CİLT: III

AYDINLIKTAN AYDINLANMAYA

ORTA ASYA’DA

SLÂM T E M S İ L D E N F O B İ Y E

EDİTÖR

DR. MUHAMMET SAVAŞ KAFKASYALI

Ankara-Türkistan, 2012

1417

Islam in Post-Soviet Central Asia and its Neighbourhood

Dr. Nasir Raza Khan Academy of International Studies,

Jamia Millia Islamia

ABSTRACT

or the past twelve years Central Asians have look through history to restore Islam in the region. While the leadership of the region has on some occasions lavishly displayed its support of Islam, it

has simultaneously been mindful of the potential political impact of the religion and the threat they pose to the stability. Many Political ideologi-cal forces have emerged over the years challenging and contesting with each other for domination. Some of them could be identified as Wester-nisation; Islamisation; and some form of re-Sovietisation minus Soviet system. Torn between these three social forces, the cultures of Central Asia are competing with each other proper accommodation and negotia-ted routes to shape their own destiny and identity.

Islam has been integral in defining the culture, political behaviour and economic interaction of Central Asians since its arrival in the seventh century. Hence, its resurgence is neither surprising, nor unintelligible.

F

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Despite bans on unofficial religious activity, Islam received widespread allegiance at the grassroots level during the Soviet period. This, so-called "Parallel" Islam remains active today. Expressed in terms of religiosity, this unorganised activity can be readily observed as a function of life-cycle rituals. Various studies have revealed the extensive observance of re-ligious rites to include circumcision, religious burials, and marriage. Ot-her commonly practiced rituals include observing Ramadan (the month of fasting), Bairam (the feast of sacrifice), and Mawlud. Moreover, many take to wearing religious symbols, painting Quranic verses on their au-tomobiles, and giving their children distinctly Islamic names. One of the most extensive and overt practices is the pilgrimage to various holy pla-ces, Bukhara and Samarkand in particular were centers for Islamic lear-ning over a several century period.

The resurgence of Islam in Central Asia will be an important influence on the political life of the region in the years to come. Despite the restric-tions imposed on nonofficial religious activities, Islam will continue to be part of the region’s social and spiritual life. Cultural linkages–and poten-tial sources of conflict–extend beyond into Turkey, Iran, and Afghanis-tan, all of which have strong historical connections with Central Asia. The strains of economic development could cause one or more of these potential conflicts to erupt into interstate conflict, as are the case with the civil war in Tajikistan, which has involved Russia, Uzbekistan, and Afghanistan. This in turn could spread beyond Central Asia into West and South Asia. Islam is directly involved in the unfolding political pro-cess, which serves to deepen the four levels. At independence, Islam qu-ickly became inextricably linked with the nationalist movements. By vir-tue of their close location to Iran, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf and Pa-kistan the special political and military significance of these areas look quite manifest.

My paper will attempt to put into perspective the dynamics of the Isla-mic revival in Post-Soviet Central Asia and to provide a realistic assess-ment of its role in the region.

INTRODUCTİON

The Soviet incorporation of the erstwhile region of Central Asia, popularly known as Māwā’ al- nahr or Transoxiana, during the early part of the twentieth century was not merely political. The encompassment was not only politico-economic in nature but religio-cultural as well. Attempts were made to devise a specific socialist model of modernity on the basis of certain principles and practi-ces; like philosophical atheism, rational reordering of collective production or leading life as per Communist principles as well as developing a centralized-state

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system. Though, in the statutes ample provisions were made for cultural diversi-ties and national self-determination, during these attempts plurality as well as continuity of regional diversities suffered to a great extent. During seven decades of Communist rule, the Muslim population of Central Asia almost lost their unique identity, which was sourced from Islam. Lately, former Soviet Russian President Gorbachev's policy of perestroika provided some space for religion in the Union, consequently, the believers were now not persecuted as was case in the past and they were demanding greater religious freedom.

