Official C e r e m o n y for the Award of the 1992 International Simón Bolívar Prize

Paris, 21 October 1992

It is my undying duty to carry the sword in the

cause of justice and to fight for the defence of the

enslaved peoples.

(Simón Bolívar)

ã \ \ a ceremony that took place on 21 October

1992 at U N E S C O Headquarters before a distinguished audience , the

Simón Bolívar Prize was awarded for the fifth time jointly to M s Aung San

Suu Kyi, Leader of the National League for Democracy in Burma (Myanmar)

and winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, and to Mwalimu Julius K.

Nyerere, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Established on the initiative of Venezuela and

presented for the first time in 1983, the Simón Bolívar Prize is awarded in

principle every two years by decision of an International Jury. Its purpose,

in the words of the Statutes of the Prize, is 'to reward activity of

outstanding merit which, in accordance with the ideals of Simón Bolívar,

has contributed to the freedom, independence and dignity of peoples and

to the strengthening of a new international economic, social and cultural

order'.

Previous winners of the award are: the King of

Spain and Nelson Mandela (1983); the Contadura Group (Colombia,

Mexico, Panama and Venezuela) (1985); the Vicaria de la Solidaridad of

Chile (1988); and Vaclav Havel (1990).

In her enforced absence, M s Aung San Suu Kyi

was represented at the award ceremony by M s M a Than É.

C O N T E N T S

Decision of the Jury of the International Simón

Bolívar Prize 9

Address by Mr Emmanuel Pouchepadass,

President of the Jury 13

Address by Mr Federico Mayor, Director-General

of U N E S C O 15

Address by M s M a Than É, representing M s Aung

San Suu Kyi 27

Address by Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere 31

Message from Mr Nelson R. Mandela and

Mr Oliver R. Tambo 37

Message from Mr Pierre Trudeau 39

Message from President Fidel Castro Ruz 41

Annex

Jury of the 1992 International

Simón Bolívar Prize 41

Ms Aung San Suu Kyi Leader of the National League for Democracy in

Burma Laureate of the 1992 International Simón

Bolívar Prize

Photo: GAMMA

E x t r a c t s f r o m t h e d e c i s i o n of t h e J u r y of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l S i m ó n B o l í v a r P r i z e

At its meeting at U N E S C O Headquarters in Paris on 24 and 25 June 1 9 9 2 , the Jury decided to award the prize jointly to M s Aung San Suu Kyi (My an mar) and Mwal imu Julius K. Nyerere (United Republic of Tanzania)

'The Jury regards the work of M s Aung San Suu

Kyi, leader of the opposition in her country who is still under house arrest

for having headed a democratic, non-violent movement opposed to the

Myanmar military junta, as one of the loftiest expressions of the ideal of

peace bequeathed to us by Simón Bolívar. M s Aung San Suu Kyi, who was

awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, has always maintained that the

fundamental aim of her movement should be to strive by non-violent

means to ensure respect for human rights. The Simón Bolívar Prize is being

awarded to her with a view to strengthening International support for the

defence of the values of civil life cherished by the people of Myanmar. '

'The Jury also wished to pay tribute to Mwalimu

Julius K. Nyerere, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania and

a great humanist whose values have influenced several generations.

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere has succeeded in mobilizing international public

opinion in support of equality and human rights, not only in Africa but

throughout the world. He has waged an unremitting struggle against

poverty, sickness and ignorance and has worked tirelessly for economic,

social and cultural co-operation between North and South in order to

encourage dialogue between these two parts of the world. The Jury was

particularly impressed by the ethical ideal based on honesty which

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere embodies and which shows him to be a member

of the same family as Simón Bolívar, "El Libertador".'

9

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania

Laureate of the 1992 International Simón Bolívar

Prize

Photo: UNESCO/Michel Claude

10

Ms Ma Than E, w h o represented M s Aung San Suu Kyi at the

ceremony and received the 1992 International Simón

Bolívar Prize on her behalf, and

Mwalimu Kulius K. Nyerere, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania,

Laureate of the 1992 International Simón Bolívar

Prize

Photo: UNESCO/Michel Claude

11

From left to right:

M r Federico Mayor , Director-General of

U N E S C O , delivering his address,

M s Ruth Lerner de A l m e a , Ambassador and

Permanent Delegate of Venezuela to U N E S C O ,

M s M a Than É, representing M s Aung San Suu

Kyi at the ceremony,

M w a l i m u Julius K . Nyerere, former President

of the United Republic of Tanzania,

M r Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, former Secretary-

General of the United Nations, President of the

World Commission on Culture and Development,

M r Bethwell Ogot , President of the General

Conference,

M s Marie Bernard-Meunier, Ambassador of

Canada and Chairperson of the Executive Board,

and

M r Henri Lopes, Assistant Director-General for

Culture.

Photo: UNESCO/Michel Ctaude

12

A D D R E S S BY MR E M M A N U E L P O U C H E P A D A S S , PRESIDENT OF THE JURY

Mr Director-General,

I a m deeply honoured and very happy to

represent the Members of the Jury you have established to award the

International Simón Bolívar Prize.

The m e m b e r s of the Jury met at U N E S C O

Headquarters on 24 and 25 June 1992 and elected m e as President. I a m

very proud of their choice and wish to thank them most heartily.

