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Wigneswaran is fast emerging as the leader of the Tamils
Hopefully, he replaces the TNA Duo, who had been conspicuous
during the last six years for their inactivity. In a quick move at
an appropriate time he presented the Genocide Resolution in the NPC
and got it passed unanimously.
This resolution prompted a UN official, Jeffrey Feltman to visit
Jaffna on 2 March 2015 and enquired from the Chief Minister why the
Genocide Resolution was presented in the NPC and what were the
problems faced by the Tamils.
On 3 March 2015, during President
Sirisena visit to Jaffna, Chief Minister Hon. Wigneswaran
presented, during his speech, the concept of one country two
nations. This is in line with what the Tamils wanted their Tamil
Homeland to be recognised as a nation. This is in sharp contrast to
Mr.Sampanthan's logic of the Tamils living in a united undivided
Sri Lanka. Please read the rest in the speech given by
Hon.Wigneswaran, that appeared in Colombo telegraph.
- Visvanathan
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28 , , . . , . , , , . , . . . :-
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-
khh;r; 06 khh;r; 19, 20154
pg
T he streets of Jaffna saw historic scenes on Tuesday. The
largest demonstration since the massacre on
the beaches of Mullivaikal 6 years
ago took place, with the unanimous
backing from Tamil political parties
in the North-East, Tamil civil society
groups and diaspora organisations.
The protest, preceded by a series of
demonstrations by Tamils in recent
weeks, was a defiant marker of the
Tamil peoples unwavering call for
justice and the ongoing agony of not
knowing where their missing loved
ones are. Amid the moving scenes of
Tamil mothers gripping photographs
of their missing children and calling
for their return, one demand was
resoundingly clear and recurrent
throughout - the Sri Lankan military
must leave the Tamil areas.
Almost 6 years since the end of
the armed conflict on the island,
Sri Lankas heavy military presence
continues to obstruct hopes of
restoring normalcy in Tamil regions.
That thousands marched opposing
the ongoing militarisation, as soldiers
remain stationed across the North-
East, bears testament to the criticality
of their demand for demilitarisation.
Indeed, the organiser of Tuesdays
protest was questioned by the Jaffna
police chief the previous night. The
domineering presence of the Sinhala
military, who are directly linked to the
historic and ongoing disappearances
in the North-East, continues to be
a constant source of insecurity that
envelopes the region, providing a
climate of impunity with which the
military and other human rights
violators operate in. As highlighted by
Britains deputy high commissioner
to Sri Lanka, who visited the Vanni
last week, military run businesses are
also everywhere, undercutting local
commerce and stifling free trade
and private enterprise in fishing,
farming, tourism and trade. The
militarys grip on the economy in
the North-East, ensures the Tamil
people, whose economy has suffered
greatly throughout the armed conflict
is systematically dismantled and kept
suppressed.
The victims in the
North-East have
explicitly said this can
be the only justification
for a further delay
in delivering justice.
However, the
militarisation of the
Tamil areas remains a
major obstacle.
The newly elected President
Maithripala Sirisena pledged that his
government would be a break from
the authoritarian past of Mahinda
Rajapaksa, Sri Lankas former ruler,
under whom the size of the Sri Lankan
military grew to the largest it has ever
been. Championing the honour of the
military, the new government pledged
to withdraw 18,000 soldiers from
labour jobs, that it said undermined
them, and vowed to return them to
their regiments. It remains unclear
however, whether this withdrawal
will take place in the North-East -
where it is most desperately needed.
Meanwhile, responding to concerted
international condemnation of the
militarys presence in the Tamil
areas, the government has pledged
to consider releasing 1000 acres
of land in Palaly High Security
Zone. Six years after the end of
the armed conflict, the release of
land - privately owned but occupied
by the military - is an immediate
necessity. Many landowners continue
to live as IDPs as a result of military
settlements. As the Northern
Provinces chief minister, and former
Supreme Court judge recently said
however, Sri Lankas succession of
governments has a long history of
broken promises. Thus whilst Tamils
demand immediate change having
waited six years already, it remains
to be seen whether when, and indeed
if, change will take place at all.
