Placement of Accessible Seats………………………………221
(j)Assistive Listening Systems…………………………………221
(k)Placement of Listening Systems ……………………………222
(l)Signage…………………………………………………………222
(m)Access to Performing Areas…………………………………..222
(n)Box Office Ticket Counters and Concession Stands …………223
References: Chapter Three.......................................................................224
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
4.0 Site Location Study...................................................................................225
(a)Abuja……………………………………………………………225
(b)History………………………………………………………….226
(c) Administration…………………………………………………227
(d)Economy………………………………………………………..230
(e)Socio-Cultural Factors…………………………………………..230
(f)Demographics……………………………………………………230
(g)Existing Land Uses and Future Trends………………………….231
4.1 Site Analysis..............................................................................................232
(a)Site location…………………………………………………….232
(b)Access and Circulation…………………………………………234
(c)Temperature…………………………………………………….235
(d)Rainfall…………………………………………………………236
(e)Relative Humidity………………………………………………236
(f)Slope of Land……………………………………………………237
(g)Utilities……………………………………………………….238
(h)Views and Vistas……………………………………………..238
(i)Noise Pollution……………………………………………….238
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(j)Vegetation…………………………………………………….239
(i)The Park or Grassy Savannah…………………………239
(ii)The Savannah Woodland…………………………….239
(iii)The Shrub Savannah…………………………………240
4.2 Space/ functional Analysis...................................................................240
4.3 Design Criteria.....................................................................................242
(a)The proscenium or picture-frame stage………………242
(b)Seating Capacity………………………………………243
(c)Size of the Auditorium………………………………..243
(d)Length of rows………………………………………..245
(e)Exits, escape routes……………………………………245
(f)Volume of room……………………………………….245
(g)Proportions of the auditorium…………………………245
(h)Width of the auditorium……………………………….246
(i)Elevation of seating…………………………………….246
(j)Acoustics……………………………………………….247
(k)Heating, Cooling and Ventilation……………………...247
References: Chapter Four............................................................................248
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 DESIGN SYNTHESIS
5.1 Design Concept..........................................................................................279
5.2 Design Contribution....................................................................................252
5.3 Recommendations and Conclusion.............................................................252
(a)Choice……………………………………………………………….…253
(b)Spontaneity………………………………………………………….…253
(c)Aspirations……………………………………………………………..254
(d)Empowerment…………………………………………………………254
(e)Quality……………………………………………………………..….254
(f)Financial means……………………………………………………..…254
(g)Overall satisfaction…………………………………………………….254
(h)Inclusion and integration………………………………………………255
(i)Assistance and support…………………………………………………255
(j)Public attitudes…………………………………………………………255
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(k)Accessibility…………………………………………………………..255
(l)Non-discrimination:…………………………………………………....255
(m)Safety/Risk …………………………………………………………..256
References: Chapter Five.................................................................................257
Bibliography………………………………………………………………...258
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1: Accessibility of Eastman Theater………………………………..126
Table 2.2: Accessibility of Sydney Opera House…………………………..132
Table 2.3: Accessibility of the Lincoln Center……………………………..141
Table 2.4: Accessibility of MACC………………………………………....147
Table 2.5: Accessibility of the National Theater, Lagos……………………156
Table 2.6: Accessibility of Oduduwa Hall, Ile-Ife………………………….162
Table 2.7: Accessibility of Cultural Center, Calabar………………………..170
Table 2.8: Summary of findings……………………………………………171
Table 3.1: Slope…………………………………………………………….183
Table 4.1: Documented land use analysis for Abuja, the new FCT……….232
Table 4.2: Annual mean minimum temperature, 2003-2007……………….235
Table 4.3: Annual mean maximum temperature, 2003-2007………………236
Table 4.4: Annual mean rainfall, 2003-2007………………………………236
Table 4.5: Annual mean relative humidity at 1500 GMT, 2003-2007…….237
Table 4.6: Space/functional analysis……………………………………….242
LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 2.1: Seating chart, Eastman (Kodak) theater…………………………117
Fig. 2.2: First Floor Lobby/Recital Hall Level, Eastman theater………….118
Fig. 2.3: Eastman Theater Second Floor Mezzanine Level………………..119
Fig 2.4: Eastman Theater Third Floor: Balcony/Faculty Studio Level……120
Fig. 2.5: Eastman Theater Fourth Floor Plan: Rehearsal Hall Level………121
Fig. 2.6: Eastman Theater, Fifth Floor Plan: Control Room Level………..122
Fig 2.7: Site Plan, Sydney Opera House, Australia………………………..128
Fig 2.8: Floor Plan, Sydney Opera House, Australia………………………129
Fig 2.9: Section through Sydney Opera House, Australia…………………129
Fig. 2.10: Site location, Lincoln center…………………………………….135
Fig. 2.11: Site plan showing accessible parking facilities, wheelchair
access and construction……………………………………………………136
Fig. 2.12: Floor plan, New York State Theater……………………………138
Fig. 2.13: Site Plan, Muai Arts and Cultural ………………………………142
Fig.2.14: Floor plan of Maui Arts and Cultural Center……………………143
Fig. 2.15: The stage of Maui Arts and Cultural Center……………………144
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Fig. 2.16: Dressing room area, MACC………………………………….144
Fig. 2.17: Site Plan of the National Theater, Lagos……………………..149
Fig. 2.18: Level One Floor Plan of the National Theater, Lagos……….150
Fig. 2.19: Level Two floor Plan, National Theater, Lagos ……………..151
Fig. 2.20: Level Three Floor Plan, National Theater, Lagos…………...152
Fig. 2.21: Section through the National Theater, Lagos………………...153
Fig. 2.22: Site plan, Oduduwa Hall, Ile-Ife…………………………….157
Fig. 2.23: Level One Plan, Oduduwa Hall……………………………..158
Fig. 2.24: Level Two Plan, Oduduwa Hall, Ile-Ife…………………….158
Fig. 2.25: Ground Floor Plan, Cultural Center, Calabar……………….164
Fig. 2.26: First Floor Plan, Cultural Center Calabar……………………165
Fig. 2.27: Stage Areas, Cultural Center Calabar………………………..166
Fig 2. 28: Summary of findings…………………………………………171
Fig. 3.1: Minimum width……………………………………………….179
Fig. 3.2: Accessible aisle………………………………………………..179
Fig. 3.3: Additional space.……………………………………………..179
Fig. 3.4: Bollards……………………………………………………….180
Fig. 3.5: Wheel stops………………………………………………..180
Fig 3.6: Drop-off areas………………………………………………181
Fig. 3.7: Signs………………………………………………………..181
Fig. 3.8: Straight run……………………………………………….182
Fig. 3.9: 90 turn……………………………………………………182
Fig. 3.10: Switch back or 180 turn…………………………………182
Fig 3.11: Ramp slope………………………………………………..182
Fig. 3.12: Handrails on ramps……………………………………….184
Fig. 3.13: Minimum dimensions…………………………………….186
Fig. 3.14: Handrail on three sides…………………………………...186
Fig. 3.15: Locations for control panel……………………………….187
Fig. 3.16: Call buttons……………………………………………….187
Fig. 3.17: Adjacent to stairs…………………………………………189
Fig. 3.18: Doors at different levels…………………………………..189
Fig. 3.19: Variety of opening……………………………………….190
Fig. 3.20: Lateral movement…………………………………………190
Fig. 3.21: Suspended movement……………………………………..190
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Fig. 3.22: Minimum width…………………………………………..190
Fig. 3.23: Staircases to be avoided………………………………….191
Fig. 3.24: Landing with tactile marks……………………………….191
Fig. 3.25: Landing with handrails…………………………………..192
Fig. 3.26: Nosing……………………………………………………192
Fig. 3.27: Stairs with intermediate rails…………………………….193
Fig. 3.28: Mechanical stairs…………………………………………193
Fig. 3.29: Height of handrail………………………….……………..195
Fig. 3.30: Low curb for wheelchair users……………………………195
Fig. 3.31: Forms of handrails………………………………………..197
Fig. 3.32: Handrail extensions…………………………………........197
Fig. 3.33: Space between handrail and wall…………………………198
Fig. 3.34: Handrail and recess……………………………………….198
Fig. 3.35: Accessible entrance……………………………………….199
Fig. 3.36: Identification of an accessible entrance…………………..199
Fig. 3.37: Door opening outwards…………………………………..200
Fig. 3.38: Door opening inwards……………………………..…….200
Fig: 3.39: Jute door mats……………………………………………201
Fig. 3.40: Outward-swinging……………………………………….202
Fig. 3.41: Double-swinging…………………………………………202
Fig. 3.42: Swinging in the same direction………………………….205
Fig. 3.43: Inward-swinging…………………………………………205
Fig. 3.44: Automatic sliding door……………………………….….203
Fig. 3.45: Automatic swinging door………………………………..203
Fig. 3.46: Adjacent swinging door………………………………….204
Fig.3.47: Narrow spaces…………………………………………….204
Fig. 3.48: Door opening……………………………………………. 205
Fig. 3.49: Clear opening of door…………………………………….205
Fig. 3.50: Double-leaf doors…………………………………………206
Fig. 3.51: Operational devices on doors……………………………..206
Fig. 3.52: 900 turns……………………………………………………209
Fig. 3.53: Width of corridor…………………………………………..209
Fig. 3.54: 1800 turns…………………………………………………..210
Fig. 3.55: Manoeuvrability through doors……………………………210
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Fig. 3.56: Unobstructed passage……………………………………..210
Fig. 3.57: Overhanging obstacles…………………………………….210
Fig. 3.58: Parallel approach…………………………………………..211
Fig. 3.59: The diagonal approach……………………………………211
Fig. 3.60: Perpendicular approach……………………………………212
Fig. 3.61: Frontal approach…………………………………………..212
Fig. 3.62: Minimum requirements……………………………………213
Figs. 3.63 and 3.64: Minimum requirements for accessible
rest room fixtures……………………………………………………214
Fig. 3.65: Accessible seating………………………………………...220
Fig. 3.66: Access to performing areas……………………………….222
Fig. 4.1: Map of Nigeria showing Abuja…………………………….226
Fig. 4.2: Phase I and II represents Abuja city on a map of FCT,
Coordinates: 9° N 10° E……………………..………………………228
Fig. 4.3: The five districts of Abuja phase I…………………………..229
Fig. 4.4: Location of the site …………………………………………233
Fig. 4.5: land use analysis ……………………………………………234
Fig.4.6: Access into the site …………………………………………235
Fig. 4.7: Slope of the site…………………………………………….237
Fig. 4.8: Noise sources…………………………………………….…238
Fig. 4.9: Site zoning………………………………………………….239
Fig. 4.10: proscenium or picture-frame stage……………………….243 Fig. 4.11: Minimum dimensions of fixed, self-folding seats……….244
Fig. 4.12: Row width: 16 seats……………………………………..244
Fig. 4.13: Auditorium width………………………………………..245
Fig. 4.14: Floor plan of two-row vision…………………………….246
Fig. 4.15: Section of two-row vision………………………………..247
Fig. 5.1: A key………..……………………………………….….....249
Fig. 5.2: Functional flow of the proposed center for performing arts..251
Fig. 5.3: Design concept…………………………………………......252
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LIST OF PLATES Plate 2.1: Forearm Crutch…………………………………………………65
Plate 2.2: Folded long cane……………………………………………….70
Plate 2.3: Watch for the blind…………………………………………….72
Plate 2.4: A tactile feature on a Canadian banknote7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 8874
Plate 2.5: The internationally recognized symbol for accessibility………96
Plate 2.6: Accessibility to all buses is provided in Curitiba's
public transport system, Brazil7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 898
Plate 2.7: An accessible car……………………………………………..98
Plate 2.8: Façade, Eastman Theater…………………………………….123
Plate 2.9: Façade from Gibbs Street……………………………………123
Plate 2.10: An entrance into Sydney Opera House, Australia………….130
Plate 2.11: the Lincoln center…………………………………………..137
Plate 2.12: Facade of MACC…………………………………………..145
Plate 2.13: Facade of the National Theater, Lagos , showing the
accessible lower entrance, ramped entrance to the main bowl
and accessible parking close to the entrance……………………………153
Plate 2.14: Facade of Oduduwa Hall……………………………………….159
Plate 2.15: lobby of Oduduwa Hall…………………………………………159
Plate 2.16: Main entrance with grand stairs and drop- off point below……167
Plate 2.17: Drop- off point which could be used by people with disabilities.167
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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Heidegger (2001) defined art as the means by which a community develops for
itself a medium for self expression and interpretation. Art could be classified as
non-material or material art; some art takes the form of material production,
and many utilitarian items have artistic qualities. Material arts include painting,
pottery, sculpture, textile and clothing. Other forms of art such as music or
acting reside in the mind and body and take expression as performance. This is
regarded as non-material art which basically includes music, dance and
dramatic arts, storytelling and written narratives (Barnes, 2008).