According to its Statutes, the purpose of the

International Simón Bolívar Prize 'is to reward activity of outstanding merit

which, in accordance with the ¡deals of Simón Bolívar, has contributed to

the freedom, Independence and dignity of peoples and to the strengthening

of a new international economic, social and cultural order. Such activity

may take the form of intellectual or artistic creation, a social achievement

or the mobilization of public opinion'.

With this in mind the m e m b e r s of the Jury

examined the 28 nominations submitted to them. They concerned very

distinguished personalities In various fields and from all over the world. The

choice was delicate and most difficult. But they were particularly impressed

by two of them:

that of M s Aung San Suu Kyi (Myanmar); and

that of Mwal imu Julius K. Nyerere (United

Republic of Tanzania)

The Jury regards the work of M s Aung San Suu

Kyi, leader of the opposition in her country, and w h o is still under house

arrest for having headed a democratic, non-violent movement opposed to

the Myanmar military junta, as one of the loftiest expressions of the ideal of

peace bequeathed to us by Simón Bolívar. M s Aung San Suu Kyi, w h o was

13

awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, has always maintained that the

fundamental aim of her movement should be to strive by non-violent

means to ensure respect for human rights. The Simón Bolívar Prize Is being

awarded to her with a view to strengthening international support for the

defence of the values of civil life cherished by the people of Myanmar.

This is the first time that the Simón Bolívar Prize

has been awarded to a w o m a n .

The Jury also wished to pay tribute to Mwalimu

Julius K. Nyerere, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania and

a great humanist whose values have Influenced several generations.

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere has succeeded In mobilizing international public

opinion in support of equality and h u m a n rights, not only in Africa but

throughout the world. He has waged an unremitting struggle against

poverty, sickness and ignorance and has worked tirelessly for economic,

social and cultural co-operation between North and South In order to

encourage dialogue between these two parts of the world. The Jury was

particularly Impressed by the ethical ideal based on honesty which

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere embodies and which shows him to be a m e m b e r

of the same family as Simón Bolívar, 'El Libertador'.

14

A D D R E S S BY MR FEDERICO M A Y O R , D I R E C T O R - G E N E R A L

OF THE UNITED NATIONS

EDUCATIONAL,SCIENTIFIC

A N D CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (UNESCO)

(The Director-General began his

address in Spanish)

They have prevented your coming

to enlighten us,

to console us in our waiting,

to lend our wings new strength and span.

You are a palpable presence

even in your absence,

for it is futile to tether and confine

the soaring flight of your example.

W e feel ourselves henceforth invincible

in this first dawning of a world,

whose sorrows are augmented by your tears

yet in which many wounds have been assuaged.

I dedicate this poem to Aung San Suu Kyi, w h o

has been exemplary in the struggle for dignity, in her efforts to secure

freedom for her compatriots, and in her tireless and indomitable resistance

in the cause of democracy. I cannot conceive of a more worthy recipient of

the Simón Bolívar Prize.

I wish her to k n o w of our admiration, of our

protest against her Imprisonment, of our intention to strive unceasingly until

it is finally recognized that there is no alternative to freedom and

understanding.

She has given us a message of great value for

achieving that awakening which is so essential today, for overcoming our

coyness, which Is such an urgent need. Free yourselves from fear! It is not

power that corrupts but fear: fear of losing power in the case of those w h o

exercise it, and fear of torture on the part of those w h o m power oppresses.

15

Mr Federico Mayor Director-General of U N E S C O

Photo: UNESCO/Dominique Roger

16

Let us - without fear, with persistence, with

stubbornness even - proclaim to the four winds that the walls of greed,

mistrust and dogmatism must also fall so that a culture of peace m a y be

established, in perpetual tension, at the dividing line between light and

shade, at the border between certainty and doubt.

(The Director-General continued

in English)

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

May I first say what a pleasure it is to have among

us today at this presentation:

Mr Pérez de Cuéllar, former Secretary-General

of the United Nations,

Mr Emmanuel Pouchepadass, President

of the Jury,

Mr Bethwell Ogot, President of the General

Conference,

M s Marie Bernard-Meunier, Ambassador

of Canada and Chairperson of the Executive

Board, and

M s Ruth Lerner de Almea, Ambassador and

Permanent Delegate of Venezuela.

I should like to thank the President of the Jury for

telling us something of the background to the Simón Bolívar Prize and for

highlighting its original character.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I he Simón Bolívar Prize, created by U N E S C O 15

years ago on the initiative of the Government of Venezuela, commemorates

one of the outstanding figures in humanity's long and continuing quest for

freedom, justice and dignity for all. Simón Bolívar was not simply the leader

of the struggle for independence from colonial rule in Latin America but a

m a n w h o espoused freedom in its deepest sense, w h o saw that the

17

struggle for freedom was necessarily a universal one, who understood that

education was inseparable from the promotion of freedom, w h o proclaimed

that true freedom could only find expression through the defining genius of

a people or culture, and w h o brought to the cause of freedom distinctive

capacities of thought, discourse and action. The Prize that bears his n a m e

is designed to honour those w h o have taken up this same cause in our

o w n time and w h o , in the words of the Executive Board decision that

founded the award, have 'contributed to the freedom, independence and

dignity of peoples and to the strengthening of solidarity among nations'.

Diverse in the cultures and generations to which

they belong, the laureates of the 1992 Simón Bolívar Prize are united in

their commitment to promoting the freedom of their peoples and combating

the injustice that would deny citizens their independence and human rights.

