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An Economic Impact Analysis
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Northern Secwepemc Treaty: An Economic Impact Analysis
Carl Archie
Econ 4990-01 Policy Analysis
Derek Pyne
December 2, 2011
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Abstract
This Essay uses cost/benefit analysis to analyze the present value of the net benefits of a
Northern Secwepemc Treaty if it were signed today. The numbers are based off of the current
offer by the BC and Canada Governments. Many of the assumptions are based on the same
assumptions as made in the PriceWaterhouseCoopers analysis commissioned by the BC Treaty
Commission. Some of the calculations have had to be adjusted or prorated for the population
of the Northern Secwepemc. I would like to thank Robert Androkovich, Faculty, Thompson
Rivers University, for his ongoing input as this essay continued to evolve.
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We demand that our land question be settled, and ask that treaties be made between the
government and each of our tribes, in the same manner as accomplished with the Indian tribes
of the other provinces of Canada, and in the neighboring parts of the United States. We desire
that every matter of importance to each tribe be a subject of treaty, so we may have a definite
understanding with the government on all questions of moment between us and them.
(Secwepemc Chiefs 1910)
The Northern Secwepemc are a political alliance comprising of 2240 members from four
communities in the Cariboo region: Canim Lake Band, Williams Lake Indian Band, Soda Creek
Indian Band, and Canoe/Dog Creek Indian Band. Submitting a Statement of Intent in 1994, and
claiming a traditional territory of 5.6 million hectares, the four communities entered into the BC
Treaty Process amid dynamic political, legal and economic environments (BC Treaty
Commission 2009). The Northern Secwepemc negotiating table has faced a number of
significant challenges over the years including accumulation of debt; however, preliminary
analysis shows a Northern Secwepemc Treaty remains economically viable and will provide
significant benefits to the four First Nations.
The BC Treaty process is a six stage process aimed at negotiating comprehensive agreements
recognizing a First Nations right to self-government, accommodating land claims, and
reconciling Aboriginal Rights and Title with the Crowns assertion of Sovereignty in British
Columbia (BC Treaty Commission 2009). Prior to the Nisga’a Final Agreement in 2000, there
were no Treaties negotiated in the BC Mainland. This resulted in a number of legal challenges in
the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) (Government of British Columbia 2011). The first of which
was Calder v. British Columbia which was the first time in which the SCC recognized the
existence of Aboriginal Title to land prior to the assertion of Sovereignty by the Crown.
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However, this SCC did not agree whether the Title had in fact been extinguished with one judge
lamenting, “if any attempt was made to extinguish the title it was beyond the power of the
Governor or of the Council to do so” (Canadian Legal Information Institute 1973). In 1984, the
SCC heard the case Geurin v. The Queen. In it, Justices Dickson, Beetz, Chouinard and Lamer
write of the sui generis nature of Aboriginal Title stating “The Indians' interest in their land is a
pre-existing legal right not created by the Royal Proclamation of 1763, by s. 18(l) of the Indian
Act, or by any other executive order or legislative provision.” They further write that Aboriginal
Title is “inalienable” and that the crown has “fiduciary obligations” owing to First Nations
(Canadian Legal Information Institute 1984). The Delgamuukw v. British Columbia decision of
1997 is perhaps the most famous case regarding Aboriginal Rights and Title. In it, Justices
Lamer, McLachlin, and Major confirm the sui generis and inalienable nature of Aboriginal Title
writing “Aboriginal title is sui generis,… inalienable and cannot be transferred or surrendered to
anyone other than the Crown” (Canadian Legal Information Institute 1997). They further define
Aboriginal Title as being held “communally” and “was recognized well before 1982” and
therefor protected by Section 35(1) of the Canadian Constitution Act of 1982 ibid. A final aspect
of the Delgamuukw case is legitimizing the use of Oral Histories as evidence in court. Finally,
the SCC’s 2004 decision upholds the Court of Appeal of British Columbia’s Taku River Tlingit
v. British Columbia decision that the Crown has a “duty to consult and accommodate Aboriginal
peoples prior to making decisions that might adversely affect their as yet unproven Aboriginal
rights and title claims.” However, in all cases, the SCC refuses to award compensation or direct
land awards agreeing with Court of Appeal Justice Lambert who writes “the legal rights of the
Indian people will have to be accommodated within our total society by political compromises
and accommodations based in the first instance on negotiation and agreement and ultimately in
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accordance with the sovereign will of the community as a whole” ibid. It is with the backdrop of
legal uncertainty that British Columbia, Canada and First Nations have entered into the modern
Tripartite BC Treaty Process. The BC Treaty Process consists of six stages. Stage one is the
stage in which the First Nations must submit a Statement of Intent outlining which communities
they represent and their mandate for entering into the Treaty Process. The four Northern
Secwepemc communities entered into this stage in 1994 (Commission 2009). Stage two is the
stage in which the three parties are assessed for their readiness to negotiate (BC Treaty
Commission 2009). They must be able to “demonstrate that they have a commitment to
negotiate, a qualified negotiator, sufficient resources, a mandate and a process to develop that
mandate and ratification procedures.” The Northern Secwepemc negotiating table was declared
ready in April 1996 ibid. The BC Treaty Commission refers to stage three as the “table of
contents” of a Treaty in which the parties decide what will be negotiated and how long it is
expected to take. This stage was completed in 1997. The Northern Secwepemc are currently in
stage four of the BC Treat Process – the Agreement in Principle stage ibid. Most of the First
Nations in BC are currently in this stage and aim to “reach agreement on each of the topics that
will form the basis of the treaty” ibid. Stage 5 is stage and which negotiations take place to “to
finalize the technical and legal aspects of the Treaty”. Because the Treaty is a “constitutional
instrument” under Section 35(1) under the Canadian Constitution of 1982, the Treaty must be
signed and formally ratified in the Legislature, House of Commons and by First Nations before
they are implemented, which is stage six ibid.
