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Acknowledgements
Research among the Wari of Rondnia in western Brazil
The study is based on the field research carried out in June 1985 June 1987
Most of the ethnographic information and ideas presented in this book have come from Wari
who saw themselves as my teachers and tried to enlighten me about their understandings p. xi
Photographs of the people among the most respected members of their communities
Books goal according to the author: my hope is that, as outsiders learn more about the Wari as
individuals and as a society, this will contribute to greater public understanding of why it is so
important to protect the future of the Wari and the other indigenous peoples, and what will be
lost if we do not. p. xi
Introduction
Most outsiders know them as Pakka Nova
In the 1950s and early 1960s, they disposed of the body of their dead as their ancestors had done,
by eating the roasted flesh, certain internal organs, and sometimes the ground bones. p. xv
This book examines how Wari understood and experienced this kind of cannibalism and exploreshow this seemingly exotic practice reflects on broad human questions about love and loss,
emotional attachment, and how people cope with death and bereavement. pp. xv-xvi
Cannibalism used to be the normal treatment for all Wari who died of any cause p. xvi
Wari still considered it important to consume at least some of the corpse, even though the body
gets nearly too decayed to stomach p. xvi
They did not eat their dead because they liked the taste of human flesh, nor because they needed
the meat. Rather, they ate out of a sense of respect and compassion for the dead person and for
the dead persons family. p. xvi
The duty of eating the corpse at a funeral was a social obligation among affines (in-laws), one of the
reciprocal services owed to the families with whom ones own kin had intermarried. p. xvii
Wari emphasize that they did not eat for self-gratification p. xviito refuse to consume any of the corpse at all would have been seen as an insul t to the dead
persons family and to the memory of the deceased p. xvii
Wari wanted their own corpses to be eaten or at least cremated p. xvii
The Wari stopped practicing cannibalism after they were contacted by government-sponsored
expeditions p. xvii
Many Wari were deeply unhappy about being forced to give up cannibalism. Burial was a
horrifying substitute, a practice they considered barbaric. *+ To live the loved ones body to rot in
the dirt was disrespectful and degrading to the dead and heart-wrenching for those who mourned
them. p. xviii
Today they dont practice cannibalism anymore
they look back upon the cannibalistic funeral practices of their past with a certain nostalgia forwhat they describe as a better, more loving and compassionate way to deal with death and
bereavement. p. xviii
Understanding the indigenous concept of compassionate cannibalism is the issue at the heart of
this book p. xviii this is on what the author focuses
When one asks older men and women the answer they give most
often is *Thus was our custom+. For Wari before the contact cannibalism was the
norm. It was how their people had disposed of their dead for as long as anyone could remember,
and it was considered the proper, most honorable way to treat a corpse. p. xviii
Reasons: was done out of compassion for the person who was eaten, and that it also was done out
of compassion for bereaved relatives, as a way to lessen their sorrow. p. xviii
Making the corpse disappear by eating it was thought to help family members dwell less on the
memories of the person who had passed away. p. xix
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CONSLUCION: She rigorously demonstrates that Wari cannibalism was a compassionate act that
served to distance the dead from the living and to help the living emotionally cope with loss.
In Part I, Conklin places Wari cannibalism in perspective by discussing relevant aspects of
contemporary Wari society and sketching their pre- and postcontact histories.In Part II, Conklindescribes how Wari remember and explain their funerary practices (both contemporary andhistorical) and relates them to prominent academic explanations of cannibalism. Of particular
note, she distinguishes funerary cannibalism, or endocannibalism, from exocannibalism,
highlighting how Wari perceive the primary significance of the former to have been its role in the
management of grief.Conklin substantiates her acceptance of this thesis in Part III by exploring
Wari notions of kinship, personhood and humanity in relation to the body, and by relating them
to the various roles people played in funerals. Finally, in Part IV, Conklin proposes that Wari
favored funerary cannibalism over other forms of corpse disposal because it tangibly engaged
Wari identity with respect to the afterlife and thereby symbolically facilitated the transformative
process of death.
A potential criticism of Consuming Grief is that it relies substantially on memory ethnography,which is susceptible to the imperfections of human recollection. she is writing only from what
she heard, and never saw an actual funeral being done, so we can be susceptible that some parts
of the information may not be accurate because of this fact. People may have told her a twisted
truth.
Through both internal and external analysis, Conklin meticulously verifies her data, thereby
providing a strong challenge to the prevalent assumption that most (if not all) ethnographic
accounts of cannibalism are false.
Conklins truly personal writing style lends a very human voice to anthropological theory. By staying
close to her data and to her field experience, she guides the reader through many of the complexthemes involved in Amazonian kinship and cosmology without appearing overly abstract. Similarly,
she addresses potentially morbid topics with a tone of concrete humanity that renders them
understandable and inoffensive.
Conklin shows that funerary cannibalism was a main component of a grieving process in which
causing the body of the deceased todisappear helped the family and friends to come to terms
with their loss more easily and more quickly.
The book is divided in four well integrated parts.
Chapter Two, Wari Worlds, presents an in-depth description of Wari social organization andenvironment both as they were before the contact with Europeans (who tried to put a stop to the
cannibalistic tradition) and as they evolved in the post-contact period.
The second part of the book, entitled Motifs and Motives, aims to answer why and how the
Wari practiced endocannibalism. In Chapter Four, Conklin depicts Wari funerals in rich detail, as
they were before and after the contact, and offers accounts of Wari perspectives on illness and
death. In Explanations of Eating, she takes us on an intellectual journey through the various
classical explanations of cannibalism: lack of proteins in the diet, sublimation of aggression,
respect for the ancestors, desire to incorporate the essence of the deceased into ones own body,
etc.
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