Both embody an ethical commitment to democracy as the foundation of

freedom, human development and peace. By shouldering with vision and

fortitude historic responsibilities in their respective countries, both have

become symbols of the larger quest for freedom pursued in many different

contexts throughout the world.

O n e of the joint laureates, Mwalimu Julius K.

Nyerere, is with us this evening. Sadly - as I have emphasized in m y

opening remarks in Spanish - the other, Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, is not. Her

absence brings to mind another distinguished recipient of the Simón

Bolívar award, Mr Nelson Mandela, w h o was unable to receive his prize in

person in 1983 for similar reasons. Let us hope and pray that subsequent

events in the life of Nelson Mandela will soon be repeated in the case of M s

Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since July 1989 and

was not given permission to leave the country on this occasion. As it is, M s

Aung San - w h o is fully aware that w e are honouring her tonight - has

asked M s M a Than É, a fellow countrywoman and close friend of the family,

to represent her. I should mention that M s M a Than É held a position of

great responsibility at the United Nations Secretariat in N e w York until her

retirement, and that M s Aung San Suu Kyi w a s also a colleague in the

United Nations for three years. Both are thus honoured members of the

United Nations family. I welcome you to U N E S C O House, M s M a Than É; I

likewise extend a warm welcome to Mr Michael Avis, the husband of Aung

San Suu Kyi, Professor at St Anthony's College, Oxford, and Associate

Professor in the Department of Tibetan Studies at Harvard University; and I

welcome finally Kim, the son of M s Aung San Suu Kyi, w h o is also with us

this evening.

18

I should n o w like to evoke briefly M s Aung San

Suu Kyi's struggle for freedom in her country and its significance for the

wider quest for human freedom and dignity.

M s Aung San Suu Kyi herself tells of this struggle

in her book Freedom from Fear, which in its recently published French

version carried prefaces by President François Mitterrand and President

Vaclav Havel (himself the recipient of the 1990 S imón Bolívar Prize).

Freedom from Fear reveals an unwavering conscience and a mind filled

with an abiding love for the Burmese people and culture. The author has

never forgotten that she is the daughter of Aung San, the great national

hero w h o in 1947 - one year after the birth of his daughter - signed the

treaty of independence with the British Gove rnmen t before being

assassinated the s a m e year by a political rival. Her father was to remain a

source of inspiration for her and the mainspring of her growing political

awareness. Her mother, for her part nurtured in her daughter the idea that

her country w a s like 'a pilgrimage in search of truth and perfection'.

Although for many years Aung San Suu Kyi did not give active expression

to her political convictions, the time c a m e in 1988 , on her return to

Rangoon to be with her dying mother, when she could no longer refuse to

become the single, fragile hope for many of her compatriots.

From 1988 onwards , Aung San Suu Kyi threw

herself into the 'second struggle for national independence', drawing on

Gandhi's philosophy of passive resistance that had long inspired her. She

b e c a m e leader of a non-violent m o v e m e n t of democratic opposition,

steadfast in her refusal of injustice while repeatedly stressing the need for

dialogue and reconciliation in her country. Following the victory of the

democratic opposition in the elections of M a y 1990 and the failure of the

authorities to take account of the results of those elections, she refused to

leave the country, preferring to remain alongside her people in testimony of

her faith in the power of the human spirit to overcome any force that seeks

to oppress it.

A passage from Freedom from Fear sums up this

faith and, reflecting as it does the ideals that also inform the mission of

U N E S C O , I should like to quote from it. Aung San Suu Kyi writes:

'The quintessential revolution is that of the spirit

(...). A revolution which aims merely at changing official policies and

institutions with a view to an improvement in material conditions has little

chance of genuine success. Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces

19

which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be

operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and

regeneration. It is not enough merely to call for freedom, democracy and

human rights. There has to be a united determination to persevere in the

struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the

corrupting influences of desire, ill-will, ignorance and fear. (...) A m o n g the

basic freedoms to which m e n aspire that their lives might be full and

uncramped, freedom from fear stands out as both a means and an end

(...). The wellspring of courage and endurance (...) is generally a firm belief

in the sanctity of ethical principles combined with a historical sense that

despite all setbacks the condition of m a n is set on an ultimate course for

both spiritual and material advancement.'

Reading these wo rds , one senses both the

tremendous inner strength of their author and the spiritual source of this

strength. Aung San Suu Kyi is truly the example of that freedom from fear

of which she speaks. W e support her in her just cause and devoutly hope

that the freedom from fear she employs as a means will ultimately lead to

the goal of freedom from fear for all the people of her country and to the

full enjoyment of those human rights of which it is the pre-condition.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

11 is a great honour to welcome in our midst

today the second of our joint laureates, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. He is

one of those rare figures w h o capture and condense in their personalities

the essence of their times. Bestriding pre-independent and post-

independent Africa, he has left his intellectual and moral stamp on every

one of the great issues which have faced Tanzania and Africa over the last

40 years.

Julius Nyerere is a m a n of many dimensions -

political philosopher, statesman, poet, humanist, but perhaps the role

closest to his heart is that of teacher.

Mwal imu Nyerere, education has always had a

central place in your liberation philosophy. In the Tanzanian context,

liberation w a s to be understood not merely as overcoming colonial

occupation but also as freeing the nation from economic and cultural

dependence on other nations, as building an authentic national identity.

