NOTES - Compasionate Cannibalism

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    Acknowledgements

    Research among the Wari of Rondnia in western Brazil

    The study is based on the field research carried out in June 1985 June 1987

    Most of the ethnographic information and ideas presented in this book have come from Wari

    who saw themselves as my teachers and tried to enlighten me about their understandings p. xi

    Photographs of the people among the most respected members of their communities

    Books goal according to the author: my hope is that, as outsiders learn more about the Wari as

    individuals and as a society, this will contribute to greater public understanding of why it is so

    important to protect the future of the Wari and the other indigenous peoples, and what will be

    lost if we do not. p. xi

    Introduction

    Most outsiders know them as Pakka Nova

    In the 1950s and early 1960s, they disposed of the body of their dead as their ancestors had done,

    by eating the roasted flesh, certain internal organs, and sometimes the ground bones. p. xv

    This book examines how Wari understood and experienced this kind of cannibalism and exploreshow this seemingly exotic practice reflects on broad human questions about love and loss,

    emotional attachment, and how people cope with death and bereavement. pp. xv-xvi

    Cannibalism used to be the normal treatment for all Wari who died of any cause p. xvi

    Wari still considered it important to consume at least some of the corpse, even though the body

    gets nearly too decayed to stomach p. xvi

    They did not eat their dead because they liked the taste of human flesh, nor because they needed

    the meat. Rather, they ate out of a sense of respect and compassion for the dead person and for

    the dead persons family. p. xvi

    The duty of eating the corpse at a funeral was a social obligation among affines (in-laws), one of the

    reciprocal services owed to the families with whom ones own kin had intermarried. p. xvii

    Wari emphasize that they did not eat for self-gratification p. xviito refuse to consume any of the corpse at all would have been seen as an insul t to the dead

    persons family and to the memory of the deceased p. xvii

    Wari wanted their own corpses to be eaten or at least cremated p. xvii

    The Wari stopped practicing cannibalism after they were contacted by government-sponsored

    expeditions p. xvii

    Many Wari were deeply unhappy about being forced to give up cannibalism. Burial was a

    horrifying substitute, a practice they considered barbaric. *+ To live the loved ones body to rot in

    the dirt was disrespectful and degrading to the dead and heart-wrenching for those who mourned

    them. p. xviii

    Today they dont practice cannibalism anymore

    they look back upon the cannibalistic funeral practices of their past with a certain nostalgia forwhat they describe as a better, more loving and compassionate way to deal with death and

    bereavement. p. xviii

    Understanding the indigenous concept of compassionate cannibalism is the issue at the heart of

    this book p. xviii this is on what the author focuses

    When one asks older men and women the answer they give most

    often is *Thus was our custom+. For Wari before the contact cannibalism was the

    norm. It was how their people had disposed of their dead for as long as anyone could remember,

    and it was considered the proper, most honorable way to treat a corpse. p. xviii

    Reasons: was done out of compassion for the person who was eaten, and that it also was done out

    of compassion for bereaved relatives, as a way to lessen their sorrow. p. xviii

    Making the corpse disappear by eating it was thought to help family members dwell less on the

    memories of the person who had passed away. p. xix

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    CONSLUCION: She rigorously demonstrates that Wari cannibalism was a compassionate act that

    served to distance the dead from the living and to help the living emotionally cope with loss.

    In Part I, Conklin places Wari cannibalism in perspective by discussing relevant aspects of

    contemporary Wari society and sketching their pre- and postcontact histories.In Part II, Conklindescribes how Wari remember and explain their funerary practices (both contemporary andhistorical) and relates them to prominent academic explanations of cannibalism. Of particular

    note, she distinguishes funerary cannibalism, or endocannibalism, from exocannibalism,

    highlighting how Wari perceive the primary significance of the former to have been its role in the

    management of grief.Conklin substantiates her acceptance of this thesis in Part III by exploring

    Wari notions of kinship, personhood and humanity in relation to the body, and by relating them

    to the various roles people played in funerals. Finally, in Part IV, Conklin proposes that Wari

    favored funerary cannibalism over other forms of corpse disposal because it tangibly engaged

    Wari identity with respect to the afterlife and thereby symbolically facilitated the transformative

    process of death.

    A potential criticism of Consuming Grief is that it relies substantially on memory ethnography,which is susceptible to the imperfections of human recollection. she is writing only from what

    she heard, and never saw an actual funeral being done, so we can be susceptible that some parts

    of the information may not be accurate because of this fact. People may have told her a twisted

    truth.

    Through both internal and external analysis, Conklin meticulously verifies her data, thereby

    providing a strong challenge to the prevalent assumption that most (if not all) ethnographic

    accounts of cannibalism are false.

    Conklins truly personal writing style lends a very human voice to anthropological theory. By staying

    close to her data and to her field experience, she guides the reader through many of the complexthemes involved in Amazonian kinship and cosmology without appearing overly abstract. Similarly,

    she addresses potentially morbid topics with a tone of concrete humanity that renders them

    understandable and inoffensive.

    Conklin shows that funerary cannibalism was a main component of a grieving process in which

    causing the body of the deceased todisappear helped the family and friends to come to terms

    with their loss more easily and more quickly.

    The book is divided in four well integrated parts.

    Chapter Two, Wari Worlds, presents an in-depth description of Wari social organization andenvironment both as they were before the contact with Europeans (who tried to put a stop to the

    cannibalistic tradition) and as they evolved in the post-contact period.

    The second part of the book, entitled Motifs and Motives, aims to answer why and how the

    Wari practiced endocannibalism. In Chapter Four, Conklin depicts Wari funerals in rich detail, as

    they were before and after the contact, and offers accounts of Wari perspectives on illness and

    death. In Explanations of Eating, she takes us on an intellectual journey through the various

    classical explanations of cannibalism: lack of proteins in the diet, sublimation of aggression,

    respect for the ancestors, desire to incorporate the essence of the deceased into ones own body,

    etc.

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