Performing arts are a form of non-visual art which are concerned with a space
for a live performance experienced by an audience within a set period of time.
The performing arts offer the individual certain aesthetic experiences as well as
a sense of belonging to a community. Experiences such as traditional dances,
and masquerade displays generally take place on social occasions where groups
come together for recreation or the celebration of festivals, the performance of
rites and ceremonies or the worship of divinities. Traditional performances
therefore take place on a variety of social settings. The performance itself
generally takes into account not only the aim of the occasion, but also the
emotional needs of the participants.
For people with disabilities, the performing arts provide more than the sum of
its parts. As well as bringing entertainment, it brings hope that they can plunge
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into other worlds to escape their present predicament; Dramas can be
understood without being watched by people who are visually impaired, music
can be appreciated with or without sight and some of the most amazing
performing artists in the world have had a form of disability. Among these are
Stevie Wonder, Ray Charles, Blind Tom Wiggins, Christopher Reeve,
Cobhams Asuquo and Ian Dury.
The performing arts in Nigeria are gaining more acclaim both as a means of
increasing the Gross National Profit and rebranding Nigeria. The language of
the performing arts can be understood by every culture and nation because of
its universal nature. Over the last decade, interest has risen in the performing
arts in Nigeria as can be seen in the number of competitions put together by
different organizations. These competitions include the Nigerian Idol
Competition, the Glo Naija Sings Competition, the Malta Guiness Street Dance
Competition, and The Next Movie Star Competition, in which large cash
prizes, cars and careers are offered to winners.
As alluring and exiting as these competitions are for people with a talent in the
performing arts, people with disabilities have been disqualified without being
given a chance by social, psychological and physical barriers such as steps,
pavement furniture, inability to read visual cues (like street signs), lack of
railings, imperceptible kerb cuts (dropped kerbs), door location, door handles,
lack of surface textures, and gradient, which lock them out of centers for
performing arts.
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Accessibility can be defined as the extent to which a building or facility can be
used by people with varying abilities (DDA, 1995). Accessibility can also be
defined as equality; the degree to which an environment, product, website or
service is accessible or usable by people of all abilities. For people with
disabilities this means not only equal physical access but access to the same
tools, services, facilities and opportunities (social, political, financial,
educational, employment) as non-physically challenged people (Odufuwa,
2007). Accessibility enhances disabled people’s rights to participate equally in
societal development (Guerra, 2003). Accessibility is therefore directly
proportional to participation of people with disabilities in performing art
centers and an improvement of accessible facilities will lead to increased
participation of people with disabilities in performing art centers.
According to Marcos and Gonzales (2003), accessibility refers to activities
associated with making facilities friendlier to people with disabilities; this
includes the installation of ramps for those in wheel chairs, the provision of
paths, lifts, handrails, clear directional signs, kerb cuts, circulation room, wide
doorway, hobbles showers, lowered counters and telephones. These elements
should be co-coordinated as a continuous accessible way (Darcy, 1998).
The World Health Organization (WHO, 1992) viewed disability using the
International Classification of Impairments; Disabilities and Handicaps
(ICIDH) as “any restriction or lack (resulting from an impairment) of ability to
perform an activity in the manner or within the range considered normal for a
human being”.
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People with disabilities comprise approximately 10% of the world’s
population, 75% of whom live in developing countries, and constitute one of
the most poor, marginalised and socially excluded groups in any society
(DFID, 2005). People with disabilities, irrespective of where they live, are
statistically more likely to be unemployed, illiterate, to have less formal
education, and have less access to developed support networks and social
capital than their able-bodied counterparts. Consequently, disability is both a
cause and consequence of poverty (Yeo, 2005).
Essentially, this research seeks to study the methods for improving
accessibility and thus, increasing the participation of patrons with disabilities in
a center for performing arts, as they are an integral part of the society, with
equal rights as everyone else and constitute a large chunk of our country.
1.2 STATEMENT OF ARCHITECTURAL PROBLEM
Issues of accessibility of people with disabilities into public buildings in
Nigeria have deep roots in the myths associated with disability (Lang & Upah,
2008). Widespread prejudice towards the disabled exists in many homes and
communities. Gellman (1959) attributes such prejudice towards the disabled by
the non-disabled in modern society to three deep and often unconscious
mechanisms:
(i) A belief that physical abnormality is a retribution for evil, and hence the
disabled person is evil and dangerous;
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(ii) A belief that a disabled person has been unjustly punished and is therefore
under compulsion to do an evil act to balance the injustice and hence that he is
dangerous;
(iii) The projection of one's own unacceptable impulses upon the disabled, and
hence that he is evil and dangerous.
Architecture is a reflection of the lifestyle of a people. These beliefs and
attitudes are reflected in public buildings which have no provision of
accessibility for people with disabilities. A critical look at the Cultural Center,
Calabar and the Oduduwa Hall, Ile Ife indicates that accessibility of people
with mobility impairments was not a major consideration in the designs. There
is inadequate provision of ramps, stairlifts and elevators within and around the
buildings, and the imposing entrance stairs are enough to keep people with
disabilities away. If access into these buildings is difficult, then access to the
stage is impossible and this has thwarted the dreams of many people with
disabilities who have talent or love for the performing arts.
1.3 AIM OF STUDY
This research is aimed at improving accessibility in order to increase the
participation of people with disabilities in the patronage of the proposed center
for performing arts, Abuja.
1.4 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY
The specific research objectives were:
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1. To study the accessibility problems of people with disabilities in public
buildings;
2. To identify key architectural elements of accessibility in performing arts
centers;
3. To identify design principles that will improve accessibility of people
with disabilities;
4. To determine the methods of improving accessibility of people with
disabilities in public buildings; and
5. To propose a design of an aesthetically pleasing center for performing
arts that will be accessible to people with and without a disability within the
stage and/or in the audience.
1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. What are the accessibility problems for people with disabilities?
2. What are the key elements of accessibility in buildings?
3. Can accessibility in centers for performing arts be improved?
4. What design principles can be applied to achieve accessibility?
1.6 MOTIVATION
Accessibility enhances disabled people’s rights to participate equally in societal
development (Guerra, 2003). Accessibility gives people with disabilities an
equal platform to compete with their non-disabled counterparts. It therefore
provides an opportunity to a once segregated group to become what they want to
be. The fight for accessibility in the performing arts can be likened to the fight
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for equal rights and participation of African-Americans in schools, workplaces,
politics and public infrastructure. Today, America has a black president- which
would have been an impossible feat thirty years ago.
African- Americans were granted access to the same facilities as their white
counterparts and this led to an increase in their participation in sports, music,
politics, performing arts, and other sectors of the economy. In the same vein, an
improvement in the accessibility of people with disabilities to centers for
performing arts will lead to their increased participation, since it has already
been established that they have an interest in the performing arts.
In the craft of acting, for example, the only roles once deemed appropriate for
African-Americans were limited to menials and outlandish stereotypes until
the talents of performers like Paul Robeson and Canada Lee could not be
ignored. In time, the performers came to be accepted not just as black
characters, like Othello, but as not-so-black characters, like Macbeth, whose
essential nature they portrayed superlatively.
Emblematic of the future for people with disabilities is the development of
Marlee Maitlin's career. Her initial film role was one for whom deafness was
central, but she went on to play roles where her deafness was merely
incidental. The oddity of her deafness was dispelled. She is now viewed not as
a deaf actress, but as an actress who is deaf (Pepine, 2008).
We have moved society far in seeing people with disabilities as individuals
and not as a locus of disease. However, until we achieve a disability-blind
society, people with disabilities who look to break new grounds will, like all
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new ground breakers, have to be more talented, more assertive, and more
patient, but providing access to them is a major first step.
1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study is significant for the following reasons:
1. A widening of the categories of people to whom the center is
accessible will generate more money in the country. The level of poverty will
also be substantially reduced when citizens with disabilities are empowered
with the ability to work as musicians, dancers, actors or administrators in the
center for performing arts.
2. The study will enable professionals learn more about designing for
people with disabilities. Issues pertaining to the provision of performing spaces
amongst people who are disabled can be identified, providing opportunities to
resolve performing art issues.
3. The study will improve quality of life of people with disabilities in the
society when awareness of their plight is made public and measures are taken
to increase their accessibility and improve their participation in performing art
centers. People with disabilities who have dreams of becoming performers will
be able to achieve their dreams which will enrich their life culturally and also
socially.
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4. A greater understanding of the factors that contribute to the
inaccessibility of people with disabilities will be revealed, allowing for
accessibility-related issues to be easily identified in government and corporate
realms.
5. This study will contribute to society by finding ways to narrow the gap
between people with and without disabilities, potentially preventing a
segregation crisis in Nigeria. It will enable people freely, openly and without
pity accommodate any person with a disability without restrictions or
limitations of any kind, thereby promoting unity and oneness in Nigeria.
6. This study will serve as a step to enacting the bills on the rights of
persons with disabilities as well as implementing the accessibility legislation of
international relevant bodies.
7. Other difficulties faced by people who are disabled, such as
unemployment and a lack of educational opportunities, can be addressed
through identifying and resolving accessibility issues.
8. This study will also serve as a basis for further research on the topic
and issues that concern people with disabilities in Nigeria.
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1.8 PROJECT JUSTIFICATION
People with disabilities constitute an important proportion of the general
population. In Nigeria, over 19 million out of the estimated 150 million
population, is faced with a disability (Odueme, 2010). With the increasing life
expectancy in most parts of the world and the dramatic pace of urbanization in
some African countries; particularly Nigeria, the population of disabled people
is increasing concomitantly. In a comparative analysis of censuses and surveys
from 55 countries, the UN found the level of disability to be between 0. 2. and
20.9 percent (Sands, 2006).
The past 40 years have witnessed, throughout developed and developing
countries, the emergence of the international disability movement.