This led to the adoption by Tanzania in 1967 of a policy called 'Education

20

for self-reliance'. More than a mere change in educational policy, this was

in fact an educational revolution - a recasting of the education system in

keeping with Tanzania's real needs and social objectives.

Democracy has always been seen by you as

essential to a people's freedom. O n the other hand, you have always been

convinced that democracy could not be restricted to a single model. The

culture, geography, history and level of development of a nation had to be

taken into account in determining the appropriate institutions and

mechanisms of democracy. In this connection, you have consistently

placed great emphasis on the importance of educating people in the

proper exercise of their democratic rights and on providing them with the

basic knowledge to m a k e democratic choices. It w a s this continuing

process of educating the people of your country to a s s u m e their

obligations as citizens that justly earned for you the title of Mwalimu.

The dialogue you thus stimulated at every level of

society was an effective demonstration of democracy at work. Through it

you affirmed your belief in the importance of asking questions, while freely

admitting that you did not always know the answers. N o w , as Tanzania

prepares to move to a multi-party system of democracy, you have once

again shown your fundamental commitment to human freedom through

your strong support for the transition to this new stage in the fostering of a

national dialogue.

It is a characteristic of great leaders that they are

consistently ahead of their time: they incarnate not only the hopes and

aspirations of a people but also a wisdom that allows them to discern the

direction in which the future of their country lies. You , Mwal imu, are

without doubt such a statesman.

Allow m e in this connection to quote from an

article entitled 'Freedom and Development' which you published back in

October 1968. In that article you wrote: 'Every proposal must be judged by

the criterion of whether it serves the purpose of development - and the

purpose of development is the people. (...) There is only one way in which

you can cause people to undertake their o w n development. That is by

education and leadership. Through these means - and no other - people

can be helped to understand both their own needs and the things which

they can do to satisfy these needs ' . Dr Nyerere, it has taken the

international development agencies several decades to c o m e to the

conclusions you had already arrived at in the 1960s. For the idea here

expressed is essentially that of h u m a n development, which has

21

subsequently gained such wide currency. Indeed, a very large number of

your ideas, deemed impractical by many at the time you expressed them,

have since become part of the conventional wisdom. I a m thinking, for

example , of e n d o g e n o u s development , the cultural dimension of

development, and the widespread agreement today that the existence of

democratic political institutions is a sine qua non for sustainable

development.

Although you have always advocated that the form

of social and political development In Africa should be based on African

traditions, you have never favoured a backward-looking approach. I a m

tempted to say that the past for you has always served the same function

as a car rear-view mirror - as a means to steering a safe forward course.

Indeed, all your activities, speeches and writings contain one recurring

theme - that of change. To quote your o w n words: '... The choice is not

between change or no change, the choice for Africa is between changing

or being changed - changing our lives under our own direction or being

changed by the impact of forces outside our control. In Africa there is no

stability in stagnation In this twentieth century; stability can only be

achieved through maintaining balance during rapid change'. S o m e 20 years

after you spoke these words, your description of the challenge facing

Africa and many other regions of the developing world at the present time

retains all Its relevance.

Dr Nyerere, your life as a statesman is an Inspiring

example and model of the exercise of power. From 1962 to 1985 you

exercised supreme political authority in your country, which you dedicated

to the enlargement of freedoms through national development. At the end

of this period, you became one of the rare leaders in modern times to

relinquish power voluntarily while it was still in your possession. You did

so, I would suggest, because your commitment to freedom and democracy

is essentially an ethical and universal one. Your courageous support for the

struggle against apartheid has been based on the belief that the struggle

against this supreme manifestation of injustice must be that of all the

people of Africa, and this belief Is itself a reflection of a wider conviction

that 'the exploitation, the humiliation, the suffering of all m e n - wherever it

takes place - means the exploitation, humiliation and suffering of mankind'.

Your life, Mwalimu Nyerere, has been exemplary In its unity, and the quest

for freedom, the apprenticeship of freedom, have been at its very heart.

22

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I he 1992 Simón Bolívar Prize is awarded to

Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and M s Aung San Suu Kyi in recognition of their

tireless promotion of freedom and justice in accordance with the principles

of the United Nations. I salute their vision and courage and that of

unknown m e n and w o m e n everywhere w h o strive to protect and enlarge

democratic freedoms.

It is now m y great pleasure to present to M s M a

Than É, on behalf of M s Aung San Suu Kyi, and to Mwalimu Julius K.

Nyerere the cheque, certificate and medal that go with the 1992 Simón

Bolívar Prize.

23

;'<i^B|í**

The Director-General presents Ms Ma Than É, representing Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, with the 1992 International Simón Bolívar Prize

(a cheque for U S $ 12,500, a certificate and a Simón

Bolívar bronze medal)

Photo: UNESCO/Michel Claude

24

The Director-General presents Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere with the 1992 International Simón Bolívar Prize

(a cheque for U S $ 12,500, a certificate and a Simón

Bolívar bronze medal)

Photo: UNESCO/Michel Claude

25

ADDRESS BY MS MA THAN E, REPRESENTING MS AUNG SAN SUU KYI, LAUREATE OF THE 1992 INTERNATIONAL SIMÓN BOLÍVAR PRIZE

Mr Director-General,

Members of the Selection Committee,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I a m proud and happy, as a w o m a n of Burma, to

receive U N E S C O ' s International Simón Bolívar Prize on behalf of the most

distinguished and best-loved w o m a n and citizen of Burma, the Nobel

Peace Prize Laureate D a w Aung San Suu Kyi.