In view of this, collapse of this nearly three-quarter-of-a-century long Soviet system, ought not to be seen only through political and economic angles but through religious and cultural dimensions as well. The collapse of this system meant religio-cultural homogeneity, which was upheld by a centralized state-system, also losing its hegemony and legitimacy. The newly emerged nation-states arising out of the fall of the Soviet Union had not only been forced to reconstruct their economies but also religio-cultural and national identities under new conditions.

Over the years, many political and ideological forces came on the stage chal-lenging and contesting with each other for domination. Some of them may be identified as Westernization, Islamization, and a kind of re-Sovietisation minus the Soviet system. Torn between these three socio-political forces, the cultures of Central Asia are competing with each other for a proper role in the society. They are negotiating their paths to shape their own identity and destiny.

During the past twelve years, people of Central Asia have looked through the history to restore Islam in the region. While regional leaders, on some occa-sions, overtly showed their support to Islam, concurrently, they have also been mindful of potential political impact of religion and its perceived threats to stability. These leaders are mostly former communist regime's members and it is very unlikely that they would devise such policies, which give greater role to religion i.e. Islam. It is observed that these leaders do not welcome Islamic par-ties and among the five Central Asian Republics only Tajikistan has recognized an Islamic party that is Islamic Revival Party. Relatively closed political systems, restricted freedom of speech, slow economic development and ever-vigilant security services are interfering with people's normal material and spiritual life. People are suspected of extremist tendencies even if they are carrying out their normal religious duties. This process is somewhere contributing to the growth of radicalization of people's thinking.

Objectives

The above theme has assumed significance because of the importance now being attached to the political developments in this area. This paper will make an attempt to bring to light certain aspects of Islam in Central Asia and its sur-

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roundings. Efforts are given to elaborate salient features of Islamic culture in Central Asia and its neighbouring areas. The paper mainly deals with the socio-cultural aspects of Islam and its importance in the present Central Asian scenario.

While dealing the theme of Islam in Central Asia and its Neighbourhood, the main focus of this paper is to examine Islam in the present day Central Asia and its neighbourhood, including the historical description of this religion in this area. Attempts has been be made to put into perspective the dynamics of Islamic revival in Central Asia and also to provide a realistic assessment of role of Islam in the region’s culture, politics, society and inter-state relations in the area and beyond.

Major issues highlighted in this paper are:

Role of religion in shaping culture, language, identity in Central Asia, reli-gion’s role, especially of Islam, in shaping country’s polity and influence on foreign policy of the region.

What are the patterns of the interactions/responses of the regional and In-ternational powers vis-à-vis Central Asian quest for National building and iden-tity construction?

Although considerable work has been done on the related theme but a detailed analysis of ‘Islam in Central Asia and its Neighbourhood’ needs to be undertaken. Khalid Adib and Ahmad Rashid’s works focus primarily on the rise of political Islam in Central Asia, which undoubtedly contain important insights. However, there is still a room for a fresh attempt to study ‘Islam in Central Asia and its Neighbourhood’ in a more comprehensive manner. My main endeavour is to ex-amine the prospects of the revival of Islam in the region with a corresponding anal-ysis of how the new religio-political equations may assist in bringing stability by providing stable governments in Central Asian and neighbouring countries. The paper strives to scientifically and critically analyse the impulses from blow.

Islam has been an essential source in defining the culture, political behaviour and economic interaction of Central Asians since its arrival in the seventh cen-tury. Hence, its resurgence is neither surprising, nor incomprehensible. Despite bans on unofficial religious activity, Islam had been receiving widespread allegi-ance at the grassroots level during the Soviet period. The so-called "Parallel" Islam remains active even today. Expressed in terms of religiosity, this unorga-nized activity can be readily observed as a function of life-cycle rituals. Various studies have revealed the extensive observance of religious rites to include cir-cumcision, religious burials and marriage. Other commonly practiced rituals include observing Ramadan (the month of fasting) fast, Bairam (the feast of sacrifice), and Mawlud (communal prayers celebrating Prophet Mohammad's

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birth anniversary).1 Moreover, many take to wearing religious symbols, painting Quranic verses on their automobiles and giving their children distinctly Islamic names. One of the most extensive and overt practices is the pilgrimage to vari-ous holy places, including Bukhara and Samarkand, which were centres of Isla-mic learning over a several centuries.