Last month, seemingly following in
the Rajapaksa regimes footsteps, Mr
Sirisena renewed the deployment of
the military across the island and
renewed powers allowing the military
to maintain public order. Moreover,
senior officials, including Prime
Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe,
have repeatedly assured the Sinhala
people, and notably the Buddhist
clergy, that troop numbers and
security in the Tamil areas will not
be reduced. These moves do little to
inspire hope in the Tamil people.
The calls for demilitarisation
come at a crucial time, when the
UN Human Rights Council decided
to give Sri Lanka six months to
cooperate with the OHCHR
Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL),
in order to gather more evidence. It
is crucial to utilise this time to gain
direct evidence from the North-East,
with UN investigators being granted
unrestricted access to all areas of
the former conflict zone, in order
to fulfil the international promise
of producing a stronger and more
comprehensive report. The victims
in the North-East have explicitly said
this can be the only justification for
a further delay in delivering justice.
However, the militarisation of the
Tamil areas remains a major obstacle.
It is incomprehensible that witnesses
and victims will feel safe to come
forward and give testimony, so long
as the very same troops alleged to
have committed atrocities against
them remain deployed on their streets.
Tamils who speak to foreign officials
continue to be watched and harassed
by security forces. Moreover, Tamils
who were arrested and detained by
the former regime for attempting
to gather evidence previously
have not been released by the new
government. Disturbingly, just this
week, the new government extended
the detention of the prominent
human rights campaigner, Balendran
Jeyakumari, who has been held under
the anti-terror legislation since March
2014, despite calls from rights groups
worldwide to release her.
Six years following the end of
the armed conflict, the ongoing
militarisation of the North-East
cannot be justified. As the resolution
passed this month by the Northern
Provincial Council illustrates that
the Tamil people view the militarys
deployment, including its pervasive
presence in their day to day social,
cultural and economic life, and its
occupation of their private lands, as
part of the states wider scheme to
dismantle, suppress, and ultimately
destroy the Tamil identity. Calling
on the international community to
protect the Tamil people from the
ongoing genocide by the Sri Lankan
state, the NPC said the genocide was
constructed through the militarys
permanent, occupying presence
in the Tamil homeland. As the
islands recent history demonstrates,
international pressure on the state
is key to driving progress for the
Tamil people. The international
community must ensure that its
hope of engagement with the new
government, delivers tangible results
to the Tamils, including the removal
of the military from the North-
East. Tamils in the North-East are
demanding it.
Courtesy: Tamil Guardian
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Demanding demilitarisation
-
5MARCH 06 - MARCH 19, 2015
pg
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P
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.
In November 2010, a Sri Lankan
member of Parliament expressed his
dismay when a small statue of a
leader of the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was erected on
private property in a Paris suburb.
It was an alarming sign, said Sarath
Weerasekara, a retired rear admiral in
the Sri Lankan navy, that the LTTE, an
armed separatist group that Sri Lanka
defeated decisively in 2009, might be
regrouping in other countries.
Its one leg is in America and the
other one in France, Weerasekera
said in a statement in Parliament.
The head is in Norway and the
other body parts in Australia or South
Africa. His rhetoric was consistent
with the views of then-President
Mahinda Rajapaksas government,
which repeatedly warned of the threat
posed by LTTE supporters organizing
abroad after they were crushed by the
Sri Lankan army at home.
But months before Weerasekeras
speech, the Sri Lankan government
was told quite plainly that, at least in
the case of South Africa, the LTTE
posed no threat at all, according to
a secret intelligence agency cable
(PDF) obtained by Al Jazeeras
investigative unit.
In the cable, dated June 9, 2010,
South Africas State Security Agency
(SSA) replied to a request for
information about several cases of
purported LTTE activity in South
Africa, from a suspected military
training camp held in May 2010
to suspicions that local Tamil
organizations were raising money for
the LTTE and allegations that the
LTTE was in contact with former
members of the South African
military. In every case, South African
intelligence concluded that there
was no sign of LTTE activity or
support in the country. The LTTE
does not have any offices or known
representatives in South Africa, the
cable states.
