Philippine History:The Critical Analysis and

Interpretation on the Development of Filipino

Nation

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Philippine History:The Critical Analysis and

Interpretation on the Development of Filipino

Nation

by

Christopher F. Bueno,Ph.D.

The instructional design in the critical study of Philippine History uses an inter-disciplinary approach of learning to synthesize the implications in the contemporary time.

The use of primary historical data to analyze the experiences in the past and biographic analysis on political leaders.

The guide questions use higher level of thinking in preparation for their extensive practice in their field of specialization.

Role modeling and value orientation of historical experiences for patriotism and nationalism

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Preface

This book provides general information of the historical insights of historians on their own extensive perspectives about the development of Filipino Nation in the contemporary time. It is intended to develop the critical thinking of the college students in a manner that they can apply the empirical and historical investigation conducted by historians. According to Gallie (1964) , he synthesize that the best way to understand history is to consider intelligent reading, capacity for self criticism and gaining important insights to the present time.

The first part of the book discusses the concepts of history. This is followed by the critical study on the development of Filipino society and culture. Jocano made an extensive study on his book entitled Philippine Pre- History: An Anthropological Overview of the beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture which he made comprehensive discussions on the emergence of man and development of his culture. Thus, the historical background noted the geological foundation of the Philippines as to the basic land formation and structure. This is followed by the historical analysis in the early Filipino culture, society and community. The identity of the Filipinos can be traced back during the pre-hispanic period which until now has been a part of the Filipino Cultural Values of the contemporary time.

On the Philippine society during the Spanish period, there are general information presented from the time of colonization and the voyages conducted by the Spanish government to control the east including interesting discussion as to the voyages of Magellan and the battle of Mactan. The Spanish establishment presents the primary historical data of Blair and Robertson on the account of the Philippine Island from 1943-1803. Another interesting part of this book traces important discussions on the Philippine revolts against Span , this part discusses the view of Boquiren about the peasants movements in the colonial period. Likewise, the book presented another primary document as to the Antonio de Morga’s Report on the Philippine colony. The study of Spanish period can be best described from the Morga’s report to give critical analysis and perspectives into the account of the instructions of the Indian ( Indios); Ecclesiastical judges and prelates;  Secular government;  Affairs of war;  Justice;  Encomenderos;  The Royal Estate; and The Navigation to España. The student of history can find interesting insights as to the true account on the life of Filipinos during the Spanish period.

The Philippine revolution into three successive historical sagas is one of the most important parts to study the heroism and sacrifices of our people. From the Spanish colonization and American and Japanese occupation, there were unique leaders who eventually became heroes in our time because they devoted their life in spirit of patriotism and nationalism. They were the freedom fighters who were ready to serve the country to attain genuine independence and freedom. After our independence, the rise and fall of political leaders are always attached by their genuine way to serve the people and country. They shaped the history of our country in their vision and interest in the development of the Filipino people .

For the centuries of political struggles, we finally attain our independence yet the dependency theory of development remained to imprison us from searching ways to finally call our self genuine Filipinos. The political leaders on the contemporary time no longer possess to true essence of heroes which we can only find in the past. Let the student of history learns the past through critical analysis and interpretation as to the true meaning of nationalism, patriotism, freedom, liberty and equally for the Filipino people.

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Introduction

It is important for those who are taking up History 101 to understand why we should study Philippine History. Taking up history should not be done by simply memorizing events, places, persons and other important activities that happened in the past. The vibrance in understanding history is how well we react and analyze the occurrences that happened in the past. Let me present to you the concepts on the study and interpretation of History1 presented by Resurreccion on: Why we study history ?and How to study history? The writing of History in the true sense of the Greek word “ historia”, which is an inquiry, a study that interpretation of the character and significance of event. The propensity to repeat recorded events, without subjecting them to critical judgment, led Philip Guedalla to remark that “ history” does not repeat itself; it is historians who repeat one another.”

Essential to the tempering down of our charged reaction or response to the daily occurrences in society is historical understanding. Historical understanding has been defined as “the exercise of the capacity to follow a story, where the story is known to be based on evidence and is put forward as a sincere effort to get at the story so far as the evidence and the writer’s general knowledge and intelligence allow.” 2 While historical understanding is more than mere knowledge. It connotes comprehension and acceptance of explanations of causal and functional relationships of man in his complex social organization. Explanations are essential aids to the acquisition of a tolerant attitude which enables us to assess and construe correctly mankind’s behavior in the past. We should consider the following in the historical understanding: 3

1. The study of history enables the student to exercise the faculty of criticism. Through intelligent reading, the student discovers his own image, often distorted by personal bias and prejudice, which he may attempt to reform. He becomes liberated.

2. Capacity for self-criticism is not only gift of historical understanding. The student discovers also the strength and the weakness of the author. He can raise questions, analyze his assumptions and arguments, and criticize his judgments. The right to make positive or negative criticism goes as a requisite to the acceptance or rejection of the historian’s analyses and conclusions.

3. The past has nothing to teach to the present, but the present can learn something about the past. We therefore study history in order to learn what man did in the past so that we can gain insight into the nature of our present difficulties.

Notwithstanding what has just been said, interpretation is not the exclusive preserve of the professional historian. Any student of history has a right to subject the historian’s interpretation to a second inquiry, a kind of an echo reaction, a sort of a feedback response. Although interpretation is in the realm of the abstract, that is, in the domain of philosophy, it will do well for every student to keep track of the various contributions to historical thought. Such a rewarding preoccupation provides a single most rationale for the study of history. 4The process of interpretation aims to put the student into close and intimate contact with the people whose life he studies. To make events reflect that life, at least all the important phases of thought and sentiment in a given movement must be reached. It is absolutely essential to right interpretation that history be conceived as a process. Errors that may result from imagination can be best be corrected by constantly tracing the influences and forces that produce the historical process. Such factors are labeled as causes. Since every fact in history is both cause and effect, it is imperative for interpretation to distinguish between positive and negative causes, fundamental and particular causes, causes and effects, as against purpose and means, immediate and remote ends, as even to consider the ultimate end itself. 5

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Furthermore, history 6 is primarily a search for meaning, and the search for meaning requires a formulation of patterns of human behavior in past deduced systematically and logically. In this respect, the historian is not absolutely free. While he enjoys freedom of choice of his raw materials, the facts in history, and is subject to no restraints in formulating his theory, he under all circumstances bound by the rules of scientific inquiry that include those of the use of logic, detachment, objectivity, understanding, and language, as well as, especially, in drawing conclusions.The student should bear in mind that all interpretations are valid because they are based on the historian’s set of assumptions and choices of materials, and because they are derived from particular circumstances selected by the historian itself. In other words, each interpretation is unique. That is why history is what the historian says it.7

The Characteristics of Historically- Mindedness8

1. A natural curiosity as to what underlies the surface appearance of any historical event: this is the first characteristic.

2. In studying any present problem, idea, event or institution, the mind of the historian inevitably gravitates in the direction of the past, seeking origins relationships, and comparisons.

3. The student must try to discern the shapes and contours of the forces which are dynamic in society.

4. Because the novice historian is profoundly aware that the past is still at work in the present, he stresses the continuity of society in all forms.

5. He is also convinced that in innumerable ways society is perpetually undergoing a process of change.

6. The student of society must rigidly, first all, concern himself with whatis. He must approach his subject in a spirit of humility, prepared to recognize tenacious reality rather than what he wishes to find.

7. The historian knows that each situation and event is unique.

Thus one might say that the novice student and the professional historian differ only in degree of knowledge, experience and wisdom. Hence it is imperative that the novice student keeps on enlarging his perspective and elevating himself to the stature of a full-fledged historian. The study of history enables the student to exercise the faculty of criticism. Through intelligent reading, the student discovers his own image, often distorted by personal bias and prejudices, which he may attempt to reform. He becomes liberated.9

Capacity for self-criticism is not the only gift of historical understanding. The student discovers also the strength and the weakness of the author. He can raise questions, analyze his assumptions and arguments, and criticize his judgments. The right to make positive or negative criticism goes as a requisite to the acceptance or rejection of the historian’s analyses and conclusions.10

Geological Foundation: The Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture ( Pre-Spanish Period)

The beginnings of the Filipino society and culture can be viewed from the geological and paleontological studies conducted by Jocano in his book Philippines Pre- History: An Anthropological overview of the Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture provided comprehensive discussion along these areas. He viewed that tracing the emergence of man and the development of his culture in the Philippines is a complex task.It requires an inter-disciplinary approach. That is, data from disciplines other than archaeology are also important in shedding light on the intricate problem of reconstructing pre-historic lifeways. Furthermore, he mentioned that prehistoric cultures

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were as much products adaptation to specific ecological niches as contemporary cultures are. This eventually led the structuring of the Filipino society and culture until finally made contacts with the Asian neighbors. The natural setting he presented also provided a comprehensive background about the geological foundation of the Philippines.11

The Comparative Geologic Time Scale in the Study of Geological Foundation of the Philippines

1. Archeozoic Period ( 1,500- 925 million years) – First traces of life form.2. Proterozoic Period ( 925-570 million years)-Few simple life forms.

3. Paleozoic Period ( 570-225 milion years)

Cambrian ( 570-500 million years) - First abundant record of marine life.

Ordovician(500- 440 million years)- First fishes; invertebrates dominant

Silurian ( 440 – 395 million years) –First terrestrial plants and animals.

Devonian ( 395-345 million years) – First amphibians; fish abundant.

Carboniferous ( 345 – 280 million years)

Mississipian ( 345-320 million years) –Sharks and amphibians abundant; large scale trees and ferns.

Pennsylvanian (320-280 million years) – Great coal forests; conifers first reptiles.

Permian ( 280-225 million years) – Extinction of many kinds of marine animals.

4. Mesozoic Period

Triassic ( 225-190 million years) – First dinossaurs; abundant conifers.

Jurassic( 190-136 million years) – Fist birds, first mammals; dinossaurs abundant.

Cretaceous ( 136-53 million years)

Lower Cretaceous ( 136-110 million years) – First flowering plants; climax of dinosaurs.

Upper Cretaceous ( 110- 85 million years) – First placental mammals

Maestrichian (100- 65 million years ) First Primates

Paleocene ( 65-53 million years) Diversified hoofed mammal

5. Cenozoic Period

Tertiary ( 53 – 2 million years)

Eocene ( 53 –37 million years) – many modern types of mammals

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Oligocene ( 37- 26 million years)- Large running mammals

Miocene ( 26-7 million years) First abundant grazing animals

Pliocene ( 7-2 million years) Large carnivoress

6. Pleistocene Period ( 500,000-9,000 years)

Lower Pleistocene( 2 million –500,000 years )

Villa Franchian ( Europe/ North America)

Gunz Glacial ( Europe)/ Jerseyan Glacial ( North America)

First Interglacial

Kanjeran Pluvial – for South and East Africa

Middle Pleistocene (500,000-105,000 years)

Mindel Glacial ( Europe) Kansan Glacial( North America) Interpluvial/ Kamasian Interfluvial for South and East Africa)

Second Interglacial

Riss Glacial ( Europe)/ Illinoian- Iowan Glacial ( North America) Interpluvial for South and East Africa

Upper Pleistocene ( 105,000 – 9.000 years)

Third Interglacial

Wurm Glacial for Europe and North America

Gamblian Pluvial for South and East Africa

Holocene ( 9,000 years and below)

Post Glacial for Europe and North America

Postpluvial for South and East Africa

Let me begin the discussion on the overview of the geological and paleontogical studies presented by Jocano in relation to the geologic time scale being be natural science to identify the era and epoch of development specifically on the land formation until finally to the migration and the structuring of Filipino.Geological and paleontological studies suggest that living things appeared on earth as early as 1,500 million years ago, during the era known in geology as Archeozoic period. This was foloowed by Proterozoic Period, the time when early life forms abounded on earth. The Proteozoic , as is known today, is estimated to have extended from 925 to 505 million years.Other scientists have lumped all of theseeras in geological history into one generalized time-scale as preCambiran.The most important materials on the evolution of man and his culture are found in the Cenozoic era or the age of more advanced forms of animals.12

The Tertiary is the period in the geological history of the earth when mammals, including primates became dominant. The two major events in the tertiary periods.

a) The earth surface underwent tremendous changes known to geologists as land uplift.

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b) Land uplift was brought about radical changes in climatic and other ecological conditions favorable to mammalian adaptation

According to Jagor before the Tertiary uplift most of such Asiatic areas as the Iranian plateau, Turkestan, Indian subcontinent, and Tibet were submerged under a sea known geologically as the Tethys sea. When the great uplift occurred as a result of such phenomena as volcanic eruptions and faulting due to crustal deformation, this ancient sea receded and shrank in size, part of which is now known as the Mediterranean. The scope of the movement of land in Asia is well – documented by the Eocene sediments of the tethys sea found about 20,000 feet above sea level in Tibet. One can form a good mental image of the world-wide elevation of the land that resulted form this massive uplift by referring to the present heights of the Alps, the Rockies, Andes, and the Everest mountain ranges. The high mountain ranges were formed during the tertiary.13

Basic Land Formation and Structure in the Philippines

Geologically, it was during the tertiary period that basic land structure of the Phillippines was defined, especially during the Eocene and Oligocene periods. Some scientists suggest that it was at the terminals period of the mesozoic. This suggestion is based on the presence of cherts and slates in many parts of the archipelago which contian unicellular forms belonging to the radiolarian fauna, which appeared probably during the Jurassic, middle Mesozoic Age.14 Basically, the framework of the Philippines was the same as it appears today, with slight modification as readjustment of island forms occurred in various phases of their geologic evolution. The causes of these readjustments are many; the best known are faulting and folding of the earth’s crust, volcanic activities and erosion.15

The probable connection of the Philippines with Taiwan was presented as to the similar basement rock deposits, some fossil-bearing guide markers as various horizons and paleobotanical materials on floral affinities that appeared during the early tertiary period. Specifically, Jocano explained this probable connection of the Philippines in the following: 16

1. Sedimentary deposits containing species of Viscarya callosa Jenkins and Lepido cyclina which can be encountered in the Philippines can also be encountered in Formosa. These materials could have not been transported at great distance , which fact attests to the existence of a land conncetion. This is reinforced by similar species of pine trees found in the higlands of Central Cordillera in Luzon.

2. Although the Formosan “bridge” was totally lost about the middle of the Tertiary, the southern links of the archipelago with other areas remained. These links were neither continuous nor direct streches of land ;at most, they were a series of isthmuses, cut through by shallow waters.The western conncetion, particularly the one which linked Palwan to Borneo become drylan during the Pleistocene which followed the Pliocene period. The eastern connection which linked eastern Mindanao to northern Celebes and New Guinea remianed as series of islet.

3. As the connection with other areas changed the internal structure of the archipelago alos underwent changes. During the Pliocene, extensive coral reefs and their associated marls and sandstones were laid. Geologists refer to this time scale as the period of subsidence. It was characterized by the flattening of the crustal surface of the existing higher grounds.The greater part of the archipelago was covered by water. The central plains of Luzon, Cagayan Valley, and the central region of Mindanao, which were lowlands, became completely submerged until the Pleistocene times.

4. Small islands and narrow strips of land masses started to appear in other parts of the country. Land above the sea at this time included that of eastern Davao, Samar, Leyte, and the eastern coast of Luzon ( starting from Bundoc Peninsula), the Sulu archipelago, the portion of westen Zamboanga, western Panay, Tablas and masbate. These were all narrow strips of coral reefs,as were the eastern Zambales part of the Lingayen area and the northern ilocos coast.

5. Asia, the exposed shelf known as the Sunda became vast dryland of considerable importance. It covered an area of 1,800,000 square kilometers and extended from the Malay peninsula, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, to Palawan. On the Australian side, the continental bank known as Sahul was also exposed. It covered the islands of New Guinea, part of Celebes, and the outlying groups close to Timor Islands.

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Waves of Migration in the Philippines

The most widely known version of the peopling of the Philippines during the prehistoric times is the theory of Prof. H. Otley Meyer. The theories of Prof. Beyer about Philippine prehistory on the waves of migration are now under attack by the new breeds of historians and anthropologists. Indeed the migration of ancient Filipinos cannot now be held tenable due to many questions about the manner in which this theory was postulated, and the be archeological evidence which challenge many of Dr. Beyer’s hypotheses . These are presented below on the ancestors of the Filipinos came in different” waves of migration.17

1) The Cave-man ”Dawn Man” Group

This type was similar to the Java Man, Peking Man, and other Asian homo sapiens of 250,000 years ago. Beyer called the first Filipino the “ Dawn Man,” for he appeared at the dawn time. It is claimed that he reached the Philippines through land bridges.

a) Thickly haired and brawny had no knowledge in agriculture. b) He lived by means of gathering wild plants, by fishing and hunting.

c) Hunting, for that time many Pleistocene animals such as boars, deer, rhinoceros, small and giant elephants.

2) Negritos Group

The aboriginal pygmy group, who came between 25,0000 and 30,000 years ago. Again they walked across the land bridges from the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the Australian connection. Hence they looked like the aborigines. After their arrival, the land bridges became submerged under the seas, and the Negritos lived permanently in the archipelago and became its first settlers. They are also known as Aeta, Ati or Ita.The negritos are among the smallest people on earth. They are usually 5 feet tall, with black skin, dark kinky hair, round eyes,a nd flat noses. The Aetas are primitive people with culture belonging to the Old Stone Age ( Paleolitic)

a) They had no permanent dwelling but wandered in the forests, living by hunting, fishing, and foraging for wild plants.

b) Their homes consisted of temporary sheds made of tree branches and jungle leaves.

c) They wore little clothing.

d) They had no community life and only practiced the crudest religion, with abelief in charms, amulets, fetishes, or even animal and human sacrifices.

e) They were among the world’s best archers and herbalists.

3. Indonesion Group

These were the maritime Indonesians, who belonged to the Mongoloid race with Caucasian feature, who came about 5,000 -6,00 years ago. They were the first immigrants to reach the Philippines by sea. They were tall, with height ranging from 5’6” to 6’2”.According to Beyer, the Indonesian came in two waves of migration, with type “A” arriving about 3,000 to 4,000 BC and the second about 1,500 to 500 BC.

3.1 Indonesian” A” was tall and slender with light complexion, thin lips and high aquiline nose

3.2 Indonesian “B” was shorter, with bulky body, dark complexion, thick lips, and large nose.

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It is said that the descendants of the Indonesians are the terrace-building tribes of Northern Luzon ( Ifugao), and also Igorots, Apayaos, Gaddangs, Kanlinga and Ibanags; the Mangyans of Mindoro; the Tagbanuas of Palawan; and the Bagobos, Bilaans, Bukidnons, Manobos, Mandaya, Subanuns, Tirurays, and other tribes of Mindanao.

a) They brought a more advanced culture than the Negritos, for they belonged to the New Stone ( Neolithic) Age, and they displaced the Negritos who moved to the mountains.

b) They had permanent dwellings, wore clothing and personal ornaments, and knew agriculture, mining and copper tools

4. Malay Group

The Malays migrated from 300 BC to as late as the 14 th and 15th centuries AD.There were several waves of Malay migration to these islands: (1) The first group representing the Bontoks, Ilongots and Tinggian of Northern Luzon,;(2) The second group representing the alphabet-using Malays who became the Tagalogs, Bicolanos, Pampangenous, Visayans and other Christian Filipinos; and (3) The Third group representing the Muslim Malays who were descendants of the present day Muslim

a) The seafaring, more civilized Malays who brought the Iron Age culture and introduced new industries like iron metal-smithing, pottery-making, cloth-weaving by loom and jewelry making.

b) They were the real colonizers and dominant cultural group in prehispanic Philippines.

c) They had organized settlements and better weapons, clothes and ornaments than the two previous groups.

The presentation of the waves of migration was further provided by Beyer Table of Philippine Ancestry in its result of population in 1942.18

A. Primitive Types ( Land- Migrating)

1. Australoid -Sakai ¾ percent : Paleolithic 2. Negrito – ¾ percent Paleolithic3. Proto-Malay ( or short Mongoloid) 9 ¼ Mesolithic

Total Population…….1,750,000 ( 10 percent)4. Indonesian A – 12 percent

5.Indonesian B – 17 percent6. Papuan ( or Melanesoid) – 1 percent

Total Population…….5,250,000 ( 30 percent)

B.Early Iron Age Type ( Sea-migrating)

7. Northern Malay – 6 Percent: (Copper - Bronze Age)8. Southern Malay – 30 percent ( True Iron Age)

9. Jar- burial People – 4 percent ( Proto- Chinese)Total Population….. 7,000,000 ( 40 percent)

C.Historic or Proto-historic Type ( Ship-Migrating)

10. Hindu ( Indian) – 5 percent11. Arab ( or Persian) – 2 percent12. Chinese ( and other East-Asians) – 10 percent13. European and American – 3 percent

Total Population …. 3,500,000

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However popular and systematic may be this “migration theory unfortunately it must now be dismissed, because there is on definite evidence- archeological or historical evidence- to support it. On the contrary, there are sufficient evidence for doubting it, as presented by Dr. Sonia Zaide in her book,The Philippines: A Unique Nation.19

(1) Prof. Beyer used the 19th century scientific methods of progressive evolution and migratory diffusion as the basis for his hypothesis, which have now been proven to be too simple and unreliable to explain the prehistoric peopling of the Philippines.

(2) The empirical archeological data for this theory was based on surface finds and mere conjecture, with a lot of imagination and unproven data included. For example, there is no relic of the so-called “ Dawn Man,” so how could have existed? Beyer differentiates two types of Indonesian immigrants, describing them in vivid details as to include fair complexion, thin lips, aquiline, nose, etc. Again, there are no skeletal remains to prove this theory, and even if there were, the “ thinness of lips” can never be determined. Beyer also postulated that about 12 percent of the contemporary 20th

century Filipinos descended from the Indonesian “ A” group and 3 percent from the “ B” group.

(3) New findings contradict the waves of migration theory and the existence of the “ Dawn Man” as the first Filipino. We have no evidence of there having been a “ Dawn Man,” who came to the Philippines about 250,000 years ago. Until today his skeletal remains or artifacts have not been discovered. So far the oldest human fossil found in the Philippines is the skull cap of a Stone_Age Filipino, about 22,000 years ago. This human relic was found by Dr. Robert B. Fow, American anthropologist of the National Musuem, inside Tabon Cave, in Palawan, on May 28, 1962. Hence the first Filipino may really be the “Tabon Man” or the “ Palawan Man:”

(4) Undue credit is given to the Malays as the original settlers of the lowland regions and the dominant cultural transmitter. The migration theory may be nice story, especially when it seems supported by some legends as the Ten Bornean Datus but in reality, the Malays, Indonesians, and Filipinos are co-equal ethnic groups in Southeast Asia, without being racially or culturally dominant. It was the Western colonizers who divided the Asian population into ethnic groups. In scholarship, the British popularized the term “ Malay” to mean the group of people whom hey encountered in the Malay Peninsula. The Portuguese, Germans, and the Dutch introduced the term “ Indonesians” for their colonials. Finally, the Spaniards and the Americans differentiated the Filipinos from their Southeast Asian cousins. In reality, we are one race with many shared customs and traditions. Thus, the migration theory is a figment of the colonial imagination.

(5) Finally, the migration theory does not agree with the real character of Filipinos, who are adaptive and highly creative people, because it suggests that we were only passive receptors of outside cultures. The migration theory shows a people whose total culture seems to have been “ imported” from outside, and each group maintained a more or less distinct personality form the other groups. The truth is that, although there are variations due to the islands’ geography, ancient peoples in the Philippines held many things in common and inter-acted dynamically.

There were interesting findings of Prof. Landa F. Jocano as to the prehistory studies of the fossil evidence of the early men in Southeast Asia including the peopling of the Philippines that Filipinos are Malays or that Filipino culture is derived from the Malays is to create a myth of origin

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which has no basis in fact. It is doubtful whether once can safely recognize Malay characteristics in the Java, Solo, Wadjak, Niah and Tabon fossil men – a population so widespread in the area prior to any prehistoric or proto-historic movement of people. In addition, influences of external cultures and local responses to them show recognizable differences during historic times, even if there was a common prehistoric culture which linked these ethnic groups. 20

Fossil Evidence of Early Men in Southeast Asia including the Peopling of the Philippines 21

1. Java – the oldest human fossils found in Island Southeast Asia come from the central region of Java, particularly in sites close to the Solo and Brantas rivers. Credit goes to Eugene Dubois, a Dutch geologist, for having discovered the first relic of the ancient Javanese in 1891.Technically, the Java men ( i.e the Djetis and the Trinil specimens) are known as Pithecanthropus erectus or “ erect ape-men.”The term accepted was accepted by the other paleontologists with additional subspecific labels, javanesis and pekinensis, in order to indicate the place where they were recovered. As to the comparative physical features on the cranial capacity the Java men had 900 cubic centimeters and 1,075 cubic centimers of the peking men. Today, most scientists refer to the Homo erectus group as the pithecanthropines.

2.Solo and Wadjak- the Solo finds are advanced enough to be classified with modern men, they show some skeletal characteristics of earlier forms. They possessed large brow ridges, sloping foreheads and thick skulls .According to J.B Birdsell the men of Solo can be judged to be evolved descendants of the pihthcanthropines found in the earliest deposits of Java and China.The other advanced form of early men found in Java is known as the Wadjak men, named after the site where the fossil remains were recovered.The skulls of this type of humans were discovered by Eugene Dubois in 1891 were not reported until 1920. Physically, Wadjak men appear to be more advanced than Solo.The cranial capacity, as suggested by the size of the skull, is 1,500 cubic centimeters for Wadjak I and 1,600 cubic centimeters for Wadjak II. This grow in cranial capacity show advances in the evolution of man’s ability to handle growing complexity of his adaptation to the environment.The fossils of the Wadjak were also taken form Oceania, New Guinea, and Austalia

3. Niah – In 1958, while digging inside the huge Niah Cave in Sarawak, Borneo, Tom Harrison and his associates recovered a skull of a young individual probably 15 to 17 years old. The date by carbon-14 for the stratigraphic layer from where it was excavated is 40,000 BP.It has a receding forehead,shallow palate, rounded skull side bones, and a fairly deep nasal root. It shows certain morphological resemblance with earlier specimen of Java and also with the modern population of Southeast Asia, suggesting some continuity in the evolution of men in the region.

4. Tabon- The discovery of fragments of hominid skull in Tabon cave in Palawan, Philippines in 1962 by Robert B./ Fox and his associates working for the National Museum of the Philippines, documents further the existence of man in the region during the Pleistocene period.

The fossil evidence suggests that the people in Island Southeast Asia – Indonesians, Malays, and Filipinos- are the products of both the long process of human evolution and the latter events of movements of people.. They stand co-equal as ethnic groups, without any one being dominant group, racially or culturally.

Pre-Spanish Period: The Structuring of Filipino Society and Culture 22

Jocano (1973) identified 3 structures in the development of Filipino Society and culture namely: (1) Formative Period - the stone tradition;(2) Incipient Period – pottery and metal traditions; and(3) The Emergent Period- Contacts with Other Asians.

I. Formative Period: The Stone Traditions

This is the earliest period in the development of Philippine society and culture which refers to the level of technological development during which a discernible pattern of cultural adaptation to post-Pleistocene environment began to take shake. There were two main trends in the development during this period:

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a) The stone-tool technology characterized by roughly-made ,unpolished, and more generalized ( i.e. multi-purpose) implements.This refers to the” Old Stone Age”. This may be viewed as human activities associated with manufacture of tool types than in terms of shapes and sizes of tools.

b) A later technological development characterized by highly developed. Polished, and more specialized tools. This refers to the “ New Stone Age”. Our prehistoric ancestors, in response to the demands of precarious living in a post-pleistocene environment fashioned more implements than what thet already possesed.Instead of fracturing large nodules for tools, the people during this time achieved a method of cutting stones, generally river pebbles, to a desired shape. The implements were carefully grounded,pecked, rubbed, and polished. Through this process, they developed a more effective technology.

b) Pottery traditions. The appearance of pottery during the New Stone Age ushered in more changes in the lives of ancient Filipinos.Pottery is possible only through kilning, and implies that fire must have been put into full use in pottery-making. The use of fire and pottery meant radical changes in the lifestlyles of the people, particularly their diet. It is possible to infer that they learned to broil and boil their food instead of eating them raw.In the process, new cultural preferences, attitudes, and beliefs could have also been developed and practised. Social behavior became more complex.

2. Incipient Period: Pottery and Metal Traditions

This period was beginning of the general levelling off of local and regional socio-cultural differences and an uneven breakdown of isolation the throughout the archipelago. The widespread distribution of similarity fashioned tools and other cultural artifacts throughout the archipelago attests to this qualitatively distinct configuration of culture.There were two important technological traditions:

2.1 Metal Tradition. A new system of handling the raw materials had to be devised once it was discovered that these could be fashioned into tools more effective than stones.The only way to achieve this was smelting.

2.1.1 Early Metal Age. The initial appearance of metal and its utilization as implements for food production and for protection.The tools as this stage were crudely manufactured . The phases was brief, in fact so brief, that scholars call it the transitional phase between stone and metal implements.

2.1.2 Developed Metal Age.It was characterized by the predominant use of iron as the materials for tools.Other metals like gold, copper, and bronze were used primarily for ornaments and ritual paraphernalia.

2.2 Pottery Tradition.Pottery-making highlighted , in many ways, the creative genius of ancient Filipinos. It enabled them to develop a radically efficient technology and to find a medium to express their artistic potentials.Prehistoric pottery reveals the combination of human impulses to meet adaptive needs and to give meaning to human tendencies for aesthetic creation.

3. The Emergent Period: Contacts with Other Asians

By emergent is meant the appearance of a definable Filipino social organization ( political, economic, religious, and so forth) and patterns of cultural behavior.The following features of emergent period identified by Jocano (1973) in this period:

3.2 The major impetus for this dramatic event was the development of a relatively efficient maritime transportation. Traders from other parts of Asia like India and the MIddle East came to do business with local entrepreneurs.In turn, local merchants followed the maritime trade routes of these foreigners. This led to the intensification of inter-island contacts and commerce.The result of thses series of events was the transformation of small villages of slash-and-burn agriculturists into commercial centers with big population of traders,

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3.1 Community life throughout the archipelago was dominantly founded on extensive trade and by increasing specialization in craftmanship as technology became more complex. Along side with these economic development cultural homogeneity among the people from north to south emerged.

3.2 Filipino society showed homogeneity in cultural orientationit remained politically fragmented. Each community its political independence.Leadership was laergely based on kinship and the leaders were usually the older and able members of the kin group.

The emergent period also identified the contacts with other Asians and other neighboring groups particularly the Indian-Indonesian Contacts ,Chinese and Arab Traders.It must be noted that the contact of the Asian neighbors were concentrated on commerce and trade that eventually influence the development of culture in the early communities in the Philippines.

A. Indian- Indonesian and Malayan Contacts

Indian-indonesian Contacts.one of the great traditions believed to have extended broad cultural influence in Southeast Asia, including Philippines , was India.Jocano(1973) explained that Indian influence filtered into the Philippines only indirectly. However, the Indian contact may have been connected with the following generalizations about historical facts in this period:

The Philippines is geographically outside the direct line of early commerce between India and the rest of Asia and Southeat Asia.Moreover, the island world of Indonesia with Sumatra and Java controlling the traffic of trade, functioned as a sieve to whatever influence ( cultural, social and commercial) India might have had to offer beyond the Indonesian archipelago). As Rasul ( 1979) pointed out that the advent of Islam the first wave to come in contact with these early practices were the Indian, Chinese, and primitive Arab cultures. The neighboring Sumatran, Javanese, and Malayan cultural strain combined to form the cultural world of the Philippines at the time Islam was introduced.

One theory holds that Indian influences reached the Philippines from the Pallava kingdom in Southern India through the Srivijayan, Madjapahit, and Macaccan empires. When islamic principalities were established in the South Asian region beginning 1214, these areas again served as the bridges for proselyting Islam. Of course Islam did not escape local Indian influences as it traveled to the Southern Philippines through this route. 18

There were two powerful empires tha dominated the commercial and political power in Indonesia:

1. Srivijayan Empire. By the end of the 7th century AD, Srivijaya was unquestionably the foremost commercial power relations with India and china, and later with the peoples of the Middle East were regulated in terms of volume and products sold or exchanged.In 7 th century,Srivijaya became the center of Mahayana Buddhism and it remained to be so until its decline towards the end of the 8th century. The Philippines was also in contact with this empire mainly commercial in nature which started an exchange of cultural ideas that might influence communities in the Philippines.

2. Madjapahit Empire. Philippine- Indonesian relations during this period became intensified and the indian cultural influences reached the Philippines through Indonesia.

B. Chinese Traders

The Chinese Traders were able to reach the Philippines during the Ta’ng Dynasty ( 619-906 AD);Sung Dynasty ( 960-1279 AD); Yuan and Ming Dynasty ( 1260-1364) which was identified by Jocano ( 1973) that the Chinese were among the early group of Asian traders who had contacts with our ancestors and who contributed to the enrichment of ancient culture even up to contemporary times.

1. The appearance of T’ang wares in the archipelago,as well as in Bornean indicates extensive contacts between the Chinese and the peoples of Southeast Asia as early as the 9 th

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century.Beyer states that the Ta’ng wares were brought to the Philippines by Arab traders, who at the time carried a very flourishing business with the Chinese.There are several archaeological sites throughout the country which yielded T’ang items: Babuyan islands, Ilocos and Pangasinan coasts, Manila and the neighboring area ; Mindoro, Bohol, and Cebu in the Bisayas; and Jolo and Cagayan de Sulu in the south. Jocano identified that most of these sites are located close to the coast or near the riverbanks, indicating the configuration of settlements along areas where community life could be sustained through trade.

2. A comparative analysis of archaelogical materials recovered from various parts of the country suggest the nature of trading activities pursued by early Filipinos with Sung merchants as well as generally with other foreign traders.

The trade was carried out wholesale. The items were loaded in junks which were easily from one coastal community to another.

Internal trade, particularly with those communities which were outside the direct line of commerce, followed the initial wholesale deals.Even today such activities are carried out in exactly the same way. Thus ,it is interesting to note that many contemporary cultural groups in remote mountain and coastal areas still possess magnificent Sung pieces, mostly jars, which they use for ritual purposes.

Aside from porcelain, the Sung merchants also traded with the ancient Filipinos non-ceramic items such as mirrors, scales, coins, jade, projectile and so forth. Many of these items have been recovered in Sung sites.

The quality of porcelain wares brought in by the Sung traders were of superior quality than those reaching during the later dynastic periods, starting with the Yuan and Ming times.

It was during the Sung period that big jars were brought into the Philippines. These jars were later used as burial coffins and part of the paraphernalia used during magico-religious ceremonies, apractice which continues to be dominant among the contemporary mountain peoples in different parts of the country.

3. With the donwfall of the Sung emperors, the Yuan leaders took over the dynastic control. It was a short-lived rule, however, lasting only 86 years. During this time, Yuan potter exported a tremendous number of porcelain wares.

The Advent of Islam and Arab Traders in the Philippines

The Arabs came in the Philippines to trade then to do missionary work and finally, to establish a political foothold in the archipelago.Jocano expounded that the Arab Traders had a more direct intrusion into the Philippines by the Arab traders began in the 9 th century, after they were prevented from entering South china seaports by the authorities of the T’ang Dynasty. This difficulty made them turn to neighbroing places. The most convenient port of call in entering the region of Island Southeast was Kalah in Malaya. From here, the traders expanded their activities to other products which commanded high prices in the Middle East markets.

Historically, the islamization of the Philippines started during the time of Sharif Makdum who came in Sulu about 1380 as a Muslim missionary from Mallacca where he propagated Islam. Later about 1390, Raha Baginda carried on Makdum’s work which was followed by Abuk Bakr where he married Princess Paramisuli. This was the daughter of Raja Baginda who founded the Sulu sultante in 1450.