Islam has directly been involved in unfolding political processes. Soon after gaining independence, it quickly became inextricably linked with the nationalist movements. Prominent scholar Ahmed Rashid makes the point that Islam has become a convenient symbol which "allows local nationalists to distance them-selves from Slavic culture and aspirations."2

After emergence of new Central Asian States the revival of Islam seen in two different directions; the first was under the control of both the authorities and the official clergy; its visible result was in sharp increase in the level of activities of Muslim institutions. In 1990-91, for example the number of Mosques and Madrasa (religious institution) increased somehow from 160 to 5,000. The building of new mosques and madrasa’s were extensively supported by Arab counties and Turkey. The increasing influence of Islam in Post Central Asia compels the authorities in the region to make serious accommodation for Islam in their policy making. Asker Akaev, the ex. President of Kirgizstan known to be a democratic liberal figure was forced to announced and assure his parlia-ment that the country will be a Muslim state were Islamic norms will be given preference. One Uzbek scholar argues that “Despite the variety of historical and cultural legacy in Central Asian countries, all these countries are subject to the process of “re-Islamisation.”3 Ahmed Rashid observed, that in the Muslim post-Soviet states "there is a palpable cultural vacuum at the heart of Central Asia, which cannot be filled by consumerism or imitations of Western culture.”4

Central Asia in the eyes of its neighbours:

The resurgence of Islam in Central Asia will be an important influence on the political life of the region in the years to come. Despite the restrictions im-posed on nonofficial religious activities, Islam will continue to be part of the region’s social and spiritual life.

1 William Fierman, Soviet Central Asia: The Failed Transformation (Boulder, CO: West-view

Press, 1991), p.193. 2 Ahmed Rashid, “Clout of the Clergy,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 January 1992, p.18 3 Saodat Olimova, ‘Confronting or engaging Islam: are there different approaches in Central

Asian countries?’ in www.cidob.org/es/content/download/26454/.../file/doc_asia_26.pdf 4 Ahmed Rashid, “The New Struggle in Central Asia: A Primer for the Baffled,” World Policy

Journal (Winter 2000/2001), p. 33.

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Cultural linkages–and potential sources of conflict–extend beyond into Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan, all of which have strong historical connections with Central Asia. The strains of economic development could cause one or more of these potential conflicts to erupt into interstate conflict, as is the case with the civil war in Tajikistan, which has involved Russia, Uzbekistan, and Afghanistan. This in turn could spread beyond Central Asia into West and South Asia. By virtue of their close location to Iran, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf and Pakistan the special political and military significance of Central Asia is quite evident. The fear of influence by neighbouring Islamic countries like Iran and Afghanistan has also led Central Asian governments to adopt policies formulated to restrict the growth of Islamic political parties.

The break-up of the Soviet Union provided Iran with new opportunities to expand its cultural influence and also to reach to markets in Central Asia. During the past twelve years, Iran’s policy on Central Asia has been directed towards achieving the following objectives. Foremost among these policies are to maintain regional stability and security to facilitate other objectives, including expanding trade and economic cooperation and preventing outside powers, including the United States, Turkey and Israel from exercising their influences in the region. Another objective has been the development of economic relations, including expansion of surface transport links and oil/gas pipelines. The Sarakhs-Tajan railway link between Iran and Turkmenistan, completed in September 1996, has been part of this effort. Yet another dimension of Iranian policy is to promote cultural and historical ties, and efforts to achieve this objective include helping the Central Asian states rediscover their past Iranian-Islamic heritage.

Iran, on the other hand, has a close cultural affinity with Tajikistan, whose po-pulation is largely Persian-speaking. Because of its relative economic isolation, it also has a strong economic interest in Central Asia as a whole and has been quick to offer the landlocked states of the region an overland route to the Gulf by means of a rail link between Mashhad in northern Iran and Ashkhabad in Turkmenistan.