I a m gratified that this prestigious award, given

now for the first time to a w o m a n , should be conferred on one from my

country. And I a m more than pleased that the honour is being extended

simultaneously to one of Africa's greatest m e n . Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere

of Tanzania and D a w Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma have been praised for

exemplifying in their lives and work the ideals for which Simón Bolívar, El

Libertador, laboured all his life in Latin America.

W e therefore acknowledge and celebrate here in

the heart of U N E S C O ' s Headquarters in Paris, and in the midst of this

distinguished assembly, the lives and achievements of three most eminent

and outstanding individuals of America, Africa and Asia.

I have said that I stand here with pride, but at the

same time I a m humbled by the noble and arduous task which D a w Aung

San Suu Kyi has set herself. The opportunity to implement her ideals has

so far been denied her in spite of repeated appeals for her freedom. These

appeals have c o m e from the Burmese people inside and outside our

country, from human rights organizations worldwide, and indeed from the

international community itself, both through the General Assembly of the

United Nations and also through two successive Secretaries-General using

their good offices. Although the election results of May 1990, more than

two years ago, indicated beyond the shadow of a doubt that her political

27

party w a s the overwhelming choice of the people of Burma, not only is she

n o w in her fourth year of detention without trial, but her party has never

been allowed to form a civilian government according to the mandate so

clearly bestowed upon it.

I a m deeply m o v e d that she has asked m e to

accept this prize for her. It is a gesture of close friendship. It further

strengthens the bonds of love and high regard I have always had for her

family - for her late father Bogyoke Aung San, our country's own liberator

w h o lives in the hearts of our people, and for her late mother D a w Khin Kyi,

universally respected and loved. I feel sure both their spirits are here with

us today. My affection and sympathy also embrace her immediate family -

her husband Michael Aris and her two sons, Alexander (Myint San Aung)

and Kim (Htein Lin) - for the understanding and unwavering support they

have each given to her decision to stand up for her people.

What in fact does she stand for?

I can say that she stands for the ideals of the

United Nations, the world organization that both she and I have had the

honour to serve. I would say that she stands for the universal values of

peace and freedom for all. In her actions, and in her spoken and written

words, she has sought to realize, and bring to the understanding of our

people, the political social, economic and human rights to which they are

entitled.

She has defined fear in order to deny and banish it.

She has urged, as her father did before her, that

every m a n and w o m a n should carry the burden of responsibility for the

c o m m o n good - and that they should want to do so.

True to the tenets of her Buddhist faith and her

commitment to non-violence, she has repeatedly emphasized the need for

reconciliation through dialogue, a plea that has till n o w fallen only on deaf

ears. May I, in this connection, quote her own words ?

The re-establishment of trust after a long period of

bitter antagonism depends on a willingness by all to face the

truth about deeds, emotions and attitudes which cause

suffering and discord. Facing the truth can be a painful task

which calls not only for courage but for faith - faith that in the

long run sincerity and good-will can overcome the lingering

effects of duplicity and hatred.

28

The acceptance of the need to work towards the

truth will open the door to true reconciliation which goes

beyond token gestures of appeasement to become a meeting

of hearts and minds united In efforts to find solutions to

c o m m o n problems.

I would invite you to read more of her own words

in her book Freedom from Fear, obtainable in English, French and many

other languages. In particular her essay 'In Quest of Democracy ' will

provide you with a deeper understanding of what she hopes for our people.

She is a visionary, an idealist - but bountifully blessed with practical

competence and clear-eyed pragmatism.

Her concern extends to those in many countries of

today's world in the throes of transition to peace and freedom. And she is

fully aware of how events in one country awaken echoes in another. I can

say without exaggeration that the peaceful struggle for democracy in

Burma which she personifies has influenced other, related movements in

Asia - and most probably beyond Asia too.

She believes that her aims and objectives can be

realized in Burma within the context of our own culture and national genius.

She follows her parents' tradition of service and

self-sacrifice. She is truly their daughter and a true citizen of Burma.

For all these reasons of heritage and

circumstance, and by the force of her own virtues and actions, D a w Aung

San Suu Kyi has become an international figure, the symbol of a nation's

desire for human rights and the restoration of democracy and political

justice. The stature of this selfless and supremely valiant w o m a n has risen

to heroic heights now that she is in the fourth year of her solitary detention.

W e wait with impatience for the day and the m o m e n t when the world

community can acclaim and applaud those n o w In power for granting her

unconditional freedom so she can take her rightful place in the affairs of

her country.

W e Burmese - those within Burma and those

scattered to the far corners of the earth by adverse circumstances - w e

Burmese feel a renewal of hope and courage with each recognition that her

day, our day, will come . Such recognition is amply conveyed by this great

award. Memories are short, and the attention of the world is limited and

distracted by the extraordinary events crowding the stage today. W e thank

U N E S C O for turning the laser beam of world concern on the continuing

29

plight of Burma. This wonderful gesture at the same time highlights the

desperate struggle in many countries for peace, freedom and human rights.