And yet officials in the Rajapaksa
government continued to warn of the
threat posed by the LTTE in South
Africa.
In July 2011, a minister in the
government, Wimal Weerawansa,
said in a newspaper interview that
South Africa refused to help Sri Lanka
quash a United Nations investigation
of its conduct during the war because
it had been highly influenced by
Tamil separatist ideology.
In September 2011, Maj. Gen.
Shavendra Silva, a senior commander
of Sri Lankan ground forces during
the end of the war who was part
of the countrys delegation to the
United Nations until December 2014,
asserted that the wife of a top LTTE
official fled the country during the
last days of the war to South Africa
and is currently living there.
In February 2012, an official in Sri
Lankas Foreign Ministry told The
Sunday Observer that the ministry
recently sent communications
warning about LTTE propaganda to
several countries, including South
Africa, where the LTTE activities
are significantly high.
These comments echoed the view
of thenDefense Secretary Gotabaya
Rajapaksa, who claimed that the
LTTE in the diaspora was Sri Lankas
No. 1 security concern. There are
ex-LTTE cadres, pro-LTTE activists
and LTTE sympathizers still
operating in various guises through
various groups in many countries
around the world, he said in a 2012
speech.
Rajitha Senaratne, a Cabinet minister
in the current Sri Lankan government
who was also a minister during Mahinda
Rajapaksas government, downplayed
the cable, saying it was common for
Sri Lanka to make such requests to
foreign governments. That is the
usual thing, he told Al Jazeera.
The Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry did
not respond to multiple requests for
comment from Al Jazeera, by phone and
by email, about the cable and government
officials subsequent statements.
The office of new Foreign Minister
Mangala Samaraweera said that he
had not been briefed on the issue and
could not comment.
During the peak of its power in the
1980s and 1990s, the LTTE did rely
on the political and financial support
of the Tamil diaspora in South Africa
and countries with much larger Sri
Lankan Tamil populations, such as the
U.K. and Canada. There were long-
standing, very important connections
between diaspora organizations and
activities and the LTTE when the
LTTE existed, said Alan Keenan,
a Sri Lanka senior analyst for the
International Crisis Group (ICG) in
London. Certainly the diaspora was
an absolutely essential part of the
LTTEs machine.
The SSA cable acknowledged this
point, noting that contact between
local Tamil organizations in South
Africa and similar organizations in
other countries, including the LTTE,
has been confirmed in the past.
But experts on the Sri Lankan conflict
have found few signs of a resurgence
since the LTTEs defeat. There is
little chance, however, of the Tigers
regrouping in the diaspora, according
to a report by the ICG in February
2010. LTTE leaders in Sri Lanka
are dead or captured, and its overseas
structures are in disarray.
Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, an
economist and the founder of the Point
Pedro Institute of Development in
Jaffna, Sri Lanka, explained that the
group was highly centralized, with
nearly all the power held by its
leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, who
was killed during fighting in 2009.
Once hes gone, everything falls
apart, Sarvanathan said.
But Rajapaksa had a domestic
interest in playing up the threat. His
regime used what Sarvananthan calls
a fear psychosis to win elections,
maintain its nationalist rhetoric and
justify its spending on the military,
whose $2.3 billion budget has
increased every year since the war
ended. They were building up a real
dynastic rule, Sarvananthan said.
Internationally, the Sri Lankan
government hoped to silence the
voices in the Tamil diaspora that
criticized the army for abuses
allegedly committed in the last
months of the war. The diaspora was
a threat to them because they kept
certain issues alive, Keenan said.
So it made sense to label them in
ways that made their activities harder,
that delegitimate them.