Afghanistan plays a pivotal role in the region. Located near the hub of the region, it is Central Asia’s gateway to the other two countries like India and Pakistan for trade and the piped transfer of hydrocarbon resources. Currently, some three million Afghan refugees live in Iran and Pakistan. Militant Afghan groups have been active in Pakistan and in Tajikistan. China, too, has an integ-rated view of the Central Asia shaped by the politics of geo-strategic condition and ethnicity. A large proportion of the population in its Xinjiang province is composed of Turkic Muslim people, who have strong ethnic affinities with groups across the border in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan as well as in Tajikistan. Turkish interests in Central Asia are prompted by cultural affinity and a need to broaden its choices, which is turn have been supported by the United States. America would like the Central Asian states to gravitate towards secular Turkish structure.

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Pakistan’s interest in Central Asia is colored by the imperatives of its strate-gic relationship with India. Always fearful of Indian hegemony, Pakistan sees in Central Asia an opportunity to gain strategic depth by playing a major role in an enlarged Islamic community encompassing the Three Asia (Central South and West Asia). It also has an interest in promoting such a bloc in order to keep Central Asia as a buffer between it and Russia. However, its scope is limited by small economy and by the fact that its access to Central Asia is blocked by uns-table Afghanistan. Its strategic options are also restricted by potential Iranian (and Chinese) responses to its involvement in Central Asia.

The importance of Central Asia for India is also depend on the stabilizing the situation in Afghanistan, violent turbulence of which negatively affects both India and Central Asian States. With the vast natural resources, uranium and other rare materials Central Asia was critical to the global plan of the Islamic Radicals. As long as some particular strength is in power and is supported by other stronger States, countries like Uzbekistan and India were more or less following the same policy in dealing with this matter which ties them together. A joint initiative to counter this issue was being favored by both States. As a raising power in Asia, India would seek greater engagement in Central Asia, especially since India’s security is also linked to the stability in the region. As the strongest Central Asian power, Uzbekistan will be an important ally in In-dia’s search for a stronger involvement in the region.

Conclusion

Though presently, the Central Asian nations are not at the centre of the West's foreign policy but this region is beholding important roles for the 21st century. The factors like its geo-strategic location, being at the crossroad between South Asia, West Asia, Russia, China and being laden with huge mine-ral resources are bound to play important parts in the time to come. This seems inevitable. Though it is difficult to predict Central Asia's future but Islam will certainly play leading role in the region's future.

The revival of Islam in Central Asia has different impact in different areas.5 The differences are due to different religious policies in Central Asian Regions and peoples interest in Islam. One scholar rightly observed that “All the Central Asian regimes have reverted to the policies that the Soviet Union adopted in dealing with Islam. Each regime has sponsored a particular version of Islam which the state approves of and is non-threatening to the status quo”6

5 http://www.renaissance.com.pk/ferefl962.html 6 Micallef, Roberta & Svanberg, Ingvar, ‘Turkic Central Asia.’, in Ingvar Svanberg, David

Westerlund, (ed.) Islam Outside the Arab World (Richmond : Curzon Press, 1999), p. 154

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We can assume that relatively Islam's influence in education, social and cultu-ral areas in the region has been growing. The resurgence of Islam in Central Asia may have important influence on the political life of the region in the years to come. In the near future, despite the restrictions imposed on non-official religious activities, Islam will continue to be part of the region’s social and spiritual life. It is very difficult to determine the level of adherence to Islam among the general population of Central Asia, since no religious public opinion data reflecting the influences of religious belief is presently available; during my visit to Uzbekistan, I found that most Uzbeks identify themselves as Muslims but this ‘Muslimness’ seems to signify more of a cultural identity than a commitment to observing the faith. Actual knowledge of religion with few exceptions remains limited.

The cultural linkages and also the potential sources of conflict extend be-yond Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan, all of which have strong historical connec-tions with Central Asia. The strains of economic development can cause one or more of these potential conflicts to erupt into inter-state conflict, as have been the case with the civil war in Tajikistan, which involved Russia, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. Such conflicts in turn may spread beyond Central Asia into West Asia and South Asia.