Organisations of people with disabilities now constitute a critical and essential
component of civil society. The raison d’être of these groups is to advocate for
the advancement and enforcement of rights of disabled people, in the belief
that, at its foundation, disability is a human rights issue. The Joint National
Association of Persons with Disabilities (JONAPWD), and the Association for
the Comprehensive Empowerment of Nigerians with Disabilities (ASCEND),
each in its capacity have fought for the rights of people with disabilities. This
enabled the introduction of two significant Bills for persons with disabilities at
the National Assembly of Nigeria in year 2000 namely; (1) A Bill for an Act to
provide Special Facilities for the Use of Handicapped Persons in the Public
Buildings and (2) A Bill for an Act to Establish a National Commission for the
Handicapped Persons and to vest it with the Responsibility for their Education
and Social Development and for the Connected Purposes.
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Similarly, section 42 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria guarantees the right to
freedom from discrimination in all its forms against any person. The provision
may be considered applicable to persons with disabilities.
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, 18 July 2008,
Article 30 - Participation in cultural life, recreation, leisure and sport states:
1. State Parties should recognize the right of persons with disabilities to take
part, on an equal basis with others, in cultural life,
2. and should take all appropriate measures to ensure that persons with
disabilities:
- enjoy access to cultural materials in accessible formats;
- enjoy access to television programmes, films, theatre and other cultural
activities, in accessible formats;
- enjoy access to places for cultural performances or services, such as theaters,
museums, cinemas, libraries and tourism services, and as far as possible;
- enjoy access to monuments and sites of national cultural importance.
As Barton (1996) states, modern disability is, in itself, “…an exploration of
issues of power, social justice, citizenship and human rights”. Given that a
rights-based society is meant to effectively support people with disabilities, the
purpose of this study is to ask if the way society treats people with disabilities
is effective in addressing the accessibility issues in performing art centers, and
which elements can be improved to significantly increase the participation of
people with disabilities in performing art centers.
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1.9 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
In carrying out this research, the descriptive/ comparative method will be
applied. Data collected from both primary and secondary sources will be
analyzed and integrated into the design of the proposed center for performing
arts, Abuja. Case studies will be taken from existing centers for performing arts
to determine their degree of accessibility to people with disabilities.
The case studies will be appraised based on the degree of accessibility of the
following: obstructions, pathways, parking, ramps, elevators, lifts, railings and
handrails, stairs, entrances, vestibules, corridors ,rest rooms, doors, number of
accessible seats, accessible space, placement of wheelchair spaces, access to
performing areas, box office ticket counters and concession stands.
The above criteria were derived from the United Nations Accessibility Design
Manual and the Architectural Access Board requirement for Places of
Assembly. Available accessible facilities will be assigned one mark (1) while
inaccessible facilities will be assigned no mark (0). The centers will be
assigned percentage accessibility values by multiplying the number of
accessible facilities present by a hundred and dividing it by the total number of
accessible facilities required.
Accessibility (%) = number of accessible facilities present x 100
number of accessible facilities required
Where %= percentage.
Tables and bar charts will be used in presenting results so that they can be
easily understood.
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The sources of primary data are:
i. Information from case studies carried out ( local and international)
ii. On-the-spot experience of performing arts.
iii. Discussions with coordinating lecturers.
iv. Visit to the proposed site for comprehensive reconnaissance.
v. Interviews with relevant bodies and organizations of and for people
with disabilities in Nigeria to identify their preferences with respect to the
project.
The sources of secondary data are:
i. Review of, past related existing literature from the media; books, journals,
magazines, lectures, past projects and conference papers.
ii. Collection of data on the internet for more recent findings on the topic
in focus.
1.10 SCOPE OF STUDY
This research is limited to the methods of improving accessibility and
increasing participation of people with disabilities in centers for performing
arts. The research covers the following types of disabilities:
(a)Wheelchair users
(b) People with limited walking abilities
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(c) People who are sightless
(d) People who are partially sighted
Local and international case studies will be reviewed to determine how
accessible they are to these groups of patrons.
1.11 AREA OF STUDY
Abuja
Abuja is both a Federal Capital Territory within the nation of Nigeria and a
city within that territory which serves as the nation's capital. Both were created
in 1976, while the city was built throughout the 1980s. It officially became
Nigeria's capital on December 12, 1991, replacing the role of the previous
capital, Lagos.
Abuja was as an entirely purpose-built, planned city. When Nigeria's
independence from the United Kingdom necessitated a new capital city, it
created not only a city, but a new Federal Capital Territory as well. The Abuja
Federal Capital Territory, while smaller than other states within Nigeria, is two
and half times the size of Lagos city, the former capital. This territory was
formed with the express purpose of supporting Abuja city, encircling it within
a womb of nature. It is, therefore, virtually impossible to speak of one as
separate from the other.
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Abuja was chosen as the new capital because of its central location, easy
accessibility, pleasant climate, low population density, and the availability of
land for future expansion. Not only was a city designed, but an entire
environment. Abuja is surrounded by abundant hills, highlands, Savannah
grassland, and tropical rainforests.
The territory is north of the confluence of the Niger and Benue Rivers.
Bordering the FCT are the states of Kaduna to the northeast, Plateau to the east
and south, Kogi to the southwest, and Niger to the west and northwest. It is
slightly west of the center of the country. Its area covers 2,824 square miles
(7,315 square km).
Abuja's geography, and very character, is defined by the two renowned rock
formations around it—the Zuma Rock and the Aso Rock. The Zuma Rock is
called the "Gateway to Abuja," as the Federal Capital Territory begins at its
base. The Aso Rock, a 400-meter monolith left by water erosion, is located at
the head of Abuja city, which extends southward from the rock.
Abuja was planned as a capital where all Nigeria's ethnic groups, tribes, and
religions would come together in harmony. It has avoided the violence
prevalent in other parts of Nigeria, which has more than 250 ethnic groups.
The population in the Federal Capital Territory include the Afo, Fulani, Gwari,
Hausa, Koro, Ganagana, Gwandara, and Bassa ethnic groups.
English is the official language. Other languages spoken in the territory include
Hausa, Yoruba, Ibo, and Fulani. Muslims make up 50 percent of the
population, Christians 40 percent, while the remainder adhere to indigenous
beliefs.
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The Site
The choice of the site was informed by the Abuja master plan, which mapped
out the site for the location of the National Theater, Abuja. Planting the center
for performing arts on the site will be excellent due to its central location in the
Central Area District, accessibility from several parts of town, the large land
mass, the elevation of the site which would make the structure on it imposing
enough to be seen from several parts of town and the closeness of the site to
other landmarks such as the national mosque.
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REFERENCES
Barton, L. (1996). Integration: Myth or Reality? London: Falmer Press.
Darcy, S. (1998). Anxiety to Access: Tourism patterns and experiences of New
South Wales people with a physical Disability. New Zealand.
Gellman, W. (1959). Boots of Prejudice Against the Handicapped. Journal of
Rehabilitation. 25(1), 4-6.
Guerra, L. S. (2003). Tourism for All: Organizing Trips for Physically Disabled
Customers. UK: MA European Management.
Heidegger, M. (2001). The Origin of the Work of Art, in Poetry, Language,
Thought. Harper Perenniel.
Lang, R. and Upah, L. (2008) Scoping study: Disability issues in Nigeria.
Retrieveded May 3, 2009, <http://www.ucl.ac.uk/lcccr/
downloads/dfid_nigeriareport>
Marcos, D. and D. Gongalez. 2003. Turismo Accessible. Madrid
Odufuwa, O. B. (2007). Towards sustainable public transport for disabled
people in Nigerian cities. p.1&2. Kalma- Raj.
Pepine, A. (1998). Disability and Training in the Arts. Paper Presented at
National Forum on Careers in the Arts for People with Disabilities,
Kennedy Center, September, 1998.
Sands, T. (2006). A Voice of Our Own: Advocacy by women with Disability in
Australia and Pacific. Retrieved October 10 from www.pwd.org.au.
Pp.51-62
The Disability Discriminating Act (DDA) 1995. Department of Social Security,
HMSO London. Retrieved September 29 from http://www.hmso.gov.uk/
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acts / 1995 /
Wollheim, R. (1980). Art and its objects, p.1, 2nd ed., Cambridge University
Press.
World Health Organization (1980). International Classification of Impairments,
Disabilities and Handicaps. Pp.27-29. WHO, Geneva.
Yeo, R. (2001). Chronic Poverty and Disability. Background Paper Number
4. Chronic Poverty Research Center. ADD Somerset.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
2.1.1 HISTORY OF DISABILITY
Black bodies, white bodies; male bodies, female bodies; young bodies, old
bodies; beautiful bodies, broken bodies - right bodies and wrong bodies.
Historically, our bodies have framed our futures and explained our past; our
bodies write our stories. But it is not our bodies per se which write the story;
rather it is the way in which we, as a society, construct our bodies which
shapes our history and our future (Fitzgerald, 1996)
Bodily difference has for centuries determined social structures by defining
certain bodies as the norm, and defining those which fall outside the norm as
'Other'; with the degree of 'Otherness' being defined by the degree of variation
from the norm. In doing this, we have created an artificial 'paradigm of
humanity' into which some of us fit neatly, and others fit very badly. Life
outside the paradigm of humanity is likely to be characterized by isolation and
abuse (Clapton, 1996).
(a)Early Western Civilizations
In early western civilizations, the limits of “humanness” were drawn at normal
body composition. Thus, the classification of "human" was not extended to
infants who were physically deformed. However, impairments such as sensory
and mobility deficits, lameness or illness were recognized and described as
human variations. Thus, the description of what constituted anomaly was
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specific to visible sensory and physical functioning. What are labelled today as
mental retardation and mental illness were not classified as human
inadequacy. These variations in behavior, while often feared because of the
belief that they were supernatural, were respected as well.
The explanation for activity limitations in mobility, seeing, hearing and so
forth were both moral and supernatural. Descriptive conditions such as "not
seeing" or "not hearing" were believed to be caused by the gods for sinful acts,
either by the afflicted individual or by an ancestor. Personality traits were
often ascribed on the basis of specific impairments (e.g. deafness=lack of
intelligence) (Hanson, 1999).
While the explanation for human variation in activity at this time was
essentially not scientific, Aristotle's early scientific studies and systematic
descriptive ordering of the observable world provided a means to identify
what was 'natural,' through what we would consider empirical or at least
logical methods. At the same time, Hippocrates' development of medicine and
the application of empirical knowledge to treating illness placed rational
thought somewhat in opposition to previous mystic explanations of atypical
activity (Braddock & Parrish, 2001).
Thus, descriptions and to some extent explanations of atypical human activity
moved from supernatural to natural, yet the moral element of "the unnatural"
still prevailed. Similar to our art and media today, the value attributed to
specific conditions could be inferred from cultural myths. Those with visible
conditions were 'marked' with inferior qualities, while those who acted in a
manner consistent with what we classify today as mental retardation or mental
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illnesses were respected as citizens because they were 'possessed' of special
knowledge about the will of the gods unknown to the rest of the community.
When atypical activity was explained in moral terms, formal services for
people considered immoral not surprisingly were not known to exist.
However, when atypical performance resulted from war injury, where the
cause was known and considered to be heroic, some cities maintained a
pension fund to be made available. (To what extent funds were disbursed to
women is not known; however, women were not allowed citizenship status
and likely were not eligible for funds.) The "care" provided to those who with
severe deformities was exposure to the elements and death. So as far back as
ancient civilizations, variations of the human condition were identified in
contrast to what was typical, and value-based explanations for extreme
variation were supported while others were not tolerated. The limited
development of scientific theory coupled with the strong spirituality of ancient
Greece was operational in ascribing meanings to what people did and didn't
do. The attention and resources given publicly were determined from those
meanings.