The introduction of Islam is best explained by the various stages of Islamization in the Southern part of the Philippines through the work of Rasul (1979) which necessitates further research, for serious study on the account of Makdum shows that the ‘ Seven Brothers” reportedly responsible for the introduction of Islam in the Philippines: 23

1. The first Muslims to visit the Philippines South were the ninth century Arab traders bound for china to get products in Formosa needed in Arabia. Since they could not go

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directly to China from Arabia due to the Chinese Prohibition Act of 878 A.D. their successors, the Gujerat zealots, continued convering the natives to Islam.

2. Beginning in 1214, Muslim principalities were established in early Malaysia including the Philippines. When the Spaniards arrived in Manila 1571, that muslim principally was under Raja Ahmad, whose ancestors came from Brunei sometime in 1258. The inhabitants of the Manila area were mostly Muslims. The inhabitants of Cavite, Batangas, Tarlac, and Pampanga at the time also showed such marked Muslim influences as the avoidance of eating pork and drinking hard liquor, the performance of prayer rituals, and other Muslim practices.

Arab Makdumin ( sg. Makdum) or missionaries were among the first to propagate Islam in the tenth century.But prior to then came three “ brothers,” siad to be sons of Sultan Jainal Abirin of Johore.They were Ahmad Timhar, Alaw Balbaki, and Kabungsuhan. Ahmad went to Sulu, Alawi to Tawi-Tawi, and Kabungsuhan to Mindanao ( perhaps Magindanao, in present-day Cotabato)

The arrival of the famous Arab traveler Ibn Batuta at Tawi-Tawi in the twelfth century, followed by Karimul Makdum some time in 1380 , undoubtedly shows that Islam came to the Philippines slowly and gradually through traders, adventurers and missionaries from the 9th and 15th centuries.

3. The advent of Islam in the Philippines was thus part of a gradual process in the context of Indo-Malaysian Islamization lasting from the 9th to the 15th centuries. No single figure, such as Makdum, can thus be given the exclusive honor of having introduced Islam in the Philippines.

The Early Filipino Culture, Society and Community 24

The ancient Filipinos were living in big settlement clustered along sheltered bays, coastal areas and mouths of big rivers.In the interior, the settlement were located at the headwaters and banks of big rivers and their tributaries. These villages were of various sizes, ranging from 50 to 2,000 people.(Loarca, 1582)The lineal arrangement was characterized by houses constructed close to each other in a single file, along the river banks or along seashore. Economic needs appear to be the most important motivating reason underlying this residential pattern. The sea, river. Lake and stream were, as they still are today major sources of protein food such as fish, shrimps,edible shells, eels and others. The ease of transportation in the coastal and riverine areas also favored this type of settlement. The river and the sea provided the people with the most convenient and effective means of travel.In the interior, the movement of people and goods was up and down big river systems . Even trails were often blazed along river-banks, following the course of the water. Hauling was done by sleds, the wheeled-vehicle being a late development. In the coast, water such as outriggers, biniray,paraos and others provided the most common and effective means of transportation. 25

The Historical Events of the Philippine Island written by Morga ( 1609) and annotated by Jose Rizal provided a comprehensive discussions as to the political, social, cultural and economic activities of the early Filipino society. 26

The Culture and Traditions of the Filipino Society27

The discussions of the culture, tradition and the Filipino society during the Pre-Spanish Period that was presented by Morga ( 1609) on his book The Historical Events of the Philippine Island annotated by Jose Rizal provides us an interesting primary insights as to the genuine identity of the Filipinos. Let the student of history reflect their identity that had been throughout the colonial history of the Philippines guided by the insights and thought of Jose Rizal when he annotated this book. . It is interesting to note that the intangible characters of the Filipinos are well reflected during the Pre-Spanish Period.

A. Cultural Practices and Early Life of the Filipinos

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1. Personal Hygiene and Bathing

Both men and women ,particularly the prominent people, were very clean and neat in their persons, and dress gracefully, and were of good demeanor. They dyed their hair and pride themselves with keeping it quite black.They shampooed it with the boiled bark of a tree called gogo and anointed it with oil of sesame, perfumed with must and other sweet-smelling substances. Rizal commented “ rather than the bark it is the body it self of a shrub that is crushed but not cooked. It is strange that father Buzeta and Bravo, in speaking of the gogo, mention its use in mines and washing clothes and not its most common use, which is for washing the hair, as it is used until now by almost all Indios.” They were all careful of their teeth with grinders and other implements of stone,etc.and give them a permanent black color which is preserved.

The young and the old ordinarily bathe their entire bodies in the rivers and streams without regard to whether their may be injurious to their health, because they found it to be one of the best remedies to be healthy. When a child is born, they immediately bathe it and likewise the mother. Rizal provided an interesting insight about this that the Spaniards think so but they were mistaken. The Indios are very careful not to take a bath during siesta, after luncheon, the first two days of a catarrh, when they have herpes, some women during menstruation, etc. Fr. Chirino says : “ They take bath with the body bent and almost seated for modestly immersed in the water until the throat, with the greatest care not to be seen, though there may not be anybody who can see them. The most common and most general bathing-hour is sunset after the days work and to carry water home. After a funeral they bathe.” This hygienic custom of the inhabitants of the tropics has been preserved in Japan, like many other things that prove the southern origin of some of her inhabitants.

2. Occupation and Pastime

As matter of pastime and occupation, the women worked with the needle with which they were proficient and they engaged in all kinds of needle work. They also weaved blankets and spin cotton and kept house for their husbands and parents. They pound rice which was to be cooked for their meals and prepared the rest of the food. Rizal ( Chapter 8: 246) explained ”though this work is not very hard, for the pestle is light, it is now done generally by men, leaving to the women the cleaning of the rice.” They raise chickens and pigs and do the house chores while their men-folk engage in the work of the fields, fishing, boating and farming.

3. Clothing

The dress which natives of Luzon wore before the advent of the Spaniards in the land, consisted of the following:

a) Kangan – For men, this clothes made of fabric without collar, sewn in front with short sleeves extending down to beyond the waist some blue and some black, while the headmen used red one which they called chiminas.According to Colin,the chiefs used the red color and the cloths is fine gauze form India.This fondness for red which already found among

b) Bahag - They wore this in the middle of the legs being bare, the rich colored cloth and quite often with gold stripes among the chiefs.

c) Potong –The head uncovered, with narrow kerchief tied around it tightly over he forehead and temples. It was not proper. They put it different ways, sometimes in Moro style like a turban, sometimes wrapped around the head-dress. Those who took pride in being let fall the end of the cloth, elaborately decorated, and so long they reach until the legs. And on it display achievement . It was not proper for any one to use red potong until he has killed at least one man. And wear certain stripes on it, like a crown, he must have killed seven men. ( Colin, book I: 59)

d) Baro – The women throughout the province of Zambales wear sayas or dresses with sleeves of the same cloth or of different color, without any chemise except around their bodies as shawls, with much gracefulness.

4. Native Food

Their regular daily food was rice, crushed by wooden pilons or pounders, which was cooked and was then called morisqueta (kanin), and this constituted the daily mainstay for the entire country, together with boiled fish of which there was an abundance, and pork or venison, likewise meat of wild buffalo or carabao. They preferred meat and, fish, saltfish which begun to decompose and smell. Rizal ( Chapter 8: 248) explained this is another preoccupation of the Spaniards who like any other nation, in the matter of food , loathe that to which they are not accustomed or is unknown to them. The English, for example, is horrified on seeing a Spaniard eating snails; to the Spaniard beefsteak is repugnant and he can’t understand how raw

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beefsteak is repugnant and he can’t understand how raw beefsteak can be eaten; the Chinese who eat tahuri and shark cannot stand Roquefortcheese and etc.The fish that Morga mentions does not taste better when it is beginning to rot; all on the contrary; it is bagoong and all who have eaten it and tasted it know that it is not ought not to be rotten.Bagoong is fish or fish eggs preserved with plenty of salt, Filipino serve it as relish or sauce.They also ate boiled sweet-potatoes which resembled the ordinary potatoes, kidney-bean,quilitis, and other vegetables, all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples, anonas or custard-apples, oranges and other citruses, and other various kinds of fruit and vegetables which abound in the land.

5. Local Wine

They drink that which dripped out of the tender flowers of the coconut -trees and the nipa-palms which were abundant and which were raised like vineyard-grapes although with less care and difficulty. Upon taking the tuba’ juice from the palms, they distilled the same in their container, stoves and other utensils, and when it was fermented it becomes strong or light which is drunk throughout the Islands. It became a clear fluid like water but very strong and dry. When used moderately, it was medicinal for the stomach and good for phlegms and other kinds of rheums. When mixed with Spanish wine, it becomes a pleasant liquor which is tasteful and wholesome.

The natives drink liquor in the day and night without end in their meetings, weddings, feasts and circles, accompanied by singing by a few who were so inclined and who come to drink and have a good time, although this habit does not carry with it, according to their estimation, any dishonor or infamy. Rizal ( Chapter 8:.248)commented that drunkenness, however, was not dangerous for Colin says: “ But rarely do they become furious or wild; rather, after drinking, they preserve proper respect and circumspection. They only become more gay and talkative and say some amusing things. But it is known that none of them after leaving a banquet, even at a late hour of the night, fail to reach their home. And if they offer buy and sell, and touch and weigh gild or silver, they do it with so much circumspection that neither does their hand tremble nor do they make a mistake’ ( Book I,61)

6. Vessels and Craft

The weapons consisted of bows and arrows but generally throughout the Islands, the arms were medium spears with well-made iron spearheads, shields of light wood with their “coats-of-wood” which were smooth inside, which cover them from head to foot and which they called carasas ( kalasag) On their waist they wore a four-inch wide dagger, with a sharp-point a foot long, the handle being uncovered and made of gold or ivory with two plain double edges, and they called it Bararaos and had two edges with wooden scabbarbs or finely engraved buffalo horns. “They are very dexterous when they go after their adversary, by holding him by the hair and with the other hand, they cut his head off with a single blow of the balaraw, and carry it away in order to hang it in their house to show it off, so that people will consider them brave and vengeful of their enemies and the evildoers.”

In the river and streams inland they used one-mast large canoes or bancas made of boards attached to the keels. There were also viceroy type and the barangay craft which were straight and light craft, with low body held together with wooden tress-nails, as strong in the prow as in the stern, accommodating many rowers on both sides, which craft, likewise, had paddles who propelled the same in unison, thanks to the chanting of their singers of natives heroes and their deeds, in their native tongue, for the purpose of quickening or slowing down the rowing of the vessel. Above the rowers’ seat, there was a passage-deck made of bamboo where as many fighting-men as the size of the craft requires, pass to and fro, without disturbing the rowers’ post. From there was handled the sail which was square and of canvas through a lift made of two thick bamboos, which serves as mast, and when the vessel was large, it also had a foremast of the same kind with their pulleys to lower the sail when the wind was adverse, also its helmsman at the stern to steer the vessel.

The vessel also carried another compartment made of bamboo on the same passage-deck on which, when the sun was hot, was placed a cover made of palm-leaves woven together closely to make a thick roof named Cayanos, under which was covered the entire personnel and vessel. There was also a cage-like devise made of thick bamboos on both extremes of the vessel, which was strongly attached to it and which barely touched the water but did not interfere with the rowing but served to balance and prevent the craft from turning over, however rough the sea may get or howsoever strong the wind may hit the sails. It often happened that the uncovered vessel gets filled with water and capsizes and was destroyed yet it did not sunk to the bottom in view of the bamboo balancing devise which served as a buoy, and also prevented drifting away.

This kind of vessels were used throughout the Islands since ancient times, likewise larger vessels were used throughout the Islands since ancient times, likewise larger vessels known as bancas or vintas uncovered rowing-craft, lapis and tapakes. They were used to transport the merchandise and were very appropriate for

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the purpose because they were roomy and could float on shallow water and can float on shallow water and could be beached at the mouth of rivers and canals on which they often navigated without going out to sea or far from the land. All natives were able to handle and navigate them. Some were so large that they could carry on hundred rowers sitting on the border and thirty soldiers to top, but the common draft were the barangays and the viceroy-type vessels using smaller sails and fewer crew. Many of them no longer used the wooden tree-nails but assorted metal nails, and their ruddlers and bows used fender-beams and so forth, Spanish style.

The land was covered with shadows everywhere from trees of various kinds and fruit-bearing ones which beautify the country throughout the year, both along the coastline and the meadows and mountains. It was full of large and small rivers giving good drinking-water which flowed down to the sea and were navigable and abound in tasteful fishes of all species. There was also an abundance of timber which was cut down and taken to the saw-mills and many logs were floated down the rivers which were mostly navigable. The timber was good for building houses and edifices and for making large and small vessels. Many trees were straight and thick, fit for used as masts foe galleys and galleons, both light and flexible, so that any vessel could be equipped with a single mast without need of dovetailing or cutting it into pieces. There was likewise an abundance of timber for hulls of vessels, for their keels, framework, toptimber and any futtock-timbers, breast-hooks, knees and small-knees, upper works and good timber for decks and sides.

7. Fruit Trees

There are many fruit-trees in the land such as santol, mabolo, tamarind, nanca or jack-fruit, anonas, papayas, guayaba and various kinds or oranges both small and large, sweet and sour, citrus and lemons, about ten or twelve varieties of bananas very tasteful and wholesome, many kinds of coconuts with good-taste, from which liquor and common oil was made, very useful for wounds, and other wild palm-trees of the mountain which yielded no nuts but which, however, gave good trunks, and from the husks of which oakum was obtained, very useful for calking vessels. Efforts had been made to raise olives and quince and other European fruits but so far, they had not succeeded excepting pomegranates and grapes which yielded excellent fruits after two years, and quite abundantly and three times a year; likewise figs. Vegetables of all kinds thrived in abundance but they did not seed well, and it was necessary to bring seeds from Castile, China or Japan.

a) There were chestnut-trees that produce nuts, and in other places there were pine trees and other kinds of trees which produced large kernels and strong good – tasting nuts which were known by the names piles. ( Pili nut)

b) There is abundance of cedar which is called calanta and also fine red timber called asana, also ebony, a variety of which is better that the rest, and other much esteemed woods fit for every elaborate purpose.

8.Animals, Birds, Snakes and Crocodiles

There is an abundance of cattle that Fr. Gaspar de San Agustin says, speaking about Dumangas ( Rizal, Chapter 8:.252) “ This convent has an extensive farm for cattle, of so many cows that there was a time when they were over 30,000… and this farm also has many and very fine horses.” The cattle from China, and they taste well and make good capons. There were no horses, mares or donkeys in the Islands until thee Spaniards had them brought over form China and from New Spain ( Mexico). Likewise ,sheep have been imported several times from New Spain, they have never multiplied. So that they are scarce in the land now as it seems that both the climate and pasture lands are not quite appropriate for them. The other domesticated animals as explained by Morga during this period.

Domesticated Animals, Monkeys and Birds

a) Goats are also raised although owing to the dampness of the land, their flesh does not taste good and they easily get sick and die on this account, also because they eat certain poisonous plants.

b) There are many turtle-doves or pigeons, said green ones having very red feet and bills while some pigeons are white with a red spot on the breast like pelican..

c) In the place of quails, there are fowl resembling them although smaller known as ponos ( pogos) and some small maya birds.

d) There are likewise some wild cocks and chickens… they have also royal herons both white and brown also fly cathers and sea-birds, ducks, lauancos, egrets, sea-crows, eagles, buharros ( Buhos, a species of owl) and other birds of prey, although one of them are used like falcons for hunting.

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e) They either eat or destroy the wild, destructive animals living in the mountains and fields such as wild cats, foxes, badgers,large and small rats which abound, also other land –animals.

f) An infinite number of small and large monkeys thrive and sometimes bend the branches of the trees, throughout the Islands.

g) There are likewise green and white parakeets but they are poor talkers, also very small parrots bearing green and red colors, called kulasisi which also do not talk.

Snakes, Scorpio and Crocodiles

In the rivers and streams there are very large and small scorpions and great number of very fierce and small scorpions and a great number of very fierce and cruel crocodiles which frequently get the natives from their bancas on which they ride. They work a great havoc on the cattle and horses in the ranches when they go to the river to drink water. However, the people may trap, catch and kill them, these reptiles hardly diminish in number.

For this reason, the natives build on the border of their rivers and streams in their settlements where they bathe,-traps and fences with thick enclosures and bars of bamboo and timber within which they do their bathing and washing, secure from these monsters which they fear and respect to the degree of veneration, as if they were somehow superior to them. Rizal ( Chapter 8:255) reacted that perhaps reason, other nations have great esteem for the lion and bear, putting them on their shields and giving them honorable epithets. The mysterious life of the crocodile, the enormous size that it sometimes reaches, its fatidical aspect, without counting any more its voraciousness, must have influenced greatly the imagination of the Malayan Filipino.

Morga further explained on the veneration of the crocodiles that these are involved or mentioned in their oaths, execrations, etc. hurled to their important hated people- even among Christians-in the Buhayan Moro Language, thus: “May the crocodiles kill him!” and there have been cases where God has permitted those who have sworn falsely or broken their promise, to become victims of the crocodiles, in view of their violation of the authority and purity of the truth or promise.

B. Marriage and Women

The women both married and otherwise, were not so chaste, while the husbands, parents and brothers were scarcely jealous or careful regarding this matter. Man and women were covetous and money-loving, so that when there was price, they easily yielded and when the husband caught his wife committing infidelity, he is appeased and satisfied without difficulty. Rizal ( Chapter 8:.247) defended this observation about the early Filipinos that this weakness of Indio women that historians relate, it seems, can be attributed not only to the sincerity with which they obey nature and their own instincts but also to a religious belief that Fr. Chirino tells us about. “ A doctrine planted the devil in some women of these islands and I believe in all who cannot be saved, be they married or marriageable, is the woman who does not have some lover. Because say he will help them in the next life by leading them by the hand in crossing a very dangerous river that has no bridge but a very narrow piece of timber which must be crossed to reach what he call Kalualhatian.” (Chirino, Chapter XIX)

Rizal further explained “as to the rest, the priest-historians relating the missions in the first years of Christianization, give numerous examples of the chastity of young women who resisted and preferred death to surrendering to the violence and threats of the soldiers and encomenderos. This weakness for the “pay”, we believe, is not a defect monopolized by Filipino men and women. We find it everywhere in the world, in Europe itself so satisfied with its morality and throughout its history, many times connected with crimes, scandals, et. The cult of Venus, Priapus, Bacchus, etc. and above all in the Rome of the popes, prove that this matter there is no nation that can be throw the first stone. At any rate, today the Filipino, women have no reason in blush before the women of the most chaste nation. When both men and women, especially the prominent people, go out for a walk along the streets or to church, they walk with slow measured dignified step, well accompanied by male and female slaves who carry silk-parasols which they always carry with them for protection from sun and rain. The ladies walk ahead followed by their female servants and slaves, their husbands, fathers and brothers walking behind them, followed in their turn by their male servants and slave.”

Marriages among natives are generally between the principals or nobles. Likewise timawas( Common Class) marry among those of their own station, and the regular slaves also marry their fellow-slaves, but sometimes they intermarry among different castes. Rizal ( Chapter 8:282) noted “ this proves that the relations of these classes among themselves are not only far from resembling those of the masters of the West and their servants but that they were even more cordial than those of the patricians and the Roman people among whom at the beginning it was forbidden to establish family ties through weddings. If the chiefs and timawa Filipinos has been so tyrannical towards their inferior as they are depicted to us, there would not have

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been such unions. Hatred and contempt would have separated the classes.” Let me cite marriage tradition that had been practiced in the early Filipino society:

1. The natives have one wife each with whom a man may wed and she is called the Inasawa but behind here are other women as friends. The children of the first wife were held to be the legitimate ones and full heirs of their parents, but the children of the other women were not so considered, but some provision was usually made for them, but they never inherited.

2. The groom was the one who contributed a dowry, given by his parents, while the bride did not bring anything to the marriage community until she inherited in hr own right from her parents.

“ This custom continued the union between the parents and the children, a wiser practice than that which is followed in many parts of Europe where cases are found of children neglecting their parents once they have taken possession of their patrimony, or of parents who do not consent to the marriages of their children in order not to part with their property. In Europe can be seen sons who are richer and in more comfortable circumstances than their parents who prefer their sons to be conscripted than to be married, which does not happen in the Philippines, not even now, because this customs survives. We say that is always taken for granted, this affection in many people bordering veneration. While the father or mother lives, the home continues even though all the children are married and live apart. Dowry in the Philippines. Naturally the woman did not and does not carry a dowry. The character of the Filipino woman, to be help rather than a burden to the husband, reject this custom, necessary to the European woman because is she is not a burden, in general she increases the husbands’ budget. In the Philippines the woman does not fish for a husband, but she chooses a husband; the husband does not take heavy burden or the matrimonial yoke, but a companion to help him and to introduce economy in the irregular of a bachelor.” ( Rizal, Chapter 8: 282)

3. The solemnization of marriage consisted in the mutual agreement between the parents and kinsmen of the contracting parties, the paying of the concerted dowry to the father of the bride’s parents for the purpose of celebrating with eating and drinking the whole day until sunset.

“This dowry, if it can be called thus, represented a compensation for the parents of the bride for the care and education of their daughter. The Filipino woman, never being a burden on any one, neither on her parents nor on her husband but all on the contrary, represents a value for whose loss the possessor must be compensated. And this is so true that even in our times parents consent with great difficulty to part from heir daughters. It is almost never seen in the Philippines the sad spectacle that many European families present who seem to be in a hurry to get rid their marriageable daughters, not infrequently the mothers playing ridiculous role. As it will be seen, neither is there a sale or purchase in this custom. The Tagalog wife is free and respected, she manages and contracts, almost with the husband’s approval, who consults her about all this acts. She is the keeper of the money, she educates the children, half of whom belong to her. She is not a Chinese woman or a Muslim slave who is bought, sometimes from the parents, sometimes at the bazaar, in order to look her up for the pleasure of the husband or master. She is not the European woman who marries, purchases the husband’s liberty with her dowry, and loses her name, rights, liberty, initiative, her true dominion being limited to reign over the salon, to entertain guests, and to sit at the right of her husband.” (Rizal, Chapter 8:283)

4. The spouses could separate and dissolve their marriage ties owing to trivial cause and upon proper hearings had before the relatives of both parties and some elders who participated therein, and who rendered judgment, upon which the dowry received was returned to the husband, and it was called vigadicaya ( Bigay-kaya) as a voluntary offering, except in cases where the separation was caused by said husband’s fault, when it was retained for the parents of the wife to keep.

“Bigay-kaya means to give what one can, a voluntary offering, a gift of goodwill. This confirms further that in the case of marriage there was no sale, unlike in the already known ‘ alms: for scapulars, rosaries, belt, etc. in which one does not give what one can be altered notwithstanding, by increasing it. This Bigay-kaya, according to Colin, was returned intact to the spouses if the son-in-law was obedient to his parents-in-law and if not, it was divided among all the heirs.” “ Besides the dowry members of the principal class used to give some gifts to the parents and relatives and even to the slaves according to the rank of the newly married.” ( Colin, Book I, Chap.XIV / Rizal, Chapter 8: 284)

5. Their property which had been acquired in common by both spouses, was divided between them in equal shares, and each disposed of his part as best he or she desired. If any of the spouses had any gain or

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income unknown to and not participated in by the other spouse, it became the property of the said spouse, to own by himself or herself.

6. People could adopt any person in the presence of the relatives; and the adopted child or person would then deliver whatever he or she possessed, as a present to the adopting party, upon which the adopted person remained in his house and under his protection, thereby acquiring the right to inherit together with the children of the foster.

7. Adultery was not punished physically but instead, the guilty spouse would pay to the aggrieved spouse such indemnity as the elders adjudged to be right, and which said parties agreed among themselves. The grievance was thus forgiven and the husband acknowledged to be satisfied, and he retained his honor and resumed his married life with his wife, and no mention would hereafter be made of the matter.

8.In the matter of inheritance, all legitimate children inherited equally all the property which the parents had acquired. However, if there was any personal or real property left by the parents, in the absence of legitimate children and by asawa, they were inherited by the nearest relatives from the collateral branches of the main family-tree. This was effected either by will or testament or, in the making of a will aside from simply leaving it in written form, or by stating the wish verbally in the presence of well-known persons.

“ And there was no need for more. The memory of the parents, so sacred and revered, the belief that the spirits of ancestors came to live among their descendants, punishing them or protecting them according to their later behavior, prevented any violation of the wills or disobedience on the part of the heirs. Only since the missionaries convined the Indios that their ancestors remained toasted and burned in Purgatory or Hell did they have a need for notaries for notaries, stamped paper, and to engage in lawsuits and intrigues forever and ever.” ( Rizal, Chapter 8:285)

On the other hand, the marriages practices and succession of office of the nobleman during the early Filipino society were done in this way ,if any principal or nobleman was chief of a barangai or clan, he was succeeded in the office or dignity, by his eldest son had by his asawa or married wife, and in his default, by the second son had by her. In the absence of male children, by his daughters in the same order. In absence of legitimate children, the succession reverted to the nearest of kin belonging to the same lineage and family of the principal who last possessed it. Rizal ( Chapter 8:285) noted that the same law of succession was now followed by the royal families of Spain, England, Austria, etc.

In the event that any native having female slaves, should have had intercourse with any of them and come to have children as a result thereof, her child as well as herself became free thereby, but if she failed to have any, she remained a slave.

The children of slave-mothers and those females slaves, should have had another man’s wife, were considered children of ill-repute, and they did not succeed like the legitimate heirs to the estate, neither were their parents bound to bequeath any property to them; and even if they were children of dignity or nobility or to the privileges of their fathers, and only remained in their station and were considered ordinary timawa-plebeians like the rest of them.

All these distinction between legitimate children who inherited, the children of free concubines who did not inherit, but received.

C. Local Economy and Foreign Trade of the Early Filipinos

Jocano pointed out that available documents do not treat in detail the economic subsistence of the people. What the chroniclers narrated at length were the economic subsistence of the people. What the chroniclers narrated at length were the kinds of products-like rice and gold- which they obtained in great abundance or which they did not get at all. However, even from this sketchy reports, it is clear that the most important sources of economic subsistence were agriculture, fishing, poultry, and swine raising, gold mining, and trade .

According to Morga the contract and negotiations with the natives were generally considered illegal, so that each of them had to take care of himself or see how he could best attend to his business. Loans made for profit were very common, and they bore excessive interest, thus doubling or increasing the more their settlement was being delayed, until the creditors would take everything their debtors had, together with their persons and their children, if they had any, in capacity of slaves.

Morga enumerated the common way of doing business was the trading of certain things for others, such as supplies, blankets, cattle, fowl, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palm trees, nipa swamps and

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forests; and sometimes when there was a price fixed, it was apid in gold as might be agreed upon, also in metal bells coming from China, which articles are considered precious jewels. The latter look like large pots giving very good sound, and are much used in their festivals, and are usually taken in their vessels in going to war and expeditions, and used in the place of drums and other metal instruments. There were often delays and extensions given for the payments of debts, needing bondsmen who participated elements of profit and very usurious interest.

On the other hand most of the foreign trade was carried out with neighboring countries. From the Asia mainland, Chinese merchants who brought into porcelain, mirrors, jade, and other materials dominated the commerce. In return, they acquired Filipino goods ranging from almaciga gums, honey and fowls to gold and so forth.

1. Agriculture

Agriculture in the archipelago began at about the end of the Formative Period. It continued to be the dominant means of livelihood during the Incipient Period and became even more developed during the later periods. There were two types of agriculture- the slash-and-burn type found in the interior and in the higher coastal places, and the wet-rice agriculture found in the lower sections of the countrysides except in the highland area of central Cordillerra where rice terracing was already practiced ( Jocano, 1973 :166-167)

The technique for slash-and-burn agriculture resembled what could still be observed among mountain peoples today. The area cleared for cultivation was small and generally on the shoulders of rolling hills. Rituals were involved in selecting working and planting the field. The prospective cultivator, before starting his kaingin, looked for a good site. A good site consisted of a primary forest where no thickets or tall grasses abound. As soon as this was done, the farmer performed a ritual to appease the spirits and to ask their permission to allow him clear the area. If no bad omens were noted after the ceremony, the cutting of the trees followed. Then the felled trees were left for sometime. As soon as the leaves and branches dried, these were burned and the entire are scraped of the remaining roots and shrubs. After the site was cleared, the crops like rice or corn were planted , either by sowing the seeds or by dropping these into “ hills” dug by the use of dibble sticks.

Preparation of seedlings for planting resembled the practices in many rural areas. That is, the seeds were selected and placed inside a basket. These were soaked in the river for a few days, and the bad seeds ( those which did not sprout) were removed and thrown away. The rest were placed on a bamboo mat and covered with earth. The container was drenched with water to keep it moist. As soon as the grains sprouted and germinated sufficiently, they were transplanted one by one.

Aside from rice, other agricultural products consisted of millet, barona, cropisa ( a tuber which looked liked sweet potato ( camote ), areca nuts, oil, cotton, wine and vinegar from cultivated palms like coconut, and many others . Abaca fiber from plants having the same name were also gathered and used either for making ropes or fabrics.

2. Fishing and Hunting

Fishing of all kinds of fish in the sea or in fresh waters of rivers and streams, is very greatly indulged in and is quite productive; in fact, this industry is quite general in the entire country and is considered a natural activity for the self-support of all the people. There is an abundance of good sardines, bass, sea breams called bacocos, dace ells, bicuda, tanguigue, flounders,plantanos and tarakitos, pin pointed fish, golden fish, eels, large and small oysters, mollusks, crabs, shrimps, sea-spiders, marine crabs and all kinds of mollusks, etc. also shad and white fish. The seas are full of large fishes such as whales, sharks, caellas, bufeo cetaceans, and other unknown species having unusual size and shape.

There is another lake in the province of Bonbon ( Batangas) bearing the same name, and although it is not so large, it abounds with fish. The method of fishing used by the natives is that of making corrals or traps made of rattan vines which are very flexible, strong, thin and solid, made into strong cables for their vessels and other purposes. These traps are attached posts stuck into the bottom of the lake and they gather the fish caught from said traps through wicker and bamboo baskets and smaller and various fishing-nets besides other contrivances and also fishing – rods. The ordinary food of the natives is a very small fish which is netted, dried in the sunb or air, then cooked in various ways; and they enjoy them better than the larger fishes.Among them they call this fish laulau. The Tawilis of Batangas, or dilis, which is smaller and a large quantity of it is eaten by the natives. 3. Jar Industry

The provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Pangasinan and Ilocos, there are to be found earthen tabors or jars, brown in color and not so beautiful to look at. Some are of middle size and others are smaller, bearing certain marks and seals, and they cannot explain where they got them from or in what period. At present they

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are no longer obtainable neither are they manufactured in these islands, and they are in great demand on the part of the Japanese who prize them very much for the reason that they have discovered that these are the only receptacles in which to properly keep and preserve the roots and leaves of a plant called cha ( tea), the beverage of which they drink hot and which the Japanese so highly esteem; so that they constitute their most precious and valuable possession, which they keep in their stores and chambers.

A jar is worth a great deal of money, and is adorned on the outside with fine gold-plating with brocade cloth, so that there are vases which are worth or sold for two eleven-reales ( pieces of eleven) taels each, or less, as the case may be, even if it is slightly dented or has a flaw, for them for this purpose; and as a matter of fact, these bases have become very scarce owing to the great demand there is for them

4. Mining Industry

The ancient Filipinos were also engaged in domestic and foreign trade. The most common items for trade were foodstuffs and gold. Many chroniclers were impressed by the manner in which Filipinos handled their business. Sande noted that they were shrewd businessmen and trusted no “ reckoning” but their own. Local merchants also knew the value and qualities of gold as a medium of trade.The natives had a system of classifying goods. There was a base gold for which they did not have any name and which they used to cheat customers. Second-class gold was known as malubai ,bielu,and linguigui. The best kind of gold was the oregeras, known as penica among the Chinese traders.Jewelry were also traded, although these placed second to gold. Sande noted” the best gold obtained is another grade called guinogulan, which means ‘ the lord of gold’; it weighs about twenty-carats. From this is made they never part; and even when they wish to sell these ornaments

D.Religion

The pre-Hispanic belief system of Filipinos consisted of a pantheon of gods, spirits, creatures, and men that guarded the streams, fields, trees, mountains, forests, and houses. Bathala, who created earth and man, was superior to these other gods and spirits. Regular sacrifices and prayers were offered to placate these deities and spirits--some of which were benevolent, some malevolent. Wood and metal images represented ancestral spirits, and no distinction was made between the spirits and their physical symbol. Reward or punishment after death was dependent upon behavior in this life. Anyone who had reputed power over the supernatural and natural was automatically elevated to a position of prominence. Every village had its share of shamans and priests who competitively plied their talents and carried on ritual curing. Many gained renown for their ability to develop anting-anting, a charm guaranteed to make a person invincible in the face of human enemies. Other sorcerers concocted love potions or produced amulets that made their owners invisible. ( Miller)

In matters of religion, Morga expounded that they proceeded in primitive fashion, and with more blindness than in other matters, for the reason that aside from being Gentiles, without any knowledge of the true God, they did not take pains to reason out how to find Him, neither did they envision particular one at all. Rizal (Chapter 8:291) reacted this idea ” In this matter of the true God, every people believe what is their own, and as until now there has not yet been found a reagent for the discovery of the true God and distinguish Him from the false ones, Morga, who was a person of superior judgment to many of his contemporaries, can only be forgiven for such pretension for the sake of the dominant ideas …”Furthermore, Morga describes the devil ordinarily deceived them with a thousand and one errors and blind practices. He appeared to them in various from as horrible and fearful as ferocious animals which held them in dread making them tremble, and very often they worshipped him through images representing him, kept in caves and in private houses, where they offered to him sweet-smelling perfumes, food and fruits, calling them Anitos.

Pigafetta describes in the following manner, the idols he saw in Sebu:” These idols are wood, hollow or concave, without, without parts behind; the arms are open and the legs part, with the legs turned upward. The face is rather large with four enormous teeth similar to the fangs of the wild boar; all are covered with paint.” Some historians following speak of idols of silver, gold ,ivory, stone, bone,etc., that they found in Luzon, some in the possession of the Babaylanas. The Tagalog had anitos for mountains and country, for the planted fields, the sea, to whom they entrusted their fisheries and sea voyages, anitos for the house among whom they put their ancestors, they called their images. (Colin: 54). These idols do not always have the shape that Pigafetta attributes to them. Sometimes they are seated with their arms crossed, their elbows resting on their knees. Sometimes the arms are stuck to the sides with the hands above the abdomen or crossed over the breast and the hands over the clavicles, etc.They are not always found with teeth or fangs and those which have them are probably the images of malevolent gennii. ( Rizal: 291)

Plasencia explained that the most powerful deity of Tagalog was Bathala or Abba.(1) He was the sustainer, keeper, nourisher and protector of mankind.(2) He welcomed gifts form the people with deep appreciation.(3) He was pleased when men were helpful and obedient to his morals

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(4) He was lavish in his love towards those who kept his commandments and those who paid him homage.

(5) He was Compassionate and understanding, equally exacting in his punishment to those who trespass his rules.

(6) He did not hesitate to send thunder and lighting to strike the transgressors of his laws.(7) He presided over the lesser divinities who cared for the needs of the people and guarded

the general welfare of the reverent families.(8) His power and goodness were showered on the people to whom he was likewise the

ultimate protector.(9) He was represented by a turtle-dove called tigma-manuquin.