D a w Aung San Suu Kyi accepts every prize and

each recognition of her work with sincere gratitude, but she begs us never

to forget her colleagues who have sacrificed life and liberty for their beliefs

and, in her own words, 'all the people of m y country w h o have struggled so

hard to shape their destiny'. They too are honoured by this award.

Therefore, in the name of D a w Aung San Suu Kyi

and on behalf of her gallant colleagues and the people of Burma, I have the

honour to accept the International Simón Bolívar Prize.

Thank you.

30

A D D R E S S BY M W A L I M U JULIUS K. N Y E R E R E , F O R M E R P R E S I D E N T OF T H E U N I T E D R E P U B L I C OF T A N Z A N I A , L A U R E A T E OF T H E 1992 I N T E R N A T I O N A L S I M Ó N BOLÍVAR PRIZE

Mr Director-General,

Your Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

IVIr Director-General, two years ago you

described the U N E S C O Simón Bolívar Prize as having been instituted on

the initiative of the Venezuelan Government to acknowledge the work of

people 'who had m a d e an active contribution through their work for the

defence of human dignity'. For this reason I a m extremely sorry that I a m

unable to meet M a d a m e Aung San Suu Kyi at this rostrum, and pay tribute

to her. And for the same reason I regard it as a very great honour to have

been selected as one of the recipients of the Prize this year.

U N E S C O , more than any other Agency , w a s

established to stand up for, and to promote, human dignity and civilized

behaviour in the world.

For it is about the cultures of different h u m a n

societies; it is about education; and it is about science and technology. It

seeks to promote the truth, and to serve mankind, starting from a

recognition of the basic equality, and the fundamental dignity, of all

persons and all cultures.

An essential element in human dignity is human

freedom - freedom for the individual. Individual freedom is fundamental to

the being of M a n . It is part of the definition of M a n . Take away M a n ' s

freedom, and you have taken away a great deal of his humanity. That is

why slavery in all its forms is so inhuman.

But M a n does not live in isolation. If G o d had

wanted, he could have given a planet to each one of us. He did not do so.

37

H e made us into community beings - people w h o have to live together.

And civilization is of the community.

So w e have the problem - If there is a problem -

of the person in the community. I say 'if there is a problem', because

fundamentally there is none. The function of society is to provide max imum

freedom for all its members : that is, a place where the freedom of one

person does not deny the equal freedom of another. This m a x i m u m

freedom of the individual can only be provided and guaranteed in society.

In this twentieth century w e have been horrified by

the evils committed in the name of the needs of the nation - the needs of

the society concerned. In Europe w e have seen where some philosophies

can take human beings ostensibly in the interests of the nation. In Asia w e

have seen appalling crimes purportedly justified on the grounds of 'building

a new and purer society for the good of all'. In America w e have had the

'disappearances' - withthe perpetrators supported by state power, both

internal and external. And in Africa, after the horrible evils of slavery and

colonialism w e have had widespread atrocities explained (if at all) on the

grounds of 'state security'.

Such things are barbaric; they are the very

opposite of civilized behaviour. They are a denial of M a n ' s dignity, and a

denial of civilization of any kind. A community which does not value and

respect its individual members is not a community at all. It is merely a

collection of individuals living in one area - as animals do. A community

exists when free individuals live and work together for the good of all, on

the basis of respect and civilized behaviour among themselves.

But life in a communi ty cannot continue if

individual freedom runs rampant and the strong use their power against

others without challenge from an organized society. That is a denial of the

freedom of others. Unshared freedom cannot be sustained, and there is no

freedom without order.

W h a t freedom exists n o w for the people of

Somalia? Or what freedom is there in Yugoslavia? Where are ' H u m a n

Rights' when the community ceases to be? The absence of order is an

invitation to tyranny.

Any organized communi ty has the right, and

indeed the duty, to prevent an attack on its o w n peace before that attack

takes place. A civilized community will do this with the least possible

coercion, and the max imum possible respect both for the potential victims

and for the suspected would-be perpetrators.

32

Mr Director-General, m a n m a y not live by bread

alone, but he does live by bread. It represents the right to life, a right that

belongs to all, strong and weak, rich and poor. And the defence of that

right for everyone requires a balance among the other individual freedoms.

It requires tnat economic and social rights be respected equally with civil

and political rights, and that the weak and the poor be lent the strength of

the community in their o w m defence and for the enrichment of their own

human dignity. The Right to vote without the Right to eat Is meaningless.

H u m a n dignity does require political freedom. But

it must be freedom within the framework of civilized social living. H u m a n

dignity therefore requires democracy within the community. It requires

constant struggle to protect the rights of the individual - all individuals -

from the temptations of power. And state power is not the only form of

power that exists in a society.

Democracy m e a n s popular participation in a

society's decision-making, and an acceptance of the popular decision by

all those in the society - the unsuccessful as well as the successful on any

issue.

But the manner in which popular participation is

organized will need to vary according to the culture (or cultures) within the

society concerned and upon the level of economic and social development

there. A system appropriate to an educated society, linked through

computers and m o d e r n communicat ions and with w e a k local

communitarian sentiments, may be very inappropriate to a society where

none of these things apply. If such facts are not recognized, democracy

will not work; it will lead to chaos. It will become a mockery, and tyranny

will again become triumphant.

This m e a n s that the cultures of Tanzania, of

Rumania, of Cuba and of Bangladesh must be accorded equal respect with

the cultures of France and Japan, of the U S A and of Russia. U N E S C O ' s

responsibility to promote respect for, and the development of, all cultures

equally is thus directly relevant to its responsibility to support h u m a n

dignity and to promote civilization.