The most prominent of those voices
was a South African woman, Navi
Pillay, who was the United Nations
high commissioner for human rights
from 2008 to 2014. In 2010, Sri Lanka
tried to prevent the United Nations from
empowering a panel of experts to
investigate allegations of horrific
crimes committed by the Sri Lankan
military at the end of the war, arguing
that the panel was influenced by LTTE
propaganda in the diaspora. As Pillay
pushed the issue before the U.N. Human
Rights Council, the criticism against
her as a tool of the LTTE became
personal. Pillays South African
heritage and her South African Tamil
heritage was something they went on
and on about, Keenan said.
When she traveled to Sri Lanka in
August 2013 on a fact-finding mission,
the attacks intensified, with three
government ministers joining in.
They have claimed I was in their
pay, the Tamil Tigress in the U.N.,
Pillay said at a press conference during
her trip. This is not only wildly
incorrect, it is deeply offensive.
Ironically, even as Sri Lanka played
up the LTTE threat in South Africa, it
claimed to have taken inspiration from
South Africas post-apartheid Truth
and Reconciliation Commission in
creating a Lessons Learnt and
Reconciliation Commission (LLRC)
to examine the war. They definitely
wanted the legitimacy that comes
with South Africas name for any kind
of reconciliation-related process,
Keenan said.
But critics said that South Africa
should distance itself from Sri
Lankas postwar efforts, because
the LLRC lacked true independence
and because of the governments
persistent hostility to minorities. It
has controlled narratives both within
and outside the country, reacting
furiously to any challenge to the
official version, Louise Arbour, a
former U.N. high commissioner for
human rights, wrote in 2011.
Ultimately, Sri Lanka was unable
to secure South Africas support,
and Rajapaksa was recently voted
out of office not because of his
governments conduct during the war
but because of mounting frustrations
over nepotism and corruption. A new
report from the U.N. Human Rights
Council on war crimes allegations
in Sri Lanka was supposed to be
released this month, but the new
government successfully argued for
a six-month delay, promising more
cooperation and transparency with
international investigators.
The countrys new President
Maithripala Sirisena, has softened
some of the rhetoric of his
predecessor and is attempting, again,
to build ties with South Africa. A
handful of South African officials
arrived in Colombo last week to
share lessons from the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. But Sri
Lankas Deputy Foreign Minister
Ajith Perera was careful to point out
that the country would go its own
way on reconciliation. We will look
at a Sri Lankan model, he said.
Courtesy: Al Jazeera
Spy cables reveal Sri Lankahyped up Tamil Tiger postwar
threat
By : Jyoti Thottamn
Alan Keenan
-
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By Valentines Day 2015, Colombo
had managed to court back many
of the jilted exes. They are the
same coterie of capitals that were
once fellow strategic travellers with
Colombo but the relationship was
starting to strain around 2010.
Neither why nor how these suitors
were itching to get back together was
a secret.
The end of the cold war and the
rise of China and India have made the
Asia-Pacific region and South Asia
the new theater of the Great Game.
The faster rate of change ( given
technical advances and economic
interconnects), compared to that of
the cold war era, has also resulted
in pieces of the puzzle moving or
coalescing faster than before.
A lot has been written about
how much the American leadership
will rely on unilateral initiatives to
maintain its global leadership. So
that a need for a cold war type detente
does not arise. And where a new
and emerging power does not think
of itself as an equivalent to the US
as Russia had presumably thought
during the cold war. American
policyholders understand the
difficulties in sustaining a unipolar
world of American supremacy. But
a global leadership is different than
that. America will continue to retain
that for years to come.
In that spirit, this century will be
defined more by the American pivot
towards Asia- Pacific.
South of Sri LankaSri Lanka is in a strategic geo
location. It is at the very center of a
busy and fast growing maritime trade
route. The picture above shows the
trade routes in the 2nd half of the 18th
century and as of 2011.
What the opening of the Suez Canal
and the growth of Chinas economy
has done to the Colombo port is
obvious. The Colombo port is ranked
34th among the world top container
ports, seeing about 4.31 million TEUs
( Twenty foot Equivalent Units) (1).