It followed by the other divinities working closely with him:;Kaluwalhatian ( the eternal space);Indianale ( labor and good deeds);Dimangan ( good harvest);Amanikabli ( sea);Mayaari( the caretaker of moon);Hana ( morning);Tala (stars);Ikapati (agriculture);Mapulon ( changes of season);Apolaki (patron of fighters and the keeper of the sun) and Dian Masalanta ( lovers). It is believed that the activities of these divinities gave order and regularity to the Tagalog world. However, as life became more complex as a result of expanding social relationships among the worshippers, Bathala sent down to earth the ancestral spirits to help these spirits had a special office. Some of them were given the task of protecting men from illness; others of making those who were neglected of their duties suffer. Each divinity interceded for the men in relation to the other gods. 28

The early Tagalogs also believed in life after death. In fact, belief in transmigration of the soul was one of the chief reasons why sacrifices were offered and rituals were performed during interment. The early belongings of the deceased were buried with him because it was believed that the spirits of the said person would need these things during his journey to the other world. In some groups, the favorite alipin were said to be buried with their masters, and in others, the dead man’s wife or captured enemies.

Belief in the final judgment- i.e. rewarding of the good and punishment of the evil-was also a dominant feature of the prehistoric belief system. The soul of the good men were said to be brought to a village of rest called Maca where they enjoyed eternal peace and happiness. However, those who deserved punishment were brought to Karanaan, the village of grief and affliction where they were tortured forever. The souls were kept then by the deity name, Sitan.He was assisted by many lesser divinities:

1) Mangangaway – the most feared among them who was responsible for the disease on earth. She wore a necklace of skulls, and her girdle was made of severed human hands and feet. Sometimes, she would change herself into an old woman, an animal, or abird and roam the countryside. Anyone who crossed her path or incurred her ire was severely punished, either with bad luck or with prolonged illness. If she wished to kill someone, she did so by her magic wand. She could also extend the agony of dying even for a number of months, by simply encircling the waist of her patient with a live snake which was believed to be her real self or at least her substitute.

2) Manisilat – The second agent of Sitan sometimes known as the deity of broken homes. She was said to be restless and mad whenever was a happy home within sight. Dtermined to destroy every home, she would disguise herself as a healer or an old beggar, enter the dwelling of her unsuspecting victims, and then proceed with her diabolical aims. With the aid of her charms and magic powers she would turn the husband and wife against each other. She was most happy when the couple quarreled and she would dance with glee when one of them left their home.

3. Mankukulam – The third agent of Sitan, his duty was to emit a ball of fire at night, especially during dark nights’ and bad weather.Like his fellow agents, he often assumed human form and went around the villages, pretending to be a folk healer. Then he would allow in the filth beneath the house and emit fire.

4. Huklaban – The fourth agent of Sitan, she had the power to change herself into any form she desired. In fact, some people said that she had greater power than Mangangaway. She could kill anyone by simply raising her hand. However, id she wanted to heal those whom she had made ill, she could do so without any difficulty. It was also said that she could destroy a house by the power of her word.

Rituals and ceremonies either to appease or to propitiate the different divinities were celebrated regularly by the people. These celebrations ranged from simple to complex performance of rites appropriate to the occasion. Simple ritual involved only food offering while the complex ones included animals, as well as human sacrifices. They performed in connection with important events in the family or in the community. Specifically, religious ceremonies were done for the following reasons: (1) to prevent and cure diseases; (2) to insure safety in voyages; (3) to achieve a good harvest; (4) to attain success in raids and wars; (5) to have a happy and prosperous married life; (6) to insure the safety of the mother and the child during childbirth; and (7) to acquire protective powers against witchcraft and other sources of evil.

Social Classes Constituting the Commonwealth29

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The term social class may not be the right term, by present standards, to describe the social stratifications system of pre-colonial Filipino community organization. Some writers argue that there were the datu group ( or principales) and the commoners.. However, the chroniclers such as Loarca noted that and characterized four subgroupings based on wealth, “ political” influence , and social privileges enjoyed. These were: (1) the datu class or chiefly group;(2) the maharlika or the free men; (3) the timagua or the common class; and (4) the alipin ( also known as ayuey) or the dependent class. ( Jocano:176)

Morga identified three social classes among the natives of these islands constituting the common to wit: Principal people( and the Datu); timawas which was equivalent to plebeians; and slaves both of the principals and of the Timaguas.

1. Principalias and Datus

The datu class was looked upon by the people for leadership in economic, military, social, and religious activities. The headman of this group acted as the leader of the community . He represented the group in dealing with outsiders and in making important decisions. He worked for the general welfare of the community and participated in almost all of its activities. For example, he acted as go-between in the marriage preparations of the maharlika, attended funeral rites, and performed other social and religious functions. He was both a paternal protector and a political leader. This affinity with the people may be best be appreciated if is recalled that most of the chiefs and leaders ‘ ruled” over but few families, sometimes as many hundred houses, at other times even less than thirty. Nevertheless , the relationship between the people and their leader was characterized by reciprocal rights and obligations, with authoritarian responsibility and power to impose accepted rules of conduct in the community ( Jocano: 176-177)

Morga explained the presence of the Principalias that there were neither kings nor lords to rule them in the same manner as in kingdoms and provinces. Elsewhere instead, in every island and province many principals were known among the natives, some being more important and outstanding than others, each having his own followers and henchmen, forming barrios and families who obeyed and respected them. Those principal men used to have friendship and relationship with each other, and sometimes even wars and difference with each other.

These principalia or high social status were inherited by succession form father to sons and heirs and in their default, to brethren and lateral kinsmen.The descendants of these prinicipales or nobles and their kinsmen were esteemed and respected, even if they had not inherited their distinction, and the former were considered and treated as noblemen, and as exempt from rendering service which was demanded from the Timaguas ( Timawa).The privileges of a principalship were also enjoyed by women of noble birth on a par with the men. Rizal ( Chapter 8, p.276) conformed the privilege of noble women“ In this regard the Filipinos acted very much in conformity with natural laws, being ahead of the Europeans, whose women lose their nobility when they marry plebeian and among the descent is along the male line which offers the least guarantee. This proves besides the high consideration that the women in these Islands had enjoyed since antiquity.

When any of these principal men became more outstanding than others in war and in other matters, he thereby acquired ( illegaba) more privileges and a greater following hencemen, and he governed other people even principals themselves, while retaining for himself his own authority over his particular Barangai or clan with datus and other particular leaders who attended directly to the needs of the Barangai.” From the Tagalog balangay, name of a vessel on which it is supposed the Indios who now inhabit the Philippine came.” ( Rizal Chapter 8:276)

Their duty was to govern and rule their subjects and henchmen, and attend to their needs. In exchange for this, they received the peoples’ respect and esteem, together with their support and help in their wars, expeditions, general work in farming, fishing, building houses and structures whenever they should be called upon to perform the same by their principals, upon which they would respond with punctuality. They also paid their tribute with the fruits of their toil which they called buis, some paying more than others. The authority which these principal men or leaders that they considered its components as their subjects, to treat well or mistreat, disposing of their persons, children and possessions at their will and pleasure without any opposition from the latter, nor duty on their part to account for the principals’ action. Upon committing any slight offense or fault, these henchmen were either punished, made slaves or killed.” These slaves were no always in such dismal condition. Argensola says that they ate with their master at the same table and afterward they married members of the family…” ( Rizal Chapter 8: 276)

Whenever any native had any controversies or differences with others on pecuniary matters, on property or regarding insults and physical injuries to their persons there were appointed elders among the same clan or group, who heard them in the presence of parties, and their witnesses whenever evidence was necessary, and then decided the matter on their findings, thus following the same procedure used by their forefathers in similar cases. Thus, their decision was respected and executed without any further process or

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delay.” This is very simple and crude but it was more speedy, and the judges were persons of the locality, forming jury, elected by both parties who knew the case the customs and usages…” ( Rizal Chapter 8:277)

Their laws along similar lines following the tradition and customs of their ancients in accordance with the unwritten statutes. In some provinces, there were different customs in certain things, although generally speaking, they had uniform usages and procedure throughout the islands. Rizal ( Chapter 8, p. 278-279) explained “which is no way affected the peace of the people because many times a custom has more force than a written or printed law, especially when the written laws are a dead letter to those who know how to evade them or who abuse of their high position. The force of law is not that it is written on a piece of paper but if it is engraved in the memory of those for whom it is made, if they know it since their tender age, if it is in harmony with their customs and above all if it has stability. The Indio, since childhood learned by heart the tradition of his people, live and was nourished in the atmosphere of his customs and however imperfect those laws might be, he at least knew them, and not as it happens today that wise laws are written, but the people neither know nor understand them, and many times they are changed or become extinct at the whim of persons entirely alien to them…This agreement of the laws at bottom and this general uniformity prove that the relations of the islands among themselves were very strong and the bonds of friendship were common than wars and differences. Perhaps a confederation existed…”

2. Maharlika

The Maharlika ranked next in the social stratification of precolonial Philippine society. Although earlier writers referred to this group as the nobility, it is doubtful whether this concept, developed from feudal Europe would fit the Philippines system. The maharlika may best be conceived as the group of “ free men.” This group did “ not pay taxes or tributes to the datu,” but accompanied him in “war” at their own expense. From the maharlika group came the men who assisted the leader every endeavor he undertook- be it in building a house, rowing the boat, raiding the enemies’ territory, and so forth.(Plasencia:179)

3. The Timagua ( or Timawa)

The timagua or the common masses was lower than the maharlika in social ranking and constituted the greater bulk of the population. They neither chiefs or servile debtors. If a timagua desired to live in a certain village, he simply joined one of the chiefs in any community of his own choice.(Loarca: 147)There are, however, certain rules based on group consensus, regarding the shifting of village residence and of attaching oneself to another chieftain. For example, should a man desire to align himself with another chief, he must be present by all means at the feasts given for other chiefs because does so.( Plasencia: 179)

For these services the chief reciprocated by assisting the timagua economically and by defending him and his family against anyone who would cause them harm. For example , if the timagua was attacked while visiting another village, it was the obligation of the chief to avenge the offense committed to him at all cost. Thus, the timagua lived in security and were free to move out of their service of one chief to another whenever they desired.( Loarca:123)

4. Alipin ( Saguiguilir and Namamahay)

The least privileged group in the social groupings of ancient Philippine society was the alipin. Among the Tagalogs, there were two kinds of alipin. They were the saguigguilir and the namamahay. ( Jocano:178-179)

a) Saguiguilir – It resided in the master’s” house and did all kinds of work. Their children inherited their status, remained in the same household and performed the same tasks as their parents.

b) Namamahay – It lived in their own houses. They came only to assist the master in planting and harvesting crops, constructing houses, traveling to far places, and in times of emergency. The were likewise summoned to assist in the house of the village headman when he had guest.

The Filipino Cultural Values30

A. Strengths and Weaknesses of the Filipino

Ambivalence characterizes Filipino moral values. It means, Filipino tolerate a double standard mentality. Fr. Gorospe (1969) as cited by Palispis (1995) says, “Filipino values are ambivalent in the sense that they are potential for good or evil. They may help or hinder personal and national development depending on how they are understood and practiced or lived. “Filipino values, indeed, have been characterized as either good or bad; and how a country develops depends on the way these values are being manifested (Tulio, 2000).

B. Strength of the Filipino Character

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1. Pakikipagkapwa TaoThis refers to pakikiramay or the the Filipino’s ability to emphasize with others, intimating helpfulness

and generosity in times of need. Bayanihan or mutual assistance which reflects the sensitivity to other people’s feelings and need, is also a generally accepted trait of the Filipino. Pakiramdam, pagtitiwala or trust, and sense of gratitude or utang na loob are also aspects of the Filipino wrker’s pakikipagkapwa tao.

2. Family OrientationConcern for the family is shown by the Filipino’s high regard accorded to the elderly, the care give to

women and children. Sympathy towards relatives and the sacrifices they endure for their family’s well-being. This family orientation is manifested in many aspects of the Filpino worker’s dealings with others in the workplace.

3. Sense of Humor The Filipino’s sense of humor is shown in his ability to laugh even at the worst circumstances. This trait

singles out the Filipino’s infectious, joyful disposition in almost all types of varying situations.

4. Flexibility, Adaptability and CreativityCreativity, resourcefulness and being a quick learner mark out the Filipino’s success in his chosen field.

His propensity to improvise new systems and products out of whatever resources available makes him famous. His flexibility makes him easily adaptable to the foreign work environment. These factors explain the phenomenon of the overseas Filipino worker. A significant number of Filipino workers have proven their resiliency and great capacity to adapt foreign environments.

5. Hard Work and IndustryHard work or industry as a Filipino trait is considered superior to most nations. This is not only proven

by the Filipino’s willingness to take risks to work abroad but also by his stubborn will and effort to survive n the most challenging times abroad.

6. SpiritualityThe Filipino’s strong faith in God gives him a strong moral conscience. Workers maintain their

motivation to work by God’s unending mercy. The saying, “Nasa Diyos ang awa, nasa tao ang gawa”,”Bahala na ang Diyos”,” and “God will provide” seem to govern their decisions especially in times uncertainties and difficulties.

7. Ability to SurviveThe Filipino has the ability to survive and to live through the most challenging economic and political

situations. He has the ability to remain strong despite worst disasters.

C. Weaknesses of the Filipino Character.

The manisfestation of this character can be traced the sociological deviation that resulted from the long evolution of colonial influences that erased the genuine identity of the Filipino people during the pre-spanish period.The presentation of these weaknesses of the Filipino character provide as insights on the effect on the long period of suppression of freedom and exploitation by foreign invaders.

1. Extreme PersonalitiesThis is manifested in the tendency to give personal interpretations to actions such as pakiusap

(request), palakasan (power and influence), nepotism and favoritism. Extreme personalism leads to graft and corruption, which is now pronounces evident in Philippines society (Tulio, 2000).

2. Extreme Family CenterednessPolitical dynasties, “compadreism”, “kamag-anak incorporated” are conspicuous manifestations of this

dysfunctional Filipino value in the workplace. It is ever so strongly evident in the public sphere and even the private organizations are not spared from its negative inference. The Filipino’s justification for this value is his strong and earnest desire to promote his family’s interests. Sadly, though, its effect on productivity, be it in the public or the private spheres, are inefficiency and factionalism, which are formidable stumbling blocks to ational progress.

3. Lack of DisciplineLack of discipline encompasses several related characteristics. We have the so-called “Filipino time”,

which is considered as poor time management. Another is the palusot syndrome and the pwede na iyan syndrome. Another is the ningas cogon attitude, which simply means starting out project with full vigor an interest which will abruptly die down, leaving things unfinished, resulting to waste of time and resources. The

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Manana habit or mamaya na habit or saka na iyan attitude, the habit of putting off what they can do at the moment until later indeed lead to an inefficient and wasteful work system, violation of roles, leading to more serious wrongdoings, and a casual work ethic to carelessness and lack of follow through (Tulio, 2000).

4. Colonial MentalityThis is made up of two dimension: lack of patriotism, and an actual preference for foreign things like

fashion, entertainment, lifestyle, technology, consumer items, and so forth. This manifested by the Filipino’s penchant for buying imported goods instead of locally-made goods.

5. Kanya- Kanya SyndromeThis attribute is related to the so-called “crab mentality” (referring to the tendency of crabs in a basket

to pull each other down.) Filipinos have the propensity to put others down through gossips and destructive criticisms resulting in disunity and hindering group cooperative in the workplace.

6. Lack of self-Analysis and Sef-ReflectionThe Filipinos’ emphasis on form rather than substance mislead them into believing that impossible

things can be or are already made possible. Public as well as private lives are filled with flowery but meaningless arguments and assumptions. But for the Filipino worker, Man, Values, and Work Ethics.

The Filipino Values for Today31

According to Jaime Bulatao (1967) as cited by Palispis (1995), the Filipino’s behavior may appear to be quite westernized but there remains a core of Filipino values which are as distinct and which are largely unchanged. Values are taught and perceived by an individual through his senses and with the way he looks at things, discerns and responds to situations.

In today’s changing world, there is really a need to transform Filipino values. A person must go through a process of metamorphoses in converting himself to a new Filipino, a modern-day worker suited to the new millennium, a Filipino who views himself with dignity. It is very sad to note though that many Filipinos have lost their national consciousness. A true Filipino is one who professes the following core values of truth, love and faith; integrity, hard work and inspire and transform others, giving them satisfaction and hope for a just and humane society.

1. IntegrityIntegrity and honesty are the wholeness of a man’s moral nature, which means he is sound,

incorruptible and particularly strict about fulfilling the trust given him by others; a virtue of uprightness and soundness. A man of integrity and sincerity acts on the basis of fairness, propriety of conformity to standards, adherence to facts and lives worthily to his abilities, capabilities and capacities. Live up to what you have. Do not be materialistic so that you will not be tempted to indulge in activities that involve dishonesty, and graft and corruption. A common Filipino adage tells us, kung maiksi ang kumot, matuto kang mamaluktot.

Give your best so that your promotion and advancement will be based on merits. Of course, you don’t want to be called sipsip (severly insecure person seeking instant promotion) or be called “AIDS” (ako’y isang dakilang sipsip). Work honestly, diligently and with commitment. Rely on your own efforts and not because of the vicious system of lagay, padulas or padrino. Get rid of the idea that it is not what you know but whom you know that matters in aiming for something.

2. Hard WorkFilipinos are hardworking and industrious given the right conditions and motivations. They are known

to be matiisin or mapasensiya. Many of our countryman today leave the country for greener pastures abroad. They tend to endure emotional sickness just to give their families a good life. Here and abroad, many Filipino workers are given harsh treatment; physically, emotionally and financially, a condition which the government should not overlook. On the other hand, the government should exert effort to educate people on how to spend their money wisely, let them discard the Filipino attitude of being “one day millionaires”.

3. Social JusticeThis is impartiality in dealing with other people. It requires the sharing of talents and material

possessions especially with the unfortunate. Adhering to the well-founded principle that all earthly goods belong to human beings, we should at least learn the art of sharing what we have with the less privileged so that they will have more decent life. Our intellect skills should be used not only for ourselves but also for those who have been less endowed.

As opined by Fr. Gorospe (cited by Morusa, et al. 2001) social justice requires that man lives only a simple life and that he should not show off his wealth, especially in the midst of poverty and deprivation. It urges him to feed the hungry and to clothe the naked, not because it is the “pious” thing to do, but because it

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is his obligation to do so on account of his fortune. Matthew 23:12 (holy bible) says, “and whoever exalts himself will be humbled, and he who humbles himself will be exalted.”

Philippine Society During the Spanish Period

Spain became a European Powers 32

The Mohammedan conquest served to make the history of Spain very different from that of the other states of Europe. The presence in the peninsula of a large population of alien race and religion made the task of unifying Spain doubly difficult; for it had also the same problem of curbing the ambitious nobles as France and England. During the tenth century, which was so backward a period in the rest of Europe, the Arab civilization in Spain reached its highest development. Cordova, with its half million inhabitants, its stately palaces, its university, its three thousand mosques, and its three hundred public baths, was perhaps unrivaled at that period in the whole world. But the Christian were finally able to reconquer the peninsula.(Robinson,. p.624-625)

As early as the year 1000 several small Christian kingdoms –Castile, Aragon and Navarre-had come into existence in northern Spain. Castile, in particular, began to push back the Mohammedans and, in 1085, reconquered Yoledo. By 1250 the long war of the Christians against the Mohammedans, which fills the medieval records of Spain, had been so successfully carried on that Castile extended to the southern coast and included that great towns of Cordova and Seville. The Moors, as the Spanish Mohammedans were called, held out for two centuries more in the mountainous kingdom of Granada, in southern part of the peninsula. Not until 1492, after a long siege, was the city of Granada captured by the Christians and last remnant of Mohammedan rule disappeared.( Robinson, Breasted and Smith, p625)

The first Spanish monarch was Queen Isabella of Castile, who, in 1469, married Ferdinand, the heir of the crown of Aragon. It was with this union of Castile and Aragon that the great importance of Spain in European history begins. For the next hundred years Spain was to enjoy more military power than any other European state. The year 1492 was a momentous one in Spanish history; for it saw not only the completion of the conquest of the peninsula but the discoveries made by Columbus, under the auspices of Queen Isabella, which opened up sources of undreamed- of wealth beyond the seas. The greatness of Spain in the sixteenth century was largely due to the riches derived from her American possessions. The shameless and cruel looting of the Mexican and Peruvian cities by Cortes and Pizarro, and the silver mines of the New World, enabled Spain for a time to hold a position in Europe which her ordinary resources would never have permitted.. ( Robinson, p 625)

The Discoveries and Colonization of the East33

The business and commerce of the medieval towns was on what would seem to us, after all, a rather small scale. There were no great factories, such as have grown up in recent times with the use of steam and machinery, and the ships which sailed the Mediterranean and the North Sea were same and held only a very light cargo as compared with modern merchant vessels. The gradual growth of a world of commerce began with the sea voyages of the fifteenth century, which led to the exploration by Europeans of the whole globe, most of which was entirely unknown to the Venetian merchants and those who carried on the trade of the Hanseatic League. The Greeks and Romans knew little about the world beyond southern Europe, northern Africa, and western Asia, and much that they knew was forgotten during the Middle Ages. The Crusades took many Europeans as far as East as Egypt and Syria. (Robinson, p. 561)

When the Crusades, which had revealed the Near East, were beginning to peter out in the thirteenth century, the far –distant Orient was brought into the vision of Europe, Eastern Asia came to meet eastern Europe. The great Tatar conqueror Genghis Khan and his successors extended their empire westward from Mongolia to the borders of the Balkans..The Mongols were hospitable to the Europeans , and before the century was over missionaries, ambassadors, and traders, had found their way from western Europe to Cathay, or China. The most famous of these visitors was

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Marco Polo, a Venetian merchant, whose account of his travels marked the greatest advance in geographical knowledge for more than a thousand years. Polo as a boy of seventeen accompanied his uncle on trading ship trips to Peking, the capital of the great Kublai Khan of the Mongols, and, pleasing the Khan, was retained by him as a councilor and diplomat for twenty years. Allowed at last to return Venice in 1295, Polo astounded his fellow citizens by the magnificence of the jewels which he ripped from the seams of his garments and with the stories of golden-roofed palaces that made the splendor of Venice like a village of hovels. He was nicknamed “ Messer Millione,” or “ Mr. Millions.” Perhaps the most important news brought back from the distant East was that the further shore of China was washed by the sea, and hence the treasure-laden lands of the great Khan could be reached by ship-if one only knew where and how. ( Muszey, p.5)

The Discoveries of the Portuguese. So at least thought the man who deserves to be called the father of European overseas expansion. Prince Henry “ the Navigator,” the third son of King John I of Portugal, devoted his life to maritime enterprise with the double purpose of finding places where there was “ a sure and certain hope of profit “ and of converting the infidel inhabitants thereof to the true faith. Prince Henry established a sort of maritime college, where he assembled the most noted geographers, map makers, and naval architects of the day. Continuous improvements were made in the design, construction, and rigging of vessels, and fleet after fleet was sent out to explore the waters of the African Coast. (Muzzey,1935, p. 10) Likewise, about the year 1318 Venice and Genoa opened up direct communication by sea with the towns of the Netherlands. Their fleets, which touched at the port of Lisbon, aroused the business ambition of the Portuguese, who soon began to undertake larger maritime expeditions. By the middle of the fourteenth century Portuguese mariners had discovered the Canary Islands, Madeira, and the Azores. Before this time no one had ventured along the coast of Africa beyond the desert region of Sahara. In 1445, however, some adventurous sailors came within sight of a headland beyond the desert, and, struck by its luxuriant growth of tropical trees, they called it Cape Verde ( the “ green cape”). Its discovery put an end once for all to the idea that there were only parched deserts to the south.

For generation the Portuguese ventured farther and farther along the coast, in the hope of finding it coming to an end, so that they might make their way by sea to India. At last, in 1487, Dias rounded the Cape of Good Hope. Eleven years later ( 1498) Vasco de Gama, spurred on by Columbu’s great discovery, sailed around the Cape of Good Hope. He proceeded northward to a point beyond Zanzibar and then, aided by an Arab pilot, steered eastward straight across the Inidan ocean and reached Calicut, in Hindustan by sea.

The Spice Trade .Vasco da Gama and his fellow adventurers were looked upon with natural suspicion by the Mohammedan spice merchants, who knew very well that their object, was to establish direct trade between the Spice Islands ( Moluccas) and western Europe.However, the Mohammedans had the entire control of the spice trade between Moluccas and the eastern ports of the Mediterranean, where the products were handed over to Italian merchants. The Mohammedans were unable, however, to prevent the Portuguese from making treaties with the Indian princes and establishing trading stations at Goa and elsewhere . In 1512 a successor of Vasco da Gama reached Java and the Moluccas, where the Portuguese speedily built a fortress. By 1515 Portugal had become the greatest among sea powers; and spices reached Lisbon regularly without the assistance of the Mohammedan merchants or of the Italian towns, especially Venice, whose was fatally hurt by the change.

There is no doubt that the desire to obtain spices was at this time the main reason to the exploration of the globe. This motive led European navigators to try in succession every possible way to reach the East: by going around Africa; by sailing west in the hope of reaching the Indies ( before they knew of the existence of America); then, after America was discovered, by sailing around it to the north or south, and even sailing around Europe to the north. It is hard for us to understand this enthusiasm for spices, for which we care much less nowadays. One former use of spices was to preserve food, which could not then, as now, be carried rapidly, while still fresh, from place to place; nor did our conveniences then exist for keeping it by the use of ice. Moreover, spice served to make even spoiled food more palatable than it would otherwise have been.

Idea of Reaching the Spice Islands by Sailing Westward.It finally occurred to thoughtful men that East Indies could be reached by sailing westward. Many intelligent people knew, all through the Middle Ages, that the earth was a globe. The chief authority upon the form and size of the earth continued to be the ancient astronomer Ptolemy, who lived about A.D. 150. he had reckoned the earth to be about one sixth smaller than it is; and as Marco Polo had given an exaggerated idea of the distance which he and his companions had traveled eastward, and as no one suspected the existence of the American continents, it was supposed that it could not be very long journey from Europe across the Atlantic to Japan. (Robinson,p.565)

Cristoforo Columbo.Among the goodly company of navigators attracted to the Portuguese harbors was a young Genoese named Cristoforo Columbo ( Christopher Columbus). At early age the boy developed a great interest in the sea, picked up considerable knowledge of geography, shipping and map making, and probably sailed with a Genoese captain to eastern Mediterranean ports. About fifteen years after the death of Prince

31

Henry, Columbus arrived at Lisbon, where he soon won a conspicuous palce among the mariners. He made voyages to England and to the African coast and married the daughter of one of Prince Henry’s old sea-dogs, the royal governor of the Madeiras. From sources that are not clear to us, Columbus arrived at the unshakable conclusion that there were new lands to be found by sailing boldly out into the Atlantic. He broached his plan to the king of Portugal, whose commission of wise men ridiculed it as fantastic, but sent out a secret expedition to confirm their doubts. Disgusted with this trickery, Columbus shook the dust of Portugal from his feet and went to Spain, where for seven years he labored endeavoring to enlist the support of the sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella, who were in the midst of a campaign to drive the Arabs out of their last stronghold in the country. After his scheme had been twice rejected by the royal commissioners, the indomitable man started to cross the Pyrenees to lay his plan before the king of France, but to his surprise he was recalled and graciously received by the Spanish sovereigns. They had just entered Granada in triumph. Queen Isabella, perhaps in gratitude for the victory over the infidels, perhaps through the persuasion of some high official who approved Columbus’s plan, perhaps from jealousy lest another nation might after all reap the glory and profit from that plan gave the Genoese adventurer her whole-hearted support. “ Capitulations,” or articles of contract, were signed on April 17,1492, conferring upon Columbus the title of Don and Admiral and the powers of viceroy and governor “ in all the islands and lands which should be discovered or acquired” by him, together with the tenth part of “ all the pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices and other merchandise” there found, and the right to subscribe one eighth of the cost of the expedition and to have one eighth of the profits.

Though the inhabitants of Palos neighboring towns had been ordered to provide ships and men for the enterprise , it was till the beginning of August that Columbus was able to equip three small vessels with about a hundred sailors. For even of the hardy mariners of Portugal were willing to enlist in so hazardous and novel an expedition. On August 3, 1492, the little fleet I the Santa Maria of about two hundred and thirty tons, the Pinta and the Nina, somewhat smaller) left Palos and put in at the Canaries for final overhauling and instruction. Quitting the Canaries on September 6, they sailed due west into the uncharted sea. The weather was favorable and trade winds from the east bore them rapidly on their way. But as weeks passed and no sign of land appeared the sailors began to murmur and the murmurs rose to threats of mutiny. It took all the iron courage of the great commander to sail on. He had confidently expected to find land not more than seven hundred and fifty leagues from the Canaries; but by the end of September that point had been passed and still there stretched before him only the gray horizon, broken now and then by a cloud-bank which the lookouts eagerly mistook for a shore. On October 6 he yielded to the advice of his chief captain, Martin Pinzon, to turn the course a little south, and soon after midnight of the eleventh a sailor on the Pinta spied a light ahead like a moving torch. The next morning the ships approached the shore of an island in the Bahama group, and while the sailors thankfully chanted the Gloria in Excelsis Columbus landed and, with the red robe of the Admiral of Spain throne over his armor and the standard of Spain held aloft, took possession of the land in the name of Ferdinand and Isabella. For several weeks he cruised line of Cuba for a part of the mainland of Asia and identifying Haiti ( or Hispaniola) with the island of Japan. Here on the day after Christmas he built the fort of the Nativity, in which he left a garrison of thirty-seven men, and started for home in the tiny ship Nina. After a stormy voyage he landed at Palos in March, 1493, and a few weeks later was summoned to the court of Barcelona, where he told his marvelous tale, exhibited the Indians, the strange birds and animals, and the specimens of gold which he had brought from the islands of the West, and received royal honors from his sovereign.

Columbus himself set out on a second voyage in September, 1493, with a fleet of seventeen vessels, carrying fifteen hundred men, with horse, cattle, sheeps, hogs and chickens, fruits and vegetables, seeds and sugar cane from the Canaries. On the island of Haiti he established the colony of Isabella as the capital of his vice-royalty- the first permanent settlement of Europeans in the Western Hemisphere.

Had Columbus dreamed that a solid barrier of land, reaching from artic to antartic snows, and beyond that another ocean wider than the one he had just crossed, lay between the island which he mistakenly called Indies and the real Indies of the East, he would not have spent the remaining years of his life in the attempt to locate the rich cities of Cathay. He sailed along the northern coast of South America in 1498 and called it “ a mainland and very large of which no knowledge has been had till now.”; but it was obviously not the kingdom of the Great Khan. Then he tries to find a passage to Asia further west and for a whole year skirted the savage shores of Central America from Nicaragua to Panama with no better success. Meanwhile his misfortunes as an administrator equaled his disappointments as an explorer. His vanity, avarice, and despotism invited resentment and plots among his followers. The meager returns oh is costly expeditions disappointed the sovereign and grandees of Spain. Even as he was sailing along the pestilential coast of South America the Portuegese Vasco de Gama had reached the harbors of India by way of the cape of Good Hope and had brought back to Lisbon treasure sufficient to pay the cost of the voyage sixty times over. Compared with such returns the results of Columbus’s exploits seemed trivial indeed. The court wits dubbed him “ the Admiral of the Mosquitoes, who has discovered lands of vanity and delusion as the miserable graves of Castilian gentlemen.” He returned to Spain in 1504 to find his benefactress Isabella on her deathbed and two years later, in humiliation of poverty and obscurity, he followed her to the grave. Never was reward more ill-proportioned to deserts. The man whose vision and courage had discovered a new world was not even to have the honor of giving it his name.

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But when we say” the American continents” the student must realize that neither the pope nor Columbus nor anybody else had any idea in 1493 that such continents existed. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant who had helped to fit out Columbus’s expedition, made remarkable voyage of discovery in 1501, while in the service of the king of Portugal.Sailing from Lisbon, he struck the coast of Brazil near Cape St. Roque and running down to 34 degrees south latitude, found the constant westward trend of the shore carrying him across the papal demarcation line into the region assigned to Spain. So he steered out into the Atlantic again and reached the ice-clad island of Georgia in latitude 54 degrees south, whence he sailed northeast in a straight line of four thousand miles to the coast of Africa.

Vespucci was a good advertiser. He wrote letters about the “ New World” ( novus mundus) which he had discovered, declaring that he had found a continent in the south “ more populous and full of animals than our Europe or Asia or Africa and even more temperate and pleasant than any other region known to us.” For man who had set foot in his “ new world.” Vespucci certainly claimed to know a good deal about it. However, his letters had great vogue and were responsible for the naming of western continent. Shortly after Vespucci’s letter were published some of the faculty of the little college of St. Die in the Vosges Mountains were preparing a new edition of popular Geography of Ptolemy. One of the collaborators, a German Martin Waldseemuller, wrote an introduction to the work in 1507, in which suggestion that since in addition to Europe, Asia,and Africa, “ another fourth part of the world has been discovered by Americus Vespuccius… I do not see fairly hinders us from calling in Amerige or America,viz, the land of America.” There was no intention of robbing Columbus of hius due honor, because it was believed by all ( including the great discoverer himself, who died year before Waldseemuller’s introduction was written) that Columbus had found only a new way to the old world and not a new world. It was this new worth south of the equator to which the new name was given. And when in the course of time it was found out that the ‘ Ameirca” of Vsepucci was the same continent along whose northern shore Columbus had sailed in 1498, and that it was joined by an isthmus to another great northern continent which Vespucci had never seen, it was too late to remedy the mistake. The name “ America” had become popular and it spread with the progressive discovery of the true shape and extent of the continent until 1541 the geographer Mercator applied it to the whole mainland from Labrador to Patagonia. So it came about that this continent was named by an obscure German professor in a French College for an Italian navigator in the service of the king of Portugal. ( Muzzey,p.18-21)

The Demarcation Line of the Maritime and Colonial Domains of Spain and Portugal 34

Missionary zeal was quite as prominent a motive as the search for wealth in the explorations of new age. The Pope as the acknowledged head of Christian Europe was regarded as having a special interest and authority in matters pertaining to the conversion of heathen peoples .He had sanctioned the Portuguese establishments on the coast of Africa in the middle years of the fifteenth century. Now Spain had entered into competition with Portugal for the exploitation of the Indies, her sovereigns asked for papal recognition of their claims too. Accordingly Pope Alexander VI, who was a Spaniard, issued a proclamation or “Bull” ( from bulla, “ a seal”) a few weeks after Columbus returned from his first voyage, assigning to Portugal all the new heathen lands to be discovered to the eastward and to Spain all such lands to the westward of a line drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the cape Verde Island. The two countries accepted that papal idea of the division of the spoils in a treaty concluded at Tordesillas the following year (1994), but they shifted the location of the line to three hundred and seventy leagues west of the said islands. ( Muzzey, p.17)

After the crown of Portugal had won the City of Mallaca in the Asian Mainland, within the Kingdom of Ior ( Johore) which the ancient people called Aureachersoneso, in the year Fifteen Hundred and Eleven (1511) A.D. upon learning that these Islands were near by, particularly the Moluccas and Banda, from which cloves and nutmeg were obtained; a Portuguese fleet sailed for their discovery.Having reached and stayed in Banda they were taken Ternate Island belonging to the Moluccas, by its King, in order to defend himself against his neighboring fellow-King of Tydor with whom he was at war. And this was the beginning of the Portuguese occupation of the Moluccas. ( Morga, p. 2)

Francisco Serrano who had returned to Malacca with this voyage of discovery and had started back to Portugal through India to report on said discovery, died before he could finish the voyage. He had communicated by letter to his friend Ferdinand Magellan ( together with whom he had taken Malacca and was at the time in Portugal) what he had witnessed, and with said reports the latter understood what was proper to do regarding the discovery and expedition to the islands. At this time Magellan transferred to the service of the King of castile owing to certain reasons of his own and approached our Lord and Emperor Carles V, apprizing him that the moluccas were within

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the line of demarcation of the crown of Castile so that he, Magellan, now offered himself to make expedition of discovery. ( Morga, p.3)

First Circumnavigation of the Globe, begun in 1519, was an attempt to prove that the coveted Spice Islands, or Moluccas, were actually property of Spain. Finding a direct route between the Spice Islands and Spanish Peru would be argument enough for ownership of these lands. Ferdinand Magellan set out from Spain on this voyage with five ships, but the voyage was more difficult than expected. Disease, bad weather, and loss of ships to Portuguese attack hampered the voyage. On April 27, 1521, Magellan was killed in the Philippine Islands attempting to convert a native chief to Christianity. With only two ships remaining, the crew continued the voyage making it back to Seville, Spain with only 18 crew members on a single ship.