It is obvious from the unrest throughout the world

that no culture Is perfect. All cultures need to develop, to grow, and to

adapt themselves to the imperatives of modern science and technology.

And none is, or can be, static. Each learns from its o w n experience, and

from others.

That is true in Africa, whose cultures tolerated the

33

subjugation and exploitation of w o m e n in spite of a strong sense of

community. It is true of the cultures which tolerated the subjugation and

exploitation of m a n by m a n , and w h o s e practitioners pioneered the

hydrogen b o m b as well as the technology of innoculation against major

childhood diseases.

The need to learn and to develop applies also to

the cultures which give priority to acquisitiveness over all considerations of

justice or m a n ' s c o m m o n humanity. For the co-existence of absolute

poverty and of opulence is inconsistent with human dignity anywhere - to

say nothing of being inconsistent with peace and harmony in the world.

There is no justification for the cultural arrogance that now - especially in

this post-Cold W a r period - seeks to impose one political and one

economic philosophy on the rest of the world, and to use military and

economic might for that purpose.

I repeat. Within nations a balance has to be found

between the rights of the individual, and the duties of that individual within

the national community. It is the balance between one's rights and the

rights of others. Upholding that balance is a central task of government in

a democracy.

But nations can no longer conduct their affairs on

the basis of self-sufficiency or isolation. Scientific and technological

developments have made the world O n e - for good and for evil.

The nations of the world are forced into living

together. And the question before them - before us - is whether w e and

our nations live together in a civilized world community or as a collection of

warring states where the L a w of the Jungle operates. Just as within

nations, w e have to chose whether to build international democracy, or

suffer under an unstable and ultimately unsustainable dictatorship of the

technologically, economically, and militarily strong.

The struggle for a civilized world is on. After the

experience of the 1939-1945 war, the United Nations was formed and its

family of Agencies was gradually born. W e have the very beginnings of

international law - but without any international enforcement instrument to

support it. Internationally w e have in practice not the Rule of Law, but the

Rule of Power. There is no international democracy; but only the diktat of

the Powerful. A n d w h e n w e have what could be the beginnings of

international democracy in institutions like U N E S C O (or U N C T A D ) , such

institutions are either scoffed at or smothered by the Powerful.

34

At the U N General Assembly all nations are

represented equally. All can speak; all have one vote. But the small and the

weak nations know - from experience - that using this freedom can in

practice be very expensive to the welfare of their people; access to

international trade or credit m a y be denied, or s o m e other sanction

experienced. And to be elected to represent a region on the Security

Council - the body within the United Nations which theoretically does have

real power - can nowadays be a punishment for a developing country.

Y e m e n knows it, and Cuba knows it, and Venezuela knows it. All at

different times have suffered for positions taken there.

W h a t w e n o w have internationally is world

domination by the rich and technologically powerful nations. W e have the

law of the Jungle. This is true economically, culturally, and politically.

Mankind has to change that position. Together w e have to work out and

adopt appropriate effective machinery for international democracy.

Mr Director-General, as long-time victims of

scientific, cultural, economic - and sometimes military - domination, the

peoples of the developing countries must not give up the struggle. The

peoples of the South, and their governments, must constantly and

persistently demand for themselves, and for all others, justice, respect, and

dignity. They must struggle for international democracy as they continue to

struggle for national democracy in forms appropriate to their cultures.

In doing this I believe the countries of the South

will have support from many people in the dominant affluent and developed

nations. For despite what their governments say and do, many people of

the North know that democracy cannot be confined within national

boundaries and then securely operate in the context of an internationally

unjust political and economic system. Indeed at present many of the

greatest advocates of international justice (which necessarily incorporates

international democracy) are from countries of the North. The world has

just lost one of the greatest of them, Willy Brandt, a great defender of

human dignity.

Mr Director-General, U N E S C O can be, and should

be, a place where all the world's peoples meet calmly to discuss their

differences in a civilized manner, and to learn from each other. It should

continue to be a place of endeavour to spread understanding a m o n g

persons, and among societies. And most of all, it should continue to be a

place where respect for the equal human dignity of all persons permeates

every activity.

35

W e all have to work to that end.

I thank you.

Congratulatory messages were addressed to M s

Aung San Suu Kyi and Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere from Mr Nelson R.

Mandela and Mr Oliver R. Tambo , respectively President and National

Chairman of the African National Congress (ANC), from Mr Pierre E.

Trudeau, former Prime Minister of Canada, and from Mr Fidel Castro Ruz,

President of the Council of State and of the Council of Ministers of the

Republic of Cuba.

36

M E S S A G E F R O M T H E P R E S I D E N T A N D N A T I O N A L C H A I R M A N OF T H E AFRICAN N A T I O N A L C O N G R E S S , M R N E L S O N R. M A N D E L A , A N D M R OLIVER R. T A M B O , TO M W A L I M U JULIUS K. N Y E R E R E A N D M S A U N G SAN S U U KYI.

I he 1992 Simón Bolívar Prize has been awarded

jointly to Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and Aung San Suu Kyi. It is indeed an

honour for Africa that Mwalimu Nyerere has been so recognized.