BİBLİOGRAPHY

AKBARZADEH, Shahram (1997), ‘The Political Shape of Central Asia.’, Central Asia Survey, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 517 - 542

AKCALI, Pinar (1998), ‘Islam as a ‘common bond’ in Central Asia: Islamic Renaissance Party and the Afghan Mujahidin.’, Central Asia Survey, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 267 - 284

ALLWORTH, Edward (ed.), Central Asia: 130 Years of Russian Dominance, A Histo-rical Overview, (London: Publishers Group. 1994)

BACON, Elizabeth E., Central Asians under Russian Rule. A Study in Culture Change (New York: Cornell University Press, 1980).

BARTHOLD, Four Studies on History of Central Asia (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1963). CORNELL, Svante & Spector, Regine (2001), ‘Central Asia : More than Islamic

Extremists.’, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 193 - 206 DEWEESE, D. A. History of Islam in Central Asia. Leiden; New York: Brill, 2000. FERDINAND, Peter (ed.), The New Central Asia and Its Neighbours (London: Prin-

ters Publishers, 1994). FREEDMAN, Robert, ‘Radical Islam and the Struggle for Influence in Central Asia.’,

in Bruce Maddy-Weitzman & Efrahim Inbar, (ed.) Religious Radicalism in the Greater Middle East (London : Frank Cass, 1997), pp. 199 - 215

GLEASON, Gregory The Central Asian States (Oxford : Westview Press, 1997) HAGAHYEGHI, Mehrdad, Islam and Politics in Central Asia (London: Macmillan

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HOWARD, Shawn (2000), ‘The Afghan Connection: Islamic Extremism in Central Asia.’, National Security Studies Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 25 - 54

KEEP, John, Last of the Empires: A History of the Soviet Union 1945-1991 (Oxford: University Press, 1996).

KIRIMLI, Meryem (1997), ‘Uzbekistan in the New World Order.’ Central Asia Sur-vey, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 53 - 64

LITVINSKY, B.A., (ed.), History of Civilizations of Central Asia, vol. iii (Paris 1996). MANDELABAUM, Michael (ed.), Central Asia and the World: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan,

Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan (New York: Council on Foreign Press, 1994). MICALLEF, Roberta & Ingvar SVANBERG (1999), ‘Turkic Central Asia.’, in David Wester-

land & Ingvar Svanberg, (ed.) Islam Outside the Arab World (Richmond : Curzon Press) ESENOV, Murad (ed.) Political Islam and Conflicts in Russia and Central Asia

(Stockholm: Swedish Institute for International Affairs), pp. 9 - 18 POLIAKOV, Sergei. Everyday Islam: Religion and Tradition in Rural Central Asia.

(NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1992). RASHID, Ahmad, Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia (Hyderabad; 2002). RASHID, Ahmad, Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (New

York and London, 2003). RASHID, Ahmed, “Clout of the Clergy,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 January

1992, p.18 RASHID, Ahmed, “The New Struggle in Central Asia: A Primer for the Baffled,”

World Policy Journal (Winter 2000/2001), p. 33. RASHID, Ahmed, The Resurgence of Central Asia – Islam or Nationalism? (London:

Zed Books, 1995) RO’I, Yaacov, Islam in the CIS: A Threat to Stability? (London: Royal Institute for

International Affairs, (2001) SAODAT Olimova, ‘Confronting or engaging Islam: are there different approaches in

Central Asian countries?’, in www.cidob.org/es/content/download/26454/.../file/doc_asia_26.pdf SOUCEK, Svat, A History of Inner Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). SUNY, Ronald Grigor (1999), ‘Provisional Stabilities: The Politics of Identities in Post-

Soviet Eurasia.’, International Security, Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 139 - 178. WHEELER, Geoffre, The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia (London: Weiden-

feld and Nicolson, 1964). WILLIAM Fierman, Soviet Central Asia: The Failed Transformation (Boulder, CO:

West-view Press, 1991) WYLLY, H.C., Tribals of Central Asia: From Black Mountain to Waziristan, (New

Delhi: Bhavana Books, 1996).