Magellan attempted to receive funds from the King of Portugal, but he would not fund this voyage because he saw no need for such a frivolous expenditure. Magellan then turned to King Charles (also known as Holy Roman Emperor Charles V) of Spain for support. Magellan convinced the king that this voyage would be useful to show that the Spice Islands were property of Spain, not Portugal. The dispute over these islands was significant because the possession of these islands would bring vast wealth to the owner. King Charles I saw this as an opportunity to gain status and wealth for his country and gave Magellan his funding.

Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan 35

Ferdinand Magellan (Portuguese: Fernão de Magalhães, Spanish: Fernando or Hernando de Magallanes; Spring 1480–April 27, 1521[1]) was a Portuguese maritime explorer who led the first successful attempt to sail around the entire Earth. He did not complete his final voyage; he was killed during the Battle of Mactan in the Philippines. He did, however, die further west than the Spice Islands, which he had visited on earlier voyages, making him one of the first individuals to cross all the meridians of the globe. He became the first person to lead an expedition sailing westward from Europe to Asia and to cross the Pacific Ocean.Of the 237 or 270] crew members who set out with Magellan to circumnavigate the globe, only 18 managed to return to Spain and thereby complete the circumnavigation. They were led by Spaniard Juan Sebastián Elcano, who took over command of the expedition after Magellan's death.

Magellan went on his first voyage on the sea at the age of 25 in 1505 when he was sent to India to install Francisco de Almeida as the Portuguese viceroy. The voyage gave Magellan his first experience of battle when a local king, who had paid tribute to da Gama three years earlier, refused to pay tribute to Almeida. Almeida's party attacked and conquered the capital of Kilwa in present-day Tanzania.In 1506, Magellan travelled to the East Indies and joined expeditions to the Spice Islands. In February 1509, he took part in the naval Battle of Diu, which marked the decline of Ottoman influence in the area. In 1510, he was made a captain. Within a year, however, he had lost his commission after sailing a ship eastward without permission. He was forced to return to Portugal.

In 1511, Magellan was sent to Morocco, where he fought in the Battle of Azamor. In the midst of the battle he received a severe knee wound. After taking leave without permission, he fell out of favor with Almeida, and was also accused of trading illegally with the Moors. Several of the accusations were subsequently dropped, but Magellan fell into disfavor at the court of the new king, Manuel I. He refused to increase Magellan's pension and told him that there would be no further offers of employment after May 15, 1514. Magellan therefore decided to offer his services to the court of Spain.

On August 10, 1519, five ships under Magellan's command left Seville and traveled from the Guadalquivir River to Sanlúcar de Barrameda at the mouth of the rivers, where they remained more than five weeks. Spanish authorities were wary of the Portuguese admiral and almost prevented Magellan from sailing, and switched his crew of mostly Portugese men with men of Spain, but on September 20, Magellan set sail from Sanlúcar de Barrameda with about 270 men.

After three long months of sea travel, Magellan anchored near present day Rio de Janeiro. The ships were restocked and the crew traded with the friendly natives, but the rest was short-lived. Cautious because of being in Portuguese waters, Magellan quickly resumed the voyage on a path towards the Great South Sea of the Orient. Magellan believed he had found the Spice Islands and exclaimed, "Montevideo," that is, "I see a mountain"; but it was only the large delta of the Rio de la Plata. Disappointed, the crew sailed on.

King Manuel ordered a naval detachment to pursue Ferdinand Magellan, but Magellan avoided the Portuguese. After stopping at the Canary Islands, Ferdinand Magellan arrived at the Cape Verde Islands, where

34

they set course for Cape St. Augustine in Brazil. On November 20, they crossed the equator; on December 6, the crew sighted Brazil.

Since Brazil was Portuguese territory, Magellan avoided it, and on December 13 anchored near present-day Rio de Janeiro. There the crew was resupplied, but bad conditions caused them to delay. Afterwards, they continued to sail south along South America's east coast, looking for the strait that Magellan believed would lead to the Spice Islands. The fleet reached Río de la Plata on January 10, 1520.Greg Bobs established a settlement that they called Puerto San Julian. A mutiny involving two of the five ship captains broke out. It was unsuccessful because the crew remained loyal. Quesada was executed; Cartagena and a priest were marooned on the coastThe Straits of Magellan cut through the southern tip of South America connecting the Atlantic and Pacific

The journey resumed. Santiago, sent down the coast on a scouting expedition, was wrecked in a sudden storm. All of its crewmembers survived and made it safely to shore. Two of them returned, overland, to inform Magellan of what had happened, and bring rescue to their comrades. After this experience, Magellan decided to wait for a few weeks more before again resuming the voyage.

At 52°S latitude on August 24, 1520, the fleet reached Cape Virgenes and concluded they had found the passage, because the waters were brine and deep inland. Four ships began an arduous passage through the 373-mile long passage that Magellan called the Estreito (Canal) de Todos los Santos, ("All Saints' Channel"), because the fleet traveled through it on November 1–All Saints' Day. The strait is now named the Strait of Magellan. Magellan first assigned Concepcion and San Antonio to explore the strait, but the latter, commanded by Gomez, deserted and returned to Spain. On November 28, the three remaining ships entered the South Pacific. Magellan named the waters the Mar Pacifico (Pacific Ocean) because of its apparent stillness.

Heading northwest, the crew reached the equator on February 13, 1521. On March 6, they reached the Marianas and on March 16, the island of Homonhon in the Philippines, with 150 crewmen left. Magellan was able to communicate with the native peoples because his Malay interpreter could understand their language. They traded gifts with Rajah Kolambu of Limasawa, who guided them to Cebu, on April 7. Rajah Humabon of Cebu was friendly to them, and even agreed to accept Christianity.

The initial peace with the Philippine natives proved misleading. Magellan was killed in the Battle of Mactan against indigenous forces led by Lapu-Lapu on April 27, 1521. Antonio Pigafetta, a wealthy tourist who paid to be on the Magellan voyage, provided the only extant eyewitness account of the events culminating in Magellan's death.

The passage of Pigafetta, an eye witness, described the Battle of Mactan and the death of Magellan :

“On 26 April, 1521 ( Friday) Zula who was one of the chiefs, or rather one of the heads of the Island of Maktan sent to the Captain General ( Magellan) one of his sons with two goats as a present to him; and he ordered that he be told that if he did not do all that he had promised him, it was because of another chief called Si Lapulapu who prevented him from doing so as he did not want to obey at all the King of Spain. But, if the Captain would only like to send him the following night a boat load of men to help him, he would conquer and subjugate his rival. Upon hearing this message, the Captain decided to go himself with three crafts. We entreated him earnestly not to go personally, but he as a good shepherd, did not want to abandon his flock.

We Sulu at midnight. We were seventy men armed with corselets and helmets. Those who came with us were the Chrsitian king, the prince, some chiefs, and many others, divided into 20 or 30 balangai. We arrived at Maktan at three o’clock in the morning. The Captain, before springing over, still wanted to use gentleness and he sent ashore the Muslim merchant to tell the islander of the party Si Lapulapu that if they would recognize the Christian king as their lord, and obey the king of Spain, and pay us the tribute demanded, our Captain would be their friend: and on the contrary, they would taste how our lances wounded. The islanders were not frightened; they replied that if we had lances, they too have lances of bamboo and wood, hardened in the fire. However, they wanted us to understand that they did not wish us to make the assault at night but ot wait for the day, inasmush as they were awaiting reinforcement and they would be in the majority and they made us understand this maliciously so that in this way we would be encouraged to attack them at night, supposing them to be less prepared; but this was their ardent desire because between the shore and the houses they had dug ditches into which they expected us to fall on account of the darkness.

For that reason we awaited for daytime. Forty-nine of us jumped the water which reached until waist, because the ships could not come near to the shore on account of the shallow water and the reefs, and thus we had to wade through the water for a great distance before reaching the shore. The other 11 men remained

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to guard the boats. When we reached land, the islanders, numbering 1,500 were formed into three corps and advanced toward us with terrible outcries, two corps attacking us on the flanks and the other in front.Then the Captain divided his men into two sections. Our musketeers and archers shot from afar foir half an hour, but they gained nothing, as the bullets and arrows, though they pierced through their shields made of fine wood, wounded them only in the arms, which did not stop them. The Captain ordered shouting not to shoot, but he was not heeded. The islanders seeing that the blows of our muskets caused them little or no damage, did not want to withdraw any more and shouting then with greater force and jumping here and there to avoid our shots, they came near to us hurling arrows, bamboo lances, sticks sharpened in fire,stones, and even mud, in such a way that we could hardly defend ourselves. Some hurled to the Captain General lances with iron tips.

Seeing this the Captain ordered some of our men to set fire the houses in order to drive away such a throng and terrorize them but this made them more furious. Some ran to the fire that burned from twenty to thirty houses, and there by killed two of our men. The other advanced toward us with greater fury. They discovered that our bodies were protected but our legs were uncovered and aimed at them principally. In fact, a poisoned arrow pierced the right leg of the Captain for which reason he ordered us to retreat little by little; but almost all of our men fled hurriedly in such a way that hardly seven or eight of us remained with him. We were overwhelmed by the lances and stones that the enemies hurtled and we could not resist any more. The lombards that we had in the crafts did not help us because they were too far from land on the account of the low tide. Therefore, we retreated little by little, always figthing and only ahort distance separated us from the shore, submerged in the water until knees. The islanders followed us and picking up the lances already hurled, they threw them to us five and six times, their shots being directed specially to the Captain who they knew; but he, together with a few of our men, remained at their place like a good gentlemen, without wanting to retreat more than the rest.Thus we fought for more than an hour until an Indio succeeded to hurl a bamboo lance to his face. The irritated , he hurled him his own lance which it hit his breast and there he left it; but in wishing to unshjeathe his sword, he did not succeed more than half way because of a wound he received in the right arm from a cane. Seeing this, the enemies all came over him and one of them with large kampilan, which was equivalent to a large falchion,dealt him a big cut on the left leg that made him fall head-long to the ground.Then the Indios with cane lances with iron tips, with falchions,and with arms that they had hurled over him and wounded him until they deprived of life the mirror, the light, the solace, our true guide. While they pressed him down in that way, more than once he turned back to see if were safe, as his obstinate resistance had no other object but to cover up the retreat of his men. Those of us who fought beside him until the end and were covered with wounds, seeing him dead, we too went to our crafts which were ready to depart. This fatal battle took place on 27 (28) April 1521. Saturday, ( Sunday), a day chosen by the Captain himself for his devotion to it. With him died of eight of our men and four Indios of those who had been baptized. We also had wounded men among whom I count myself. The enemies did not lose more than 15 men…

The Christian ling could have helped us in fact and he would have done it, but our Captain, far from forseeing what occurred, upon going down ashore with his men, had requested him not to leave his balangai, wishing him to watch from there how we fought. When he learned about the Captain’s death, he wept bitterly. ( Pigafetta, Prino Vingio intorno of Mondo. Book II). “

Monument in Lapu-Lapu City that marks the site where Magellan was pur portedly killed"When morning came, forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two cross-bow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, [the natives] had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries... The musketeers and crossbow-men shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly... Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice... An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass, which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off."

Lapu-Lapu 36

He (Kaliph Pulaka) (born 1491, died 1542) is the earliest known Muslim Chieftain of Mactan in the Philippines. Known as the first native of the archipelago to have resisted Spanish colonization, he is now regarded as the first National hero of the Philippines.

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On the morning of April 27, 1521, Lapu-Lapu and the men of Mactan, armed with spears and kampilan, faced 49 Spanish soldiers led by Portuguese captain Ferdinand Magellan. In what would later be known as the Battle of Mactan, Magellan and several of his men were killed.

In his honor, the Cebuano people have erected a statue and church in Mactan Island and also renamed the town of Opon in Cebu to Lapu-Lapu City.

One of Magellan's ships circumnavigated the globe, finishing 16 months after the explorer's death.

Magellan had provided in his will that his Malay interpreter was to be freed upon his death. His interpreter, who was baptized as Enrique (Henry the Black) in Malacca in 1511, had been captured by Sumatran slavers from his home islands. Thus Enrique became the first man to circumnavigate the globe (in multiple voyages). Enrique was indentured by Magellan during his earlier voyages to Malacca, and was at his side during the battles in Africa, during Magellan's disgrace at the King's court in Portugal, and during Magellan's successful raising of a fleet. However, after Mactan, the remaining ship's masters refused to free Enrique. Enrique escaped his indenture on May 1, with the aid of Rajah Humabon, amid the deaths of almost 30 crewmen. However, Antonio Pigafetta had been making notes about the language, and was apparently able to continue communications during the rest of the voyage.

Magellan's voyage to the Spice Islands led to Limasawa, Cebu, Mactan, Palawan, Brunei, Celebes and finally to the Spice Islands (Zoom in for detail here: 0°47′N 127°22′E)

The casualties suffered in the Philippines left the expedition with too few men to sail the three remaining ships. Accordingly, on May 2, 1521, they abandoned Concepción, burning the ship to make sure it could not be used against them. The fleet, now reduced to Trinidad and Victoria, fled westward to Palawan. They left that island on June 21, 1521, and were guided to Brunei, Borneo by Moro pilots, who could navigate the shallow seas. They anchored off the Brunei breakwater for 35 days, where the Venetian Pigafetta mentions the splendor of Rajah Siripada's court (gold, two pearls the size of hens' eggs, etc.). In addition, Brunei boasted tame elephants and armament of 62 cannon, more than 5 times the armament of Magellan's ships. Brunei disdained the cloves which were to prove more valuable than gold, upon the return to Spain. Pigafetta mentions some of the technology of the court, such as porcelain (which was not yet widely available in Europe), and spectacles (eyeglasses were only just becoming available in Europe).

After reaching the Maluku Islands (the Spice Islands) November 6, 1521, 115 crew were left. They managed to trade with the Sultan of Tidore, a rival of the Sultan of Ternate, who was the ally of the Portuguese.

The two remaining ships, laden with valuable spices, attempted to return to Spain by sailing west. As they left the Moluccas, however, Trinidad was found to be taking on water. The crew tried to discover and repair the leak, but failed. They concluded that Trinidad would need to spend considerable time being overhauled. The small Victoria was not large enough to accommodate all the surviving crewmembers. As a result, Victoria with some of the crew sailed west for Spain. Several weeks later, Trinidad left the Moluccas to attempt to return to Spain via the Pacific route. This attempt failed; the ship was captured by the Portuguese, and was eventually wrecked in a storm while at anchor under Portuguese control.

The Victoria set sail via the Indian Ocean route home on December 21, 1521. By May 6, 1522, the Victoria, commanded by Juan Sebastián Elcano, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, with only rice for rations. Twenty crewmen died of starvation before Elcano put in to the Cape Verde Islands, a Portuguese holding, where he abandoned 13 more crewmen on July 9 in fear of losing his cargo of 26 tons of spices (cloves and cinnamon).

The eigtheen men who returened to seville with Victoria in 1522: (1)Juan Sebastian Elcano from Getaria (Master);(2) Francisco Albo, from Axio (Pilot);(3)Miguel de Rodas( Pilot );(4)Juan de Acurio, from Bermeo( Pilot); (5)Antonio Lomabrdo ( Pigafetta, from Vicenza( Supernumerary); (6)Martin de Judicibus, from Genoa(Chief Steward);(7)Hernando de Bustamante from Alcantara( Mariner ); (8) Nicholas the Greek, from Naples( Mariner); (9)Miguel Sanchez, from Rhodes ( Mariner);(10) Antonio Hernandez Colmenero, from Huelva( Mariner);(11) Francisco Rodrigues, Portuguese from Seville( Mariner); (12)Juan Rodriguez from Huelva( Mariner); (13)Diego Carmena ( Mariner);(14)Hans of Aachen(Gunner); (15)Juan de Arratia from Bilbao(Able Seaman);(16) Vasco Gomez Gallego, from Bayona ( Able Seaman );(17) Juan de Santandres, from Cueto (Apprentice Seaman) ; and (18)Juan de Zubileta from Baraldo (Page).

On September 6, 1522[7], Juan Sebastián Elcano and the remaining crew of Magellan's voyage and the last ship of the fleet, Victoria, arrived in Spain, almost exactly three years after leaving. The expedition

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actually eked out a small profit, but the crew were not paid their full wages. Maximilianus Transylvanus interviewed the surviving members of the expedition when they presented themselves to the Spanish court at Valladolid in the fall of 1522, and wrote the first account of the voyage, which was published in 1523. The account written by Pigafetta did not appear until 1525, in and was not wholly published until the late eighteenth century.

Four crewmen of the original 55 on the Trinidad finally returned to Spain in 1525. That means 51 of them had died in war or from a disease.

Significance of the Voyage

Magellan's expedition was the first to circumnavigate the globe and the first to navigate the strait in South America connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Magellan's crew observed several animals that were entirely new to European science. These included the "camel without humps", which could have been the llama, guanaco, vicuña, or alpaca. A black "goose" which had to be skinned instead of plucked was the penguin.Two of the closest galaxies, the Magellanic Clouds, were discovered by crew members in the Southern Hemisphere. The full extent of the Earth was also realized, since their voyage was 14,460 leagues (69,800 km or 43,400 mi).

Finally, the need for an International date line was established. Upon their return they observed a mismatch of one day between their calendars and those who did not travel, even though they faithfully maintained their ship's log. However, they did not have clocks accurate enough to observe the variation in the length of the day during the journey. This phenomenon caused great excitement at the time, to the extent that a special delegation was sent to the Pope to explain this oddity to him.

Ferdinand Magellan was the first European to reach Tierra del Fuego on South America's southern tip. He was the first European to see a South American Native American tribe. He saw a "race of giant sub-

humans." The race he saw was the Dagons. After the encounter he brought a few to the Philippines as slaves. He was also the first European to land in The Philippines and meet its native people.

He had professional scientists on the trip to help determine the species of some of the animals he found on his voyage.

About 232 Spanish, Portuguese, French, English and Greek sailors died on the expedition around the world with Magellan.

The King and Queen of Spain supported him on his voyage.

The Voyages of Loaysa, Saavedra, Villalobos37

Juan Jofre de Loaysa

Magellan’s discovery of the western route to the Pacific pointed up more than ever the need for settling the vexing question of the ownership of Moluccas. The claims and counterclaims of both Chrales V of Spain and John III of Portugal grew so numerous that the two kings finally decided to settle the dispute once for all by a decisive discussion. They agreed to have their representatives meet in March or April of 1523 on the Portuguese- Spanish frontier between Budajoz and Yelves. They actually met a year later but the discussion yielded no positive results.

When this attempt at a settlement round a discussion table field, Charles V decided to take action. On April 5, 1525, a royal cedula appointed Juan Garcia Jofre de loaysa captain general of the islands of the Moluccas, and placed him in charge of an expedition which was to sail from La Coruna to the South Seas by way of the Strait of Magellan. The Philippines was to play a prominent, albeit secondary, role in the voyage.

One of the best accounts of the Loaysa expedition was written by a young Basque seaman, Andres de Urdaneta, who forty years later was to accompany Legazpi in the first successful attempt at colonization in the Philippines. Urdaneta wrote that Loaysa’s fleet of seven ships departed from La Coruna on July 24, 1525, and made for the Canaries. At the end of a week they were in Gomara, taking on more fresh supplies. On August 14, they lifted anchor, and after coasting down the African, then over to the Brazilian, coast were in the Strait of Magellan by mid-January of 1526; but not before heavy stroms separated the vessels and wrecked the Sancti Spiritus. By then two ships decided they had had enough and made off, the Anunciada and San Gabriel. By the time Loaysa reached the strait he had only four ships left, the flagship Victoria, the Santa Maria del Parral, the San Lesmes and the pinnace Santiago. He took the strait by stages, having been driven back to the Atlantic by several storms, and on May 26 sighted the Pacific. But their joy was shattered on June 1 when a violent storm struck and separated the Victoria from the two caravels and the pinnace. The caravels were never heard of again. The adventures of the Santiago will be recounted later. Loaysa’s situation was grim, to say the least. His ship was leaking, overcrowded because they had taken on the survivors of the Sancti

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Spiritus, and desperately short of provisions. Death by scurvy was claiming his men. But instead of heading for Mexico and certain relief, he showed that determined courage of the conquistador and set off to cross the broad Pacific. He did not get far. Loaysa died, probably of food poisoning, on July 30, 1526. such an event was always provided for on Spanish ships and so the officers opened the secret packet of the king which contained a list of successors. The new leader was Sebastian del Cano. Four days later he too was dead. Alfonso de Salazar was next in line. In the meantime, Urdaneta wrote, “Weary with exertion we sailed on near fourteen or fifteen degrees north latitude in search of Cipangu. But because the crew was almost exhausted from both working the pump and from drink, with men dying every day, we decided to make for Maluco.”

Three weeks after del Cano’s death, on August 21, 1526, the first Pacific landfall took place, an island which they called San Bartolome. On September 4 one of the Marianas was sighted, and the Victoria decided to heave to. Next day an outrigger canoe came paddling out and in it was Gonzalo de Vigo of Magellan’s expedition. He was one of the three survivors of the Trinidad which had attempted to cross from Maluco to Mexico. They were stranded at this lonely island and only Vigo survived the ordeal. He was quickly taken board.

Rice, fruit, and water were hauled aboard in abundance. But food was not the only product taken aboard. Eleven natives who had come out to the Spaniards to sell their wares were pressed into involuntary service. Urdaneta does not mention the episode but Hernando de la Torre’s log book does, nothing that, “we took them as slaves by order of the captain, Alonso de Salazar, for our own vessels was shipping water badly and the crew needed to rest. The natives were released on October 10, near Mindanao, with the same boat in which they were taken. One wonders of they made it safely back to the Marianas.

Having obtained what supplies they could, the Victoria pushed on. On September 10 they set sail for the Moluccas, heading west-southwest. But ill luck still rode the ship, for Captain Salazar died within a week. The fourth captain to head the expedition was Martin Iniguez de Carquizano.

Three weeks out of the Marianas, on October 2, the decimated expedition reached Mindanao, putting into a broad bay which they called Vizaya, probably present-day Lianga Bay. A landing party was sent ashore to bargain for food. The local natives willingly exchanged rice, chickens, and fruit, but later they acted more reservedly and negotiations for supplies proved unsuccessful. Urdaneta wrote that there was evidence of much gold in the area and the natives even came out with chunks of it to sell to the Spaniards, but Carquizano forbade his men from buying it. So with no hope of relieving their now chronic food shortage, they lifted anchor on October 15 and sailed out of the bay. Their next stop, however, was not to be the Moluccas, but Cebu to the north, probably hoping to take on supplies there before attempting to make the final leg of their voyage south. Nature interfered with their plans. Once clear of the bay, both the winds and the currents presented them from sailing north. There was nothing for them to do but turn south and make for Maluco. Cape St. Agustine was sighted on October 16, and on the 19th, Sargani, off the southern extremity of Mindanao. They crossed the Molucca Passage and on October 22 landed on the island of Kepulauan Talaud, about halfway between Mindanao and the Moluccas. They were graciously received by the local chief, already familiar with Portuguese who had stopped at this island. He gave the half-starved Spaniards fish, goats, fruits, and hens, so Carquizano’s men made the best of a good thing, staying ten days. Here they learned from a former Portuguese slave that the Portuguese not only had a fort in Ternate as well as ships, but that less than two months previous they had burned Tidore in reprisal against the native ruler because he had helped the Spaniards of Magellan’s Trinidad. Although importuned to stay by the chief and help him in a local war, the Spaniards sailed off and into a maelstrom of conflict with the Portuguese.

With only 105 men remaining of the 450 that sailed from La Coruna, the Spaniards could not have harbored any illusions as to what fate awaited them in the Moluccas. They reached Morotai on November 9, 1526. it was not long before Francisco de Castro, in the name of the Portuguese captain major of Ternate and imprisonment. In the skirmished and local intrigues which followed, the emperor’s men fared surprisingly well, hardly behaving like a famished crew which had just sailed across two oceans. Naturally, Portuguese jurisdiction was always denied, but it was not until Saavedra arrived in 1528 that they surrendered to the Portuguese.

On the face it, loaysa’s expedition was a failure. It did not occupy the moluccas nor did it wrest the spice trade from the Portuguese. But it did have its value in that it emphasized several points. Although a western route to the Moluccas did in fact exist, it was wholly impracticable until a number of fortified stopping places could be erected where a fleet could be revictualed. If such places could be maintained on the Patagonian coast, the long haul across the southern Pacific would still remain a devastating barrier, even for the most stalwart of crews. Also, if the route did at some future time prove workable, how were the fleets to return? The Portuguese had the lanes around Africa to themselves. The only alternative was to return the same way they came. The development of New Spain could provide a suitable stepping-stone for future expeditions, like Saave-dra’s in 1527. here too, however, the question of a return route still had to be solved.

Saavedra

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The third Spanish expedition to reach the Philippines in the sixteenth century took place while the remnants of Loaysa’s crew were still floundering about the Moluccas. To find out what happened to Loaysa and also to Sebastian Cabot who had sailed from Spain for the Moluccas in 1526, Charles V ordered Herman Cortes to send another expedition to the South Seas. The cedula of authorization arrived from Spain about the same time that Fray Juan de Areizaga was pulled ashore half-drowned on the Mexico coast of Tehuantepec. Areizaga was brought to Mexico City and he related the adventures of the Santiago, the pinnance which was separated from the other ships and alone in the Pacific with only eight casks of water and four quintals of powdered biscuit. The bulk of the supplies had been on the flagship. Because of the critical situation they decided to make for New Spain. They kept sighting land from July 11 on but no suitable place to put ashore. Finally one was spotted on July 25. since there was no skiff aboard, Fray Juan, the ship’s chaplain, volunteered to float ashore in a wooden box. The captain of the ship, Santiago de Guevara, objected, but the chaplain of the ship insisted and had his way. So Areizaga, with shoes and habit on, as well as a sword buckled to his waist, pushed off in his box. It capsized before reaching land but the friar swam the rest of the way. He was happy to learn from the Indians who had gathered to watch the spectacle that he had landed in Spanish territory. The remaining members of the Santiago’s crew were rescued and brought to the Spanish officials of Techuantepec. Areizaga hurried to Mexico City and reported to Cortes. It was about this time that the cedula from Charles V also arrived, ordering Cortes to equip a fleet to search for Loaysa and Cabot.

The ill fortune of Cabot and Loaysa provided the opportunity for which Herman Cortes, upon whom Lady Luck seemed ever to smile, had been impatiently waiting. Cortes wished to see New Spain made the crossroads of a Spain-East Indies spice trade. Precisely for expeditions to the South Seas Cortes had bought 100 horses in Santo Domingo, enlisted 500 men and had four ship built. But when he returned to New Spain he found that Nuno de Guzman had incorporated the men into the latter’s own expedition to New Galicia. In spite of this, Cortes was willing to organize another expedition to the Spice Island.

Charles V’s cedula was dated from Granada, June 20, 1526. in it the king empowered Cortes to search for survivors of Magellan’s Trinidad and to find out what had happened to both Sebastian Cabot and Loaysa. Cortes was to use two or three of the vessels which he had already prepared for trading purposes to the Spice Islands and he was to choose his cousin, Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, to command the expedition. Saavedra had more than his share of the consquistador. Antonio Galvao, who wrote one of the earliest accounts of Portuguese and Spanish exploration, reported that it was said of Saavedra “ that he intended to act as the Emperor, to open the land from Castilla de Oro and New Spain from sea to sea, because it could be done in four different places….then they could sail from the Canaries to the Moluccas under the climate of the Zodiac in less time and with much less danger than around the Cape of Good Hope or through the Strait of Magellan, or by way of the land the Corte Real ( the Northwest Passage)…. This would make Saavedra one of the several Spanish explorers who thought feasible the idea of a Panama Canal.

The expedition, organized by Cortes and headed by Saavedra, consisted of two naos, the Florida and the Santiago, and one brigantine, the Espiritu Santo. With 115 men, including four secular priests, they set sail from Zaguatanejo on October 31,1527. Saavedra carried instructions on practically all aspects of the voyage. No one, from officers to cabin boys, was to blaspheme, and the occasion for balashphemy, and card playing, was to be overseen by the captain or his delegate. Of course, no women were permitted to embark. No one was to go ashore on any of the islands without Saavedra’s permission, and this under penalty of death. Trading was to be supervised by Saavedra. In Cebu they were to try to ascertain whether Magellan’s pilot, Juan Serrano, was still alive, and they were to ransom any others held prisoner. Saavedra was also to write detailed reports on the island of Cebu and especially whether it could be conquered by cavalry. In the Moluccas Saavedra was to look for Loaysa and Cabot but he was also to keep an eye out for spices. He was to search for a good place for a settlement, load the ships with spices, and send them back to New Spain. There is no doubt that Cortes wished to see New Spain one of the chief beneficiaries of any future spice trading with the Moluccas.

An interesting sidelight of Saavedra’s trip is the letter he was to deliver to the rajah of Cebu. In it Cortes the diplomat accuses Magellan 9of overstepping the orders of the king of Spain and causing war and discord with the Cebuas. Because of this disobedience, Cortes wrote, God permitted that he be killed. And he added, it were well that he died, because the king of Spain would have visited worse punishments on him. Certainly Cortes was no one to speak of overstepping the king’s commands, but so far up the ladder of diplomacy had the former soldier climbed! He also wrote letters for the king of Tidore and Sebastian Cabot.

Saavedra’s fleet of two naos and a brigantine lifted anchor on the night of October 31, and headed southwest. Two weeks later the first bad omen reared its head. The Florida sprang a leak which made necessary the lightening of the vessel. Thirty quintals of bread and meat were thrown overboard. After a month and a half at sea, at about 11 degrees north, a storm hit. The Florida proved difficult to handle and took in sail while the Santiago and Espiritu Santo ran past with the wind. The latter two were never seen again and were probably wrecked on the reefs near Gaspar Rio, present –day Taongi, which had been named San Bartolome by Loaysa’s expedition. The Ladrones weres sighted by the Florida on December 29, but the ship did not anchor. On New Year’s Day, 1528, the Florida did heave off Yap or Ulithi in the western Carolines. The crew collected twelve barrels of water ashore and waited a week before resuming the voyage. Two weeks out

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of the Carolines the pilot, and Savedra was hard put to it to find a replacement. He finally choose a certain Virico” who knew nothing about taking latitudes but was a good sailor and skillful at dead reckoning. “ About a week later, on February 1, land was sighted. One author conjectures that it may been Surigao, taking into account their later movements and the description of their surroundings. After a few days the group of weary Spaniards sought shelter at a nearby island protected by two small islets standing four leagues eastward and seaward. The only group in the area of the landfall which fits this description is Bucas Island and the islets of Lanajosa and Anjuan.

Saavedra’s encounter with the native Filipino was brief. Off Bucas a native outrigger with six rowers came out to the Florida and they surprised the Spaniards by shouting, “ Castilla, Castilla.” Four days later another outrigger approached the Florida, this one a bit larger, carrying fourteen people. Still they did not board the Florida, probably afraid of the lighted fuses of the Spanish muskets. It was only when they exchanged hostages and the lighted fuses were hidden below deck that the natives came aboard to inspect the ship. The mutual goodwill did not last long, however, for when the natives attempted to retain the Spanish hostages, a fight broke out, but the hostages made good their escape. That same day the Florida was attacked again but when the attackers realized they could do nothing against the well-armed caravel, they returned to shore. Saavedra had enough of Mindanao. He left for the Moluccas on February 23.

Only a day out of Bucas, while sailing south ward along the Mindanao coast, the Spaniards came upon a fourteen-oared native galley, nine miles off the coast. The galley’s boat approached Florida and by signs gave the Spaniards to understand that food and refreshments awaited them on shore. The Florida turned about and headed towards the beach. When it anchored , probably in Baganga Bay, some sailors of the galley asked for water kegs to fill. The Spaniards noticed that one of the natives wore what appeared to be a Portuguese colored cap, similar to the ones brought from Europe for barter.The Spaniards asked no questions. The natives seemed hospitable enough. They filled the casks and when they returned said that on the next day they would bring rice and coconuts. They kept their word. The chief, called Catunao, also sent his son-in-law aboard the Florida bringing his own little son in his arms. Saavedra presented him with pieces of cloth and asked that his people bring more supplies. The chief’s son-in-law agreed, but no supplies were ever provided.

One night, several of the young men attempted to cut the anchor cable on the landward site of Saavedra’s ship. They tried the cable to their own rope ashore and tried to beach the caravel, but it would not budge. A bit puzzled, they went back to the beach and asked two Christian prisoners they had with them what to do. The prisoners suggested that there was probably another anchor holding it fast. Returning to the ship, the natives tried to cut the other cable. A guard spotted them, and the subsequent noise from the ship sent the mischievous natives scurrying off. In the confusion one of the prisoners loosed his tied hands and escaped. When all the natives had gone he returned to the shore and shouted with all his might. Saavedra thought it was another trick and was inclined to ignore the solitary man shouting in the night. It was only when someone suggested that it might be a Christian that Saavedra sent an armed boat to investigate, Before the boat reached the beach the man was in the water swimming to meet it. He was Sebastian de Puerta of Loaysa’s lost ship, the Santa Maria del Parral.

It was not long after rescuing Puerta that two more stray Spaniards were picked up. Sanchez and Romay, also of the Parral, were ransomed from antives of Saragani. Both wove a complicated story of how they got there, but the truth of the matter was that they had murdered the captain of the Parral, Don Jorge Manrique, and his brother, Don Diego. They then made off with the ship, which was subsequently wrecked. Saavedra, who knew nothing of what had happened, took them aboard. Once past Sarangani Saavedra was in troubled waters and he soon ran into a Portuguese fusta. After some preliminary diplomatic sparring, the fusta and the Florida exchanged fire, but since neither seemed too anxious to press conclusions, the Spaniards kept moving south. Several days later the Florida spotted what seemed to be more trouble ahead caracoas, loaded with natives and a few Europeans. But the niatives turned out to be friendly and the Europeans, Spaniards. The three Spaniards in the caracoas were overjoyed when they learned tha Saavedra had been sent to find them, but Saavedra was not so overjoyed to learn that Hernando de la Torre was holed up with a band of eigty in a well-constructed fort which his mean had built in Tidore. They were in danger of being wipe out by the Portuguese and their confederates, and Saavedra knew his decimated crew of thirty could do little to aid them. But he turned south to Tidore and arrived there on March 30, 1528. If nothing else, they must have given a moral boost to de la Torre’s beleaguered garrison.

Saavedra wasted little time in refitting for the return trip to New Spain, for he was primary interested in finding areturn route for Cortes. The Florida, filled with seventy quintals of spices, left Tidore in June 28, 1528. the route they tried was east, along the New Guinea coast. It proved impossible to battle the winds and on November 19 they were back in Tidore. Less than a year later, on May 8, 1529, Saavedra again attempted to recross the Pacific. Loaded with spices the Florida headed east-northeast to the Barbudos ( Carolines) where they stopped for water and coconuts. They continued their climb up to 26 degrees, and there Saavedra suddenly died, taken by a fever. In his dying breath he urged his men on and appointed his successor, Pedro Laso. Led by Laso, they continued to climb to 31 degrees. Here the winds were found to be unfavorable , so back to Tidore they went. When Laso died eight days after Saavedra, the spirit of the crew was broken. The

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pilot of the Florida calimed that “contrary winds” prevented the vessel from continuing. One wonders whether it was actually contrary winds or rather an eagerness to head back to Tidore and not risk an unprecedented dash across the Pacific. In the month of July, at 30 degrees north, there are no contrary winds impeding an easterly voyage. The Florida was directly on the future galleon route which was to be used for 200 years as the path to New Spain.