Atypical activity is not frequently discussed in the literature on early Jewish
civilizations (Abrams, 1998). The minimal references to appearance and daily
activity that were considered to be flawed reveals that the nature of one's role
in the community was in large part what determined what typical and expected
activity was. Of particular relevance to this discussion is the prohibition of
those who were "blemished" from the Priesthood, because of spiritual beliefs
that priests were the direct link between God and the earth. However,
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congregation members did not carry those same expectations and those with
atypical appearance were permitted to be full participants in spiritual activity.
Even with the permission to worship, those who were atypical in Jewish
communities were in large part viewed as punished by God. The explanation
for atypical appearance and activity was therefore spiritual and moral as was
the obligation for care of such individuals.
In the Middle Ages, it is interesting to note that the "typical" included human
activity consistent with many conditions that today are classified as
anomalous. According to historical researchers, so many individuals lived in
poverty and squalor that they were the rule rather than the exception. And thus
their appearance and activity, resulting from exposure to severe living
conditions, were not considered out of the ordinary. Illness and limitations in
mobility and sensation (blindness, deafness and so forth) were not at all
unusual in poor communities. Further, given the limited knowledge about
disease and nutrition, even the wealthy experienced illness and activity
limitation considered preventable today (Braddock & Parrish, 2001).
Scholars have noted the existence of various competing explanations for
visible atypical activity. Among them were both religious spiritual
explanations and explanations of demonology (Braddock & Parrish, 2001).
Reflecting the disparate views of the times, some medieval documents show
that "cripples" were viewed as part of a group that included "criminals, the
sick, and paupers". However, other works make the distinction between the
treatable sick and the untreatable "lepers, lame, one-armed and blind". The
small likelihood of survival for those who were unable to thrive at birth
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eliminated consideration of birth-based atypical activity from the literature or
history of medieval times.
Individuals who behaved, communicated or expressed thoughts differently
from others were regarded as evil or as demons. This religious explanation for
activity that today is classified as mental illness was not surprising, given the
Catholic Church's dominance in the western world at the time. However,
simplicity in cognitive activity that today would be regarded as mental
retardation was explained as the possession of divine inspiration, or a blessing
given by God (Winzer, 1997).
Due to the variety of explanations for the occurrences of difference in activity
and appearance, treatment and community responses were variable. Of
particular note was the growth of institutional and charity approaches (Winzer,
1997). It was not unusual to find members of the clergy involved with
providing medical treatment, and thus hospitals were often located near
monasteries. (Castiglioni, 1941). In addition, people who could not see or
think, among other human differences, were often the objects of faith-healing,
a practice which provided concrete evidence of God's love, presence and
power. Charity in the form of service and almsgiving exonerated the giver in
the eyes of God, once again providing a purposive explanation for the
extremes of human difference.
Particularly through the work of St. Francis of Assisi, the suffering of the poor
and sick (e.g. lepers) glorified the recipients of care (Stiker, 1999), as well
those providing care. However, due to such widespread poverty, those needing
protracted care were often forced to beg for survival. This phenomenon is
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reflected in the artwork of the times in which beggars are depicted as
individuals who are blind and lame.
Not all differences were met with charity however. In areas where the
population believed in demonology, those who behaved in ways that were
considered "mad" were feared and persecuted as witches. Increasing social
disorder in part was attributed to such individuals and their murders therefore
served as a rallying point for the masses.
In summary, the Middle Ages brought some important changes in the way that
atypical human activity was conceptualized, explained and treated. Due to the
hegemony of the church, explanations and purposes for human anomaly were
anchored in religion and morality. Religion-based institutions were created, in
part to segregate "unusual individuals" from the public, and in part to protect,
treat and care for them.
(b) Victorian Era
Proceeding into the Victorian era, values of Continental Europe, England and
the newly colonized America begin to take divergent courses as did
conceptualization and treatment of the atypical. I therefore restrict this history
to the United States.
The rapid growth of America was a function of the intersection of many
phenomena. Which influences were dominant over others is an ongoing debate
among scholars and researchers depending on their theoretical lenses. I
therefore do not claim this history as the only history of disability legitimacy.
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The growth of the American economy had its roots in large part in the
importation of slave and immigrant labor from other countries. However, the
growth was not without unanticipated disruption. The existing system of poor
relief in colonial America that was based in communal values and shared
beliefs was ultimately unravelled by the influx of people from diverse
geographic regions of the globe (Goldberg, 1994). Until the middle 1800s, the
concept of "normalcy" was not articulated. However, what was atypical was
contrasted to human activity that was common and acceptable.
Explanations for what people did and did not do became increasingly diverse,
given the burgeoning field of medicine. Yet, morality and social circumstance
were still dominant in explanations for unusual behavior and appearance. The
changing acceptance of poverty was one of the critical value changes to note
in this history. Given the resources of a vast unsettled continent, the belief that
a good life could be had by anyone who made the effort relegated poverty to
the realm of individual blame. Thus, poverty became unacceptable as it was
removed from other acceptable explanations of human activity limitation.
In response to the increasing social costs of poverty, the towns and cities
began to build poorhouses for the poor of all ages, the sick, and those
behaving in a manner that today would be considered intellectually impaired,
mentally ill or socially deviant.
Circumstances within the poorhouse were particularly and intentionally harsh,
to encourage families to support their members at all costs rather than abandon
them to the care of the local government. The elderly were increasingly
represented among the population in poor houses, as attitudes towards the
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frailty of old age grew increasingly unfavorable (Holstein & Cole, 1996).
Those who aged well were considered morally "worthy" and those who did
not were "unworthy" of comfort and support.
As noted by Holstein & Cole, the life of an immigrant was not often
conducive to aging well, and emergent categories of worthiness were often
dependent upon race and gender. Thus, explanations of human activity and
limitation increased in their complexity as people from diverse worlds became
neighbors. While poverty, illness and morality had been the primary
explanations until this time, gender, race, ethnicity and other human
differences were all thrown into the "explanation stew" so to speak. Not
unexpectedly, the legitimacy of explanations for human activity was as diverse
as the explanations themselves. However, of particular importance in
understanding disability and its treatment today is the development of the
notion of "the norm" or "normal". As discussed by Davis (1997), the invention
of mathematical statistics and concepts of central tendency resulted in the
application of numbers to all arenas of human activity.
The French statistician Quetlet formulated the concept of 'the normal man',
who was both physically and morally normal. The stage was therefore set for
identifying human activity as normal or abnormal and for explanations
thereof.
Moreover, once observations of human activities were categorized, the
imperative that one "should" be normal was born. Observation therefore
turned to prescription and anyone exhibiting difference in activity was
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considered abnormal. The legitimacy of explanations for divergence from
“what should be” determined valuation and treatment.
What sense do we make of all this? Consider the hallmark of the industrial era:
mass production. Mechanization and production standards were based on
statistical projections of what an average worker should "normally"
accomplish within a given set of parameters, at minimum. As industrialization
took hold, links between standardized expectations, moral judgment,
unemployment and disproportionate poverty among people with activity
differences further expanded the importance of legitimacy determinations for
explanations about why people do and don't do what is “normal”.
Treatment of "abnormal” individuals, as expected, followed value judgments
about who was worthy and who was not. Poverty in and of itself was no longer
considered to be a legitimate condition and thus the poor were not treated well.
Those who could not compete could not find jobs, could not generate income,
and fell into the ranks of the morally reprehensible poor to be incarcerated in
poorhouses. What made people legitimate was the capacity to earn.
����� ������� ��������������������
In a Western Judea-Christian society, the roots of understanding bodily
difference have been grounded in Biblical references, the consequent
responses and impacts of the Christian church, and the effect of the
enlightenment project underpinning the modern era. These embodied states
were seen as the result of evil spirits, the devil, witchcraft or God's displeasure.
Alternatively, such people were also signified as reflecting the "suffering
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Christ", and were often perceived to be of angelic or beyond-human status to
be a blessing for others.
Therefore, themes which embrace notions of sin or sanctity, impurity and
wholeness, undesirability and weakness, care and compassion, healing and
burden have formed the dominant bases of Western conceptualisations of, and
responses to, groups of people who, in a contemporary context, are described
as disabled. In the past, various labels have been used for such people. These
include crippled, lame, blind, dumb, deaf, mad, feeble, idiot, imbecile, and
moron.
In the nomadic and/or agrarian societies of pre-industrialisation, when time
was cyclic, people perceived with limitations often lived with their families.
They were ascribed roles and tasks in line with their capabilities, and which
fulfilled the co-operative requirements for corporate survival. Others, though,
could not stay with their families. Some were ostracised, and their survival
threatened, because of a popular conception that such persons were monsters,
and therefore unworthy of human status. Some became homeless and
dislocated for other reasons such as poverty or shame. Religious communities,
often within the local precincts or parishes, responded to these groups of
people in various ways. These included the promotion and seeking of cures by
such actions as exorcisms, purging, rituals and so on; or providing care,
hospitality and service as acts of mercy and Christian duty to "needy
strangers".
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(d) Renaissance
As belief in demonology was slowly being replaced by science at the end of
the Middle Ages, views of difference were drastically altered. Advances in
knowledge about the anatomy and physiology of the human body contributed
to a growing sense that illness and differences in human activity occurred from
that which could be observed in the physical world. These views are reflected
in the literature and art of the renaissance period. For example, Francis Bacon
was particularly important in advancing systematic study of these observable
phenomena. In 1605 he published The Advancement of Learning, Divine and
Human, in which he refuted the notion of moral punishment as the cause for
behavior that was considered to be "mad". Humanism in art emphasizing
actual knowledge of underlying physical form (Braddock & Parrish, 2001)
also emerged at this time, providing detailed depictions of the human body.
This is not to say that moral explanations of difference in human activity ever
disappeared, as philosophers, clergy and others continued to debate the
relationship between God and nature. Questions about the purposive or
serendipitous nature of anomaly were tackled and many of the competing
explanations that were posited remain operative and influential today.
As Stiker (1999) points out, explanations for the distinction between birth-
based and acquired human activity conditions were developed during this time
and served as platforms for value distinctions as well. For example, birth-
based failures in activities necessary for typical growth were explained as
'monstrosity,' while limitations in what individuals did that resulted from
observable explanations such as injury were regarded as natural. As in the
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past, the treatment of people who behaved and did activity in atypical manners
was in large part influenced by how these behaviors were explained. At this
juncture, we begin to see the emergence of praxis, which introduces the
attribution of human activity and change to social and other complex
contextual factors.
The extent to which social explanations for human activity ebbed and flowed
was and still is associated with scarcity or affluence and order or disruption in
communities. For example, the category of “poor” often contained a
disproportionate number of individuals who exhibited atypical activity and
appearance. Social explanations for these differences were met with resources
while explanation seated in individual blame were not.
Those who were not blamed for their unusual behavior or who were not seen
as dangers were often supported in the communities. Thus, we see the clear
link between explanation and care. Those who were perceived as out of the
ordinary were treated differentially depending on how the community viewed
the worth of the reasons for, and results of, their differences.
Individuals who were considered atypical but who were born into wealthy
families had different experiences than those who required assistance to
survive in communities (Stiker, 1999). Access to medical treatments for
limitations with medical explanations did exist and was available to those who
could pay for them.
Institutions for people who behaved in ways that were considered to be mad
proliferated during the seventeenth century. These served to remove unusual
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behaviors from public view rather than as a means to change behavior.
Moreover, the manner in which people were treated in institutions was
extremely harsh, clearly indicating the devaluation of institutional residents.