In 1 8 1 2 , in the Cartagena Manifesto, S imón

Bolívar wrote:

'Let us hasten to break the chains of those victims

w h o groan in the dungeons, ever hopeful of rescue. Make not

a mockery of their trust. Be not insensible to the cries of your

brothers. Fly to avenge the dead, to give life to the dying, to

bring freedom to the oppressed and liberty to all'.

The Atlantic Ocean separates the continents of

Africa and Latin America, but nothing can keep apart the ideals for which

great m e n and w o m e n have sacrificed life and limb - for freedom,

independence and equality a m o n g peoples. T w o centuries ago Simón

Bolívar had the clarity of vision and dedication to the cause of liberty for all

humanity that m a d e him a legendary figure whose ideals still influence men

and w o m e n today.

It is in this spirit, and therefore fitting indeed, that

one of Africa's greatest sons, Julius Mwalimu Nyerere, should be selected

as a joint recipient of the 1992 Simón Bolívar Award.

In the unceasing battle to triumph over tyranny, in

the endeavours to uplift nations emerging from decades of colonialism and

exploitation, countries have produced leaders w h o stand head and

shoulders above all around them. O n e such m a n is Julius Nyerere.

In honouring Mwalimu the International Jury also

pays tribute to his unstinting contribution to the cause of freedom in Africa,

not least in apartheid South Africa.

37

W e w h o have known Mwalimu through many lean

years are extremely proud that this singular honour has been awarded to

an outstanding son of Africa. O n behalf of the African National Congress

and the millions of oppressed South Africans, w e extend our appreciation

of your decision. W e know that without Mwalimu thousands of South

Africans would have had virtually no place of refuge from barbarism, no

place from which to continue the long and painful struggle to return as free

m e n and w o m e n to the land of our birth.

All South Africa owes Julius Nyerere a debt that

can only be repaid through the achievement of peace, independence and

basic human rights in our country.

In honouring Mwalimu, you express on behalf of

all of us the high regard w e feel for a m a n who is the embodiment of the

warmth, generosity of spirit and nobility of vision that is the very essence of

Africa.

Please accept our sincere appreciation of this

great honour.

Yours sincerely,

Oliver R. T a m b o Nelson R. Mandela

National Chairman President

38

M E S S A G E F R O M T H E F O R M E R P R I M E MINISTER OF C A N A D A , M R PIERRE E. T R U D E A U , TO M W A L I M U JULIUS K. N Y E R E R E

Paris, October 12, 1992

Dear Julius,

Wtopp ing at U N E S C O , I a m informed that you

will soon be receiving its S i m ó n Bolívar Prize, and I hasten to send you

m y congratulations and best wishes. Bolivar has long been m y hero on m y

side of the Atlantic, as the Mwalimu has been m y hero on the other side.

Julius, you were a great leader in the struggle for

the political and social emancipation of peoples, but even more admirably,

you have pursued those goals through the intellectual and spiritual

betterment of the individual human beings w h o constitute all peoples.

May G o d bless you in your continued work for

ideals w e both share.

In friendship,

Pierre E. Trudeau

(Canada)

39

MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE AND OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA, FIDEL CASTRO RUZ, TO MWALIMU JULIUS K. NYERERE

Dear Mwalimu Nyerere,

W n the occasion of the award to you by

U N E S C O of the 1992 International Simón Bolívar Prize, I wish to convey m y

warmest congratulations for this richly deserved recompense.

Your outstanding participation in the daunting

struggle of the Tanzanian people for independence and liberty, combined

with your continued support for African liberation movements and your

efforts to hold aloft the banners asserting the rightful claims of all worthy

m e n and w o m e n of the earth, bear eloquent witness to your steadfastness

and courage in the search for solutions to the terrible problems afflicting

the world today.

Despite all that has been accomplished to date,

w e realize w e must redouble our efforts to materialize the aspirations of

Bolivar and of all those who have fought so valiantly for the freedom and

independence of the peoples, for, in the words of José Martí, 'What Bolívar

did not do has not been done yet, because so much remains to be done by

Bolivar in America'.

O n this memorable occasion, I wish to reiterate

our desire to continue to work and to fight in order to attain the very

objectives that you have so worthily defended on the African continent and

in other parts of the world.

With m y highest consideration.

Fidel Castro Ruz

President of the Council of State

and of the Government of the Republic of Cuba

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A N N E X

J U R Y OF T H E 1992 I N T E R N A T I O N A L S I M Ó N B O L Í V A R PRIZE

1. Mr Emmanuel P O U C H E P A D A S S (Asia and

the Pacific) Former Director of the Division of Cultural Studies at

U N E S C O . Mayor of Barsac.

2. Mr Bronislaw G E R E M E K (Europe) President

of the Commission of Foreign Affairs of the Polish Sejm.

3. Mr Paulin HOUNTONDJ I (Africa) Minister

of Culture and Communication of the Republic of Benin.

4. Mr Bechir Ben Y A H M E D (Arab States) Director

of 'Jeune Afrique'.

5. Mr Oscar ARIAS S A N C H E Z (Latin America

and the Caribbean) (absent) Former President of the Republic

of Costa Rica. Nobel Peace Prize.

6. Her Excellency M s Ruth LERNER DE A L M E A

Ambassador, Permanent Delegate of Venezuela to U N E S C O .

Representative of the Government of Venezuela.

7. Mr Henri L O P E S Assistant Director-General

for Culture, U N E S C O . Representative of the Director-General.

42