Shortly after the Florida’s return to Tidore, the Spanish force there surrendered to the Portuguese. Unknown to both sides, as they battle in the Orient, Charles V and John III were busy drawing up a scheme whereby Spain would cede its supposed rights to the Molucca for 350,000 ducats. When the agreement, called the Treaty of Zaragoza, was signed in 1529, it temporarily put an end to Portuese-Spanish squabbling in the Far East.

Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

Pedro de Alvarado, a weather-beaten veteran who had marched with Cortes, began negotiations with the viceroy of Mexico, Antonio de Mendoza, to send an expedition to the South Seas. In 1541 Alvarado and Mendoza drew up a contract for the enterprise. In return for sending a scouting force of three vessels fully provisioned for three years, and –if land was discovered- an additional ten vessels with 800 soldiers, Alvarado was to receive the governorship of Guatemala for seven years and from the expedition four percent of the royal fifth on all gold, silver, pearls and spices, as well as four percent of all tributes. But Alvarado never lived to see the expedition leave. He died of a wound received while trying, with the 400 men destined for the South Seas expedition, to put down an Indian rebellion.

With Alvarado’s death, Mendoza assumed responsibility for dispatching the expedition to the Philippines. He chose as captain general a gentleman from Malaga with a licentiate in civil law, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos as “ tall and lean, with a thick. black beard, threaded with grey; a gentleman, polite and pleasant,” Gonzalo Davalos was appointed treasurer, Guido de Lavezaris ( later to serve under Legaspi and to become governor of the Philippines) was the accountant, and Martin de Islares was named factor. On September 18, 1542, complete instructions on the organization and conduct of the expedition were given to Villalobos. Six vessels had been fitted out in Navidad: four naos, the flagship Santiago, the San Jorge, the San Antonio, the San Juan Letran, a galiot, the San Cristobal, and a small lateen-rigged fusta, the San Martin. Mendoza was so impressed with his little fleet that boasted, “they are the finest ships to sail he South Seas.” For each, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary were appointed. Villalobos was to ship to Mendoza samples of all natural products they found. Reports were to be sent of the manner of dress, mode of life, religion, and method of warfare of the peoples they met. Once at the destination, no soldier was permitted without leave and under severe penalties” to go to the Indian settlements and enter their houses, and no one shall take anything by force in the camp or in the town, contrary to the will of the Indian where you shall have made peace.” All trading was to take place in the presence of the veedor ( overseer) in order to lessen the possibility of cheating the Indians. On October 22, 1542, the offices and about 400 men took their oath of allegiance to the king of Spain and to their captains. The officers were enjoined to declare and advise what they deemed suitable and necessary for the good of the voyage, whether Villalobos liked it or not, “ although you think he may be vexed or angry at what you advise.” Villalobos himself ordered that all soldiers had to have a signed certificate before embarking, attesting to having received the sacraments of penance and the Eucharist. Blasphemy and public sins were to be punished severely, while those who were unlucky enough to be caught sleeping on post more than once were unceremoniously to be thrown overboard.

On the feast of All Saints, November 1,1542, the little fleet weighed anchor in the port of Navidad, or Juan Gallego. It dropped down to catch the easterly trades and sailed effortlessly on what was to be called the Mar de Damas, the Ladies’ Sea. The first landfall took place two months later, at 18 degrees- two desolate islands twelve leagues apart, 180 leagues off New Spain. They had been named by their discoverer, Hernando de Grijalvez, Santo Tomas and Anublada, which are probably the present-day San Benedito and Socorro of the Revilla Gigedo group. Three other separate islands were sighted within the next few weeks, but these were further out in the Pacific. They were fittingly christened Islas de Coral, Islas de los Reyes, and Los Jardines, which are today probably the Radak and Ralik chains of the Marshalls. One hundred leagues west of the Jardines a storm separated the galiot San Cristobal from the rest of the fleet, but they later rejoined. On January 23 the fleet passed an island whose inhabitants came paddling out to the ships. The natives must have had some previous contact with Spaniards, for they made the Sign of the Cross and shouted, “ Buenos dias, matalotes”-“Ahoy,mates!” The island was promptly dubbed, Matalotes.

It was not until February 2, that the Islas del Poniente were reached. The fleet put into Baganga Bay on the east coast of Mindanao. Villalobos named the bay, Malaga, probably in honor of his home town, and the island itself was given the rather ostentatious name of Ceasarea Caroli, because, he said, the island itself was given the rather ostentatious name of Cesaria Caroli, because, he said, the island was large and the majesty of the name suited it.

The Spaniards were soon exploring the Mindanao coast and they found it as uninviting as the place on which they landed. Food was not readily available so the fleet struck north, heading for Limasawa, off the

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southern tip of Leyte. It was March and the steady southeast winds prevented the vessels from making much headway. For ten days they struggled before capitulating to nature. They could do nothing else but drop down to Sarangani off the southeat Mindanao coast. It was not the first time a Spanish vessel put into Sarangani, for Saavedra had touched here. But Villalobos came with a purpose. He took the existing native village by force, driving the inhabitants off to Mindanao, and after splitting what little spoils they took-porcelain, a little gold, and some bells- the expedition attempted to remedy the grave problem of lack of food. But none could be found, so the soldiers turned farmers and sowed. Twice they sowed and twice they were bitterly disappointed. Nothing came up. Grumbling began. The soldiers said that they didn’t come to sow but to conquer. Better to take what they found and then look for more when they needed it. Villalobos answered that he had come to found a colony and discover the return route to Mexico. “ Each man was to shift for himself; he did not intend to die of hunger, and with thirty men he would still give a good account of the expedition.”

Villalobos’ next move was to send Bernardo de la Torre with forty men and the San Juan to a town northwest of Sarangani on Mindanao. Food was reported to be in abundance there so they brought with them articles for trade. The chief of the village was called Salipada. De la Torre was a t first well received but a party of six Spaniards, sent to sound the river entrance, was surrounded and attacked. They had to fight their way back to the San Juan. De la Torre sailed back to Sarangani with nothing to show for his efforts but six wounded men. In the meanwhile the San Cristobal had turned up. It had weathered the storm which separated it from the fleet and managed to get to Limasawa. The crew lived of the island for two months, so it was apparently well-stocked with food. Villalobos must certainly have wished to head for this land of plenty but the prevailing northeasterlies which blew down the eastern coast of the Philippines did not permit it. Instead, he took the San Antonio, the San Martin, the San Cristobal, four native galleys fitted with lateen rigs, and 150 men, with the intention of forging for food since, as he said, the natives would not trade with him peaceably. The forging party headed for Sanguir. Before reaching their objective, however, they came upon five tiny islands, only one of which was populated. Perhaps food could be gotten here. Their petition for supplies was read to the islanders and refused. Preparing for a struggle, the villagers retired to a fortified rock which was in the sea. Villalobos attacked and after four hours the defenders were slain to a man. Only a few women and children escaped. As it turned out, the food which they found scarcely warranted their battling for it. But hunger was driving them on and the little band was desperate. Instead of continuing to Sanguir, Villalobos started back to feed his starving men at Sarangani. But ill luck was still plaguing him. On the way, a typhoon struck and the four galleys carrying arms were all sunk. The San Antonio was beached and the San Cristobal lost its sails and rudder. But the food was saved, and it provided some relief.

By now the wind had shifted favorably to permit a northward climb. It was August and so a steady southwest wind blew. The San Juan, under Bernardo de la Torre, was hastily readied, this time not to look for supplies but to make the return trip to New Spain and report to Viceroy Mendoza. The galiot San Cristobal was to accompany it part of the way, as far as Samar ( called by Villalobos Felipinas, in honor of Philip the crown prince, and later use to include all of the islands) where both vessels could be refitted. The San Juan was then to continue alone while the galiot was to return to Saragani. Both ships left Sarangani on August 4, 1543.

While Villalobos and his expedition were floundering about the islands, the Portuguese in the Moluccas were serenely looking on. They were kept well informed of the Spaniards’ moves by the Muslims of Mindanao who maintained a reliable spy network. It was in great part due to the Portuguese propaganda system that Villalobos could not get his hands on a desperately needed food supply. But only after the San Juan left for new Spain did the Portuguese come into the open. Three proas from Maluco made their appearance off Sarangani on August 7, 1543. A Portuguese crewman came ashore with a message from the governor of the Moluccas, Dom Jorge de Castro, which politely informed Villalobos that the islands belonged to the king of Portugal and consequently their rights were those of primi occupantis, for five years before, Francisco de Castro had claimed Mindanao, and as a lay catechist had converted a number of natives in Antonia, probably present-day Tirina, one of the Sarangani group. The message wryly continued that if Villalobos had been driven to the islands by an ill wind and if his crew lacked of supplies, then the king of Portugal would generously allow his subjects of Mindanao to supply the unfortunate Spaniards. Villalobos replied in a like vein but slightly less diplomatically. He said that he knew that the Moluccas were subject to the Portuguese king, but that the islands he now occupied fell within the demarcation of the king of Spain. A number of other messages passed between the Portuguese and the Spaniard before the proas returned to Ternate. The sight of Villalobos’ half-starved men must have convinced the Portuguese that the expedition would slowly fade away by itself. No need to drive them out by force. But for good measure the Portuguese informed the coastal inhabitants of Mindanao that they were not to sell any supplies to the intruders, and they were invited to wreak as much havoc as possible on the Spaniards.

Villalobos was not that easily defeated. He was able to gather some rice in Mindanao and with what the galiot brought from Limasawa, the situation eased a little. Nevertheless, the expedition’s chronicler, Garcia Descalante. Alvarado, reported that they suffered greatly from hunger in Sarangani. Rats, herbs and grass were now the daily diet. The death toll mounted. Only when the situation seemed impossible did Villalobos move. He quit Sarangani for food in September 1543, and led his men north to Leyte, about which he had received favorable reports. The smaller galiot and the galleys were able to lie closer to the shore, they made Abuyog. The Santiago could make little headway against the northeast winds in October and so was forced

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into Lacayan Bay. Villalobos waited for the winds to shift but they never did. In the meantime his men were growing weaker. It was only when the galiot returned, unable to cope with the headwinds and minus eleven men with only enough remaining for ten days, that Villalobos made the decision to go to the Moluccas and seek assistance. In spit of the strong injunctions to the contrary, he saw nothing else to do but to drop further south. Necessity drove him into the enemy camp.

While Villalobos was leading the remnants of his expedition to Djailolo on the northwest coast of Halmahera, the San Juan was well on its way to making a successful return to New Spain. After having taken on provisions in Leyte, it began the crossing on August 26,1543. land was spotted at 26 degrees. Then they came upon the Volcano Islands which in future decades were to become a standard milestone for the Manila-Acapulco galleons. Still further the San Juan climbed in an east-northeast direction until, on October 18, It was at 30 degrees north, 2, 250 miles off the Philippines. Here near-disaster struck. A heavy storm wrecked the masts and the tiny vessels began to ship water. They had no alternative but to turn around and head back to the Philippines. If it were not for this stroke of ill luck, the credit for finding the return route to New Spain would have to be given to Bernardo de la Torre and the pilot of San Juan, Alonso Hernandez. They had put themselves on the sea lane to Acapulco which would later be used for almost three continuos centuries. As it was, the San Juan made it back to Leyte and there revictualled, buying rice and pork with the porcelain they intended to present to Viceroy Mendoza. They found a favorable reception in Leyte and the sight of a native chief with golden earrings and necklace revived hope of a profitable expedition. After visiting a few neighboring islands, the San Juan picked up, quite by chance, the Spaniards who had made it to Abuyog in the galleys accompanying the galiot. Then it healded for Sarangani, looking for Villalobos. Instead of finding of finding their companions, they found letters left at the foot of a tree informing potential readers that Villalobos departed for Samafo in Halmahera. (The letters had actually been left for the two brigantines which had gone off to Leyte). They also found a letter of Fray Sanesteban, left nine days before. Obediently, the San Juan pulled out of Sarangani, and after stopping at Sanguir, made for the Moluccas. With the depature of the San Juan from Philippine waters, there ended, rather ingloriously, the first attempt to establish a Spanish colony in the Islas del Poniente.

Villalobos arrived in Tidore in the Moluccas on April 24, 1544, at a time when the Portuguese were entangled in a local war. He signed a treaty with the Portuguese, whereby the Spaniards were allowed to stay unmoslested in Tidore and sell the spices they collected until the kings of Portugal and Spain or the governor of India should decide what was to be done. The Spanish commander was anxious to show something for his efforts and so refitted the San Juan for another attempt at a Pacific crossing to New Spain. The vessels was readied and left Tidore on May 16, 1545, under the command of Inigo Ortiz de Retes. But had luck was still plaguing the expedition. The very laws of nature seemed to have been against the Spaniards, for that year the winds shifted later usual. The San Juan was back in Tidore by October. This last failure was the proverbial straw that broke the camel’s back. Villalobos was now for surrendering to the Portuguese. But his men were not, or at least they so wrote after Villalobos’ death. They presented a signed statement to their captain in which they offered to build a ship, provision it, and sail it back to New Spain, saying that “they preffered to go poor to New Spain rather than rich to India.” Apparently, finding the return route presented no difficulty to them. Alonso Hernandez, who went with Bernardo de la Torre on the first attempt to cross the Pacific, was to act as pilot. But Villalobos refused to have the vessels make third attempt. Another petition was drawn up by Martin de Islares, the factorof the expedition. He wrote, “I have a pilot and several soldiers and sailors who are volunteering to make the voyage in the San Juan. It is known by everyone (es publico y notorio) that the voyage can be made, as you yourself said many times. The pilot who wants to go says so and would attempt to make it since he went before with Captain Bernardo de la Torre.” Villalobos heard the petition read but made no reply. No third attempt at a crossing was ever made.

Villalobos’ situation is not difficult to understand. As he himself explained it, he was in the Moluccas against the express wishes of his king. He therefore could not wage a just war against the Portuguese. His only hope was to await orders from New Spain, and these never came. On November 4, 1545, Villalobos concluded an agreement with Fernao de Sousa de Tavora who had been placed in charge of an expedition against the Spaniards. Villalobos was to evacuate Tidore with all his men and go to Ternate. For a guarantee he agreed to hand over all his men and go to Ternate. For a guarantee he agreed to hand over all his artillery and some hostages. Any of the Spaniards who wished to go to Portugal could do so free of charge by the first trading ships leaving India in 1547. Likewise, any Castilian soldier who wished to remain in India in the service of the king of Portugal could do so, and he was guaranteed passage to India. After handing his standard over to the Portuguese and fighting on their side against the natives of Gilolo, Villalobos marked died on April 25, 1546, the victim of a tropical fever. He was buried in a town called Zozanibe.

The death of Villalobos marked the end of the expedition. The other Spaniards were sent back to Spain, via Goa and Lisbon, where they arrived in August of 1549. the discouragingly negative reports of the enterprise must have irked Charles V considerably, for he ordered the immediate residensia, or investigation, of the role played by Viceroy Mendoza in the affair. He appeared to be particularly put out that Villalobos had sailed into the Portuguese waters. But Mendoza ably defended himself and was not sent back to Spain in a ship provided by the king for that purpose. He continued in his post as viceroy for another four years.

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The results of the Villalobos expedition were, on the face of it, like those of Loaysa and Saavedra, discourangingly negative. No settlement had been made, the return route to New Spain was still unsailed, the people of the Philippines seemed unfriendly, and the Portuguese were now alerted to Spanish designs to the north. But fortunately, St. Francis Xaier’s advice, written to Simao Rodrigues, was not heeded. The Jesuit wrote to his friend, “to tell the king and queen that for the peace of their conscience they should advise the emperor of Kings of Castile not to send any more expeditions by way of New Spain to discover the Silver Islands (Japan), for as many as come will surely be lost.”

But the valuable experience and information picked up by Loaysa, Saavedra, and now Villalobos was enough, just possibly enough, to keep alive a spark of hope. Both Loaysa and Villalobos made a landfall in Mindanao and were trapped in a lower latitude where a vessel could not climb north all year. It was only when the San Juan set sail from the Visayas that t almost assured, by the northern route followed by Hernandez in the San Juan. There remained only the problems of hitting the archipelago at a higher latitude and then immediately sending the expedition supplies and reinforcements. If these two conditions could be fulfilled, a gateway to the Orient would be in Spanish hands.

More than thirteen years separated the expedition of Villalobos from the next attempt to establish the Spanish standard in the Philippines. A partial reason for the gap, supposing that Spain’s interest was both serious and permanent, can be found in the contemporary European political scene. War between Spain and France was carried on through the greater part of Charles V’s reign, and not even his abdication in 1556 ended the fighting. War raged from 1552 until the peace of Cateau-Cambresis in 1559. here the struggle was brought to a momentary freedom from war which established a sense of security in the commercial markets of Seville. New exploits and financial ventures received a ready hearing.

Ever since the voyage of Magellan, Spanish kings had shown an intersest in establishing a foothold in the East. From the time of Magellan’s death in Cebu in 1521 up to Legazpi’s expedition in 1564 no less than eight expeditions had the islands of the South Seas for their objective. All except Legazpi’s in 1564 were frustrated in one way or another. The reason for this continued interest is probably twofold: Spain wished a slice of the coveted spice market and if possible, a direct link with that legendary and elusive wealth of the Orient. When Charles V pawned his claim to the Moluccas in 1529, he committed his interest to the Islas del Poniente, the Western Islands, renamed by Villalobos the Philippines. When Philp became king, interest in the islands which bore his name did not flag. In fact, in increased. One stimulus might have been the gradual rise in pepper prices which spanned the 1560s. in New Castille, for example, an ounce of pepper in the 1550s sold for about 10 maravedis (8 in 1557).

In 1561, however, the price rose to 13.5 maravedis; in 1562 to 1519; in 1563 to 19.8; in 1564 to 21.5, until in 1565 pepper reached the record price of 23.9 an ounce. Then the price declined. It fell from 16.0 in 1566 to 10 maravedis in 1572, and the crisis passed. Can a definite cause-effect relationship be established between pepper prices in Spain and the expedition of Legaspi to the Philippines? It is difficult, if not impossible, to say. It is certainly true that the religious motive of retaining the Philippines for the Catholic Church was uppermost in Philip II’s mind when proposals were later and repeatedly made for abandoning the unproductive colony. But the principal motive for the initial steps taken to occupy the islands seems to have been economic. The words canela (cinnamon) and specie (spice) are so often repeated both I the instructions of the audiencia of New Spain to Legazpi and in the king’s own correspondence on the expedition that one strongly suspects that Philip II hoped to find in the Philippines a spice producer to rival the Moluccas and the Portuguese.

On September 14, 1559, Philip II wrote to his viceroy in New Spain, Luis de Velasco, concerning the future enterprise to the South Seas. Three points were emphasized by the king. First, the two vessels which were to be sent to the Philippines were to bring back samples of the spices grown there; second, they would attempt to discover the return route to New Spain; and third, the expedition was under no circumstances to touch at the Moluccas, since this would be contrary to the agreement made with the king of Portugal in 1529. on the same day a letter was sent to Fray Andres de Urdaneta requesting his participation in the intended expedition. The answer which Philip II received from both of these letters must have come as something of a bombshell. Both Velasco and Urdaneta replied that inasmuch as the Philippines fell within the jurisdiction of Portugal, an expedition of discovery could not be undertaken without breaking the agreement made with the Portuguese king. Uradaneta, the former pilot who had become an Augustian friar, wrote:

It is evident and clear that not only is the Island of Felipina within the Portuguese zone, but the eastern tip of the Island is n the very meridian of the Islands of Maluco…. Therefore, it seems that some trouble could develop if your Majesty order that vessels and people go to Samar without showing some legitimate or pious cause for doing so.Urdaneta, seconded by Velasco, accepted the invitation to participate and suggested that the motive for the voyage should rather be a search for members of the Villalobos expedition who were known to be still somewhere in the Philippines, probably held as captives. Only with a motive or excuse such as this could the enterprise be legitimized. The old seaman in Urdaneta then breaks out and he recommends that the best pilots available should be sent on the voyage in order that an accurate charting of the navigation could be recorded. The king answered Uradaneta on March 5, 1562, thanking him for his acceptance. Regarding the advice on motivation, Philip repeated that time-honored official phrase, “It has been passed on the Viceroy so

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that he may take necessary measures in conformity with what has already been ordered.” In other words, Philip II did not particularly care whether the islands were on the Portuguese side of the line of demarcation, as they actually were. That the expedition be made and the Philippines occupied was his only concern. He would take possession of the Islands first, and with this initial advantage, then discuss the legitimacy of his act. He would present the king of Portugal with a fait accompli. However, Philip and the audiencia of Mexico shrewdly kept the expedition’s objective secret, to be revealed to the crew only after the voyage was underway; in this manner any premature diplomatic repercussions could be avoided.

Interest in the proposed expedition ran high. Andres de Urdaneta wrote a lengthy memorial to the king on how the whole jornada, or enterprise, should proceed. First, he recommended that the vessels leave from Acapulco, not Navidad. The latter was in a poor location, causing prices of necessary articles to rise, while Acapulco had one of the best ports in the Indies – large, safe, and healthy. The surrounding forest provided deposits of timber for ship construction. Never-thereless, a large quantity of supplies had to be brought from Spain. Artillery, arms, thread for sails, compasses, and sailing charts were all on his list. One difficulty he spoke of was finding capable men to act as ship’s officers. Both ordinary deckhands and skilled seamen simply refused to sail to the South Pacific. Urdaneta’s solution was rather extreme: force them to go, but pay them a just salary.

Of the actual navigation, the Augustinian wrote that it could probably get underway by the beginning of October 1562. if it did, then they would follow the ordinary southern course through the Mar de Damas, the ladies’ Sea or South Pacific. If the expedition were delayed beyond November 10, they would head southeast, directly for New Guinea, then north-northwest to the Philippines. The third alternative of Urdaneta, and most interesting of all, was to go into operation of sailing was delayed until February. Then they would not depart until March, in which case the expedition would strike a west-northwest course, in the path of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, to 34 degrees or more where they would try to hit land along the North American coast. What Cabrillo’s untimely death left undone, Urdaneta intended to complete by exploring the great bay which Cabrillo’s chronicler described. After this slight diversion, apparently with a Northwest Passage in mind, the fleetwould then head west at 35 or 36 degrees, exploring what lay between California and China. At this point Urdaneta’s calculations go a bit awry, for he says that in case they could not follow the northern coast of New Spain, then they would climb to 36 degrees, head west and put into the Isla de Botana, one of the Ladrones. From there they would move south to the Philippines. Urdaneta concludes his memorial by mentioning that rumors had been circulating in New Spain to the effect that the French had discovered the long-sought Northwest Passage to the Pacific. This was an added stimulus to get the Philippine project underway as quickly as possible.

About the same time Urdaneta was composing his memorial to the king, Viceroy Velasco was busy choosing a man to head the expedition. On February 9, 1561, he recommended that Miguel Lopez de Legazpi lead the second attempt to plant a Spanish settlement in the Philippines. The king approved. The choice of Legazpi must have delighted Urdaneta since both were from the province of Guipuzcoa. Final preparations for the undertaking, however, took much longer than anticipated, even by Spanish standards. Only in June 1564, did the timber arrive for the ships, masts. It took two weeks were sufficiently provisioned to depart.

Exactly two months before Legazpi’s fleet lifted anchor in Navidad, the audiencia of Mexico issued a detailed instruction on the object of the expedition and the manner in which it was to proceed. The instruction is deeply significant since it was to proceed. The instruction is deeply significant since it embodies in its clauses and recommendations almost a century of experience in New World conquest. We can roughly divided the instruction into three sections. The first deals with the preparations for the expedition, the second with the voyage, and the third, conduct in the Philippines.

The contingent of 300 to 350 soldiers and sailors were to depart from Navidad. Legazpi was to go to the port to receive the fleet in the presence of the royal officials – Guido de Lavezaris (treasurer), Andres Cauchela ( auditor), and Andres de Miranda ( factor ). The official transfer of the capitana or flagship, the San Pedro, the almiranta, San Pablo, and the two pinnaces, San Juan de Letran and San Lucia, was to be performed by Bachiller Martinez, the alcalde mayor of Michoacam, and also chief buyer for the fleet. Pilots were then to be approved by Legaspi and all armaments and provisions checked. Among the stores was included ship’s biscuit, bacon, wine, cooking oil, vinegar, fish, cheese, fowl, and beans. The master-of-camp, Mateo de Saz, was to sail in the capitana. The larger pinnace was under the command of Juan de la Isla, while Hernan Sanchez Munon was to captain the smaller one. However, Sanchez was unable to go, and he was replaced by Alonso de Arellano. Forbidden to go on the, and he was replaced by Alonso de Arellano. Forbidden to go on the expedition were Indians, male and female, and Negro women, either married or single. However, a dozen Negro males could be brought as servants. Religious of the Order of Saint Augustine were to accompany the expedition and they were “ to bring the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith to the natives of those parts.” The Augustinians were to travel in the San Pedro and the San Pablo, the larger and safer vessels. In order that God might give them a prosperous and safe crossing, all were to confess their sins and receive Holy Communion. The Holy sacrifice of the Mass was to be said and all were to attend. Also in the religious vein, Legaspi was exhorted to take special care that all blasphemies and public sins were punished with the utmost

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rigor. Their conduct as Christians was to be exemplary if they were to give an of their Christianity to the natives.

After treating of the preparations for the expedition, the audiencia turned to the voyage itself. First and foremost, Legaspi was forbidden to enter the Moluccas. He was to make for the Philippines and deal only with those islands” which they say also contain spices.” In one of the most important passages of the instruction, the audiencia says that the object that natives spices and other riches be brought back to New Spain once the return route was found. It was this undiscovered route getting to the Philippines, but how to return was the problem.

Once the expedition arrived in the Philippines, Legaspi was to examine the ports and to learn of settlements and their wealth, the nature and mode of life of the natives, trade and barter procedures used among them, with nations they traded, the value and prices of spices, the different varieties of the same, and their exchange value with merchandise and articles. The instruction continued “ And you may exchange the articles of barter and the merchandise you carry, for spice, drugs, gold and other articles of value and esteem… And if, in your judgment the land is so rich and of such quality that you should colonize therein, you shall establish a colony in that part and district that appears suitable to you, and where the firmest friendship shall have been made with you; and you shall affirm and observe inviolably this friendship. After you have mode this settlement, if you should deem advantageous to the service of God, our Lord, and of his Majesty, to remain in those districts where you have settled, together with some of your people and religious, until you have given advice of it to His Majesty and this Royal Audiencia in his name , you shall send immediately to this Nueva Espana, one or more trustworthy persons… with the news and relation of what you have accomplished and where you halted.”

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803: Spanish Establishments in the Philippines 38

From the beginning the Spanish establishments in the Philippines were a mission and not in the proper sense of the term a colony.  They were founded and administered in the interests of religion rather than of commerce or industry.  They were an advanced outpost of Christianity whence the missionary forces could be deployed through the great empires of China and Japan, and hardly had the natives of the islands begun to yield to the labors of the friars when some of the latter pressed on adventurously into China and found martyrs’ deaths in Japan.  In examining the political administration of the Philippines, then, we must be prepared to find it a sort of outer garment under which the living body is ecclesiastical.  Against this subjection to the influence and interests of the Church energetic governors rebelled, and the history of the Spanish domination is checkered with struggles between the civil and religious powers which reproduce on a small scale the mediæval contests of Popes and Emperors.

A. Spanish Colonial Government: Audiencia and Residencia

Colonial governments are of necessity adaptations of familiar domestic institutions to new functions.  The government of Spain in the sixteenth century was not that of a modern centralized monarchy but rather of a group of kingdoms only partially welded together by the possession of the same sovereign, the same language, and the same religion.  The King of Spain was also the ruler of other kingdoms outside of the peninsula.  Consequently when the New World was given a political organization it was subdivided for convenience into kingdoms and captaincies general in each of which the administrative machinery was an adaptation of the administrative machinery of Spain.  In accordance with this procedure the Philippine islands were constituted a kingdom and placed under the charge of a governor and captain general, whose powers were truly royal and limited only by the check imposed by the Supreme Court (the Audiencia) and by the ordeal of the residencia at the expiration of his term of office.  Among his extensive prerogatives was his appointing power which embraced all branches of the civil service in the islands.  He also was ex officio the President of the Audiencia. His salary was $8,000 a year, but his income might be largely augmented by gifts or bribes. The limitations upon the power of the Governor imposed by the Audiencia, in the opinion of the French astronomer Le Gentil, were the only safeguard against an arbitrary despotism, yet Zúñiga, a generation later pronounced its efforts in this direction generally ineffectual.

The residencia to which reference has been made was an institution peculiar in modern times to the Spanish colonial system, it was designed to provide a method by which officials could be held to strict accountability for all acts during their term of office.  Today reliance is placed upon the force of public opinion inspired and formulated by the press and, in self-governing communities, upon the holding of frequent elections.  The strength of modern party cohesion both infuses vigor into these agencies and neutralizes their effectiveness as the case may be.  But in the days of the formation of the Spanish Empire beyond the sea

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there were neither free elections, nor public press, and the criticism of the government was sedition.  To allow a contest in the courts involving the governor’s powers during his term of office would be subversive of his authority.  He was then to be kept within bounds by realizing that a day of judgment was impending, when everyone, even the poorest Indian, might in perfect security bring forward his accusation. In the Philippines the residencia for a governor lasted six months and was conducted by his successor and all the charges made were forwarded to Spain. [58] The Italian traveler Gemelli Careri who visited Manila in 1696 characterizes the governor’s residencia as a “dreadful Trial,” the strain of which would sometimes “break their hearts.”

On the other hand, an acute observer of Spanish-American institutions of the olden time intimates that the severities of the residencia could be mitigated and no doubt such was the case in the Philippines. By the end of the eighteenth century the residencia seems to have lost its efficacy. The governorship was certainly a difficult post to fill and the remoteness from Europe, the isolation, and the vexations of the residencia made it no easy task to get good men for the place.  An official of thirty years experience, lay and ecclesiastical, assures us in the early seventeenth century that he had known of only one governor really fitted for the position, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. 

He had done more for the happiness of the natives in three years than all his predecessors or successors.  Some governors had been without previous political experience while others were deficient in the qualities required in a successful colonial ruler.

The supreme court or Audiencia was composed of four judges (oidores, auditors) an attorney-general (fiscal) a constable, etc.  The governor who acted as president had no vote. Besides the functions of this body as the highest court of appeal for criminal and civil cases it served as has been said as a check upon the governor.  Down to 1715 the Audiencia took charge of the civil administration in the interim between the death of a governor and the arrival of his successor, and the senior auditor assumed the military command. Attached to the court were advocates for the accused, a defender of the Indians, and other minor officials.   In affairs of public importance the Audiencia was to be consulted by the governor for the opinions of the auditors.

B. Local Administration of Spanish Colonial Government: Alcalde Mayor, Gobernadorcillo and Cabeza de Barangay

For the purposes of local administration the islands were subdivided into or constituted Provinces under alcaldes mayores who exercised both executive and judicial functions, and superintended the collection of tribute. The alcaldes mayores were allowed to engage in trade on their own account which resulted too frequently in enlisting their interest chiefly in money making and in fleecing the Indians.

The provincial court consisted of the alcalde mayor, an assessor who was a lawyer, and a notary.  The favoritism and corruption that honeycombed the civil service of Spain in the colonies in the days of her decline often placed utterly unfit persons in these positions of responsibility.  A most competent observer, Tomás de Comyn, many years the factor of the Philippine Commercial Company, has depicted in dark colors, and perhaps somewhat overdrawn the evils of the system.

The subdivision of the provinces was into pueblos each under its petty governor or gobernadorcillo. The gobernadorcillo was an Indian and was elected annually.  In Morga’s time the right of suffrage seems to have been enjoyed by all married Indians, but in the last century it was restricted to thirteen electors. The gobernadorcillo was commonly called the “captain.”  Within the pueblos the people formed little groups of from forty to fifty tributes called barangays under the supervision of cabezas de barangay.  These heads of barangay represent the survival of the earlier clan organization and were held responsible for the tributes of their groups.  Originally the office of cabeza de barangay was no doubt hereditary, but it became generally elective. The electors of the gobernadorcillo were made up of those, who were or had been cabezas de barangay and they after three years of service became eligible to the office of petty governor.

In the few Spanish towns in the islands the local government was similar to that which prevailed in America, which in turn was derived from Spain.  That of Manila may be taken as an example.  The corporation, El Cabildo (chapter) consisted of two ordinary alcaldes, eight regidores, a registrar, and a constable.  The alcaldes were justices, and were elected annually from the householders by the corporation.  The regidores were aldermen and with the registrar and constable held office permanently as a proprietary right.  These permanent positions in the cabildo could be bought and sold or inherited.

C. The Ecclesiastical System

Turning now to the ecclesiastical administration, we find there the real vital organs of the Philippine governmental system.  To the modern eye the islands would have seemed, as they did to the French scientist

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Le Gentil, priest-ridden.  Yet it was only through the Friars that Spain retained her hold at all. A corrupt civil service and a futile and decrepit commercial system were through their efforts rendered relatively harmless, because circumscribed in their effects.  The continuous fatherly interest of the clergy more than counterbalanced the burden of the tribute. They supervised the tilling of the soil, as well as the religious life of the people; and it was through them that the works of education and charity were administered.

The head of the ecclesiastical system was the Archbishop of Manila, who in a certain sense was the Patriarch of the Indies. The other high ecclesiastical digntaries were the three bishops of Cebú, of Segovia in Cagayán, and of Cazeres in Camarines; and the provincials of the four great orders of friars, the Dominicans, Augustinians, the Franciscans, the barefooted Augustinians, and the Jesuits. In the earlier days the regular clergy (members of the orders) greatly outnumbered the seculars, and refused to acknowledge that they were subject to the visitation of bishop or archbishop.  This contention gave rise, at times, to violent struggles.  During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the proportionate number of seculars increased.  In 1750 the total number of parishes was 569, of which 142, embracing 147,269 persons, were under secular priests.  The numbers in charge of the orders were as follows: 

Villages.   Souls. Augustinians, 115 252,963Franciscans, 63 141,193Jesuits, 93 209,527Dominicans, 51 99,780Recollects, 105 53,384

making a total of 569 parishes and 904,116 souls.

These proportions, however, fail to give a correct idea of the enormous preponderance of the religious orders; for the secular priests were mostly Indians and could exercise nothing like the influence of the Friars upon their cures. In these hundreds of villages the friars bore sway with the mild despotism of the shepherd of the flock.  Spanish officials entered these precincts only on occasion.  Soldiers were not to be seen save to suppress disorders.  Spaniards were not allowed to live in these communities, and visitors were carefully watched. [80] As Spanish was little known in the provinces, the curate was the natural intermediary in all communications between the natives and the officials or outsiders.  In some provinces there were no white persons besides the alcalde mayor and the friars.  Without soldiers the alcalde mayor must needs rely upon the influence of the friars to enable him to execute his duties as provincial governor.  In contemplating their services for civilization and good order Tomas de Comyn rises to enthusiasm.  “Let us visit,” he writes, “the Philippine Islands, and with astonishment shall we there behold extended ranges, studded with temples and spacious convents, the Divine worship celebrated with pomp and splendour; regularity in the streets, and even luxury in the houses and dress; schools of the first rudiments in all the towns, and the inhabitants well versed in the art of writing.  We shall see there causeways raised, bridges of good architecture built, and, in short, all the measures of good government and police, in the greatest part of the country, carried into effect; yet the whole is due to the exertions, apostolic labours, and pure patriotism of the ministers of religion.  Let us travel over the provinces, and we shall see towns of 5, 10, and 20,000 Indians, peacefully governed by one weak old man, who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps quiet and secure in his dwelling, without any other magic, or any other guards, than the love and respect with which he has known how to inspire his flock.”