(e) Early Twentieth Century
Until we reached twentieth century history, we stayed away from using the
term “disability” to describe the characteristic that identifies individuals whose
typical activity is due to long term or permanent medical conditions. The use
of the term “disability” is relatively new and remains vague. Before disability
was used to describe a group of people with permanent medical-diagnostic
classifications that affected their daily activity in atypical ways, words such as
cripple, blind, deaf, handicapped and so forth were often articulated. In an
effort to create a publicly respectful and politically correct language to refer to
the atypical activity resulting from medical explanations, the term disability is
now most widely used.
In the early 1900s disability was seen as a personal attribute. An individual
who exhibited atypical activity in the sensory, physical, psychological and
cognitive arenas and who had a bona fide long-term or permanent medical-
diagnostic explanation for that activity was considered to be disabled
(although that term was not used). While there were many other explanations
for atypical activity, such as poverty and cultural difference, atypical activity
that was due to medical condition became the foundation of the classification
of disability and thus the object of active and palliative treatment by medical
and related fields.
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Because of the primary influence of medical explanations for atypical activity
as definitional of disability, medical conditions themselves and the distinctions
among them became the focus of value and worth determinations. Similar to
previous historical eras, individuals who sustained war injuries resulting in
permanent medical explanations for atypical activity, were considered to be
most worthy of benefits, while those who were believed to have control over
their medical conditions, despite the severity and impact on activity, were not
(Gilson, 1998).
Of particular note was the clear value division between mental and physical
explanations. While most atypical activity was considered undesirable, those
with mental illness and cognitive explanations for their performance
differences were clearly considered and thus treated as inferior to those who
had physical diagnostic explanations for atypical activity. These value
differences were important determinants in shaping differential care responses
to each category of medical explanation.
Dissimilar to the person with mental and cognitive explanations for atypical
activity, treatment for those with diagnostic explanations of physical
impairment was rehabilitative and increased rapidly during the early 20th
century under the rubric of charity. Reflecting the approach that individuals
with impairment explanations for atypical activity were objects of charity,
organizations and agencies were established such as the National Society for
Crippled Children and Adults (later the Easter Seals) in 1907 (Braddock &
Parrish, 2001).
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Somewhat contradictory to the charitable path for worthy but non-productive
impaired individuals, the value on work and production was reflected in public
policy and legislation as early as 1902 in the form of state worker's
compensation laws. The importance of maximizing economic productivity in
shaping care responses to impairment explanations became and continues to
be increasingly evident. For example, in 1920, the U.S. Congress passed the
first civilian vocational rehabilitation law in the country, following the
creation of rehabilitation services for veterans of World War I. Directed
mainly at work for injured persons, these services also covered individuals
with “physical defect or infirmity” (Katz, 1996). The primary expected
outcome of rehabilitation for physically impaired workers and worthy others
was a return to productive employment.
What is important to note is that regardless of the explanation, the early and
even middle part of the twentieth century conceptualized atypical activity due
to medical explanation as an individual phenomenon. That is, the atypical
activity occurred because of a medical deficit within the individual and the
responsibility for the nature of activity was therefore located within an
individual. Because of this perspective, care or cure responses were seen as
“helping” individuals to improve or else providing a place for them to exist
where they would not burden communities and interfere in the economy. The
division between public and charitable supports and services was clearly an
economic function. Those whose conditional explanations for atypical activity
were work related or who could be restored to employment were worthy of
public support, while others were seen as objects of charity (Axinn & Stern,
2000).
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2.1.2 HISTORY OF ACCESSIBILITY
Until the 1950s at the international level, most countries did not have a clearly
defined policy for assisting people with disabilities. In the United Kingdom,
for example, physically challenged people were either discouraged or not
actively encouraged to enter the workforce. One critic stated that "in Britain,
no attempt has been made to respond systematically to the problems of the
disabled population" (Sainsbury, 1973).
Parsons (1994) and Lansdown (1980) have indicated that the key to providing
support to people with disabilities is through attitudinal and legal change.
Accessibility therefore, stemmed from legislation because non-Governmental
Organisations and other advocacy groups began fighting for the rights of
persons with disabilities. This is referred to as the Disability Rights
Movement.
With the help of the Disability Rights Movement, many countries have begun
to consider accessibility of persons with physical challenges in public
buildings, banks, schools, and even on the internet.
2.1.3 DISABILITY RIGHTS MOVEMENT
The Disability Rights Movement aims to improve the quality of life of people
with disabilities and to confront the disadvantages and discrimination that they
face. The goals and demands of the movement are bifurcated. One major
concern is achieving civil rights for the disabled. This is further broken down
into issues of accessibility in transportation, architecture, and the physical
environment and equal opportunities in employment, education, and housing.
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Effective civil rights legislation is sought in order to eliminate exclusionary
practice.
For people with physical disabilities accessibility and safety are primary
issues that this movement works to reform. Access to public areas such as city
streets and public buildings and restrooms are some of the more visible
changes brought about in recent decades. A noticeable change in some parts of
the world is the installation of elevators, transit lifts, wheelchair ramps and
curb cuts, allowing people in wheelchairs and with other mobility impairments
to use public sidewalks and public transit more easily and more safely. These
improvements have also been appreciated by parents pushing strollers or carts,
bicycle users, and travelers with rolling luggage.
Access to education and employment have also been a major focus of this
movement. Adaptive technologies, enabling people to work jobs they could
not have previously, help create access to jobs and economic independence.
Access in the classroom has helped improve education opportunities and
independence for people with disabilities
The second concern of the movement deals with lifestyle, self-determination,
and an individual’s ability to live independently. The right to have an
independent life as an adult, sometimes using paid assistant care instead of
being institutionalized, is another major goal of this movement, and is the
main goal of the similar independent living and self-advocacy movements,
which are more strongly associated with people with intellectual disabilities
and mental health disorders. These movements have supported people with
disabilities to live as more active participants in society. As a result of the
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work done through the Disability Rights Movement, significant legislation
was passed in the 1970s through the 1990s.
(c) History
In the United States, the disability rights movement began in the 1970s,
encouraged by the examples of the African-American civil rights and
women’s rights movements, which began in the late 1960s. It was at this time
that the movement began to have a cross-disability focus. The movement was
unique in the fact that it was pluralistic. People with different kinds of
disabilities (physical and mental handicaps, along with visual- and hearing-
impairments) and different essential needs alongside people with no
disabilities have been able to come together to fight for a common cause.
A watershed for the movement was the validation of physical and program
barriers. Providing only steps to enter buildings or having other program
barriers such as lack of maintenance, locations not connected with public
transit or lack of visual and hearing communications, segregates individuals
with disabilities from access and independence. The ANSI - Barrier Free
Standard (phrase coined by Dr. Timothy J. Nugent lead investigator) called
"ANSI A117.1, Making Buildings Accessible to and Usable by the Physically
Handicapped", provides the indisputable proof that the barriers exist. It is
based on disability ergonomic research conducted at the University of Illinois
Urbana Champaign campus from 1946 to 1986. The research was codified in
the ANSI A117.1 standard in 1961, 1971, 1980, and 1986. The standard is the
outcome of physical therapist, bio-mechanical engineers, and individuals with
disabilities who developed and participated in over 40 years of research. The
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standard provides the criteria for modifying programs and the physical site to
provide independence. Applying the researched standards finished criteria
presents reliable access and non-hazardous conditions. In October 2011 the
standard will be 50 years old. The standard has been emulated globally since
its introduction in Europe, Asia, Japan, Australia, and Canada, in the early
1960s.
One of the most important developments of the movement was the growth of
the Independent Living movement, which emerged in California through the
efforts of Edward Roberts and other wheelchair-dependent individuals.
Another crucial turning point was the nationwide sit-in conceived by Frank
Bowe and organized by the American Coalition of Citizens with Disabilities in
1977 of government buildings operated by HEW in San Francisco and
Washington DC that successfully led to the release of regulations pursuant to
Section 504 of the Vocational Rehabilitation Act of 1973. Prior to the 1990
enactment of the Americans with Disabilities Act, the Rehabilitation Act was
the most important disability rights legislation in the United States. The
Disability Rights and Education Defense Fund began in 1979.
In the United Kingdom, following extensive activism by disabled people over
several decades, the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA, 1995) was
passed. This makes it unlawful to discriminate against people with disabilities
in relation to employment, the provision of goods and services, education and
transport. It is a civil rights law. Other countries use constitutional, social
rights or criminal law to make similar provisions. The Equality and Human
Rights Commission provides support for the Act. Equivalent legislation exists
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in Northern Ireland, which is enforced by the Northern Ireland Equality
Commission.
(b)Timeline
This is a timeline of key events including significant legislation, activists'
actions, and the founding of various organizations related to the Disability
Rights Movement.
(i)1800s
1864 - Congress authorized the Columbia Institution for the Instruction of the
Deaf and Dumb and the Blind to confer college degrees, and President
Abraham Lincoln signed the bill into law. Edward Miner Gallaudet was made
president of the entire corporation, including the college.
(ii)1960s
• 1960 - National Association for Down Syndrome (originally incorporated as
the Mongoloid Development Council) the oldest Down Syndrome parent
organization in the United States is formed by Kathryn McGee
• 1963- In 1963 President Kennedy signed Public Law 88-164. It required that
all physically disabled, mentally retarded, deaf, speech and visually impaired,
and hard of hearing children must be educated. The law was hugely important
because it allowed for the beginning of a new era of Federal support for
mental health
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• 1968 - Architectural Barriers Act: this act requires all federally financed and
constructed buildings to be accessible to disabled people.
(iii) 1970s
• 1970 - Urban Mass Transportation Act: made mass transport facilities and
services accessible to the handicapped and the elderly.
• Disabled in Action is founded by Judith Heumann in New York City. A
number of chapters were also started in various other cities.
• 1972 - Disability activists in Washington, D.C. protest President Nixon’s veto
of what is now known as the Rehabilitation Act of 1973.
• The Center for Independent Living is established by Edward Roberts in
Berkeley, California. This sparks the Independent Living Movement.
• In Mills versus Board of Education the U.S. District Court in the District of
Columbia decided that every child, regardless of the type and severity of their
disability is entitled to a free public education.
• 1973 - Rehabilitation Act of 1973: addresses the issue of discrimination
against people with disabilities and prohibits federally funded programs from
discriminating against disabled individuals.
• 1975 - The American Coalition of Citizens with Disabilities is founded in
Washington, D.C.
• Education for All Handicapped Children Act (renamed Individuals with
Disabilities Education Act in 1990): gives all children with disabilities the
right to receive a free and integrated public education “in the least restrictive
environment”.
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• 1977 - Disability rights activists demonstrate at the offices of the HEW
department for the signing of the Section 504 regulations. HEW Secretary
Joseph Califano signs the regulations on April 28.
• 1978 - Disability rights activists protest the Denver Regional Transit Authority
because the transit system is inaccessible.
• 1979 - The Disability Rights and Education Fund is established in Berkeley,
California.
(iv) 1980s
• 1981 - The United Nations establishes the year as the International Year of
Disabled Persons. At the conclusion of the year the UN called on member
nations to establish in their own countries organization for and about people
with disabilities. Alan Reich, who headed the United States of America
committee for the International Year, established the National Organization on
Disability in response to this call.
• 1982 - Telecommunications for the Disabled Act: mandates that public phones
be accessible to the hearing impaired by Jan 1, 1985.
• 1983 - The Americans Disabled for Accessible Public Transit (ADAPT)
organization is established in Denver, Colorado.
• 1984 - Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act: requires
that polling places be accessible and accommodating to the disabled and
elderly.