1426

Sovyet Sonrası Orta Asya’da İslâm ve Komşulukları

Dr. Nasır Raza Han

ÖZET

on on iki yıldır Orta Asya’daki topluluklar, bu bölgede İslâmi-yet’in eski gücünü yeniden tesis etmek için geçmişe yönelmişler-dir. Bölge liderliği bazı vesilelerle desteğini İslâm’dan aldığını

açıkça ortaya koyarken, aynı zamanda dinin sahip olduğu siyasi etki ile bu etkinin istikrar üzerinde oluşturabileceği tehdidin de farkında olmuş-tur. Uzun yıllar boyunca birçok siyasi ideolojik güç hâkimiyet için birbir-lerine meydan okuyup birbirleriyle yarışmıştır. Bunların bazıları Batılı-laşma ve İslâmileşme olarak bazıları ise Sovyet sisteminin kalıntılarıyla bir tür yeniden Sovyetleşme olarak tanımlanabilir. Orta Asya kültürleri, bu üç toplumsal güç arasında bölünmüş vaziyette, uygun şartları gözeterek ve üzerinde istişare edilmiş yöntemleri takip ederek kendi kaderlerini ve kimliklerini tayin etmek için birbirleri ile rekabet etmektedirler.

Yedinci yüzyılda İslâmiyet, bu bölgeye gelişinden bu yana Orta Asyalıla-rın kültürlerini, siyasi tutumlarını ve iktisadi faaliyetlerini tanımlayıp be-

S

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lirlemede temel bir unsur olmuştur. Bu bağlamda, İslâmiyet’in yeniden belirleyici bir konuma gelmesi ne şaşırtıcıdır ne de anlamsızdır. Sovyetler döneminde, devletin resmen kabul ettiği dinler dışındaki dini faaliyetler üzerindeki yasaklamalara rağmen, İslâmiyet alt tabakadaki insanlar ara-sında yaygın bir sadakat görmüştür. “Paralel” İslâm diye bilinen bu İslâmiyet bugün halen varlığını korumaktadır. Dindarlık açısından ifade edildiğinde bu düzensiz faaliyet ömür boyu devam eden bir dini tören fonksiyonu olarak rahatlıkla kabul edilebilir. Çeşitli araştırmalar, sünnet, ölü gömme ve düğün merasimlerinin de yaygın bir şekilde dini ayin ola-rak kabul edildiğini ortaya koymuştur. Bunların yanında, yaygın bir şe-kilde yaşanan diğer dini kutlamalar arasında Ramazan, Bayram ve Mevlid törenleri de vardır. Hatta birçok kimseler dini sembolleri üzerlerinde ta-şımaktan, arabalarının üzerine Kur’an ayetleri yazmaktan ve çocuklarına İslâmî isimler koymaktan hoşlanmaktadırlar. En yaygın ve belirgin uygu-lamalardan birisi özellikle Buhara ve Semerkant gibi birkaç asır İslâmi ilim merkezi olmuş çeşitli kutsal yerlere kutsal ziyaretlerde bulunmaktır

İslâmiyet’in Orta Asya’da yeniden canlanması önümüzdeki yıllarda bu bölgenin siyasi hayatı üzerinde önemli bir etken olacaktır. Devlet tarafın-dan resmen kabul edilmeyen dinler üzerinde uygulanan kısıtlamalara rağmen İslâmiyet bölgenin toplumsal ve manevi hayatının bir parçası ol-mağa devam edecektir. Kültürel bağlar – ve potansiyel çatışma kaynakla-rı- hepsi de Orta Asya ile güçlü tarihi bağları olan üç ülkeye, Türkiye, İran ve Afganistan’a uzanır. Ekonomik gelişme alanındaki gerginlikler, bu bahsettiğimiz potansiyel çatışmalardan bir veya birkaçının, Rusya, Özbekistan ve Afganistan’ında dâhil olduğu Tacikistan’daki iç savaşta ol-duğu gibi, devletlerarası düzeye ulaşmasına yol açabilir. Böyle bir durum bilahare Orta Asya’yı aşıp Batı ve Güney Asya’ya yayılabilir. Bağımsızlık-ta, İslâmiyet ayrılmaz bir şekilde hızla milliyetçi harekete bağlanmıştır. İran’a, Afganistan’a, İran Körfezi’ne ve Pakistan’a olan yakın konumları yüzünden bu bölgelerin özel siyasi ve askeri öneme sahip oldukları ol-dukça açık bir şekilde görülmektedir.