If this seems too rosy a picture, it still must not be forgotten that at this time the ratio of whites to Indians in the islands was only about one to sixteen hundred, that most of these lived in Manila, and that the entire military force was not more than two thousand regular troops. As has been intimated this condition lasted down until a comparatively recent period.  As late as 1864 the total number of Spaniards amounted to but 4,050 of whom 3,280 were government officials, etc., 500 clergy, 200 landed proprietors, and 70 merchants; and in the provinces the same conditions prevailed that are described by Comyn. In more than half of the twelve hundred villages in the islands “there was no other Spaniard, no other national authority, nor any other force to maintain public order save only the friars.”

Recurring for a moment to the higher ecclesiastical organization, the judicial functions of the church were represented by the archbishop’s court and the commissioner of the Inquisition.   The Episcopal court, which was made up of the archbishop, the vicar-general, and a notary, tried cases coming under the canon law, such as those relating to matrimony and all cases involving the clergy.   Idolatry on the part of the Indians or Chinese might be punished by this court. The Holy Inquisition transplanted to New Spain in 1569 stretched its long arm across the great ocean to the Philippines, in the person of a commissioner, for the preservation of the true faith.  The Indians and Chinese were exempted from its jurisdiction.  Its processes were roundabout, and must have given a considerable proportion of its accused a chance to die a natural death.  The Commissioner must first report the offense to the Court in New Spain; if a trial was ordered, the accused must be sent to Mexico, and, if convicted, must be returned to the Philippines to receive punishment.

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D. Foreign Trade and Commerce

The most peculiar feature of the old regime in the Philippines is to be found in the regulations of the commerce of the islands.  In the Recopilacion de leyes de los reinos de las Indias, the code of Spanish colonial legislation, a whole title comprising seventy-nine laws is devoted to this subject.  For thirty years after the conquest the commerce of the islands was unrestricted and their prosperity advanced with great rapidity. [88] Then came a system of restrictions, demanded by the protectionists in Spain, which limited the commerce of the islands with America to a fixed annual amount, and effectively checked their economic development.  All the old travelers marvel at the possibilities of the islands and at the blindness of Spain, but the policy absurd as it may seem was but a logical application of the protective system not essentially different from the forms which it assumes today in our own relations to Porto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines.

The Seville merchants through whose hands the Spanish export trade to the New World passed looked with apprehension upon the importation of Chinese fabrics into America and the exportation of American silver to pay for them.  The silks of China undersold those of Spain in Mexico and Peru, and the larger the export of silver to the East the smaller to Spain.  Consequently to protect Spanish industry and to preserve to Spanish producers the American market, the shipment of Chinese cloths from Mexico to Peru was prohibited in 1587.   In 1591 came the prohibition of all direct trade between Peru or other parts of South America and China or the Philippines, [90] and in 1593 a decree—not rigorously enforced till 1604—which absolutely limited the trade between Mexico and the Philippines to $250,000 annually for the exports to Mexico, and to $500,000 for the imports from Mexico, to be carried in two ships not to exceed three hundred tons burden. No Spanish subject was allowed to trade in or with China, and the Chinese trade was restricted to the merchants of that nation.

All Chinese goods shipped to New Spain must be consumed there and the shipping of Chinese cloths to Peru in any amount whatever even for a gift, charitable endowment, or for use in divine worship was absolutely prohibited. As these regulations were evaded, in 1636 all commerce was interdicted between New Spain and Peru. A commerce naturally so lucrative as that between the Philippines and New Spain when confined within such narrow limits yielded monopoly profits.  It was like a lottery in which every ticket drew a prize.  In these great profits every Spaniard was entitled to share in proportion to his capital or standing in the community. [95] The assurance of this largess, from the beginnings of the system, discouraged individual industry and enterprise, and retarded the growth of Spanish population. Le Gentil and Zúñiga give detailed descriptions of the method of conducting this state enterprise after the limits had been raised to $500,000 and $1,000,000 respectively for the outgoing and return voyage.  The capacity of the vessel was measured taking as a unit a bale about two and one-half feet long, sixteen inches broad and two feet high.  If then the vessel could carry four thousand of these bales, each bale might be packed with goods up to a value of one hundred and twenty-five dollars.  The right to ship was known as a boleta or ticket.  The distribution of these tickets was determined at the town hall by a board made up of the governor, attorney-general, the dean of the audiencia, one alcalde, one regidor and eight citizens.

To facilitate the allotment and the sale of tickets they were divided into sixths.  Tickets were ordinarily worth in the later eighteenth century in times of peace eighty dollars to one hundred dollars, and in war time they rose to upwards of three hundred dollars. Le Gentil tells us that in 1766 they sold for two hundred dollars and more, and that the galleon that year went loaded beyond the limit. Each official as the perquisite of his office had tickets.  The regidores and alcaldes had eight.

The small holders who did not care to take a venture in the voyage disposed of their tickets to merchants or speculators, who borrowed money, usually of the religious corporations, at twenty-five to thirty per cent per annum to buy them up and who sometimes bought as many as two or three hundred.The command of the Acapulco galleon was the fattest office within the gift of the Governor, who bestowed it upon “whomsoever he desired to make happy for the commission,” and was equivalent to a gift of from $50,000 to $100,000. This was made up from commissions, part of the passage-money of passengers, from the sale of his freight tickets, and from the gifts of the merchants.  Captain Arguelles told Careri in 1696 that his commissions would amount to $25,000 or $30,000, and that in all he would make $40,000; that the pilot would clear $20,000 and the mates $9,000 each. The pay of the sailors was three hundred and fifty dollars, of which seventy-five dollars was advanced before the start.  The merchants expected to clear one hundred and fifty to two hundred per cent.  The passenger fare at the end of the eighteenth century was $1,000 for the voyage to Acapulco, which was the hardest, and $500 for the return. Careri’s voyage to Acapulco lasted two hundred and four days.  The ordinary time for the voyage to Manila was seventy-five to ninety days. Careri’s description of his voyage is a vivid picture of the hardships of early ocean travel, when cabin passengers fared infinitely worse than cattle today.  It was a voyage “which is enough to destroy a man, or make him unfit for anything as long as he lives;” yet there were those who “ventured through it, four, six and some ten times.”

Acapulco in New Spain had little reason for existence, save for the annual fair at the time of the arrival of the Manila ship, and the silver fleet from Peru.  That event transformed what might more properly be called “a poor village of fishermen” into “a populous city,” for the space of about two weeks.

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The commerce between the Philippines and Mexico was conducted in this manner from 1604 to 1718, when the silk manufacturers of Spain secured the prohibition of the importation of Chinese silk goods into New Spain on account of the decline of their industry.  A prolonged struggle before the Council of the Indies ensued, and in 1734 the prohibition was revoked and the east and west cargoes fixed at $500,000 and $1,000,000 respectively. The last nao, as the Manila-Acapulco galleon was called, sailed from Manila in 1811, and the final return voyage was made in 1815.  After that the commerce fell into private hands, the annual exports were limited to $750,000 and the ports of San Blas (Mexico), Guayaquil (Ecuador), and Callao (Peru) were opened to it.

Other changes were the establishment of direct communication with Spain and trade with Europe by a national vessel in 1766. These expeditions lasted till 1783 and their place was taken in 1785 by the Royal Philippine Company, organized with a capital of $8,000,000, and granted the monopoly of the trade between Spain and the islands. The Manila merchants resented the invasion of their monopoly of the export trade, and embarrassed the operations of the company as much as they could. It ceased to exist in 1830.

By this system for two centuries the South American market for manufactures was reserved exclusively for Spain, but the protection did not prevent Spanish industry from decay and did retard the well-being and progress of South America.  Between Mexico and the Philippines a limited trade was allowed, the profits of which were the perquisites of the Spaniards living in the Philippines and contributed to the religious endowments.  But this monopoly was of no permanent advantage to the Spanish residents.  It was too much like stock-jobbing, and sapped all spirit of industry. 

Zúñiga says that the commerce made a few rich in a short time and with little labor, but they were very few; that there were hardly five Spaniards in Manila worth $100,000, nor a hundred worth $40,000, the rest either lived on the King’s pay or in poverty. “Every morning one could see in the streets of Manila, in the greatest poverty and asking alms, the sons of men who had made a fine show and left much money, which their sons had squandered because they had not been well trained in youth.” The great possibilities of Manila as an entrepot of the Asiatic trade were unrealized; for although the city enjoyed open trade with the Chinese, Japanese, and other orientals, it was denied to Europeans and the growth of that conducted by the Chinese and others was always obstructed by the lack of return cargoes owing to the limitations placed upon the trade with America and to the disinclination of the Filipinos to work to produce more than was enough to insure them a comfortable living and pay their tributes.  That the system was detrimental to the economic progress of the islands was always obvious and its evils were repeatedly demonstrated by Spanish officials.  Further it was not only detrimental to the prosperity of the islands but it obstructed the development of Mexico.

Grau y Monfalcon in 1637 reported that there were fourteen thousand people employed in Mexico in manufacturing the raw silk imported from China.  This industry might be promoted by the relaxation of the restrictions on trade.  It would also be for the advantage of the Indians of Peru to be able to buy for five pence a yard linen from the Philippines, rather than to be compelled to purchase that of Rouen at ten times the price.But such reasoning was received then as it often is now, and no great change was made for nearly two centuries.

Trade with Europe and America

As long as the Spanish empire on the eastern rim of the Pacific remained intact and the galleons sailed to and from Acapulco, there was little incentive on the part of colonial authorities to promote the development of the Philippines, despite the initiatives of José Basco y Vargas during his career as governor in Manila. After his departure, the Economic Society was allowed to fall on hard times, and the Royal Company showed decreasing profits. The independence of Spain's Latin American colonies, particularly Mexico in 1821, forced a fundamental reorientation of policy. Cut off from the Mexican subsidies and protected Latin American markets, the islands had to pay for themselves. As a result, in the late eighteenth century commercial isolation became less feasible.

Growing numbers of foreign merchants in Manila spurred the integration of the Philippines into an international commercial system linking industrialized Europe and North America with sources of raw materials and markets in the Americas and Asia. In principle, non-Spanish Europeans were not allowed to reside in Manila or elsewhere in the islands, but in fact British, American, French, and other foreign merchants circumvented this prohibition by flying the flags of Asian states or conniving with local officials. In 1834 the crown abolished the Royal Company of the Philippines and formally recognized free trade, opening the port of Manila to unrestricted foreign commerce.

By 1856 there were thirteen foreign trading firms in Manila, of which seven were British and two American; between 1855 and 1873 the Spanish opened new ports to foreign trade, including Iloilo on Panay, Zamboanga in the western portion of Mindanao, Cebu on Cebu, and Legaspi in the Bicol area of southern

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Luzon. The growing prominence of steam over sail navigation and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 contributed to spectacular increases in the volume of trade. In 1851 exports and imports totaled some US$8.2 million; ten years later, they had risen to US$18.9 million and by 1870 were US$53.3 million. Exports alone grew by US$20 million between 1861 and 1870. British and United States merchants dominated Philippine commerce, the former in an especially favored position because of their bases in Singapore, Hong Kong, and the island of Borneo.

By the late nineteenth century, three crops--tobacco, abaca, and sugar--dominated Philippine exports. The government monopoly on tobacco had been abolished in 1880, but Philippine cigars maintained their high reputation, popular throughout Victorian parlors in Britain, the European continent, and North America. Because of the growth of worldwide shipping, Philippine abaca, which was considered the best material for ropes and cordage, grew in importance and after 1850 alternated with sugar as the islands' most important export. Americans dominated the abaca trade; raw material was made into rope, first at plants in New England and then in the Philippines. Principal regions for the growing of abaca were the Bicol areas of southeastern Luzon and the eastern portions of the Visayan Islands.

Sugarcane had been produced and refined using crude methods at least as early as the beginning of the eighteenth century. The opening of the port of Iloilo on Panay in 1855 and the encouragement of the British vice consul in that town, Nicholas Loney (described by a modern writer as "a one-man whirlwind of entrepreneurial and technical innovation"), led to the development of the previously unsettled island of Negros as the center of the Philippine sugar industry, exporting its product to Britain and Australia. Loney arranged liberal credit terms for local landlords to invest in the new crop, encouraged the migration of labor from the neighboring and overpopulated island of Panay, and introduced stream-driven sugar refineries that replaced the traditional method of producing low-grade sugar in loaves. The population of Negros tripled. Local "sugar barons"--- the owners of the sugar plantations--became a potent political and economic force by the end of the nineteenth century.

Chinese and Chinese Mestizos

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, deep-seated Spanish suspicion of the Chinese gave way to recognition of their potentially constructive role in economic development. Chinese expulsion orders issued in 1755 and 1766 were repealed in 1788. Nevertheless, the Chinese remained concentrated in towns around Manila, particularly Binondo and Santa Cruz. In 1839 the government issued a decree granting them freedom of occupation and residence.

In the latter half of the nineteenth century, immigration into the archipelago, largely from the maritime province of Fujian on the southeastern coast of China, increased, and a growing proportion of Chinese settled in outlying areas. In 1849 more than 90 percent of the approximately 6,000 Chinese lived in or around Manila, whereas in 1886 this proportion decreased to 77 percent of the 66,000 Chinese in the Philippines at that time, declining still further in the 1890s. The Chinese presence in the hinterland went hand in hand with the transformation of the insular economy. Spanish policy encouraged immigrants to become agricultural laborers. Some became gardeners, supplying vegetables to the towns, but most shunned the fields and set themselves up as small retailers and moneylenders. The Chinese soon gained a central position in the cash-crop economy on the provincial and local levels.

Of equal, if not greater, significance for subsequent political, cultural, and economic developments were the Chinese mantises . At the beginning of the nineteenth century, they composed about 5 percent of the total population of around 2.5 million and were concentrated in the most developed provinces of Central Luzon and in Manila and its environs. A much smaller number lived in the more important towns of the Visayan Islands, such as Cebu and Iloilo, and on Mindanao. Converts to Catholicism and speakers of Filipino languages or Spanish rather than Chinese dialects, the mestizos enjoyed a legal status as subjects of Spain that was denied the Chinese. In the words of historian Edgar Vickberg, they were considered, unlike the mixed-Chinese of other Southeast Asian countries, not "a special kind of local Chinese" but "a special kind of Filipino."

The eighteenth-century expulsion edicts had given the Chinese mestizos the opportunity to enter retailing and the skilled craft occupations formerly dominated by the Chinese. The removal of legal restrictions on Chinese economic activity and the competition of new Chinese immigrants, however, drove a large number of mestizos out of the commercial sector in mid-nineteenth century. As a result, many Chinese mestizos invested in land, particularly in Central Luzon. The estates of the religious orders were concentrated in this region, and mestizos became inquilinos (lessees) of these lands, subletting them to cultivators; a portion of the rent was given by the inquilino to the friary estate. Like the Chinese, the mestizos were moneylenders and acquired land when debtors defaulted.

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By the late nineteenth century, prominent mestizo families, despite the inroads of the Chinese, were noted for their wealth and formed the major component of a Filipino elite. As the export economy grew and foreign contact increased, the mestizos and other members of this Filipino elite, known collectively as ilustrados (see Glossary), obtained higher education (in some cases abroad), entered professions such as law or medicine, and were particularly receptive to the liberal and democratic ideas that were beginning to reach the Philippines despite the efforts of the generally reactionary--and friar-dominated--Spanish establishment.

E. Oppression and Exploitation of the Spanish Colonial System

We have now passed in review the political, ecclesiastical, and commercial administration of the Philippines in the olden time; and a general survey of some of the more striking results of the system as a whole may now be made.  This is especially necessary on account of the traditional and widely prevalent opinion that the Spanish colonial system was always and everywhere a system of oppression and exploitation; whereas, as a matter of fact, the Spanish system, as a system of laws, always impeded the effectual exploitation of the resources of their colonies, and was far more humane in its treatment of dependent peoples than either the French or English systems.

If, on the one hand, the early conquistadores treated the natives with hideous cruelty, the Spanish government legislated more systematically and benevolently to protect them than any other colonizing power.  In the time of the first conquests things moved too rapidly for the home government in those days of slow communication, and the horrors of the clash between ruthless gold-seekers and the simple children of nature, as depicted by the impassioned pen of Las Casas and spread broadcast over Europe, came to be the traditional and accepted characteristic of Spanish rule. The Spanish colonial empire lasted four hundred years and it is simple historical justice that it should not be judged by its beginnings or by its collapse.

The remoteness of the Philippines, and the absence of rich deposits of gold and silver, made it comparatively easy for the government to secure the execution of its humane legislation, and for the church to dominate the colony and guide its development as a great mission for the benefit of the inhabitants. To the same result contributed the unenlightened protectionism of the Seville merchants, for the studied impediments to the development of the Philippine-American trade effectually blocked the exploitation of the islands.  In view of the history of our own Southern States, not less than of the history of the West Indies it should never be forgotten that although the Philippine islands are in the Tropics, they have never been the scene of the horrors of the African slave trade or of the life-wasting labors of the old plantation system.

Whether we compare the condition of the natives of the other islands in the Eastern Archipelago or of the peasants of Europe at the same time the general well-being of the Philippine mission villagers was to be envied.  A few quotations from unimpeachable witnesses, travelers of wide knowledge of the Orient, may be given in illustration and proof of this view. 

The famous French explorer of the Pacific, La Pérouse, who was in Manila in 1787, wrote:  “Three million people inhabit these different islands and that of Luzon contains nearly a third of them.  These people seemed to me no way inferior to those of Europe; they cultivate the soil with intelligence, they are carpenters, cabinet-makers, smiths, jewelers, weavers, masons, etc.  I have gone through their villages and I have found them kind, hospitable, affable,” etc. Coming down a generation later the Englishman Crawfurd, the historian of the Indian Archipelago, who lived at the court of the Sultan of Java as British resident, draws a comparison between the condition of the Philippines and that of the other islands of the East that deserves careful reflection.

“It is remarkable, that the Indian administration of one of the worst governments of Europe, and that in which the general principles of legislation and good government are least understood,—one too, which has never been skillfully executed, should, upon the whole, have proved the least injurious to the happiness and prosperity of the native inhabitants of the country.  This, undoubtedly, has been the character of the Spanish connection with the Philippines, with all its vices, follies, and illiberalities; and the present condition of these islands affords an unquestionable proof of the fact.  Almost every other country of the Archipelago is, at this day, in point of wealth, power, and civilization, in a worse state than when Europeans connected themselves with them three centuries back.  The Philippines alone have improved in civilization, wealth, and populousness.  When discovered most of the tribes were a race of half-naked savages, inferior to all the great tribes, who were pushing, at the same time, an active commerce, and enjoying a respectable share of the necessaries and comforts of a civilized state.  Upon the whole, they are at present superior in almost everything to any of the other races.  This is a valuable and instructive fact.”

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This judgment of Crawfurd in 1820 was echoed by Mallat (who was for a time in charge of the principal hospital in Manila), in 1846, when he expressed his belief that the inhabitants of the Philippines enjoyed a freer, happier, and more placid life than was to be found in the colonies of any other nation.

Sir John Bowring, who was long Governor of Hong Kong, was impressed with the absence of caste:  “Generally speaking, I found a kind and generous urbanity prevailing,—friendly intercourse where that intercourse had been sought,—the lines of demarcation and separation less marked and impassable than in most oriental countries.  I have seen at the same table Spaniard, Mestizo and Indian—priest, civilian, and soldier.  No doubt a common religion forms a common bond; but to him who has observed the alienations and repulsions of caste in many parts of the eastern world—caste, the great social curse—the binding and free intercourse of man with man in the Philippines is a contrast worth admiring.” Not less striking in its general bearing than Crawfurd’s verdict is that of the German naturalist Jagor who visited the islands in 1859-1860.

“To Spain belongs the glory of having raised to a relatively high grade of civilization, improving greatly their condition, a people which she found on a lower stage of culture distracted by petty wars and despotic rule.  Protected from outside enemies, governed by mild laws, the inhabitants of those splendid islands, taken as a whole, have no doubt passed a more comfortable life during recent centuries than the people of any tropical country whether under their own or European rule.  This is to be accounted for in part by the peculiar conditions which protected the natives from ruthless exploitation.  Yet the monks contributed an essential part to this result.  Coming from among the common people, used to poverty and self-denial, their duties led them into intimate relations with the natives and they were naturally fitted to adapt the foreign religion and morals to practical use.  So, too, in later times, when they came to possess rich livings, and their pious zeal, in general, relaxed as their revenues increased, they still contributed most essentially to bring about conditions, both good and bad, which we have described, since, without families of their own and without refined culture, intimate association with the children of the soil was a necessity to them. “

Even their haughty opposition to the secular authorities was generally for the advantage of the natives.” Similar testimony from a widely different source is contained in the charming sketch “Malay Life in the Philippines” by William Gifford Palgrave, whose profound knowledge of oriental life and character and his experience in such divergent walks in life as soldier and Jesuit missionary in India, pilgrim to Mecca, and English consul in Manila, give his opinion more than ordinary value.“To clerical government,” he writes “paradoxical as the statement may sound in modern European ears, the Philippine islands owe, more than to anything else, their internal prosperity, the Malay population its sufficiency and happiness.   This it is that again and again has stood a barrier of mercy and justice between the weaker and stronger race, the vanquished and the victor; this has been the steady protector of the native inhabitants, this their faithful benefactor, their sufficient leader and guide.  With the ‘Cura’ for father, and the ‘Capitan’ for his adjutant, a Philippine hamlet feels and knows little of the vexations inseparable from direct and foreign official administration; and if under such a rule ‘progress,’ as we love to term it, be rare, disaffection and want are rarer still.”

As compared with India, the absence of famines is significant; and this he attributes in part to the prevalence of small holdings.  “Not so much what they have, but rather what they have not, makes the good fortune of the Philippines, the absence of European Enterprise, the absence of European Capital.   A few European capitalist settlers, a few giant estates, a few central factories, a few colossal money-making combinations of organized labour and gainful produce, and all the equable balance of property and production, of ownership and labour that now leaves to the poorest cottager enough, and yet to the total colony abundance to spare, would be disorganized, displaced, upset; to be succeeded by day labour, pauperism, government relief, subscriptions, starvation.  Europe, gainful, insatiate Europe would reap the harvest; but to the now happy, contented, satiate Philippine Archipelago, what would remain but the stubble, but leanness, want, unrest, misery?” The latest witness to the average well-being of the natives under the old system whom I shall quote is Mr. Sawyer.  “If the natives fared badly at the hands of recent authors, the Spanish Administration fared worse, for it has been painted in the darkest tints, and unsparingly condemned.  It was indeed corrupt and defective, and what government is not?  More than anything else it was behind the age, yet it was not without its good points.

“Until an inept bureaucracy was substituted for the old paternal rule, and the revenue quadrupled by increased taxation, the Filipinos were as happy a community as could be found in any colony.  The population greatly multiplied; they lived in competence, if not in affluence; cultivation was extended, and the exports steadily increased.—Let us be just; what British, French, or Dutch colony, populated by natives can compare with the Philippines as they were until 1895?”

These striking judgments, derived from such a variety of sources, are a sufficient proof that our popular ideas of the Spanish colonial system are quite as much in need of revision as popular ideas usually are.Yet one must not forget that the Spanish mission system, however useful and benevolent as an agency in bringing a barbarous people within the pale of Christian civilization, could not be regarded as permanent unless this life is looked upon simply as a preparation for heaven.  As an educative system it had its bounds

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and limits; it could train to a certain point and no farther.  To prolong it beyond that stage would be to prolong carefully nurtured childhood to the grave, never allowing it to be displaced by self-reliant manhood.  The legal status of the Indians before the law was that of minors, and no provision was made for their arriving at their majority.  The clergy looked upon these wards of the State as the school-children of the church, and compelled the observance of her ordinances even with the rod. 

La Pérouse says:  “The only thought was to make Christians and never citizens.  This people was divided into parishes, and subjected to the most minute and extravagant observances.  Each fault, each sin is still punished by the rod.  Failure to attend prayers and mass has its fixed penalty, and punishment is administered to men and women at the door of the church by order of the pastor.” Le Gentil describes such a scene in a little village a few miles from Manila, where one Sunday afternoon he saw a crowd, chiefly Indian women, following a woman who was to be whipped at the church door for not having been to mass.

The prevalence of a supervision and discipline so parental for the mass of the people in the colony could but react upon the ruling class, and La Pérouse remarks upon the absence of individual liberty in the islands:  “No liberty is enjoyed:  inquisitors and monks watch the consciences; the oidors (judges of the Audiencia) all private affairs; the governor, the most innocent movements; an excursion to the interior, a conversation come before his jurisdiction; in fine, the most beautiful and charming country in the world is certainly the last that a free man would choose to live in.”

Intellectual apathy, one would naturally suppose, must be the consequence of such sedulous oversight, and intellectual progress impossible.  Progress in scientific knowledge was, indeed, quite effectually blocked.The French astronomer Le Gentil gives an interesting account of the conditions of scientific knowledge at the two Universities in Manila.  These institutions seemed to be the last refuge of the scholastic ideas and methods that had been discarded in Europe.  A Spanish engineer frankly confessed to him that “in the sciences Spain was a hundred years behind France, and that in Manila they were a hundred years behind Spain.”  Nothing of electricity was known but the name, and making experiments in it had been forbidden by the Inquisition.  Le Gentil also strongly suspected that the professor of Mathematics at the Jesuit College still held to the Ptolemaic system.

But when we keep in mind the small number of ecclesiastics in the islands we must clear them of the charge of intellectual idleness.  Their activity, on the other hand, considering the climate was remarkable. An examination of J.T.  Medina’s monumental work on printing in Manila and of Retana’s supplement reveals nearly five hundred titles of works printed in the islands before 1800.  This of course takes no account of the works sent or brought to Spain for publication, which would necessarily comprise a large proportion of those of general rather than local interest, including of course the most important histories.  To these should be added no small number of grammars and dictionaries of the native languages, and missionary histories, that have never been printed. The monastic presses in the islands naturally were chiefly used for the production of works of religious edification, such as catechisms, narratives of missions, martyrdoms, lives of saints, religious histories, and hand-books to the native languages.  Simpler manuals of devotion, rosaries, catechisms, outlines of Christian doctrine, stories of martyrdoms, etc., were translated for the Indians.  Of these there were about sixty in the Tagal, and from three to ten or twelve each in the Visayan, Vicol, Pampanga, Ilocan, Panayan, and Pangasinán languages.

If, as is credibly asserted, the knowledge of reading and writing was more generally diffused in the Philippines than among the common people of Europe, we have the singular result that the islands contained relatively more people who could read, and less reading matter of any but purely religious interest, than any other community in the world.  Yet it would not be altogether safe to assume that in the eighteenth century the list of printed translations into the native languages comprised everything of European literature available for reading; for the Spanish government, in order to promote the learning of Spanish, had prohibited at times the printing of books in Tagal. Furthermore, Zúñiga says explicitly that “after the coming of the Spaniards they (i.e. the people in Luzon) have had comedies, interludes, tragedies, poems, and every kind of literary work translated from the Spanish, without producing a native poet who has composed even an interlude.”

Again, Zúñiga describes a eulogistic poem of welcome addressed by a Filipino villager to Commodore Alava.  This loa, as this species of composition was called, was replete with references to the voyages of Ulysses, the travels of Aristotle, the unfortunate death of Pliny, and other incidents in ancient history.   The allusions indicate some knowledge at any rate outside the field of Christian doctrine, even if it was so slight as not to make it seem beyond the limits of poetic license to have Aristotle drown himself in chagrin at not being able to measure the depths of the sea, or to have Pliny throw himself into Vesuvius in his zeal to investigate the causes of its eruption.  The literary interests of the Indians found their chief expression however in the adaptation of Spanish plays for presentation on religious holidays.  Zúñiga gives an entertaining description of these plays.  They were usually made up from three or four Spanish tragedies, the materials of which were so ingeniously interwoven that the mosaic seemed a single piece.  The characters were always Moors and Christians, and the action centered in the desire of Moors to marry Christian princesses or of Christians to

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marry Moorish princesses.  The Christian appears at a Moorish tournament or vice versa.  The hero and heroine fall in love but their parents oppose obstacles to the match.  To overcome the difficulties in case of a Moor and Christian princess was comparatively easy.  A war opportunely breaks out in which, after prodigies of valor, the Moor is converted and baptized, and the wedding follows.  The case is not so easy when a Christian prince loves a Moorish lady.  Since he can never forsake his religion his tribulations are many.  He is imprisoned, and his princess aids in his attempt to escape, which sometimes costs him his life; or if the scene is laid in war time either the princess is converted and escapes to the Christian army, or the prince dies a tragic death.  The hero is usually provided with a Christ, or other image or relic, given him by his dying mother, which extricates him from his many plights.  He meets lions and bears, and highwaymen attack him; but from all he escapes by a miracle.  If, however, some principal personage is not taken off by a tragic end, the Indians find the play insipid.  During the intermission one or two clowns come out and raise a laugh by jests that are frigid enough “to freeze hot water in the tropics.”  After the play is over a clown appears again and criticizes the play and makes satirical comments on the village officials.  These plays usually lasted three days. Le Gentil attended one of them and says that he does not believe any one in the world was ever so bored as he was. Yet the Indians were passionately fond of these performances.

If one may judge from Retana’s catalogue of his Philippine collection arranged in chronological order, the sketch we have given of the literature accessible to Filipinos who could not read Spanish in the eighteenth century would serve not unfairly for much of the nineteenth.  The first example of secular prose fiction I have noted in his lists is Friar Bustamente’s pastoral novel depicting the quiet charms of country life as compared with the anxieties and tribulations of life in Manila. His collection did not contain so far as I noticed a single secular historical narrative in Tagal or anything in natural science.

Sufficient familiarity with Spanish to compensate for this lack of books of secular knowledge was enjoyed by very few Indians in the country districts and these had learned it mainly while servants of the curate.  It was the common opinion of the Spanish authorities that the Friars purposely neglected instructing the Indians in Spanish, in order to perpetuate their hold upon them; but Zúñiga repels this charge as unjust and untrue. It is obvious that it was impracticable for the Indians to learn Spanish under the mission system.   For the pastor of a pueblo of several hundred families to teach the children Spanish was an impossibility.   A few words or simple phrases might be learned, but the lack of opportunity for constant or even frequent practice of the language in general conversation would make their attainments in it far below those of American grammar-school children in German in cities where that has been a compulsory study. As long as the mission system isolated the pueblos from contact with the world at large, it of necessity followed that the knowledge of Spanish would be practically limited to such Indians as lived in Manila or the larger towns, or learned it in the households of the Friars.  Slavery with its forced transplanting has been the only means by which large masses of alien or lower races have been lifted into the circle of European thought and endowed with a European language. 

If such a result is secured in the future in any large measure for the Filipino, it can be accomplished only by the translation of English or Spanish literature into the Tagal and other languages, on a scale not less generous than the work of the Friars in supplying the literature of religious edification.   This will be a work of not less than two or three generations, and of a truly missionary devotion.

We have now surveyed in its general aspects the old régime in the Philippines, and supplied the necessary material upon which to base a judgment of this contribution of Spain to the advancement of civilization.  In this survey certain things stand out in contrast to the conventional judgment of the Spanish colonial system.  The conquest was humane, and was effected by missionaries more than by warriors.  The sway of Spain was benevolent, although the administration was not free from the taint of financial corruption.   Neither the islands nor their inhabitants were exploited.  The colony in fact was a constant charge upon the treasury of New Spain.  The success of the enterprise was not measured by the exports and imports, but by the number of souls put in the way of salvation.  The people received the benefits of Christian civilization, as it was understood in Spain in the days of that religious revival which we call the Catholic Reaction.   This Christianity imposed the faith and the observances of the mediæval church, but it did for the Philippine islanders who received it just what it did for the Franks or Angles a thousand years earlier.  It tamed their lives, elevated the status of women, established the Christian family, and gave them the literature of the devotional life.

Nor did they pay heavily for these blessings.  The system of government was inexpensive, and the religious establishment was mainly supported by the landed estates of the orders.  Church fees may have been at times excessive, but the occasions for such fees were infrequent.  The tenants of the church estates found the friars easy landlords.  Zúñiga describes a great estate of the Augustinians near Manila of which the annual rental was not over $1,500, while the annual produce was estimated to be not less than $70,000, for it supported about four thousand people. The position of women was fully as good among the Christian Indians of the Philippines as among the Christian people of Europe.  But conspicuous among the achievements of the conquest and conversion of the islands in the field of humanitarian progress, when we consider the conditions

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in other European tropical colonies, have been the prohibition of slavery and the unremitting efforts to eradicate its disguised forms.  These alone are a sufficient proof that the dominating motives in the Spanish and clerical policies were humane and not commercial.  Not less striking proof of the comfortable prosperity of the natives on the whole under the old Spanish rule has been the steady growth of the population.  At the time of the conquest the population in all probability did not exceed a half-million.   In the first half of the eighteenth century according to the historian of the Franciscans, San Antonio, the Christian population was about 830,000.  At the opening of the nineteenth century Zúñiga estimated the total at a million and a half as over 300,000 tributes were paid.  The official estimate in 1819 was just short of 2,600,000; by 1845 Buzeta calculates the number at a little short of four millions.  In the next half century it nearly doubled.

In view of all these facts one must readily accord assent to Zúñiga’s simple tribute to the work of Spain.  “The Spanish rule has imposed very few burdens upon these Indians, and has delivered them from many misfortunes which they suffered from the constant warfare waged by one district with another, whereby many died, and others lived wretched lives as slaves.  For this reason the population increased very slowly, as is now the case with the infidels of the mountain regions who do not acknowledge subjection to the King of Spain.  Since the conquest there has been an increase in well-being and in population.  Subjection to the King of Spain has been very advantageous in all that concerns the body.  I will not speak of the advantage of knowledge of the true God, and of the opportunity to obtain eternal happiness for the soul, for I write not as a missionary but as a philosopher.”

Christianity in the Philippines 39

In little more than a century, most lowland Filipinos were converted to Roman Catholicism. There are a number of reasons why Spanish missionaries were successful in this attempt:

1. Mass baptism - the initial practice of baptizing large numbers of Filipinos at one time enabled the initial conversion to Christianity. Otherwise, there is no way that such a small number of Spanish friars, or Catholic priests, could have accomplished this goal. It is said that many Filipinos associated baptism with their own indigenous 'healing rituals', which also rely on the symbolism of holy water--very typical of Southeast Asian societies.

2. Reduccion policies - in areas where Filipinos lived scattered across the landscape in small hamlets, the Spanish military employed a resettlement policy that they had used successful in Central and Latin America. This policy was called reduccion, and essentially meant a forced relocation of small, scattered settlements into one larger town. The policy was designed for the convenience of administration of the Spanish colony's population, a way for a small number of armed Spanish constabulary to control more easily the movements and actions of a large number of Filipinos. It was also designed to enable Spain to collect taxes from their Christianized converts. Throughout Spanish rule, Christianized Filipinos were forced to pay larger taxes than indios, or native, unChristianized peoples.

The reduccion policy also made it easier for a single Spanish Catholic friar to 'train' Filipinos in the basic principles of Christianity. In reality, the policy was successful in some areas but impossible to enforce. Spanish archives are full of exasperated colonial officials complaining about how such settlements were 'all but abandoned' in many cases after only a few weeks.

3. Attitude of the Spanish clergy in the early phase - Spanish friars were forced to learn the native language of the peoples they sought to convert. Without schools that trained people in Spanish, the Spanish friars had no choice but to say Christian mass and otherwise communicate in the vernacular languages of the Philippines. There are over 200 native languages now; it is unknown how many existed in the beginning of Spanish rule.

In the first half, or 150 years of Spanish rule, friars often supported the plight of local peoples over the abuses of the Spanish military. In the late Spanish period, in contrast, Spanish priests enraged many Filipinos for failing to a) allow otherwise 'trained' Filipino priests to ascend into the higher echelons of the Catholic Church hierarchy in the Philippines; b) return much of the land they had claimed as 'friar estates' to the Philippine landless farmers; and c) recognizing nascent and emerging Filipino demands for more autonomy and a greater say in how the colony was to be managed.