• 1988 - Deaf President Now student demonstration at Gallaudet University in
Washington, D.C. On March 13 Dr. I. King Jordan was named the first Deaf
president of the university.
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• The Fair Housing Act is amended to protect people with disabilities from
housing discrimination in the areas of rentals, sales, and financing as outlined
in the Civil Rights Act of 1968. The amendment also provided that reasonable
modifications needed to be made to existing buildings and accessibility had to
be constructed into new multi-family housing units.
(v) 1990s
• 1990 - Americans with Disabilities Act: It gave citizens with disabilities equal
rights and prohibited discrimination by the local and federal government,
employers, and private services based on disabilities.
• ADAPT is renamed American Disabled for Attendant Programs Today to
reflect its change in purpose.
• 1995 - The American Association of People with Disabilities is founded in
Washington, D.C.
• The film When Billy Broke His Head… and Other Tales of Wonder, by Billy
Golfus, premiers on PBS. It’s a personal portrayal that highlights the
Disability Rights Movement.
2.1.4 ORGANIZATIONS FOR /OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES
• American Association of People with Disabilities (1995) – a cross-disability
organization that focuses on advocacy and services.
• American Association of Citizens with Disabilities (1975–1983) – was a
cross-disability organization that focuses on advocacy and services.
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• American Disabled for Attendant Programs Today (1978) – was organized by
the Atlantis Community and primarily serves the physically disabled and
focuses on advocating for rights and services.
• American Federation for the Physically Handicapped (1940–1958) –
primarily served the physically disabled and focused on advocacy and
services.
• American Foundation for the Blind (1921) - primarily served the blind
population and focused on advocacy and services.
• Center for Independent Living (1972) - primarily served the physically
disabled and focused on advocacy and services.
• Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (1979) – a cross-disability
organization that focuses on legal advocacy, training and research. The group
participated in a significant amount of lobbying and legislation from the 1980s
to the 90s.
• Disabled in Action (1970) - primarily served the physically disabled and
focused on advocacy and services. The group concerns itself with pushing for
new legislation that would provide for and defend the civil rights of people
with disabilities and with the enforcement of the current legislation.
• National Association of the Deaf (1880) - primarily served the deaf population
and focused on advocacy and services.
• National Association for Down Syndrome is identified as the oldest Down
Syndrome parent organization in the United States.
• National Council on Disability (1978) - a cross-disability organization with a
focus on the government.
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• National Council on Independent Living (1982) – a cross-disability
organization with a focus on the government.
• National Center for Learning Disabilities (1977) – primarily serves people
with learning disabilities and focuses on advocacy and services.
• National Organization on Disability (N.O.D.) (1982) - expands the
participation and contribution of America’s 54 million men, women and
children with disabilities in all aspects of life.
2.1.4 HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PERFORMING ARTS
Starting in the 6th century BC, the Classical period of performing art began in
Greece, ushered in by the tragic poets such as Sophocles. These poets wrote
plays which, in some cases, incorporated dance. The Hellenistic period began
the widespread use of comedy.
Music first began by imitating birds or sounds of nature or instruments and later
led to a primitive form of communication e.g. tribal drums, call etc. The
knowledge of music in antiquity has been gained by the study of primitive tribes
within African and American primitive history, where the music has not
changed much.
However by the 6th century AD, Western performing arts had been largely
ended, as the Dark Ages began. Between the 9th century and 14th century,
performing art in the West was limited to religious historical enactments and
morality plays, organized by the Church in celebration of holy days and other
important events.
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(a) Renaissance
In the 15th century performing arts, along with the arts in general, saw a revival
as the Renaissance began in Italy and spread throughout Europe plays, some of
which incorporated dance were performed and Domenico da Piacenza was
credited with the first use of the term ballo instead of danza (dance) for his
baletti or balli which later came to be known as Ballets.
By the mid-16th century commedia dell'arte became popular in Europe,
introducing the use of improvisation. This period also introduced the
Elizabethan masque, featuring music, dance and elaborate costumes as well as
professional theatrical companies in England. William Shakespeare's plays in
the late 16th century developed from this new class of professional
performance.
In 1597, the first opera, Dafne was performed and throughout the 17th century,
opera would rapidly become the entertainment of choice for the aristocracy in
most of Europe, and eventually for large numbers of people living in cities and
towns throughout Europe.
(b) Modern Era
The introduction of the proscenium arch in Italy during the 17th century
established the traditional theatre form that persists to this day. Meanwhile, in
England, the Puritans forbade acting, bringing a halt to performing arts which
lasted until 1660. After this period, women began to appear in both French and
English plays. The French introduced a formal dance instruction in the late 17th
century.
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It is also during this time that the first plays were performed in the American
Colonies.
During the 18th century the introduction of the popular opera buffa brought
opera to the masses as an accessible form of performance. Mozart's The
Marriage of Figaro and Don Giovanni are landmarks of the late 18th century
opera.
At the turn of the 19th century Beethoven and the Romantic movement ushered
in a new era that lead first to the spectacles of grand opera and then to the great
musical dramas of Giuseppe Verdi and the Gesamtkunstwerk (total work of art)
of the operas of Richard Wagner leading directly to the music of the 20th
century.
The 19th century was a period of growth for the performing arts for all social
classes, the technical introduction of gaslight to theatres in the United States,
burlesque (a British import that became popular in the U.S.), minstrel dancing,
and variety theatre. In ballet, women made great progress in the previously
male-dominated art.
Modern dance began in the late 19th century and early 20th century in response
to the restrictions of traditional ballet.
Konstantin Stanislavski's "System" revolutionized acting in the early 20th
century, and continues to have a major influence on actors of stage and screen to
the current day. Both impressionism and modern realism were introduced to the
stage during this period.
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With the invention of the motion picture in the late 19th century by Thomas
Edison, and the growth of the motion picture industry in Hollywood in the early
20th century, film became a dominant performance medium throughout the 20th
and 21st centuries.
The Dark town Follies and the later cultural growth of the Harlem Renaissance
spanned the 1910s to the early 1940s. Rhythm and blues, a cultural phenomenon
of black America became a distinctive genus in the early 20th century.
In the 1930s Jean Rosenthal introduced what would become modern stage
lighting, changing the nature of the stage as the Broadway musical became a
phenomenon in the United States. George Gershwin and Rodgers &
Hammerstein radically re-shaped the medium as the Great depression ended and
World War II erupted.
(c) Post-War Performance
Post-World War II performing arts were highlighted by the resurgence of both
ballet and opera in Europe and the United States.
Alvin Ailey's revolutionary American Dance theatre was created in the 1950s,
signalling the radical changes that were to come to performing arts in the 1950s
and 1960s as new cultural themes bombarded the public consciousness in the
United States and abroad. Postmodernism in performing arts dominated the
1960s to large extent.
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Rock and roll evolved from rhythm and blues during the 1950s, and became the
staple musical form of popular entertainment. In 1968, Hair introduced the rock
opera.
In the 1970s the term performance art came to describe more modest theatrical
events, often involving only one person who was not only the performer but also
the writer and director.
Performance art after 1975 reflected the influences of minimal art, which
focused on extreme simplicity, and of conceptual art, which considered the
creative process more important than the finished product
The most innovative and influential contributions to performance art in the
1990s came from women initially trained in dance, including German Pina
Bausch, who incorporated sound and setting in grandiose spectacles, and
others.
2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.2.1 THE EVOLUTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CLASSIFICATION
OF IMPAIRMENT, DISABILITY AND HANDICAP
One of the most significant contributions to rights-based disability policy and
legislation was the development of the International Classification of
Impairment, Disability and Handicap (ICIDH). The current dominance of
rights-based policy and legislation depended, and continues to depend greatly,
on a clear system of disability terminology. Western governments have
acknowledged that, in relation to legislation, “the importance of definitions
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has become greater as access to significant services depends upon such
definitions” (Thomas, 1982). The framework which provides the definitions
used in most worldwide disability-related policy are the definitions created by
the World Health Organization (WHO).
World attention towards the needs of both people with disabilities and policies
regarding people with disabilities was attracted by the WHO in 1976 when it
released a preliminary set of key definitions of disability terminology. These
definitions were refined and formally released to the international community
in 1980.
• Impairment: In the context of health experience, an impairment is any loss or
abnormality of psychological, physiological or anatomical structure or
function.
• Disability: In the context of health experience, a disability is any restriction or
lack (resulting from an impairment) of ability to perform activity in the
manner or within the range considered normal for a human being.
• Handicap: In the context of health experience, a handicap is a disadvantage
for a given individual, resulting from an impairment or a disability, that limits
or prevents the fulfilment of a role that is normal (depending on age, sex, and
social and cultural factors) for that individual. (Richards, 1982)
Impairment refers to a psychological or physiological condition; disability is a
restriction as a result of that condition and a handicap is a restriction placed on
an individual by society. These definitions were promoted by the WHO as part
of the United Nations (UN) during the International Year of Disabled Persons
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in 1981. The establishment of these definitions provided a welcome resolution
to the issue of terminology and they became the basis for disability-related
legislative policy throughout the world.
The creation of these definitions and the 1981 International Year of Disabled
Persons increased the profile of people with disabilities and pressured
governments to be more vigilant in the provision of disability-related services.
In Australia, for example, there was no comprehensive, reliable information
about people with disabilities until 1981 when the Australian Bureau of
Statistics carried out a national census and survey on disability-related issues
(Australian Science and Technology Council. Technological Change
Committee, 1984). This study provided the first real insight into the
difficulties faced by people with disabilities in Australia, including poverty,
education and employment. Although increased awareness at this time led to
improvements in the areas of employment, education and social interaction,
people with disabilities were still faced with “...diminished opportunity for
participation in the kind of life opened to those who are not disabled”
(Richards, 1982). One of the main reasons for this situation was the worldwide
economic recession which prevented governments from spending money on
the creation of new disability-related resources. In the United States, for
example, people with disabilities were not deemed to be an urgent priority in
comparison to the more pressing needs of the able-bodied population
(Coudroglou & Poole, 1984).
Despite a decrease in the development of disability-related policies, the WHO
continued to lobby for improved policy and legislation. The creation of the
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ICIDH further demonstrated the relationship between the formation of views
in society and the relationship between those views with the formation of
policy and legislation. Such definitions were necessary to form a basis for new
policies, moving away from the previous piecemeal and maximal policy
approaches.
However, the WHO definitions, although now implemented in numerous
pieces of legislation throughout the world, continue to be refined. Many in the
sociology and psychology professions were highly critical of the initial WHO
definitions. Many thought the definitions were too simplistic and inhibited
their ability to define, discover, report, and measure the concept of disability
(Coudroglou & Poole, 1984). Others believed that a professional body such as
the WHO should have gone further in supporting professionals in the field and
should have taken a more proactive role in addressing the welfare of people
with disabilities.
This criticism has resulted in the WHO keeping the definitions under constant
review. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the WHO definitions continued to
undergo minor changes. In recent times, however, these definitions have
undergone a major change. Several new drafts of the definitions, referred to as
the ICIDH-2, were created and trialled through the mid to late 1990s. The
result was a change of focus, finalised in 2001, and named the International
Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF). The aim of the new
ICF classification was to “…provide a unified and standard language and
framework for the description of health and health-related states"
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(International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, 2004). The
ICF indicated that in the past there were two main health-related disability
models: the social model and the medical model. The social model was a
combination of the charity and rights model where disability was defined as a
social problem. The medical model suggested that a disability was a problem
of the person (International Classification of Functioning Disability and
Health, 2004).
With the international health professions community accepting the ICF, the
WHO believed it had promulgated new definitions of disability effectively.