Unresolved Rights and Title claims by First Nations have resulted in economic uncertainty as
well. With ongoing negotiations and the crowns duty to consult, development projects such as
logging and mining must be postponed temporarily or, in the case that Aboriginal peoples
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disagree, indefinitely. A major problem with the BC Treaty Process is that it has produced few
agreements in nearly 20 years. In their 2011 Annual Report, the BC Treaty Commission (BCTC)
reports that there are only two Treaties that have been implemented. There are an additional three
First Nations who have concluded Final Agreements but which have not yet been ratified and
two which the BCTC considers close to concluding Final Agreements (BC Treaty Commission
2011). Even though it is the Crown which bears a Fiduciary duty to First Nations, the slow pace
of the BC Treaty Process has led to corporations negotiating agreements directly with First
Nations. Locally, Stk’emlups te Secwepemc Nation has (SSN) signed Resource Revenue Sharing
Agreements with the Province of British Columbia and New Gold Inc, the proponent of New
Afton Gold Mine near Kamloops, BC (The Province News 2010). Provisions of the Agreement
include Mining royalties and jobs provided to citizens of SSN. The Williams Lake Indian Band
recently signed a Protocol Agreement with Spanish Mountain Gold with the company
“committing to consult” with the First Nation (Sona Resources Corporation 2010). Corporate
willingness to negotiate on their own behalf with First Nations underscores their recognition of
Aboriginal Rights and Title and their desire for certainty with respect to Title of land in BC. The
slow pace of the BC Treaty process is its biggest flaw resulting in economic uncertainty
estimated to cost the economy $1 Billion per year and 1500 lost jobs in the Forestry and Mining
Sectors (Treaty Negotiations in British Columbia:An Assessment of the Effectiveness of British
Columbia’s Management and Administrative Processes 2006).
A key to resolving uncertainty in British Columbia and part of the BC Treaty Process is
negotiating many jurisdictional issues including self-government of First Nations and
governance of Natural Resources. The self-governance aspect of their Treaty will give the
Northern Secwepemc law-making authority over such things as citizenship, services, education,
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health services, and regulation of businesses. Governance of Natural Resources will recognize
First Nations rights to govern, among other things; lands, roads, forests, water resources and
fisheries (PriceWaterhouseCoopers 2009). It is from the clarity and certainty of jurisdictions, my
analysis assumes, that the financial impacts of a Northern Secwepemc will flow.
Based on many of the same economic assumptions as a 2009 PriceWaterhouseCoopers Impact
Analysis of Treaty Settlements in BC, this analysis estimates that, if a Treaty were signed today,
the Net Present Value of Net Benefits would be $342 million to the Northern Secwepemc over
the next 40 years. Starting the day a Treaty is signed, benefits begin accruing to the Northern
Secwepemc which are: One time capital transfer of $30 million over 10 years; 25 years of
benefits which accrue from Resource Revenue Sharing; after 12 years, Northern Secwepemc
begin collecting Income Tax from members and people residing on Northern Secwepemc Lands;
Northern Secwepemc begin collecting Consumption taxes after 8 years from all transactions on
Northern Secwepemc lands; ongoing funding from Federal Government to fund core institutions.