4. Adaptation of Christianity to the local context - Filipinos were mostly animistic in their religious beliefs and practices prior to Spanish intervention. In most areas they revered the departed spirits of their ancestors through ritual offerings, and also believed in a variety of nature spirits. Such beliefs were central to healing practices, harvest rites, and to maintaining a cosmological balance between this world and the afterlife. Spirits were invisible, but also responsible for both good and bad events. Spirits could be blamed for poor harvests,

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illness, and bad luck generally. Yet Filipinos believed that proper ritual feasting of the spirits would appease them, and result in good harvests, healthy recovery of the ill, and the fertility of women.

The legacy of Spanish conquest and colonial rule in the Philippines, as is true of all colonial attempts to 'master' or manage indigenous populations, is mixed. On the one hand, Spanish clergy were very destructive of local religious practices. They systematically destroyed indigenous holy places and 'idols', or statues and representations of indigenous spirits, gods or goddesses. They also tried to stamp out all examples of native scripts and literature for fear that Filipinos were using exotic symbols to foment rebellion. The Spanish also imposed new 'moralities' on Filipinos by discouraging slave holding, polygamy, gambling, and alcohol consumption that were a natural part of the indigenous social and religious practices.At the same time, Hispanic rule left a legacy of syncretic, rather than totally destructive, elements. Spanish clergy introduced some very European features of Catholic practice that blended well with indigenous ritual practices. Spanish Catholic priests relied on vivid, theatrical presentations of stories of the Bible in order to help Filipinos understand the central messages of Christianity. Today, this colonial legacy lives on whenever Filipino Catholics re-enact through religious dramas the passion of Christ, or Christ's martyrdom, during Holy Week.

Antonio de Morga’s Report on the Philippine Colony 40

  Report by the : What is to be said of the condition of affairs in these Philipinas Islands is as follows:Report by the senior auditor, Antonio de Morga on the Philippine Colony

 Instruction and instructors of the Indians

 1. The evil example set by the religious through their vices, indecent behavior, gambling, banquets, and festivities.

2. They trade and make a profit in their districts, from rice, wax, wine, gold, boats, fowls, cloth, and deerskins, to the great detriment of the Indians, as well as that of the entire country.

3. They deal openly in merchandise of the abovementioned articles, as well as in those of China, in the trade with Nueva España.

4. They usurp the royal jurisdiction, hearing, according to the due forms of law, suits among the Indians. They have stocks, prisons, and place of detention, where they vex, whip, and otherwise afflict the Indians, compelling these to obey the laws they themselves make, rather than those of the king's magistrates.

5. They distress the Indians by demanding their services as rowers; and contributions of rice, wine, fowls, and other things, with but slight payment, or even none.

6. They employ many more Indians than are necessary, who serve in many capacities without pay.

7. They levy many excessive fees for baptisms, weddings, and funerals, and then neglect to reserve the episcopal tax.

8. They erect large churches, houses, and monasteries for only one friar, or at the most for two. They often remodel and rebuild these edifices at a great expense to the royal treasury, encomenderos, and Indians.

9. They put forth strenuous efforts to oblige the Indians to bequeath at least a third of their gold and wealth to the monasteries, for which gifts they receive more honor at their death, so that others may be roused to do likewise. Those who do not thus give are buried like beasts.

10. In the churches alms-boxes and chests are placed, in which they compel both men and women alike to drop their offering each one singly, diminishing their property.

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11. They insist on the continual formation of brotherhoods and erection of shrines, so that these may be endowed and adorned and may receive new alms—the Indians understanding no more of the matter than the display and ostentation of the offering.

12. Every monastery has, usually, a great many festivities, which are all attended by the friars throughout the whole province. These are accompanied by many Indians, for the purpose of bearing their hammocks, rowing for them, and acting in other capacities. Thus, year after year, the friars go from one village to another, dragging the Indians after them, and causing great expense.

13. The religious levy many contributions on the Indians for the expense of their festivities, for triumphal arches, castles, and dances. These entertainments are receptions which they compel the Indians to tender, as a welcome, to their provincials and priors, to whom breakfasts and dinners are given also. These festivities occur frequently, and are conducted with much worldly show and expense.

14. They are very careful to exact that all the Indian girls, especially the young and most beautiful, appear at the gates of the monastery every day. They converse with them, showing partiality to the handsomest among them. When a new prior arrives or any other person for whom the religious wish to make a special display, these Indian girls dress themselves carefully and call to see them. Besides this, there are other things which it would be offensive to tell.

15. The superiors commonly send young friars of but little education and no very good example to these curacies. Their conduct is such that the Indians hate them as enemies. Thus the Indians profit but little by the instruction, and acquire a distaste for the law of God and His gospel.

16. They generally spend their time disputing with the alcaldes-mayor. Especially if the latter do not coincide in all their opinions, they persecute and harass them, until they even compel them to leave the country.

17. They accept and encourage complaints and tales by private persons, even though they may be false and unjust; for this enables them to preach to and reprove the people and also the ministers of justice, so that they themselves may be feared and respected. And they do this with great indecorum and license.

18. By means of special study and persistent effort, they strive to participate in government affairs. They desire to have a hand in everything, and to take part in all matters, through the medium of conscience and theology, by means of which they interpret and pick flaws in his Majesty's ordinances. But rarely do they allow his orders to be executed, unless quite to their taste and liking.

19. Many of them undeniably have contracts with the factors, encomenderos, and known capitalists in the trade with España.

20. They are attended by a great following of Indian boys, who serve as pages and servants. These are well dressed, wearing liveries and gold chains. They carry their hats for them in the streets, while in the monastery they assist them in the cells. Each one, however, has his own special servant.

21. These servants, together with other Indians whom they have with them, who are taught to play on the guitar and other instruments, are made to dance, execute lively songs and dances, and to sing profane and immodest tunes. Thus they entertain their guests, setting a bad example to the Indians, without profiting anyone.

22. When they find themselves gainers in wealth, their principal thought is to try to return to España with their profits. This disturbs many here, for by diverse ways and means they endeavor to obtain permission to carry out their design.

23. The orders send many each year, under the pretext that they are going on business for the order. They do not take into consideration that they are needed here, nor the expense to his Majesty in sending them.

24. The more spiritual among them try to go to China, Xapon, Camboxa, and other kingdoms, in order to preach the gospel, unmindful of their duties here, for which they were brought. This anxiety makes them restless, and they invent journeys and conquests which disturb the rulers and the Spaniards. All this gives rise to other objectionable things.

25. They will accept no curacy in any province, unless rich enough to suit them. They abandon the rest, so that there are many islands and provinces whose people ask for baptism but are unable to obtain it, for the lack of

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persons to administer it as well as to impart instruction and to live with the Indians to see that they do not apostatize.

26. Many of the religious treat the Indians very cruelly, just as if they were slaves or dogs. On failure to please, they are beaten, or subjected to any penalty that presents itself, on the pretext that they were remiss in attention to religious instruction.

Ecclesiastical judges and prelates

27. They meddle with the royal jurisdiction. Hitherto they have not been restrained, for they would immediately pronounce excommunication and offer other insults

28. In the cases tried by them, they practice notorious coercion, insulting the parties to the case, executing all that they decide and determine, whether right or wrong—and all this without having any education, or having any person to guide them.

29. The religious have attorneys who speak both languages, and interpreters, whom they invest with authority, and from whom the Indians suffer innumerable offenses and many grievances.

30. Their officials and clerks collect excessive fees and do not keep to the fixed rate.

31. Although his Majesty had ordered no pecuniary fines to be imposed on the Indians for any cause or pretext whatsoever, they are compelled to pay fines of gold and reals, which decrease their property and estate.

32. Some of the judges are quite at variance with others, especially in regard to conservators; and they excommunicate one another and the town, with considerable offense and scandal. Bulls and briefs have been published, unknown to, and not passed or received by, the council.

33. When complaint is made of the excesses and crimes of any ecclesiastic or religious, their superiors do not punish them. On the contrary, saying that it does not befit the dignity of religion to say that they have committed crimes and that they have received punishment, they let the matter drop.

34. The ecclesiastics and religious quietly take away from and add to the instruction at will, and without the supervision of the governor and the ecclesiastical superior, contrary to his Majesty's orders. This occasions many difficulties. They do not allow the bishop to visit their curacies, for fear that the injustice of their action will be discovered.

 Secular government

 35. Negligence and carelessness exist in making the laws, and more in enforcing them, in regard to matters pertaining to the care and advancement of this kingdom, and its good government—and especially to the royal decrees sent by his Majesty, most of which are suspended or not effectively observed.

36. Concerning provisions and all other necessities for human existence, each one is a law unto himself, does what he pleases, and sells as he wishes, without any fixed price, measure, or system. Hence provisions are growing steadily worse and dearer. The natives and Chinese trade, bartering and retailing, which, as above stated, results in the injury and high price of provisions, while the merchandise is adulterated or counterfeited.

37. The thorough efforts which are needed are not made to prevent the natives from becoming vagabonds and idlers; and to make them cease to be peddlers and traders for gain. They must be induced to cultivate the soil, make their cloth, and occupy themselves with their different kinds of work, as they did formerly. Then the land was more productive and they were better off.

38. It is necessary rigorously to restrict the Chinese from going about as they now do among these islands for trade and profit, without any system, robbing the country, enhancing the value of articles, and imparting many bad habits and sins to the natives. They also explore the ports and harbor entrances, and reconnoiter the country, that they may be able to work some injury when occasion offers.

39. It would be very advantageous forcibly to eject all the Sangleys who are scattered throughout the islands—namely, those who are protected by the alcaldes-mayor and the religious—because of the money that they take out of the country, and the injury they cause to it.

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40. These Sangleys should not be allowed to have parians in certain towns of the islands, where there are but few Spaniards. The justices harbor them there for their own profit, and the harvests that they gather from them and their ships, as in Manila. This might prove very harmful and injurious, and renders it necessary that, at the very least, the ship coming to trade shall dispose of its cargo as quickly as possible, and return to China with all those who came in it.

41. It is only just that, when the Sangleys arrive with their ships, they should observe the proclamations issued which prohibit them from bringing many people. Penalties should be exacted, and when the Sangleys return they should take as many people as they can, thus relieving the country from the many here who are an injury to it.

42. We must endeavor to have them sell the merchandise brought by them from China freely to any person who wishes to buy; and we must see that no advantage is taken of anyone, either in their ships or on land, under severe penalties intended to prevent such acts—from which arise obvious injustice, and the increase of the price of their wares.

43. An order must be given to the Chinese to sail early for these islands, so that, during the month of May, their goods shall be sold, and their ships go on the return voyage. This is the best thing, both for the safety of their voyage, and the prevention of so excessive prices on their goods.

44. We must endeavor to have them bring good merchandise, not defective or spurious. As they are an unscrupulous race, they adulterate the goods, which they would not do if they saw that notice was taken of their action, and that the goods that were not up to the standard were burned.

45. All possible care must be taken to prevent their trusting their goods to Spaniards, for without knowing them, the Sangleys let them have the goods at an enhanced price, without personal security; and afterward the Sangleys tire themselves and us in trying to collect the money, so that credit is lost.

46. Action should be taken, so that these Sangleys should not be afflicted as at present by any judges, constables, and interpreters—who, by various pretexts and calumnies, cheat and rob them, and perpetrate much fraud, coercion, and bribery.

47. The great number of Sangley interpreters must be decreased. These serve for no other purpose than to commit innumerable acts of bribery, corruption, and fraud with the Chinese.

48. It would be much better for the Chinese who become Christians not to dress like Spaniards. The latter should resume their accustomed labors so that it might not be necessary for many Sangleys to remain in the country to perform the needful service. They should cultivate and till the soil, which they do not do at present, because of which arise many bad results.

49. Measures must be taken to enforce his Majesty's decree, under severe penalties, so that the royal officials, clerks, and guards who register and appraise the merchandise of the Sangleys in their vessels, shall not take the goods for themselves, or pick out the best, or give promissory notes. This is very unjust and oppressive.

50. The Chinese captains and merchants should be ordered, under penalty of being imprisoned and fined, to bring saltpeter, iron, and other metals, which they have refused to bring of later years, and of which there is great need.

51. When the Sangley ships are about to depart, they are ballasted and loaded with lumber. This should be prohibited, for they fell the trees for this, and in a short time there will be a lack of wood here.

52. All the Japanese coming hither in their vessels would better be sent back to Xapon. Not one should be allowed to settle in this kingdom.

53. Those already here should be banished to their own country, for they are of no benefit or utility; but, on the contrary, very harmful.

54. On departing, the Japanese are wont to take cargoes of silk and gold, which are merchandise intended for Xapon. This should not be allowed until the Spaniards have made their purchases, for it increases the price of silk.

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55. The Japanese and Chinese strive to take many deerskins as merchandise from these islands to Xapon. They hunt for these, and buy them from the Indians and even the religious, who give and sell them. This traffic must be stopped, for it is very injurious to the country, as the animals are killed solely for their skins, and thus the supply of game will become exhausted.

56. The flour, biscuits, and wax brought from Xapon are suitable commodities for this country. Some persons have already become so keen in their plans to dispose of these goods that they buy them by wholesale, store them, and retail them. This must be prohibited, and an order issued to the effect that this state shall be provided and supplied with them at moderate rates.

57. It does not appear that the alcaldes and regidors of Manila use their offices to the good of the state, but each for his own private interests. They must be instructed in their duties, and punished for any negligence.

58. There is no system in regard to the provision of beef, for there is no one who is compelled to provide it. What there is, is not properly cleaned. It is not cut, divided, or weighed with equality and fairness. As the regidors and people in authority are the owners of the cattle, they weigh and sell them as they please, without observing any system.

59. There is likely to be a scarcity of rice, for the city does not make the necessary provision for it. Those who have this grain—the encomenderos—hoard it and make a profit from it, selling it to the Sangleys at high rates; and thus it becomes dear. The same thing is true of fowls. The rate fixed is not observed, and no one takes any pains to enforce it.

60. Fish is the most abundant and most general food supply. The Indians do not occupy themselves, as formerly, in fishing, but leave this work to the Chinese. These avaricious and interested people have raised the prices, an evil that must be restrained and checked.

61. The fishing is done with salambaos, 7 and with fine-meshed nets; with which they block up the bay and kill the small fish. These nets ought not be employed, and the size of the mesh should be regulated so that the supply of fish will not be exhausted; for already experience has demonstrated that they are not so abundant as formerly.

62. We have gardeners and kitchen-gardens now. Although there were none before, yet the price of vegetables has increased beyond any former price. This occurs because of the lack of fixed rates, and because a man is kept on guard in the market-place to prevent robbery by the soldiers and other people. Now this man allows whatever price the Sangleys may name, which results to his profit; for they pay him for it, while he strives only to keep them satisfied.

63. Considerable trouble exists here in regard to the current silver money, because the Sangleys generally cut and clip it, and because they cut into many pieces the single reals for the trade in small articles, for which formerly they bartered with rice. This truly serious abuse must be corrected by an ordinance.

64. In both the conduct and dress of men and women, unwarrantable extravagance and license exist. Rich and poor, and chiefs and common people alike, all wish to dress in fine garments, have their wives carried in chairs attended by pages, have carpets in the churches, and many other unwarrantable luxuries, from which arise many difficulties. As far as possible this condition of affairs must be remedied.

65. In Manila the men are accustomed to gamble for enormous and excessive stakes; whatever of this sort is especially objectionable should be corrected. During the visits and intercourse of the women, their chief diversion is to play cards, and more commonly than is becoming to their station. Men are admitted to these games, from which might arise greater evils. This matter requires attention.

66. For very just and necessary considerations, the Sangleys have not been allowed to sleep in the city. This measure should still be enforced rigorously.

67. There are a great number of Indians, both men and women, in the city of Manila, who are vagabonds of evil life, living in the houses of the Spaniards. Their own houses they use for receiving the goods stolen by their slaves, and for their revelries. The Spaniards aid them, and thus waste the provisions. They are retailers and secretly buy up the provisions at wholesale. They commit other sins and do much harm, as is notorious. Therefore it is necessary that they be expelled from the city and sent to their villages and parishes, and made to work.

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68. The country is becoming filled with black slaves and Cafres,8 brought by the Portuguese, and these are the worst that the Portuguese have. They do a great deal of damage, transgress the law, and will cause the ruin of this city and country; for they rebel at least every year, seize vessels, and take flight, committing many outrages and thefts. It is contrary to the law to bring these slaves, unless very young, but this law is poorly observed. It is advisable to take the measures necessary in this matter.

69. Large fires have occurred in the city of Manila, and are constantly occurring. Although many of the buildings and houses are of stone, still many are made of wood, or of bamboo thatched with leaves, of the nipa palm. It was decreed that all be covered with roof tiles, but this law is not rigorously enforced. It is advisable to have this law observed, both to diminish the danger, and for the well-being of the city.

70. The streets of the city are in poor condition, and are very uneven. During the rainy season, they are almost impassable, and should be repaired.

71. In regard to the public works of the city—the cabildo's hall, the prison, and the slaughter-house—they should be constructed as soon as possible, for their absence causes great hardship.

72. The Sangleys are buying gardens, estates, and other country property, which may prove harmful. They are also establishing themselves in these lands, and in the houses of some of the orders, contrary to his Majesty's ordinance. The small size of this country may render this more harmful than in other countries.

73. Monasteries have occupied several of the streets of the city, and a portion of the space between the fortifications and the houses. This needs investigation.

74. In the offices and places of gain belonging to the country, the men employed should be selected with regard to merit and skill, and for no other reason. Especially if they are incapable, or excluded by royal decrees, should they be refused employment.

75. The same with regard to the provision for repartimientos and encomiendas of the Indians.

76. The people of the country wish to be maintained in peace and justice. They desire the punishment of all crimes, but object, on account of the newness of the country, to penalties which affect property, in the case of insignificant offenses.

77. It is requisite that, in the treatment of their persons, and especially of those who merit consideration, those who are in authority show the people respect, courtesy, and affability.

78. Those in authority must avoid having a great following of servants and retainers; and those that they do have they must pay and recompense from their own pockets, and must not bestow on them the offices or profits of the country. This is a very unjust proceeding, as there is not sufficient even for those who serve, because of the small extent of this country.

79. Those in authority must refuse to allow such servants and friends to trade and make contracts, and to buy goods at wholesale and to embark in commercial enterprises; because they exercise much coercion and inflict many wrongs—spreading the report that it is on behalf of those in authority. No one, therefore, dares to institute a suit against them.

80. The said relations, servants, and friends of those in authority ought not to be permitted to become regidors or city officials; for besides being incapable of filling such positions, and having no experience in the ways of this country, they only serve to deprive the others who fill these offices of freedom of action, so that no necessary measures can be enacted in their cabildos, if it is at all against the will of those in authority.

81. His Majesty's orders, contained in many decrees, to the effect that none but inhabitants of these islands should engage in trade here, must be put into rigid execution, as well as all else in them concerning the inhabitants, for this is the only salvation for the country.

82. In regard to the weight and cargo in the vessels sailing to Nueva España, it is essential that those in authority protect the citizens, since there is but one August and one harvest. They should strive to allow the citizens to pursue their occupations freely and leisurely, and to have the cargo loaded by those only who can justly do so.

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83. Just as it is requisite to use restraint sometimes, in order to prevent the troops in this land from going on some enterprises, so likewise expeditions and pacifications must be arranged as a means of employing them; for as idlers they gain nothing, nor does the country receive any profit. At other times it is necessary to allow some to return to España, for thus others will lose their fear of coming to this country.

84. The hospitals, especially that for the Spaniards, ought to be greatly favored, as they are the asylums for all the needy. The same is true of the house of Santa Potenciana.

 Affairs of war

 85. Those in authority must not give the companies or other garrisons into the charge of their relatives, friends, or servants, especially if they are mere youths and of but little experience. This is a notorious wrong, since there are so many deserving men who are suffering and dying from hunger.

86. Every man in the royal garrison must serve in case of war, and none should be excused because of being a relative, servant, or friend, or for any other reason. There are many who are thus excused.

87. The captains and officers ought to be more painstaking in disciplining and drilling their soldiers, and in knowing what arms they possess, and whether they are in good condition. The men should be well treated, disciplined, and thoroughly under control. They should not gamble away or sell their clothes or arms.

88. When a soldier commits any crime for which he merits punishment, his captain must not hide or palliate the offense, in order to save him from prison or from being punished—as is done quite commonly, to the great injury of all.

89. It is indispensable that the walls and fort should be always kept in repair and garrisoned.

90. The same is true in regard to the artillery, of which there should be a good supply, but of which there is at present a great lack.

91. Warships ready for any emergency are needed, but at present we have none.

92. There are but few arms in the armory, and those few are rotten and out of order. This need is notorious; and all classes of weapons, especially muskets and arquebuses, must be made.

93. Carrying arms out of the country must be prohibited. This is done quite commonly by the Portuguese and by the natives, and is a proceeding which causes great injury.

94. Gunners are greatly needed, as we have but few of them, and these few do not understand artillery.

95. The artillery is badly mounted, and left exposed to sun and rain. The caissons and wheels are rotted and of no use. Balls and cartridges are all mixed up; besides, none of the other supplies are laid out so that they can be used when occasion (much more a sudden emergency) may require.

96. The gunpowder should always be well refined, and stored in different places, and not in one house, in order to prevent accidents. This should be done with the other ammunition.

97. The soldiers' lodgings at the garrison need rebuilding, as they are inadequate to the needs of the men, who will not then suffer their present necessities. Also this will do away with their disorderly conduct in the city by day, and especially that at night.

98. It is extremely necessary to adopt some system with regard to payment, so that the soldiers would not squander it in gambling. A portion should be retained and paid out each day for food and clothing. Through this lack of system much suffering has resulted, and many soldiers have died. Consequently many are unfit to serve.

99. The soldiers should be kept as busy as possible, for in Manila they give themselves up to laziness and vice. When most needed, they are found to be undrilled, and so unfit for their work. Especially should they be made to go aboard the vessels as often as possible, for in these islands it is very necessary that they go to sea and know how to fight on the water. In fact, this is generally the kind of fighting to be done here.

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100. In the other cities and places of these islands, it is necessary that the magistrates and the officers of war should always be on the alert, ready themselves, and their Indians also, for any emergency that should arise. They should have ships that would inspire respect; because enemies or corsairs are apt to attack them, with whom they lose time and reputation by not hurrying to encounter them.

101. Expeditions and enterprises for pacification or conquest outside of the islands must be scrutinized very carefully. Before going on them, it must be understood and determined that those sent on such expeditions must give account and residencia of their duties and methods of procedure.

102. In respect to crimes committed by the soldiers, when these are slight offenses there is but little to register, or little judicial procedure to be observed; but when they are of greater import, and the penalty therefore is severe, it is just that the case be registered and substantiated so that the proper course of justice may be observed, and so that they may be prosecuted in due form of law.

 Justice

 103. As for justice, there has been much negligence in punishing public excesses and faults. Many things—and some of them of great importance—have been overlooked or covered up. This has led to other irregularities, such as reckless, continual, and fraudulent gambling, and concubinage.

104. From Nueva España many disreputable men, condemned to the galleys, are brought here, and allowed to disembark and go where they will, dressed and armed like the rest of the people. They are not often tried; and not only do they not pay the penalty for their crimes, but even commit other atrocities and crimes here.

105. The ordinary judges are lax in their duties, are not prompt in finishing the business of the advocates, and in fact, neglect this duty greatly. They do not patrol or visit suspected places, nor watch over the government, supplies, and civil affairs of their districts.

106. The chief aim of the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and assistants, is trade. They buy up by wholesale the products of the land, especially rice and other food supplies, exactly as is said above concerning the religious of certain curacies, and their interpreters and helpers.

107. They try old suits of which they cannot know the details, and stir up many suits and processes among the Indians, at great expense to the latter.

108. Neither they nor their clerks observe the schedule when levying the fees. In their own behalf they afflict and trouble the Indians with outrageous requirements, making them cut wood, serve as rowers, and perform other services.

109. The first thing that they do, on entering their provinces, is to lay hands immediately on all the property of the communities, and to use it for their own advantage. When their offices expire, they seldom return the property to the community.

110. If they collect any fines belonging to the royal treasury, or to expenses of justice, they conceal them, keeping no book or account sufficient to enable such fines to be demanded from them. The same is true of the tenths of gold.

111. It is not advantageous for these acaldes-mayor and corregidors, or their assistants or friends, to receive the royal collections, for they perpetrate numberless frauds and cheats, both against the royal treasury and against the Indians; and there is no remedy for this, as they themselves administer justice. They hold the collections in their possession for a long time, trading with them, and the royal treasury is the loser.

112. They leave their provinces when and how they please, without permission of those in authority; and when others are appointed to their offices, they immediately depart, in order not to have their residencia taken. Thus they are not to be found in office, and escape being made to give satisfaction for the injuries that they have committed, and being prosecuted by justice.

113. They are not accustomed to obey the commands and orders sent them by their superiors unless these suit them; for this they must be severely rebuked.

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114. Hitherto their residencias have been decided and taken with all mildness and little investigation, so that they have lost all fear, and dare to lead lives of carelessness and hypocrisy. Therefore it would be advantageous to take their residencias more strictly, so that they should live hereafter with care.

115. They do not watch carefully so that the religious shall not usurp their jurisdiction or meddle in matters that do not pertain to them; they do this in order not to have disputes and quarrels with the religious, lest they themselves should not be allowed to live and buy and sell as they please. This is a detriment to the public service.

116. Those in authority ought to refrain from asking or requiring the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, etc., to supply them with provisions, or other things from their provinces, even when they pay for them; for, in the name of those in authority, they do the same for themselves, much more and with greater freedom, and to the greater loss of the country. Then they lay the blame on the one who ordered it, thus excusing themselves.

117. Many are haughty and disrespectful to the religious and ministers of instruction, always inclined to contend and disagree with them. This is also disgraceful and of little profit for any. Severe measures must be adopted in this regard.

 Encomenderos

 118. They pay no attention to the schedule in the collection of their tributes, and usually practice frauds to violate it.

119. They collect tribute from minor Indians, and from the aged, the lame, the poor, the dead, and the fugitive—their oppressions in this respect being well known.

120. They employ the Indians in building houses and large vessels, grinding rice, cutting wood, and carrying it all to their houses and to Manila; and then pay them little or nothing for their labor. They use them also for their own work for many days without pay.

121. They themselves administer justice in their village, arresting and whipping their Indians during the collection of the tribute, besides committing other notorious acts of violence.

122. They pay but little attention to the instruction of the Indians or anything pertaining to it. They pay grudgingly the stipends of their curacies, as well as the money for the building and adornment of churches. In this regard they are at continual variance with the ministers, and the Indians are the losers by it.

123. Although not authorized to remain in their villages longer than to collect the tribute, they go to and live in them at many other times. This proves a great burden to the Indians; because of the annoyances, and the requirements of services and contributions with which they afflict them, and which constitute the only purpose of their going.

124. At other times they send collectors, who are very unworthy and have no compassion on the cause of the Indians, whom they afflict and maltreat worse even than do their masters, and do them more harm. In most cases, these collectors are not approved by those in authority, nor do they bear permission from them.

125. They dispute and quarrel with the magistrates on slight pretexts, and incite their Indians not to obey them or listen to their summons. This they do quite commonly, whenever they fail to find the judges unwilling to shield them in whatever they choose to do in their encomiendas. If they act in harmony, it generally means more injury to the wretched Indians.

 The Royal Estate

 126. These encomenderos conceal in great part the amount of the tributes collected by them, and show only partial lists of the collections. Usually they retain the amount in their own hands for a long time, before bringing it to the treasury.

127. The most important thing here is the royal treasury, for on it all the people of the islands depend; yet it receives the least care and the poorest management.

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128. There is little thought given to ensure its increase, or to prevent its decrease. There has been a great falling off in the matter of tributes, tenths of gold, and other taxes that belong to it. Some excellent provisions for its management were ordered in the past, but are neither carried out nor even considered.

129. The royal officials have no statutes for their guidance, beyond some decrees of the governors, which do not cover all the requirements of their offices.

130. The royal books are not kept with the requisite clearness and system. Entries are not set down with exactness, or at the right time. The officials commonly use loose memoranda, which may give rise to much loss, although it may not be fraudulent.

131. All the officials do not go over the work. On the contrary, many different matters are put in charge of one alone, such as the collections of the duties and other things, account of which is rendered to the treasury after a long time. In the meantime the treasury is the loser.

132. The officials very often receive royal property at their residences without passing it in to the treasury. They use it to suit themselves.

133. The notary of the exchequer is not present when money is paid to or from the treasury, and it is done without him, contrary to his Majesty's commands. This may give opportunity for wrong and fraud.

134. In order to accommodate individual debtors to the treasury, orders and notes are often received on account for the payment, and then they try to realize on them.

135. They have been seen to receive into their houses, from collectors and others who were bringing goods to the treasury, great amounts thereof, which they employ in their own affairs and needs; not depositing them in the treasury for a long time.

136. They have used the royal tributes of rice, wine, gold, and cloth in the same way.

137. The royal warehouses were entirely under the control of the factor for a long time, with less assurance of safety than if they were under the control of all three officials. Some time ago, they were put under control of all three, but these have entrusted the keys to three servants or followers. This arrangement, far from increasing the royal estate, is an excuse for them to draw pay from the royal treasury; and it does not satisfactorily fulfil the royal intention—namely, that these officials should carry the keys on their own persons, in order to avoid all damage and loss to the royal stores.

138. There is little interest taken in selling and administrating the goods in the storehouses before they are spoiled, as has been the case with much of their contents.

139. The timely use of rice and other supplies, and the cutting of wood for the ships is not considered. This necessitates greater cost and damage afterwards.

140. In the expenditure for repairing ships and other royal vessels made in Cavite, there has been spent much more than appears by Master de Ribera's statement, which was verified only by his word and oath. This is a very extensive scheme, in which there may have been considerable loss and fraud between the factor and Master de Ribera, because the expense has been very heavy and is not clearly stated.

141. Galleys, vireys, caracoas, fragatas, and other royal vessels have been lost because of inadequate shelter.

142. There are many places in which are employed sailors, gunners, calkers, coopers, and other seafaring men, who are superfluous, unnecessary, and of no service. They create notorious expense and are maintained in these employments on account of being servants, relatives, and friends of those in authority.

143. There are many sinecures and gratuities given by those in authority, which are enjoyed by officials, clerks, officials of the accounts, and royal officials—all without his Majesty's orders and contrary to his intention.

144. Many soldiers enlisted are excused from service for private reasons.

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145. There are many more captains and their officers in the camp than is necessary. These cause a useless expense and waste, and this is a matter requiring reform.

146. Many draw salaries as commanders and captains of galleys, when there are no galleys; and some as knights of the city, who do not serve in its defense, and of whom there is no necessity.

147. The governors of the forts of Nuestra Señora de Guia and Santiago draw larger salaries than his Majesty ordered.

148. The consignments made by the king to his treasury are confused with other payments.

149. But little care is exercised in collecting all the royal dues from the vessels coming from España, because they are always laden beyond the appraisal. The same is true in regard to freight and the dues on the money coming from España, more of which always comes than the register shows.

150. The collectors sent to make the collections for the royal treasury and those of the tributes do not usually bring them in promptly; and they perpetrate many frauds and injuries, so that each time the collections are smaller. Sometimes it has been observed that they retain the money collected, and that with the knowledge of the officials themselves, because they are favorites of the latter.

151. Many times they delay making the final account of the debtors to the royal treasury, and fail to collect the balance of their debts, on account of private considerations.

152. There are many old debts that the treasury owes, the payment of which is unavoidably suspended. To cancel these it will be necessary to send to the treasury of Mexico for the deficiency, with the required authorization.

153. Likewise, as the salaries and expenses have already accumulated to a considerable sum, we must perforce send, each year, to the said treasury of Mexico for the means to pay it all when due.

The Navigation to España

 154. The giving of positions on the trading ships of the Nueva España route is a great detriment to the country. In the first place this advantage is enjoyed by those who have not served in this land, thus depriving of it those who have served.

155. As persons who have no compassion on the citizens of this country, they busy themselves only for their own interests, and not for the good of the country.

156. Many of those in the naval and military service come here who are useless and troublesome. This is a great expense to the king, and all to no purpose.

157. The soldiers come naked, unarmed, and starving, because their captains have only tried to cheat them.

158. The ships return loaded with the investments of the officers of the ships. Besides their own goods, they have been entrusted with large commissions and trusts in Mexico, which they execute and fulfil to the great deprivation of this country. They receive excessive salaries all the time until their return to España, which might be dispensed with if they were officials of these islands.

159. After they depart for Nueva España with their vessels, then for greater comfort and the better stowing of their merchandise, they throw overboard the goods of our citizens, without any necessity. This they do without any feeling of compassion for the many whom they ruin. It makes no difference to them, for they are going where they cannot be proceeded against, and where it is impossible to follow them.

160. Usually those who come in those positions are relatives and servants of the viceroy of Nueva España. They are mere youths and have no experience in their duties. Innumerable frauds and injuries are perpetrated in the despatch of the vessels at Acapulco, of which I shall not speak in detail, for that one point alone would require a great deal of paper. Manila, June 8, 1598.

THE DECLINE OF SPANISH RULE, 1762-1898 In 1762

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Spain became involved in the Seven Years' War (1756-63) on the side of France against Britain; in October 1762, forces of the British East India Company captured Manila after fierce fighting. Spanish resistance continued under Lieutenant Governor Simón de Anda, based at Bacolor in Pampanga Province, and Manila was returned to the Spanish in May 1764 in conformity with the Treaty of Paris, which formally ended the war. The British occupation nonetheless marked, in a very significant sense, the beginning of the end of the old order.

Spanish prestige suffered irreparable damage because of the defeat at British hands. A number of rebellions broke out, of which the most notable was that of Diego Silang in the Ilocos area of northern Luzon. In December 1762, Silang expelled the Spanish from the coastal city of Vigan and set up an independent government. He established friendly relations with the British and was able to repulse Spanish attacks on Vigan, but he was assassinated in May 1763. The Spanish, tied down by fighting with the British and the rebels, were unable to control the raids of the Moros of the south on the Christian communities of the Visayan Islands and Luzon. Thousands of Christian Filipinos were captured as slaves, and Moro raids continued to be a serious problem through the remainder of the century. The Chinese community, resentful of Spanish discrimination, for the most part enthusiastically supported the British, providing them with laborers and armed men who fought de Anda in Pampanga.

After Spanish rule was restored, José Basco y Vargas one of the ablest of Spanish administrators, was the governor from 1778 to 1787, and he implemented a series of reforms designed to promote the economic development of the islands and make them independent of the subsidy from New Spain. In 1781 he established the Economic Society of Friends of the Country, which, throughout its checkered history extending over the next century, encouraged the growth of new crops for export--such as indigo, tea, silk, opium poppies, and abaca (hemp)--and the development of local industry. A government tobacco monopoly was established in 1782. The monopoly brought in large profits for the government and made the Philippines a leader in world tobacco production.

The venerable galleon trade between the Philippines and Mexico continued as a government monopoly until 1815, when the last official galleon from Acapulco docked at Manila. The Royal Company of the Philippines, chartered by the Spanish king in 1785, promoted direct trade from that year on between the islands and Spain. All Philippine goods were given tariff-free status, and the company, together with Basco's Economic Society, encouraged the growth of a cash-crop economy by investing a portion of its early profits in the cultivation of sugar, indigo, peppers, and mulberry trees for silk, as well as in textile factories.

Philippine Revolts Againts Spain 42

During the Spanish colonization of the Philippines, several revolts against Spain were undertaken for various reasons. However, it can be agreed upon that the common underlying cause of these revolts were the generally repressive policies of the Spanish colonial government against the native Filipinos. Many of these revolts though have failed.