Shanghai is now the largest port
in the world in terms of container
traffic. And China is also home to six
of the top ten largest container ports
in the world. The sheer volume of
maritime traffic to and from China
is unprecedented. And most of that
Cargo at some point travels south
of Sri Lanka. Obviously, for China
to totally ensure its maritime supply
security, it needs to dominate its
supply route. And conversely, for
America to contain that Chinese
ambition, it needs to deny China
total control. The Indo-American
competition courting the Indian
Ocean countries, as also mentioned
here, is through the paradigm of A2/
AD (Anti Access / Area Denial).
The ports in South of Sri Lanka are
transhipment hub ports only. They are
not a destination or origination ports.
Thus the ports economic contribution
is only the revenue generated by the
port authority for port entry, tonnage,
handling etc. And it has some ancillary
employment opportunities. The
estimated economic value is about
$50 per TEU (2). So at 4.3 Million
TEUs, the Colombo port may be
generating little over $200 million in
revenue per year amounting to approx
only 2% of the total revenue.
China assisted with a lot of
development in the Southern region
of Sri Lanka that did not have a large
economic multiplier for Sri Lanka.
But it did multiply the wealth of
many politicians. China thought
this would give it the economic
foothold necessary under a prolonged
Rajapakse regime. China has now
reframed this Strings of Pearl
strategy on its own terms as the
Maritime Silk Road. But the regime
change in Sri Lanka has slowed its
objectives noticeably.
As argued before, the west and
India will take over from China at an
appropriate time once China spends
it money.
South of Tamil EelamIf South of Sri Lanka is a theater
of operation for maritime trade, then
South of Tamil Eelam ( currently
east of Sri lanka ) will be a theater
of operation if there is ever a naval
confrontation in the Indian Ocean.
As America pivots towards Asia-
Pacific, Indian policy makers continue
to talk about Look East. As part of
this initiative, India hosts an annual
naval exercise curiously called The
Malabar exercise.
Note: The malabar coast is actually
the South-West coastline of India
which is current Kerala and Tamil
Nadu. The British constantly referred
to Eelam Tamils as Malabars during
their early part of the rule and the
West Tamil nadu coast line as Malabar
coastline. Perhaps India chose to
use a leftover term of the British to
highlight its past glory of maritime
prowess. Though the Tamil Pandiya
kings who ruled over the Malabar
coast, had success in spreading their
empire to the East, it was the Chola
kings, ruling over the coromandel (
Derivation of ( ) coast, who dominated and looked east the
most. The went far and wide towards
Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, etc. And
of course the LTTE borrowed heavily
from that imagination including the
tiger flag and its leader Prabakarans
early pseudonym of Karikalan etc. A
more appropriate name for the Indian
exercise would have been Coromandel
instead of Malabar. But regardless,
they both invoke a time when Tamils
mattered a lot in the Indian ocean.
Coromandel may highlight aggression
while Malabar highlights the Indian
centrality in ancient international trade
just as China does with the Maritime
Silk Road analogy. See a map of the
Chola trade route here. http://upload.
wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/
cf/Rajendra_map_new.svg
The estimated economic
value is about $50 per
TEU (2). So at 4.3
Million TEUs, the
Colombo port may be
generating little over
$200 million in revenue
per year amounting to
approx only 2% of the
total revenue.
The Malabar exercise is an example
of why India is sensitive about its
projects in Trincomalee and reminds
Sri Lanka often of it. Whether it is
the leasing of the oil storage facilities
or the power generation. The
purported reports of China helping
with an aircraft repair facility in that
vicinity, as expected, would have
been a redline for India. It is also a
reason why the US would work hard
to strengthen its bilateral agreements
with Sri Lanka. Example would be an
upgrade of the ACSA agreement to
that of SOFA. The same attempt did
not work out with Maldives last year.
It is also the reason why
Indian and American policy makers
do not want two power centers
in the island. One power center
controlling the East and another
controlling the South of the island. In
time of confrontation, both maritime
interdiction and other operations
need to be coordinated and controlled
under a single entity.