Disability could now be seen as a health issue affected by contextual factors.
Kostanjsek (2004) has recently defined ‘disability’ as follows:
In the context of health, disability is an umbrella term for impairments,
activity limitations and participation restrictions. It denotes the
negative aspects of the interaction between an individual (with a health
condition) and that individual’s contextual factors (environmental and
personal factors).
This definition endeavours to acknowledge the multi-dimensional nature of
disability. The other associated terms within the ICF include these critical
definitions: impairment is interpreted in relation to the functioning of body
parts or organs; activity is seen in relation to the capacity of a person to do
basic or complex actions and participation is connected to the impact on a
person’s performance of basic or complex actions in relation to the
surroundings (the environment) (Kostanjsek, 2004).
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Essentially, the defining of the terms disability, handicap and impairment and
associated later revisions clearly demonstrate that there is a close relationship
between the changing views of society, their relationship with the creation of
policy and the impact of such policy and legislation on people with
disabilities. The use of the WHO’s international classifications for disability-
related terminology continues to provide a basis on which polices are
formulated. Essentially, the way in which disability is currently conceptualised
and the policy which is built on this concept have a close relationship in which
each contributes to the evolution of the other. The current guidelines remain
under constant review and are likely to continue evolving to mirror societal
change.
2.2.2 APPROACHES TO DISABILITY
Disability is a term used to describe a group of people with permanent
medical-diagnostic classifications that affects their daily activity in typical
ways (Disability, 2010).
Many changes in conceptualizations of disability have emerged over the past
few decades, accompanied by major shifts in approaches to services and
supports. The disability literature posits numerous explanations for a typical
activity. Gilson and DePoy (2002) suggest these fit into two overarching
explanatory categories, disability as diagnostic condition, and disability as
constructed.
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The diagnostic approach defines disability as a long-term to permanent
physical, behavioral, psychological, cognitive, and sensory impairment that is
diagnosed by a health professional. Thus, the locus of disability according to
this paradigm is within the individual. In large part, this approach is based on
the historic notion of illness advanced by Parsons in the early 1950s (Oliver,
1996). The sick role approach suggested that illness begets a set of behavioral
expectations, many of which excuse the sick person from expected and desired
role behaviors. In exchange for relinquishing obligations, the individual who is
ill is expected to be compliant with and appreciative of medical intervention
designed to cure or care.
The constructed approach to disability encompasses the set of views that
locate disability and disabling forces in the environment. As indicated by the
term, disability is viewed as a phenomenon constructed by factors and forces
in the external environment rather than as a medical condition (Gilson &
DePoy, 2002). While the condition is acknowledged, it is not necessarily
undesirable, in need of remediation (Shakespeare & Watson, 1997) or even
relevant to understanding the circumstance of disabled people. Moreover, the
notion that all individuals have diverse conditions is central to this approach.
Why some conditions are constructed as disabilities (i.e. mobility impairments
in which individuals cannot walk) and others are not (mild nearsightedness),
despite being correctable with adaptive equipment, is a fundamental question
raised by this framework.
Similarly, Naslund (2009) developed a theory that disability is a collective
where the body, the environment and technology co-exist and are effects of
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relations. Thus, the body in its interaction with the environment and
technology form a relational part which creates effects which sometimes
makes a person disabled. All of them contribute to what disability becomes.
For instance, a person with a hearing impairment might have difficulties
hearing what other people say in specific circumstances. By using hearing aids
she/he can influence the way she/he hears. Disability thus becomes something
which is an effect of relationship between the body (an impaired ear), the
environment (people and artifacts in the surrounding) and technology (the
hearing aid). Such a collective contributes in various ways to what disability
becomes and how it is lived (Naslund, 2009).
Disability, then, is the product of social and physical barriers excluding
people who have some form of physical or mental impairment from
functioning in society. It is under these circumstances that disabled people
begin to be treated as special cases, as sets of problems to be assessed and
prescriptive solutions to be offered. Classically, this involves assessing the
individual and trying to fit that individual into the able-bodied social and
physical world with the assistance of ‘care’ from the professional personal
services (health and welfare).
2.2.3 THE SOCIAL MODEL OF DISABILITY
The social model of disability proposes that systemic barriers, negative
attitudes and exclusion by society (purposely or inadvertently) are the ultimate
factors defining who is disabled and who is not in a particular society. It
recognizes that while some people have physical, sensory, intellectual, or
psychological variations, which may sometimes cause individual functional
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limitation or impairments, these do not have to lead to disability, unless
society fails to take account of and include people regardless of their
individual differences (Disability, 2010).
The model does not deny that some individual differences lead to individual
limitations or impairments, but rather that these are not the cause of
individuals being excluded. The origins of the approach can be traced to the
1960s and the disabled people's Civil Rights Movement/human rights
movements; the specific term itself emerged from the United Kingdom in the
1980s.
Throughout history, the presence of people in society with disabilities has
remained constant, yet the treatment of people with disabilities has changed
(Deutsch & Nussbaum, 2000). It is not disability as such but, rather, the social
construct of disability that has defined how a disabled individual lives and
functions within a social framework. It is therefore necessary to explore,
briefly, the historical construction of disability in society in order to gain an
understanding of how people with disabilities are currently treated. Disability
as a social construct encompasses both the literal knowledge of limitations
caused by a disability and how a person with a disability is perceived by
society as a result of the disability. The social categorisation of disability is the
mainstream view of disability during a particular time period within a
particular society. This categorisation changes over time, with broader societal
changes often providing a catalyst for change in how people with disabilities
are perceived.
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Prior to the eighteenth century, the issue of people with disabilities was rarely
documented, for it was not believed to be a significant issue in its own right.
Disabilities at this time were either not noted or were mentioned simply as one
of many physical traits of an individual. For example, in the seventeenth
century, King James I was noted as having a tongue larger than his mouth and
weak legs but this was only remarked on as part of his overall characteristics.
Furthermore, the presence of these disabilities was not deemed to be
significant in any way to the role of the king (Deutsch & Nussbaum, 2000).
During the initial period of the Industrial Revolution, disability issues became
more apparent, in part because of industry-related injuries which increased the
prevalence of disabilities (Deutsch & Nussbaum, 2000). As the number of
disabilities increased throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
perceptions of disability became more distinct from the perception of people
generally.
In broad terms, there have been four significant ways in which disability has
been categorised and constructed in Western societies in the past three
centuries, all of which still play a role in contemporary thinking. These
categorisations can be thought of as a series of ‘models’ within which
individual people with disabilities are collected and then treated according the
internal logic of that model. The models are:
• the charity model
• the medical model
• the rights-based model and
• the economic model.
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Each model represents a majority view of how society reacts to people with
disabilities. While a particular model may be dominant, other models are also
likely to be present in society as minority viewpoints.
The first way in which society has collectively viewed people with disabilities
is commonly referred to as the charity model. The charity model, categorising
people with disabilities as in need of charity, is based on the definition that a
disability is “a tragedy, or a loss” (Coloridge, 1993). Fulcher (1989) suggested
that the charity model depicts people with disabilities as those needing help,
objects of pity, personally tragic, dependent, eternal children and low
achievers by ideal standards. In the charity model, people with disabilities are
positioned as unalterably different; people with disabilities are thought
incapable of becoming financially self-sufficient and therefore need support
from the able-bodied population. The dominance of the charity model as a
social category emerged in the nineteenth century (Deutsch & Nussbaum,
2000). As a result, the able-bodied population perceived people with
disabilities as significantly devalued and people with disabilities also believed
that they were incapable of achievement. This led to people with disabilities
relying more on the support of charities. People with disabilities often
identified the able-bodied population with a sense of freedom and
independence beyond their grasp. The way that the charity model worked can
be observed through the advertisements used by the United Way shortly after
its founding in the USA in 1887. The terminology generally used by the
charity consisted of words such as ‘spastic’, ‘handicapped’, ‘retarded’ and
‘cripple’, with posters showing images of people with disabilities in a position
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of life-long dependence (Wilson & Wilson, 2001). The use of such language
and imagery reinforced the idea of disability as being a tragedy, a loss or
somehow self-induced and it led to donations which provided financial
support.
In the early to mid-twentieth century a new model emerged to guide the
general social construction of disability, based on advances in medical
practice. This medical model focused purely on how a person with a disability
compared to what might be perceived as a ‘normal’ individual (Coloridge,
1993). As noted by Price and Shildrick (2002), the medical model shifted the
focus away from the charity model’s moral implications of disability,
redefining disability as a failure of the body. This approach allowed for a
distinction between a person with a disability and an able-bodied individual.
This approach allowed disability to be treated scientifically instead of being
the subject of purely emotional responses.
As society shifted towards medically based interpretations of disability, many
changes also occurred in relation to the interaction of people with disabilities
in society. The emphasis on a person with a disability being physically inferior
to an able-bodied individual resulted in many people being prevented from
entering the workforce in Western countries. In Britain, for example, people
with disabilities were either discouraged or not actively encouraged to enter
the workforce until 1958 (Schlesinger & Whelan, 1979). The medical model
ultimately puts forward the social argument that if the body can achieve
physical independence, all other components of an individual’s life will
achieve the same independence (Wilson & Wilson, 2001). The advantage of
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this perception is the removal of potentially damaging negative connotations
associated with emotional trauma or the perception of loss. The disadvantage,
however, is that the labeling of an individual based on how different they are
to a ‘normal’ body emphasizes their exclusion from the able-bodied
population (Fulcher, 1989).
In the mid 1970s, a new model, based on the rights of people with disabilities
to have equitable treatment in society, began to emerge. This rights-based
model came to prominence in part due to the number of people in the United
States of America with disabilities resulting from the Vietnam War and in part
due to the increased activity of human and civil rights movements at the time
(Clear, 2000).
The rights-based model was ultimately committed to extending full citizenship
to all people regardless of potentially discriminating elements which included
disability (Fulcher, 1989). In this model, people with disabilities were not just
held to be capable of effective interaction with the rest of society but it was
assumed that any impairment resulting from an individual’s disability should
no longer have meaning in the pursuit of equity and independence (Parsons,
1994). This model differed from the charity and medical models in that it did
not perceive a need for sympathy towards people with disability, nor did it
acknowledge that a difference in body should affect the capability of an
individual. The rights-based model instead focused on the responsibility of
society to resolve difficulties faced by people with disabilities within the
facilities provided to the able-bodied population.
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Although the rights-based model still acknowledged that there is a difference
between people with disabilities and the able-bodied population, the model
suggested that effective integration of these differences into society could
remove barriers on physical, environmental and societal levels. Shakespeare
(1975) stated that “neither information alone nor contact with the
disabled…are sufficient in themselves to change attitudes but that the effect of
these combined has a favourable impact.” Such a statement reinforced the fact
that, within the rights-based model, difference could be understood, accepted
and compensation provided, without constituting people with disabilities as
lacking essential humanity.
In recent times, disability has also come to be constructed in a manner that is
best termed the economic model, based on the idea that people with
disabilities, as with the able-bodied population, can be understood as
consumers who, by buying goods and services, stimulate a nation’s economic
growth. The provision of products to such a large percentage of the population
has the potential to be highly beneficial to people with disabilities and highly
profitable to corporations providing the necessary goods and services. In
particular, people with disabilities often have special needs for products and
services to support their independence. The provision of both modified
mainstream products and disability-specific products can be seen as mutually
advantageous to both people with disabilities and the corporations which are
providing the products and services. The economic model complements the
rights-based model, and within it, people with disabilities are construed to be
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capable of achieving economic equality with the able-bodied population and in
turn being served by a free-market economy in the supply of products catering
for the needs of people with disabilities. In this economic model, partial
responsibility for the assistance of people with disabilities passes from the
state to the broader society in which people with disabilities live.