It has been assumed that population of the Northern Secwepemc will grow at a rate of 1.3% over
the 40 years, which is consistent with INAC projections (PriceWaterhouseCoopers 2009). Figure
1 shows that the population of the Northern Secwepemc grows from 2240 currently, to 3755 by
the year 2051.
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Figure 1
40 Years0
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
3,000
3,500
4,000
From this we can calculate the overall employment rate. PWC assumes that the employment rate
will increase from 55% currently to 61% over the first ten years post-treaty ibid. The increase in
employment is due mainly to jobs which are currently being occupied in forestry and mining by
non-aboriginals to being occupied by Northern Secwepemc ibid. Furthermore, Northern
Secwepemc will require a greater number of Administrators and Leadership to run a new level of
Government which will be created by their Treaty.
Figure 2 shows the increase in Employment over the next 40 years:
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Figure 2
1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 390
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
Employed
Employed
It is further assumed that post-settlement wages will increase 3% per annum over the next 40
years from the current average wage of $27,000 for BC First Nations ibid. Figure 3 shows the
wage income generated by Northern Secwepemc citizens over the next 40 years:
Figure 3
1 4 7 10 13 16 19 22 25 28 31 34 370.00
50,000,000.00
100,000,000.00
150,000,000.00
200,000,000.00
250,000,000.00
Employment Revenue over 40 Years
Employment Revenue over 40 Years
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With aggregate income of $201 million in year 40, personal income will become the single
largest asset to the Northern Secwepemc. The Net Present Value of Income and Consumption
taxes are $321,645,634.70 amounting to 94 percent of the total benefits over the horizon of this
analysis. In comparison, the final settlement is less than 20% of one percent of the present value
of the benefits from a Northern Secwepemc Treaty signed today. Furthermore, with ongoing and
time limited funding tied to income generated by Resource Revenue Sharing Agreements,
Northern Secwepemc would become entirely self-sufficient after 31 years, no longer receiving
any funding from Canadian governments.
Further benefits to the Northern Shuswap, but which were not included, are land transfers and
job transfers in the resource sector – both of which would require in-depth analysis with
information not readily available. The land analysis is challenging owing to a difficulty in
quantifying the cultural value Secwepemc people place on land. After all, Secwepemc literally
translates into “spread out people” because we have the largest traditional territory of any
Aboriginal Nation in British Columbia. Furthermore, there are additional scarcity rents which
would accrue due to the limited availability of Northern Secwepemc land from which to choose
relative to the land mass’ of British Columbia and Canada. Although job numbers in the resource
sector are available, the Northern Secwepemc territory encompasses a number of forestry
districts. PWC estimates that 80% of higher paying natural resource sector jobs in the region will
be occupied by First Nations displacing current employees (PriceWaterhouseCoopers 2009).
However, further benefits will accrue from Northern Secwcepemc equity in Natural Resource
corporations. For example, Sona Resources reports that they have granted the option for Canoe
Creek Indian Band to purchase 10% equity of their corporation as part of a Partnership
Agreement announced in 2010. It is not clear whether equity options will become common for
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such partnership agreements or what impact such agreements will have on business practices of
resource corporations.
With a number of economic assumptions found in the PriceWaterhouseCoopers study Financial
and Economic Impacts of Settlements in BC commissioned by the BC Treaty Commission, this
analysis shows that the economic benefits to the four Northern Secwepemc First Nations of a
Treaty signed today are tremendous. Furthermore, the initial cash settlement of $30 million and
current estimated debt of $22 million is miniscule compared to income tax to be generated by
Northern Secwcepemc citizens over 40 years post-treaty. Negotiations seeking increases to the
rates of taxes returned to Northern Secwepemc would see economies of scale greater than
benefits of a larger initial lump settlement. As a result of the time-value of money, these benefits
would continue to diminish the longer it takes for settlement of a Treaty. Further sensitivity
analysis could be done to estimate the impact of longer settlement periods on the benefits
received by the First Nation. Although this analysis didn’t provide estimations, additional
analysis would reveal that Net Benefits to British Columbia would be less than the benefits to the
Northern Secwepemc because many of the costs are borne by BC and Canada.
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Appendix A
Excel Spreadsheets
Bibliography
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PriceWaterhouseCoopers. "Financial and Economic Impacts of Treaty Settlements in BC." BC Treaty Commission. November 2009. http://bctreaty.net/files/pdf_documents/BC-Treaty-Commission-PricewaterhouseCoopers-Report.pdf (accessed November 17, 2011).
Secwepemc Chiefs. "Memorial to Sir Wilfred Laurier." Shuswap Nation Tribal Council. August 25, 1910. http://www.shuswapnation.org/news-and-meetings/memorial-letter.html (accessed November 15, 2011).
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