LTTEs supply and resupply routes LTTEs supply and resupply
routes
from Burma, Thailand and Indonesia from Burma, Thailand and
Indonesia
( The exact Chola trade routes and ( The exact Chola trade
routes and
ports) crossed a threat threshold when ports) crossed a threat
threshold when
they grew big enough to dominate they grew big enough to
dominate
the Sri Lankan Navy. It also became the Sri Lankan Navy. It also
became
focus of lot of studies in the American focus of lot of studies
in the American
defense circles because of LTTEs defense circles because of
LTTEs
rapid development of know how in rapid development of know how
in
asymmetric naval warfare. asymmetric naval warfare.
And of course the
LTTE borrowed heavily
from that imagination
including the tiger flag
and its leader
Prabakarans early
pseudonym of Karikalan
etc.
So if China succeeds in reviving its
bi coastal strategy through Burma and/
or as India ramps up its Look East
policy, Tamil coastal lines ( In Tamil
Nadu and in Tamil Eelam) gain more
strategic importance. But will the
Tamil political leaderships on both
sides of the strait, use this to convince
Delhi and Washington as to why those
coastlines remaining as a singular
continuum where Tamils are in charge
of both sides, as in the ancient days,
serves them far better. Much better
than an India Sri Lanka (Sinhala)
negotiated maritime boundary that
leaves Tamils on both sides permanently
upset. As repeatedly argued here, the
first step in that strategic argument
is to entangle both India and the US
through an integrated Tamil economic
corridor: A Tamil economic corridor
that connects not just TamilEelam
with Tamil Nadu but also extends to
Singapore and Mauritius where Tamil
influence on those states is significant.
The current Tamil political leadership
in Eelam continues to allow itself to
be entangled in the Colombo centered
initiatives rather than focus on a
regional context and to highlight how
Tamils play a much more contributory
role for the economic stability and
growth of the region. This not about
separating into a Tamil country but
about a Pan Tamil initiative that
actually strengthens the Indo US
strategy and aligns Tamils behind it.
Courtesy: Eelapalan blog
The Allure of Colombo
By Eelapalan
-
MARCH 06 - MARCH 19, 2015 14
pg
The UN Human Rights Council
(UNHRC) agreed last week to
delay the release of an international
inquiry report on Sri Lankan human
rights violations from March until
September on the recommendation
of the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights Zeid Raad Al-Hussein.
The decision follows a request by Sri
Lankan Foreign Minister Mangala
Samaraweera for a postponement.
The delay is a clear concession
to the newly-installed Sri Lankan
President Maithripala Sirisena and
was clearly given the green light
from Washington, which had been
exploiting the issue to put pressure
on previous President Mahinda
Rajapakse. The Sirisena government
has rapidly shifted its foreign policy
alignment away from China and
towards the United States and its
aggressive pivot to Asia against
Beijing.
The report was prepared by an
international commission appointed
by the Human Rights Commissioner
following a resolution approved at
the UNHRC meeting last March.
The resolution sponsored by the
Obama administration called for
an international inquiry into human
rights violations during the final
months of the war against the
separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE) in 2009.
The Rajapakse government was
responsible for terrible war crimes.
According to an expert UN committee,
the Sri Lankan military killed an
estimated 40,000 Tamil civilians in
its indiscriminate bombardment of
LTTE-held territory, including of
hospitals and aid distribution centres.
It was also responsible for other
gross violations of democratic rights,
including extra-judicial killings and
disappearances.
The US fully backed the communal
war waged by successive Colombo
governments, including its renewal
in 2006 under Rajapakse, and turned
a blind eye to the militarys atrocities.
However, with the LTTEs defeat
imminent, Washington became
increasingly concerned at Beijings
growing influence in Colombo and
used the human rights issue to push
Rajapakse to break from China.
After backing two previous
resolutions supporting internal Sri
Lankan inquiries, the US last year
stepped up the pressure by pushing
for an international investigation
inquiry last March. Such an inquiry
threatened possible war crimes
charges against senior government
and military figures, indicating that
the US was losing patience with
Rajapakse.