One early manifestation of the kind of approach to disability which can be
construed as ‘economic’ came in the 1950s when the British government
realized the potential economic benefits of having people with disabilities
enter the workforce after the World War II. As a result, sheltered workshops
were established in Britain and other countries including Australia
(Schlesinger & Whelan, 1979). This model has gained significant popularity in
recent times. Now, it can be asserted, profiting from people with disabilities is
not seen as a detested act of greed but is understood, at least in part, as a
mutually beneficial arrangement.
In essence, the social construction of disability is significant in demonstrating
how the views of society have changed and continue to evolve. The different
categorisations, represented as models, demonstrate the changes in dominant
thinking. The perception of disability as explained by the charity model’s
emphasis on tragedy and loss creates a different perspective from the medical
model-based perception that disability represents an inferior aspect of the
body. The rights-based and economic models provide different aspects again,
affecting the perception of disability rights and the pursuit of mutual economic
benefits respectively. Yet such viewpoints are merely a catalyst for change,
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rather than the change itself. The dominant social category often becomes the
foundation for creating policy and can have a direct impact
2.2.4 TYPES OF DISABILITIES
2.2.4.1 Mobility Impairments
Mobility impairments are the result of any number of disabling conditions,
which will either limit or completely eliminate the use of a person's lower and
often times upper limbs also, either by lack of coordination, weakness, poor
circulation, or by paralysis.
Mobility impairments can cover a great number of disabilities or conditions in
this broad category. People become paraplegics (paralysed in the lower
extremities and part or all of the trunk muscles) or quadriplegics ( having a
damaged spinal cord in the cervical region) through accidents most often but
mobility impairment could also be due to a person having been born with
cerebral palsy, where this condition severely limits movement of both legs and
arms. People who have diabetes will become mobility impaired if they start to
have problem with their circulation due to the ravaging effects of diabetes
itself. Multiple sclerosis hits young adults in similar ways. With polio the
muscles in your arms and legs become weakened so that they do not function
(a) Adaptive Techniques and Aids
Walking aids include assistive canes (commonly referred to as walking sticks),
crutches and walkers. As appropriate to the needs of the individual user, these
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devices help to maintain upright ambulation by providing any or all of the
following:
Improved stability -By providing additional points of contact the
walking aid provides both additional support and a wider range of
stable centre of gravity positioning.
Reduced lower-limb loading -By directing load through the arms and
the walking aid, lower impact and static forces are transmitted through
the affected limbs.
Generating Movement -The walking aid and arms can substitute for
the muscles and joints of the spine, pelvis and/or legs in the generation
of dynamic forces during walking.
(i)Cane
The cane or walking stick is the simplest form of walking aid. It is held in the
hand and transmits loads to the floor through a shaft. The load which can be
applied through a cane is transmitted through the user's hands and wrists and
limited by these.
(ii)Crutches
A crutch also transmits loads to the ground through a shaft, but has two points
of contact with the arm, at the hand and either below the elbow (most common
in Europe and elsewhere) or below the armpit (most common in the United
States of America). This allows significantly greater loads to be exerted
through a crutch in comparison with a cane.
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(iii) Canes, crutches, and forearm crutch combinations
Devices on the market today include a number of combinations for Canes,
Crutches and Forearm crutches. These crutches have bands that encircle the
upper arms and handles for the patient to hold and rest their hands to support
the body weight. The Forearm crutch typically gives a user the support of the
cane but with additional forearm support to assist in mobility. The forearm
portion helps increase balance, lateral stability and also reduces the load on the
wrist. A forearm crutch is shown in plate 2.1 below.
Plate 2.1: Forearm Crutch (Disability, 2010).
(iv)Walkers
A walker (also known as a Zimmer frame) is the most stable walking aid and
consists of a freestanding metal framework with three or more points of
contact which the user places in front of them and then grips during
movement. The points of contact may be either fixed rubber ferrules as with
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crutches and canes, or wheels, or a combination of both. Wheeled walkers are
also known as rollators.
(v)Wheelchairs and Scooters
Wheelchairs and mobility scooters substitute for walking by providing a
wheeled device on which the user sits. Wheelchairs may be either manually
propelled (by the user or by an aide) or electrically powered. Mobility scooters
are electrically powered.
(vi) Stairlifts and similar devices
A stairlift is a mechanical device for lifting people and wheelchairs up and
down stairs. Sometimes special purpose lifts are provided elsewhere to
facilitate access for the disabled, for example at entrances to raised bus stops.
(vii) Others
Mobility aids can also be considered to include adaptive technology such as
sling lifts or other patient transfer devices that help transfer users between
beds and chairs or lift chairs (and other sit-to-stand devices), transfer or
convertible chairs.
2.2.4.2 Visual Impairment
Visual impairment is the consequence of a functional loss of vision, rather
than the eye disorder itself. Eye disorders which can lead to visual
impairments can include retinal degeneration, albinism, cataracts, glaucoma,
muscular problems that result in visual disturbances, corneal disorders,
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diabetic retinopathy, congenital disorders, and infection(Blindness, 2008).
Visual impairment can also be caused by brain and nerve disorders, in which
case it is usually termed cortical visual impairment (CVI).
Visual impairment could also arise due to injury from sharp objects, such as
scissors, or head injuries from automobile or bicycle accidents. Eyes can be
protected from injuries by the use of safety equipment—such as wearing a
helmet for cycling or wearing shatterproof goggles during fast-moving ball
games.
Some vision problems are the result of illnesses, such as high blood pressure
or diabetes mellitus. Glaucoma is an eye disease caused by faulty drainage of
normal eye fluid from inside the eye. The pressure in the eye slowly rises and
over many years may cause damage to the optic nerve, eventually resulting in
blindness. Macular degeneration is a serious eye condition that is usually
associated with aging. The macula is vital for clear, sharp sight. In people with
macular degeneration, deteriorating cells or abnormal blood vessel growth in
the macula cause blurred vision in the central area of focus. Vision loss
associated with macular degeneration cannot be corrected with standard
eyeglasses or contact lenses.
The loss of one eye equals 25% impairment of the visual system and 24%
impairment of the whole person; total loss of vision in both eyes is considered
to be 100% visual impairment and 85% impairment of the whole person.
Visual impairments have considerable economic impact on even developed
countries (Blindness, 2008).
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Visual impairment (or vision impairment) is vision loss (of a person) to such a
degree as to qualify as an additional support need through a significant
limitation of visual capability resulting from either disease, trauma, or
congenital or degenerative conditions that cannot be corrected by conventional
means, such as refractive correction, medication, or surgery. This functional
loss of vision is typically defined to manifest with:
2. best corrected visual acuity of less than 20/60, or significant central field
defect,
3. significant peripheral field defect including homonymous or heteronymous
bilateral visual, field defect or generalized contraction or constriction of field,
or
4. reduced peak contrast sensitivity with either of the above conditions.
In the United States, the terms "partially sighted," "low vision," "legally
blind," and "totally blind" are used by schools, colleges, and other educational
institutions to describe people with visual impairments. They are defined as
follows:
vi. Partially sighted indicates some type of visual problem, with a need of person to
receive special education in some cases;
vii. Low vision generally refers to a severe visual impairment, not necessarily limited
to distance vision. Low vision applies to all individuals with sight who are
unable to read the newspaper at a normal viewing distance, even with the aid
of eyeglasses or contact lenses. They use a combination of vision and other
senses to learn, although they may require adaptations in lighting or the size of
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print, and, sometimes, Braille. There are different forms of low vision. These
include:
Myopia – inability to see distant objects clearly, commonly called
near-sighted or short-sighted
Hyperopia - inability to see close objects clearly, commonly called far-
sighted or long-sighted
Legally blind indicates that a person has less than 20/200 vision in the
better eye after best correction (contact lenses or glasses), or a field of
vision of less than 20 degrees in the better eye; and
Totally blind indicates that the person cannot see at all.
(a)Adaptive Techniques and Aids
The creation of electronic-based devices to assist people with disabilities
became known as assistive technology or adaptive technology. Assistive
technology is designed to temporarily modify a product into an accessible
format, while adaptive technology is designed to permanently change a
product to ensure accessibility (Australian National Training Authority, 2005).
The shorthand term AT is generally used to describe either assistive or
adaptive technologies, with ‘assist’ being defined as “to give support, to aid, to
help” (Bryant & Bryant, 2003,). AT, then, is the method by which the practical
implementation of technology helps and supports people. The development of
AT can be separated into two parts: innovation-based products in which
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products are created specifically for people with disabilities; and adaptation-
based products which involve making existing products accessible for people
with disabilities (Kumar, Rahman, & Krovi, 2005).
Many people with serious visual impairments can travel independently, using
a wide range of tools and techniques. Orientation and mobility specialists are
professionals who are specifically trained to teach people with visual
impairments how to travel safely, confidently, and independently in the home
and the community. These professionals can also help blind people to practice
travelling on specific routes which they may use often, such as the route from
one's house to a convenience store. Becoming familiar with an environment or
route can make it much easier for a blind person to navigate successfully.
(b)Mobility
Plate 2.2: Folded long cane (Disability, 2010)
Tools such as the white cane with a red tip - the international symbol of
blindness - may also be used to improve mobility. A long cane is used to
extend the user's range of touch sensation. It is usually swung in a low
sweeping motion, across the intended path of travel, to detect obstacles.
However, techniques for cane travel can vary depending on the user and/or the
situation. Some persons with visual impairments do not carry these kinds of
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canes, opting instead for the shorter, lighter identification (ID) cane. Still
others require a support cane. The choice depends on the vision and
motivation of individuals. A folded long cane is shown in plate 2.2 above.
A small number of people employ guide dogs to assist in mobility. These dogs
are trained to navigate around various obstacles, and to indicate when it
becomes necessary to go up or down a step. However, the helpfulness of guide
dogs is limited by the inability of dogs to understand complex directions. The
human half of the guide dog team does the directing, based upon skills
acquired through previous mobility training. In this sense, the handler might
be likened to an aircraft's navigator, who must know how to get from one
place to another, and the dog to the pilot, who gets them there safely.
In addition, some blind people use software using Global Positioning System
technology as a mobility aid. Such software can assist blind people with
orientation and navigation, but it is not a replacement for traditional mobility
tools such as white canes and guide dogs.
Government actions are sometimes taken to make public places more
accessible to blind people. Public transportation is freely available to the blind
in many cities in Western countries. Tactile paving and audible traffic signals
can make it easier and safer for visually impaired pedestrians to cross streets.
In addition to making rules about who can and cannot use a cane, some
governments mandate the right-of-way be given to users of white canes or
guide dogs.
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(c)Reading and magnification
Most visually impaired people who are not totally blind read print, either of a
regular size or enlarged by magnification devices. Many also read large-print,
which is easier for them to read without such devices. A variety of magnifying
glasses, some handheld, and some on desktops, can make reading easier for
them.
Plate 2.3: Watch for the blind (Disability, 2010)
Others read Braille (or the infrequently used Moon type), or rely on talking
books and readers or reading machines, which convert printed text to speech
or Braille. Braille is a system of touch reading for people who are blind or
vision impaired that employs raised dots, evenly arranged in quadrangular
letter spaces or cells. Braille symbols are formed within units of space known
as braille cells. A wristwatch in Braille is shown in plate 2.3 above.
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