Benim çalışmam Sovyet dönemi sonrasındaki İslâmî uyanışın dinamikle-rini incelemeyi ve bu uyanışın bölgedeki rolünün gerçekçi bir değerlen-dirmesini sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır.

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Ислам и Отношения Между Соседями в Постсоветской Средней Азии

Доктор Xан Насир Раза

РЕЗЮМЕ

последние двенадцать лет сообщества Средней Азии обратились к прошлому с целью возродить былую силу ислама. Лидеры региона при поддержке религиозных представителей открыто заявили о

приверженности к исламу, но в тоже время начали понимать политическое влияние религии и возможную опасность этого влияния на стабильность. В течении многих лет несколько политических идеологических сил воевали за власть друг с другом. Эти силы можно охарактеризовать как прозападные, происламские и, наконец, просоветские, то есть желающие собрать из развалин советской системы новое советское государство. Будучи разделенными между этими силами, культуры Средней Азии конкурируют между собой в поисках собственной судьбы и самоопределения, используя все возможные подходящие условия и методы, которые им зачастую советуют со стороны.

В седьмом веке в этот регион распространился ислам, став решающим фактором в определении культур, политики и экономической

B

Khan, Islam in Post-Soviet Central Asia and its Neighbourhood

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деятельности государств и народов Средней Азии. То, что ислам стал тем самым определяющим фактором неудивительно и вполне понятно. В советский период религия была запрещена и даже преследовалась, однако трепетно сохранялась в народных массах. Эта вера, получившая название «параллельный ислам», сохраняется до сих пор. С точки зрения религиозности – это бессистемная деятельность, которая принимается как религиозные обряды, совершаемые в течении всей жизни. Различные исследования показали, что обряды получили широкое распространение в таких мероприятиях, как обрезание, похороны, свадьбы и т.д. Кроме этого, отмечаются такие праздники, как Рамазан-байрам, Курбан-байрам и Маулид. Многим нравятся религиозные символы, выдержки из аятов Корана, которые можно увидеть например на машинах, детям даются мусульманские имена. Одним из наиболее распространенных практик являются посещения святых мест, в частности в Самарканде и Бухаре, долгое время бывшими центрами исламской культуры и науки.

Пробуждение ислама в Средней Азии в будущем станет одним из самых значительных факторов в политической жизни региона. Не смотря на то, что ислам официально не принят государством, он продолжает оставаться важной частью социальной и духовной жизни региона. Культурные связи – а также и источники потенциальных столкновений – протянулись к трем странам, имеющим тесные исторические связи со Средней Азией – к Турции, Ирану и Афганистану. Напряженность в экономической области, возможные указанные выше столкновения между Россией, Узбекистаном, пережившим гражданскую войну Афганистаном, а вместе с ними и Таджикистаном, выйдут на межгосударственный уровень, что повлечет за собой расширение нестабильности в Среднюю Азию и далее, на Запад и Южную Азию. В условиях независимости ислам был сразу же привязан к патриотическому движению, став частью национализма. Это можно наблюдать близких между собой странах Персидского залива, в Иране, Афганистане, Пакистане, которые проводят свою собственную политику и имеют серьезные вооруженные силы.

Настоящая статья нацелена на исследование динамики возрождения ислама в постсоветский период и оценка реальной роли этой религии в регионе.