When Rajapakse called an early
presidential election last November,
Sirisena quit the government and
joined up with opposition parties to
stand as their candidate. This political
manouevre was prepared through
months of intriguing that clearly
involved the Obama administration.
After Rajapakses defeat last month,
the Sirisena government quickly
moved to strengthen ties with
Washington.
The decision to delay the UNHRC
report followed Sri Lankan foreign
minister Samaraweeras visit to
Washington where he met with US
Secretary of State John Kerry and
UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon
to get their support. The US and
Britain have already signaled their
support for the delay. A spokesman
for the UN secretary general declared
he would positively engage with
the new Government and support its
efforts.
UN Human Rights Commissioner
Al-Hussein said that many victims
of human rights violations in Sri
Lanka, including those who have
bravely come forward to provide
information to the inquiry team,
might see this is as the first step
towards shelving, or diluting, a report
they have long feared they would
never see. He offered the flimsy
reassurance that his decision was a
onetime postponement and only
to give Colombo government more
time.
Samaraweera, however, is pushing
for a domestic mechanism to work
with the UNHRC to investigate
human rights violations which he
admitted had taken place during
the war. He also promised to take
action against those responsible for
violating human rights and claimed
his government would re-establish
good governance and democratic
rights.
Like the previous Rajapakse
government, neither Sirisena nor his
allies, including the pro-US United
National Party (UNP), has the slightest
interest in democratic rights. Sirisena
was a senior minister in the Rajapakse
government until November. The
right-wing UNP started the war in
1983 and is notorious for its attacks
on democratic rights.
Speaking at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace in
Washington, Samaraweera urged the
international community, including
the human rights community, to be
patient, noting that this is a time of
fragile transition [in Sri Lanka].
The reference to fragile
transition highlights the unstable
character of the Sirisena government
as well as the political situation in
Colombo. The new government
fears that Rajapakse could exploit
the release of the UNHRC report to
whip up patriotic sentiment during
parliamentary elections due in June
and make a comeback that could
threaten the government. Rajapakses
supporters have already started a
campaign on the chauvinist slogan of
Defend the Motherland.
At the same time, Sirisena rests on
a disparate collection of parties that
include the Sinhala extremist Jathika
Hela Urumaya (JHU) which was
part of the Rajapakse government
and fully supported its war and war
crimes. He is also is looking for
support from the Tamil National
Alliance (TNA), which is using the
human rights issue to press for a
power-sharing arrangement between
the islands Sinhala and Tamil elites.
Even as the Colombo government
requested a postponement, the TNA-
dominated Northern Provincial
Council (NPC) passed a resolution
calling for the publication of the
UNHCR report. The tensions within
the Colombo government and among
its allies will sooner or later lead to
political crises.
The Sirisena governments call to
delay the UNHRC report is another
clear demonstration that it has no
intention of holding to account
those responsible for war crimes
and gross human rights abuses. For
all its posturing about democracy,
Sirisena, like Rajapakse, will be
just as ruthless in suppressing any
opposition in the working class to the
austerity agenda being demanded by
international finance capital and to
which his government is committed.
Courtesy: World Socialist Website (wsws.org)
UN delays war crimesreport on Sri LankaBy Manusha Fernando
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The Easter festival, the oldest and the
most important festival in the Christian
calendar, culminates in the celebration
that is Easter Sunday, which today is a
time when most of us get together with
our families, share a meal and - of
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people know that it was on this day
that Jesus was said to come to life after
being crucified, visiting his friends and
followers once more, but aside from
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you may be interested to know a little
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the timeline of events that are described
in the Christian gospels.
Whether you believe in God or not,
the Easter story does provide an
interesting historical insight into what
life was like some 2000 years ago.
Easter Sunday
Jesus had told his disciples in advance
that he would rise again on the third
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Chocolate Easter eggs
Eggs have been an important fertility
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associated with new life early
Christians used them as
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of Jesus. When people first starting
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In the UK and Europe early Easter
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eggs began to appear, in the early 1800s.
The vogue for exchanging chocolate
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