First Pampanga Revolt (1585)

The First Pampanga Revolt in 1585 was undertaken by native Kapampangan leaders against Spanish encomenderos due to abuses felt by the natives inflicted by the encomenderos. The revolt included a plot to storm Intramuros. However, the plot was foiled before it was even implemented, since a Filipina married to a Spanish soldier reported the plot to Spanish authorities. For their actions, the leaders of the revolt were ordered executed.

Revolt Against the Tribute (1589)

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The Revolt Against the Tribute occurred in the present day provinces of Cagayan, Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur in 1589. The natives, which included the Ilocanos, Ibanags and others, rose in revolt over alleged abuses by tax collectors, such as the collection of unjust taxes. Governor-General Santiago de Vera sent Spanish troops to pacify the rebels. They were eventually granted pardon, along with the overhaul of the Philippine tax system.

Sumuroy Revolt (1649-50)

In what is today the town of Palapag in Northern Samar, Juan Ponce Sumuroy, a Waray, and some of his followers rose in arms on June 1, 1649 over the polo system being undertaken in Samar. This is known as the Sumuroy Revolt, named after Juan Ponce Sumuroy.

The government in Manila directed that all natives subject to the polo are not to be sent to places distant from their hometowns to do their polo. However, under orders of the various town alcaldes, or mayors, Samarnons were being sent to the shipyards of Cavite to do their polo, which sparked the revolt. The local parish priest of Palapag was murdered and the revolt eventually spread to Mindanao, Bicol and the rest of the Visayas, especially in places such as Cebu, Masbate, Camiguin, Zamboanga, Albay, Camarines and parts of northern Mindanao, such as Surigao. A free government was also established in the mountains of Samar.

The defeat, capture and execution of Sumuroy in June 1650 led to the end of the revolt.

Dagohoy Revolt (1744-1829)

In 1744 in what is now the province of Bohol, what is known today as the Dagohoy Revolt was undertaken by Francisco Dagohoy and some of his followers. This revolt is unique since it is the only Philippine revolt completely related to matters of religious customs.

After a duel in which Dagohoy's brother died, the local parish priest refused to give his brother a proper Christian burial, since dueling is a mortal sin. The refusal of the priest to give his brother a proper Christian burial eventually led to the longest revolt ever held in Philippine history: 85 years. It also led to the establishment of a free Boholano government. Twenty governors-general, from Juan Arrechederra to Manuel Ricafort Palacín y Ararca, failed to stop the revolt. Ricafort himself sent a force of 2,200 troops to Bohol, which was defeated by Dagohoy's followers. Another attack, also sent by Ricafort in 1828 and 1829, failed as well.

Dagohoy died two years before the revolt ended, though, which led to the end of the revolt in 1829. Some 19,000 survivors were granted pardon and were eventually allowed to live in new Boholano villages: namely, the present-day towns of Balilihan, Batuan, Bilar (Vilar), Catigbian and Sevilla (Cabulao).

Agrarian Revolt (1745-46)

The Agrarian Revolt was a revolt undertaken between the years 1745 and 1746 in much of the present-day CALABARZON (specifically in Batangas, Laguna and Cavite) and in Bulacan, with its first sparks in the towns of Lian and Nasugbu in Batangas. Filipino landowners rose in arms over the land-grabbing of Spanish friars, with native landowners demanding that Spanish priests return their lands on the basis of ancestral domain.

The refusal of the Spanish priests resulted in much rioting, resulting in massive looting of convents and arson of churches and ranches. The case was eventually investigated by Spanish officials and was even heard in the court of King Philip IV, in which he ordered the priests to return the lands they seized. The priests were successfully able to appeal the return of lands back to the natives, which resulted in no land being returned to native landowners.

Silang Revolt (1762-63)

Arguably one of the most famous revolts in Philippine history is the Silang Revolt from 1762 to 1763, led by the couple of Diego and Gabriela Silang. Unlike the other revolts, this revolt took place during the British invasion of Manila.

On December 14, 1762, Diego Silang declared the independence of Ilocandia, naming the state "Free Ilocos" and proclaimed Vigan the capital of this newly-independent state. The British heard about this revolt in Manila and even asked the help of Silang in fighting the Spanish.

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However, Silang was killed on May 28, 1763 by Miguel Vicos, a friend of Silang. The Spanish authorities paid for his murder, leading to his death in the arms of his wife, Gabriela. She continued her husband's struggle, earning the title "Joan of Arc of the Ilocos" because of her many victories in battle. The battles of the Silang revolt are a prime example of the use of divide et impera, since Spanish troops largely used Kampampangan soldiers to fight the Ilocanos.

Eventually, the revolt ended with the defeat of the Ilocanos. Gabriela Silang was executed by Spanish authorities in Vigan on September 10, 1763.

Basi Revolt (1807)

The Basi Revolt, also known as the Ambaristo Revolt, was a revolt undertaken from September 16-28, 1807. It was led by Pedro Ambaristo with its events occurring in the present-day town of Piddig in Ilocos Norte. This revolt is unique as it revolves around the Ilocanos' love for basi, or sugarcane wine.

In 1786, the Spanish colonial government expropriated the manufacture and sale of basi, effectively banning private manufacture of the wine, which was done before expropriation. Ilocanos were forced to buy from government stores. However, wine-loving Ilocanos in Piddig rose in revolt on September 16, 1807, with the revolt spreading to nearby towns and with fighting lasting for weeks. Spanish troops eventually quelled the revolt on September 28, 1807, albeit with much force and loss of life on the losing side.

Pule Revolt (1840-41)

One of the most famous religious revolts is the Pule Revolt, more formally known as the Religious Revolt of Hermano Pule. Undertaken between June 1840 and November 1841, this revolt was led by Apolinario de la Cruz, otherwise known as "Hermano Pule".

De la Cruz started his own religious order, the Confraternity of Saint Joseph (Spanish: Confradia de San José) in Lucban, located in the present-day province of Quezon (then called Tayabas), in June of 1840. However, there were two types of priests in the Philippines then: secular priests, or parish priests, which were usually Filipino, and religious priests, or convent priests, which were usually Spanish. Due to the concentration of Spanish religious power and authority in the already-established religious orders (the Augustinians, Jesuits and Franciscans to name a few) and the concept that Filipino priests should only stay in the church and not the convent and vice-versa (although this was not always followed), the Spanish government banned the new order, especially due to its deviation from original Catholic rituals and teachings, such as prayers and rituals suited for Filipinos.

However, thousands of people in Tayabas, Batangas, Laguna and even Manila already joined. Because of this, the Spanish government sent in troops to forcibly break up the order, forcing De la Cruz and his followers to rise in armed revolt in self-defense. Many bloody battles were fought with the order's last stand in Mount San Cristobal, near Mount Banahaw, in October of 1841. The Spaniards eventually won, and Apolinario de la Cruz was executed on November 4, 1841 in the then-provincial capital, Tayabas.It did not end there, though. Many members of the Spanish armed forces' Tayabas regiment, based in Malate in Manila, had relatives that were members of the order, of which many of those relatives were also killed in the ensuing violence. On January 20, 1843, the regiment, led by Sergeant Irineo Samaniego, rose in mutiny, eventually capturing Fort Santiago in Intramuros. The next day, however, the gates of Fort Santiago were opened by loyalist soldiers. After a bloody battle, the mutineers were defeated by loyalist troops, resulting in the execution of Samaniego and 81 of his followers the same day.

PEASANT MOVEMENTS IN THE COLONIAL AND POST-COLONIAL PERIODS 41

  The streams in peasant movements may be traced in several periods, which reflect qualitative changes in the political, socio-cultural and economic conditions.  A. 1565-1663  Peasant movements within this period were generally characterized as immediate reactions to the different aspects of colonialism and the state that the local communities were confronting at the time of contact. 

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The revolts were brought about largely as a result of:1. oppression through colonial policies such as the tribute, bandala (or reales compras) , polo, and

other extractions;2. (reaction to) the alien character of the new state imposed upon the people (this was true among the

dispossessed datu and maharlika class, and may have been a deeper motivation); and negation of ancient ways and beliefs (as foreign values and customs were thrust upon the country, resulting in social disorientation).

  In particular instances, the revolts differed in the specific mixture of the elements that went into their making. Nonetheless, it will be useful to summarize the general character of and directions in these peasant movements.  Revolts in LUZON were generally more political in character, specifically within the old Pampanga-Manila-Mindoro area of state construction. In Ilocos, meanwhile, revolts constituted a religio-cultural, nativistic negation of Hispanic cultural predominance.  In the VISAYAS, nativistic sentiment was much stronger than elsewhere, as indicated in the fact that the communities sought in the ancient religion and culture the strength and resources for the struggle against Spanish political and cultural dominance.  

LUZON REVOLTSDate Description of struggle Base and scope

June 1571(3 days)

MACABEBES led by "the King of Macabebes"Some 2,000 Macababe warriors (from Pampanga),a reaction against foreign political set-up and religion; quelled by Pintados and Spanish soldiers under Goiti

Tondo(Manila-Mindoro circumference area)

August 1571 Tagalogs Cainta1574 Manila Revolt led by Lakan Dula, involving some 10,000

natives (during Limahong's attacks) as reactions against Spanish officials extractions of food supply; turned out to be anti-Spanish (civil officials and priests)

Navotas (Manila)to Cavite, Batangas, and Mindoro

1585 TONDO CONSPIRACY (of all the datus of the (1st attempt) Pampanga and Tagalog Region) to expel the Spaniards led by Agustin de Legazpi, Martin Panga,

Manila, Batangas, Cavite, Laguna,Bulacan

1587 (Second attempt) led by Magat Salamat - with the help of the Japanese at first, and then of the Borneans

 

1584 *Because of the famine caused by the polo Pampanga1580s Reported: numerous revolts in Cagayan

and Ilocos as initial reactions to colonial policies 

1596 Magalat Cagayan1607 "Chief of Malaguey" Cagayan1643 led by Don Pedro Ladia, nativist political revolt with

religious undertones. Ladia claimed the right to be "King over the provinces of the Tagalogs" in his appeal to the ancient indigenous religion

Bulacan

1645 led by "an Indian sorcerer," *nativist, religious (kill the Spaniards and the religion which caused the people disaster, "slay the fathers and burn the churches")

Nueva Ecija (Gapan in Pampanga then)

1660 MANIAGO REVOLT (was actually a non-revolt) led by Don Francisco Maniago, initially caused by natives' protest against the polo and bandala, later became a struggle to free the natives from Spanish rule. The rebels were weakened by Gov. de Lara's cooperation of Arayat chief Macapagal.

Pampanga, with contacts in Pangasinan, the Ilocos and Cagayan

  PANGASINAN REVOLT (Malong) led by Don Andres Malong, the "King of Pangasinan" with some 11,000 men in all. Called for the elimination of the Spanishcivil bureaucracy, in place of which Malong set up a rudimentary one consisting of a count, a judge, and army generals based at "Palapag"; his weakness: he spared the religious which was why he did not have a committed following.

Pangasinan 

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GUMAPOS, with the help of Zambals and de Vera Ilocos and Cagayan  ILOCOS REVOLT led by Pedro Almazan, "King of the Ilocos",

with the help of Isnegs; response to Malong's appealIlocos

VISAYAN REVOLTS1588 minor revolts against colonial policies Cebu, Panay, other Visayan

islands1621 TAMBLOT REVOLT of 2,000 men led by the babaylan Tamblot,

called for the rejection of Catholic religion, people to rise up against the Spaniards. Tamblot reported the appearance of a diwata who promised the natives a life of happiness and abundance "without paying tribute to the Spaniards or dues to the churches"

Bohol

  BANCAO, a chief of Limasaua, led a nativistic movement. He erected a temple to the diwata and called on the people to destroy church property.

Leyte

1649-1650 SUMUROY REVOLT led by the father of Sumuroy and himself, Don Juan Ponce, Don Pedro Camuug, against the polo, but with a nativistic, anti-friar impulsion behind it.

Samar, Leyte, Albay, Camarines Sur, Bohol, Cebu, Iligan, Camiguim, Surigao and Zamboanga

  DABAO ("tricky Dabao"), from Butuan to Cebu, through Leyte and Samar, and parts of Bicol: the territory of the ancient Visayan rajahs

Northern Mindanao

1663 TAPAR REBELLION led by the sorcerer Tapar who went around as a woman, as a babaylan; nativist, with Christian organizational scheme inspirationHe taught his followers to worship idols, performed prodigies resembling miracles, and became a prophet. He promised the natives: a . a life of abundance (leaves into fish, coconut fiber into linen) b. that they won't be hit/won't die when hit by Spanish muskets; those who will die in the rebellion will live again.Tapar as the "Eternal Father," among his followers were assigned a "Son," a "Holy Ghost," a "Virgin Mary," twelve apostles, a "Pope," several bishops

Panay

   From the data, it may be said therefore that during the first century of Spanish rule, the farther the rebellions were from the Manila provinces, the less political and more religious-cultural they became. The remoter ones were also more inward looking, a retreat into the socio-cultural fortress rather than an attack against the colonial state. B. 1663-1765  The revolts toward the 18th century differed from the earlier ones in that they were more intense, more widespread, and longer in duration. The following were the common features in these revolts: 

1. They revealed direct links between the pre-Spanish centers of state construction and the aspirations of the leaders (for a return to the pre-colonial society/situation)

2. They also endeavored to achieve hegemony on a regional scope3. All were rural-based, and had as aim the restitution of lands and the melioration of the

plight of the impoverished peasants.4. There evolved a new pattern of resistance which unified the kasama and principalia against

the colonial society in the Tagalog area, the kailianes and babacnang of Ilocos; the peasants and the anacbanuas of Pangasinan, the Timauas and ethnic (tribal) groups of Cagayan.(Prior to this period, the revolts were characterized as conflicts between the peasantry and the whole colonial machinery - which included the principales to some extent. )

5. All revolts also revealed the schism within the principalia (which the religious orders fomented), and thus gave birth to the confrontation between opposition and collaboration as tendencies of the elite.

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6. To some extent, there was also some sort of an awakening which took place among the "abogadillos" and "apo de radillos" who assisted those who joined in the struggle (this being an indication of a positive desire to assert native identity against the political power of the colonizer). In this alliance prefigured the future revolutionary coalition between the peasant movement and the expanded ilustrado- principalia of the 19th century .

  Three types of revolt characterized movements during the period: 1. the essentially agrarian uprisings in 1745 in the Tagalog regions 2. the political revolts which took place mainly in Northern Luzon 3. the culturally-controlled rebellion in Bohol which lasted for almost 80 years  

LUZON & VISAYAN REVOLTSDate Description of struggle Base and scope

1718 Itaves and Irraya led by Luis Magtangaga; a nativist-religious, anti-Christian movement, brought about by worsening conditions : economic crisis brought about by crop failure, excessive oppression by the Alcalde Mayor Zorilla (high prices, excessive/ arbitrary grain-tribute, and personal services)

Cagayan Valley 

1718 signs of restiveness in the Visayas reported Cebu, Oton, Negros in Manila

Cainta

1718-1719 Caragay (a social bandit), in reaction against oppressive acts of Alcalde-Mayor Antonio del Valle

Pangasinan 

1745-1745 TAGALOG AGRARIAN UPRISING to recover the communal lands system on account of the gradual encroachment of the religious haciendas viz. the Hispanic proprietary rights and customs.

Tagalog Area 

1759 LACAADEN, and KIDIT wage attacks against religious and punitive missions in Tonglo and its neighboring villages in the Mount Santo Tomas area

Benguet

1762-1764 PALARIS led by Juan dela Cruz Palaris (formerly a timawa, but now of the principalia); Don Andres Lopez (also of the principalia, in alliance with brother), and Juan de Vera Oncantin

Binalatongan in Pangasinan

1744-1829 DAGOHOY, assisted by some members of the principalia: Calixto Sotero of Tagbilaran, Captain Miguelillo and Yslao of Baclayon, Pedro Cortez Flores, Lazaro Sotario, and Narciso delos Santos of Dauis, Bohol has a heroic tradition-although situated on the seashore, the Moros never infested it.

Bohol 

  C. 1765-1815  Manifestations of the growing nationalism were in the form of mass uprisings as a result of intensifying colonial exploitation in view of new economic orientation which the influence of the physiocrats in Europe brought about. The stress on monocropping-based commercial agricultural production and exchange did not only expand to become region-wide (hence, the regionalization of commodity production along a few select export crops like coconut, tobacco, sugarcane and cotton), but it also intensified land concentration among fewer families and religious corporations through the sanglang-bili and outright landgrabbing, The more known revolts during the period were the following:

 Date Description of struggle Base and scope

1807 BASI REVOLT*reaction to the government wine monopoly 

Ilocos 

1815 SARRAT REBELLION*anti-cacique opted for egalitarian society, but within (context of) Spanish colonial state

Ilocos 

 

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D. 1815-1872  The period is characterized by the emergence of a counter-consciousness, a developing national identity which frontally confronted the instruments of colonial control. The key institutions which became targets of struggles were the church in the form of the secularization movement as well as the reform movement in the legislative and judicial functions of the colonial government through lobbying and tirade by the insulares (Philippine-born Spaniards) and Spanish mestizos. 

Date Description of struggle Base and scope1839-1841 COFRADIA de SAN JOSE

led by Hermano Pule (Apolinario dela Cruz)Hermano de la Archi-Cofradia del GloriosoSenor San Jose y de la Virgen del Rosario (Brotherhood of the Great Sodality of the Glorious Lord Saint Joseph and of the Virgin of the Rosary)

Tayabas

  Hermano Pule’s Cofradia de San Jose started as an open, devotional organization in late 1840. It later became some sort of a secret movement. By 1841 it began to espouse armed confrontation with the colonial authorities. It became known as a colorum movement as it spread to Tayabas, Laguna, and Batangas.  This was clearly a semi-nativistic confraternity in the sense that it had syncretic elements of both the Christian and native religions. Yet, it was a direct challenge to the ecclesiastical status quo, in that its organization and activities were directed to the pursuit of the limited goal of creating within the Church a satisfactory environment for religious expression in which a Filipino leadership could function without the handicaps created by the religious orders (viz, the Dominicans).  It was also proto-political in the sense that although it had an organizational machinery, this was still not broad-based and had not formulated a program. Pule had connections with the creole Domingo de Ropjas of Manila and his secular priest. This movement was confronted by state (and Church) repression.  In the urban centers, the secularization movement was characterized by student and youth organizing in support of the demand to cut the control by religious corporations over the local churches and greater participation by the Insulares and half-breeds in the administrative functions of government.   E. 1872-1896  Uprisings during this period merged with initiatives of the urban middle class, which eventually saw the outbreak of the revolution in 1896. The merging of the anti-feudal, anti-cleric and anti-colonial character of social movements was finally achieved within the last decade of the 19th century, not only through the Katipunan-led organization but even moreso by the peasant movements that presaged it.   Papa Isio’s movement was clearly a separatist movement at the start which mobilized under the slogan "Long Live Rizal, Long Live the Free Philippines," "Down with the Spaniards." As Papa Isio promised, " the lands would be partitioned among the people, that machinery would no longer be permitted on the island, and that nothing but palay would henceforth be planted."  

Date Description of struggle Base and scope

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1872-19101872-1882  1883-1896  1896-1910

GUARDIA de HONOR Originally a loyalist group created by the Dominican friars, designed to promote Christian values, with clerical sanction.Became a millenarian movement under the leadership of a charismatic couple, faith healers "Apo Laqui" (Julian Baltazar) and his blind wife.Anti-cacique (by 1900s)

Pangasinan, La Union  

1886-1889 DIOS BUHAWI Negros1889 CA MARTIN Negros1887-1907 BABAYLANES (or PULAHANES or MONTESCAS or CIVIL)

*Led by PAP ISIO (Dionisio Magbuelas; Sigobelya)Negros 

  It eventually developed into an anti-protestant and anti-foreign movement (haciendas owned by the natives were not touched, unless the owners of these cooperated with the enemies). F. 1896-1930s  The intrusion of Americans in the revolution against Spain saw the systematic weakening of the Philippine revolutionary forces. During the crucial period of intense American pacification campaigns within the first decade of the 1900s, these local, nativistic and/or millenarian movements provided for the continuity in the national struggle while the resistance of the forces of Aguinaldo was being undermined. The resurgence of militant nationalism from the ranks of Aguinaldo accordingly saw the renewed links of the local movements with the national struggle.

The Development of a National Consciousness

Religious movements such as the cofradía and colorums expressed an inchoate desire of their members to be rid of the Spanish and discover a promised land that would reflect memories of a world that existed before the coming of the colonists. Nationalism in the modern sense developed in an urban context, in Manila and the major towns and, perhaps more significantly, in Spain and other parts of Europe where Filipino students and exiles were exposed to modern intellectual currents. Folk religion, for all its power, did not form the basis of the national ideology. Yet the millenarian tradition of rural revolt would merge with the Europeanized nationalism of the ilustrados to spur a truly national resistance, first against Spain in 1896 and then against the Americans in 1899.

Following the Spanish revolution of September 1868, in which the unpopular Queen Isabella II was deposed, the new government appointed General Carlos María de la Torre governor of the Philippines. An outspoken liberal, de la Torre extended to Filipinos the promise of reform. In a break with established practice, he fraternized with Filipinos, invited them to the governor's palace, and rode with them in official processions. Filipinos in turn welcomed de la Torre warmly, held a "liberty parade" to celebrate the adoption of the liberal 1869 Spanish constitution, and established a reform committee to lay the foundations of a new order. Prominent among de la Torre's supporters in Manila were professional and business leaders of the ilustrado community and, perhaps more significantly, Filipino secular priests. These included the learned Father José Burgos, a Spanish mestizo, who had published a pamphlet, Manifesto to the Noble Spanish Nation, criticizing those racially prejudiced Spanish who barred Filipinos from the priesthood and government service. For a brief time, the tide seemed to be turning against the friars. In December 1870, the archbishop of Manila, Gregorio Melitón Martínez, wrote to the Spanish regent advocating secularization and warning that discrimination against Filipino priests would encourage anti-Spanish sentiments.

According to historian Austin Coates, "1869 and 1870 stand distinct and apart from the whole of the rest of the period as a time when for a brief moment a real breath of the nineteenth century penetrated the Islands, which till then had been living largely in the seventeenth century." De la Torre abolished censorship of newspapers and legalized the holding of public demonstrations, free speech, and assembly--rights guaranteed in the 1869 Spanish constitution. Students at the University of Santo Tomás formed an association, the Liberal Young Students (Juventud Escolar

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Liberal), and in October 1869 held demonstrations protesting the abuses of the university's Dominican friar administrators and teachers.

The liberal period came to an abrupt end in 1871. Friars and other conservative Spaniards in Manila managed to engineer the replacement of de la Torre by a more conservative figure, Rafael de Izquierdo, who, following his installation as governor in April 1871, reimposed the severities of the old regime. He is alleged to have boasted that he came to the islands "with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other." Liberal laws were rescinded, and the enthusiastic Filipino supporters of de la Torre came under political suspicion.

The heaviest blow came after a mutiny on January 20, 1872, when about 200 Filipino dockworkers and soldiers in Cavite Province revolted and killed their Spanish officers, apparently in the mistaken belief that a general uprising was in progress among Filipino regiments in Manila. Grievances connected with the government's revocation of old privileges--particularly exemption from tribute service--inspired the revolt, which was put down by January 22. The authorities, however, began weaving a tale of conspiracy between the mutineers and prominent members of the Filipino community, particularly diocesan priests. The governor asserted that a secret junta, with connections to liberal parties in Spain, existed in Manila and was ready to overthrow Spanish rule.

A military court sentenced to death the three Filipino priests most closely associated with liberal reformism--José Burgos, Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora--and exiled a number of prominent ilustrados to Guam and the Marianas (then Spanish possessions), from which they escaped to carry on the struggle from Hong Kong, Singapore, and Europe. Archbishop Martínez requested that the governor commute the priests' death sentences and refused the governor's order that they be defrocked. Martínez's efforts were in vain, however, and on February 17, 1872, they were publicly executed with the brutal garrote on the Luneta (the broad park facing Manila Bay). The archbishop ordered that Manila church bells toll a requiem for the victims, a requiem that turned out to be for Spanish rule in the islands as well. Although a policy of accommodation would have won the loyalty of peasant and ilustrado alike, intransigence--particularly on the question of the secularization of the clergy--led increasing numbers of Filipinos to question the need for a continuing association with Spain

José Rizal and the Propaganda Movement

Between 1872 and 1892, a national consciousness was growing among the Filipino émigrés who had settled in Europe. In the freer atmosphere of Europe, these émigrés--liberals exiled in 1872 and students attending European universities--formed the Propaganda Movement. Organized for literary and cultural purposes more than for political ends, the Propagandists, who included upper-class Filipinos from all the lowland Christian areas, strove to "awaken the sleeping intellect of the Spaniard to the needs of our country" and to create a closer, more equal association of the islands and the motherland. Among their specific goals were representation of the Philippines in the Cortes, or Spanish parliament; secularization of the clergy; legalization of Spanish and Filipino equality; creation of a public school system independent of the friars; abolition of the polo (labor service) and vandala (forced sale of local products to the government); guarantee of basic freedoms of speech and association; and equal opportunity for Filipinos and Spanish to enter government service.

The most outstanding Propagandist was José Rizal, a physician, scholar, scientist, and writer. Born in 1861 into a prosperous Chinese mestizo family in Laguna Province, he displayed great intelligence at an early age. After several years of medical study at the University of Santo Tomás, he went to Spain in 1882 to finish his studies at the University of Madrid. During the decade that followed, Rizal's career spanned two worlds: Among small communities of Filipino students in Madrid and other European cities, he became a leader and eloquent spokesman, and in the wider world of European science and scholarship--particularly in Germany--he formed close relationships with prominent natural and social scientists. The new discipline of anthropology was of special interest to him; he was committed to refuting the friars' stereotypes of Filipino racial inferiority with scientific arguments. His greatest impact on the development of a Filipino national consciousness, however, was his publication of two novels--Noli Me Tangere (Touch me not) in 1886 and El Filibusterismo (The reign of greed) in 1891. Rizal drew on his personal experiences and depicted the conditions of Spanish rule in the islands, particularly the abuses of the friars. Although the friars had Rizal's books banned, they were smuggled into the Philippines and rapidly gained a wide readership.

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Other important Propagandists included Graciano Lopez Jaena, a noted orator and pamphleteer who had left the islands for Spain in 1880 after the publication of his satirical short novel, Fray Botod (Brother Fatso), an unflattering portrait of a provincial friar. In 1889 he established a biweekly newspaper in Barcelona, La Solidaridad (Solidarity), which became the principal organ of the Propaganda Movement, having audiences both in Spain and in the islands. Its contributors included Rizal; Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt, an Austrian geographer and ethnologist whom Rizal had met in Germany; and Marcelo del Pilar, a reformminded lawyer. Del Pilar was active in the antifriar movement in the islands until obliged to flee to Spain in 1888, where he became editor of La Solidaridad and assumed leadership of the Filipino community in Spain.

In 1887 Rizal returned briefly to the islands, but because of the furor surrounding the appearance of Noli Me Tangere the previous year, he was advised by the governor to leave. He returned to Europe by way of Japan and North America to complete his second novel and an edition of Antonio de Morga's seventeenth-century work, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (History of the Philippine Islands). The latter project stemmed from an ethnological interest in the cultural connections between the peoples of the pre-Spanish Philippines and those of the larger Malay region (including modern Malaysia and Indonesia) and the closely related political objective of encouraging national pride. De Morga provided positive information about the islands' early inhabitants, and reliable accounts of pre-Christian religion and social customs.

After a stay in Europe and Hong Kong, Rizal returned to the Philippines in June 1892, partly because the Dominicans had evicted his father and sisters from the land they leased from the friars' estate at Calamba, in Laguna Province. He also was convinced that the struggle for reform could no longer be conducted effectively from overseas. In July he established the Liga Filipina (Philippine League), designed to be a truly national, nonviolent organization. It was dissolved, however, following his arrest and exile to the remote town of Dapitan in northwestern Mindanao.

The Propaganda Movement languished after Rizal's arrest and the collapse of the Liga Filipina. La Solidaridad went out of business in November 1895, and in 1896 both del Pilar and Lopez Jaena died in Barcelona, worn down by poverty and disappointment. An attempt was made to reestablish the Liga Filipina, but the national movement had become split between ilustrado advocates of reform and peaceful evolution (the compromisarios, or compromisers) and a plebeian constituency that wanted revolution and national independence. Because the Spanish refused to allow genuine reform, the initiative quickly passed from the former group to the latter.

Spirit of Nationhood of the Philippine Society 43

    The Spirit of nationhood had its roots in the scattered towns of Philippine Society during the Spanish period. The Ilustrados or those elite people who had the chance to take advantage of education during the Spanish era were the first voices of the Filipino masses. At first, the term Filipino referred only to the Creoles or Spanish Filipinos and the Spanish mestizos. Later the Chinese mestizos and the native elite who dominated the marks of the principalia appropriated the term Filipino to themselves. The term Filipino was then limited by property, education, and Spanish culture. The Ilustrados were the first to infuse the term Filipino to the inhabitants of the Philippines regardless of racial strains and social status. The first form of nationhood was first found in the expression in agitation for reforms. The principal propaganda effort was exerted in Spain in the hopes that when the Spanish government would be aware of what's happening in the colony, reforms might be possible.

    Three groups formed the core of the propaganda movement. First there were a group of filibusteros including Españoles Filipinos and Spanish mestizos who had been banished to the Marianas during the crackdown on liberals in the wake of the Cavite mutiny in 1872. The second group was composed of young men who had been sent to Spain for their studies. Among them were Graciano Lopez Jaena and Marcelo H. Del Pilar. The primary aim of the ilustrados was to secure for their own interest class participation in political rule and a greater share in economic benefits as a province of Spain. They failed to achieve their principal objective which is that of prodding the Spanish government to reform the colonial administration. The propaganda failed to reach the masses of their countrymen thus they have a minimal influence and for this reason there was hardly any continuity between the Propaganda and the Revolution. Several factors contributed to the ineffectiveness of the propaganda movement. Among them are the perennial lack of funds and the bickering among the propagandists themselves. For example, as a result of the misunderstanding between del Pilar and Rizal, the latter stopped contributing to the La Solidaridad before it had completed two years of its existence. A few months later, Antonio Luna who was partial to Rizal also quit.44

Did you know that there are many untold mysteries, anomalies, and secrets in the history of the Philippines?

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Probably you don't or you don't even bothered to know them because in elementary and high school, thing were taught as simple as what the book says about heroes and events of the past. The students were only made to memorize important names, dates and places but were not taught the significance of these things to what we Filipinos are today now. The students were thus miseducated because the things that we must learn about these heroes and events were not yet clarifies in our minds. All students, I think including us of course, were miseducated by the teachings of our foreign colonizers. In this section, we've based our facts from works of Renato Constantino, a renowned historian in Philippine history who also participated in some of the events that happened, to help enlighten your spirit and understanding of what the learning of history is all about. This also tests your knowledge about how well you know the Philippines.

Let us start from the Entry of the Spaniards: Did you know that the ilustrados were the first articulators of the revolution?

    Based from what we've learned from our high school history teachers, the ilustrados, Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo H. Del Pilar, Jose Rizal, and others, were those who had the opportunity to take advantage of the education system during the Spanish period. Also these ilustrados have failed to reach the masses because of their class position and their limited understanding of the masses. They the Ilustrados, didn't have any trust on the abilities of the common people so the reforms they wantes did not materialize. They only wanted to make the Philippines a province of Spain solely because they wanted more participation in the government and they wanted reforms only for their own economic self-interest.

Did you know that the first 'Filipinos" were not pure filipinos but were creoles, Españoles- Filipinos, or the Spaniards born in the Philippines? The term Filipino was first appropriated to teh creoles and later to the Chinese mestizos and the native elite. This was opposed by the Ilustrados who appropriated the term to the inhabitants of the Philippines regardless of their class and social status.

Did you know that three groups composed the nucleus of the reforms known as the Propaganda movement?These are the suspected filibusteros including creoles and Spanish mestizoss who had been banished to the Marianas during the crackdown on liberals in the wake of Mutiny of 1872, the young men sent to Spain for their studies, adn the refugees who left the islands to escape persecution.

Did you know that the first purely Filipino organization was the La Solidaridad organized in Barcelona on December 13, 1888?

Did you know that del Pilar and Rizal, two of the Philippine's most famous and active propagandists, had a misunderstanding resulting to the latter's withdrawal of his support fot the La Solidaridad?

Did you know that Graciano Lopez Jaena ridiculed his colleagues in La Solidaridad when pension from Manila supporters did not materialize and that he devoted himself to fulfilling his ambition to be elected to the Cortes but without success?

Did you know why the Propaganda movement failed to unite the Filipino people? It was because the Propagandists were writing in a language that the common masses did not understand. They wrote in Spanish instead of writing it in the Filipino language!

Do you know the aims of Rizal's La Liga Filipina?These are:(1) to unite the whole archipelago into one compact vigorous, and homogenous body;(2) Mutual protection in every want and necessity;(3) Defense against all violence and injustice;(4)Encouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce; and(5) Study and application of reforms.

Did you know that during the Spanish period, land rentals increased from year to year and that social injustice was so rampant in the rural areas?

Do you know who betrayed the Katipunan causing many of its members to be imprisoned and persecuted?Teodoro Patiño of Diario de Manila when he revealed the Katipunan to father Mariano Gil.

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Did you know where the first real encounter between Spanish forces and the Katipunan took place? It was in San Juan Del Monte

Did you know that Bonifacio was tried and sentenced in a mock trialby Aguinaldo's council because he was accused of plotting Aguinaldo's death?  "The trial was truly a farce from the beginning up to the end. Considering that: all members of the council were Aguinaldo's men including not only Gen. Noriel but also Gen. Tomas Mascardo whom Bonifacio had earlier arrested in connection with the freeing of Spanish prisoners; second, Bonifacio's counsel, Placido Martinez, acted more like a prosecutor, going so far as to say that if a punishment worse than death was available, Bonifacio deserved it for plotting Aguinaldo's death; third, the court gave credence to the fantastic story of Lt. Col. Pedro Giron, a Bonifacio partisan turned state witness, who said that Bonifacio had given him ten pesos in advance to kill Aguinaldo in case the latter did not submit to Bonifacio's authority."(Constantino, Past Revisited  p. 189)

The Philippine Revolution (1896-1898)45

The Katipunan

After Rizal's arrest and exile, Andres Bonifacio, a self-educated man of humble origins, founded a secret society, the Katipunan, in Manila. This organization, modeled in part on Masonic lodges, was committed to winning independence from Spain. Rizal, Lopez Jaena, del Pilar, and other leaders of the Propaganda Movement had been Masons, and Masonry was regarded by the Catholic Church as heretical. The Katipunan, like the Masonic lodges, had secret passwords and ceremonies, and its members were organized into ranks or degrees, each having different colored hoods, special passwords, and secret formulas. New members went through a rigorous initiation, which concluded with the pacto de sangre, or blood compact.46 The Katipunan spread gradually from the Tondo district of Manila, where Bonifacio had founded it, to the provinces, and by August 1896--on the eve of the revolt against Spain--it had some 30,000 members, both men and women. Most of them were members of the lower-and lower-middle-income strata, including peasants. The nationalist movement had effectively moved from the closed circle of prosperous ilustrados to a truly popular base of support.47

Andres Bonifacio

On July 6, 1892, Andrés Bonifacio, a former peddler of lower-class origins, founded a secret society known as the Kataastaasan Kagalanggalang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan ("The Highest and Most Honorable Society of the Sons of the Country"), or Katipunan. Bonifacio, however, was not a gifted military leader and suffered many defeats at the hands of the Spanish. Andres Bonifacio was born on November 30, 1863, in Tondo (then a province of Manila), a son of Santiago Bonifacio and Catalina de Castro. He learned the alphabet in a school. When his parents died, he was forced to quit school as he had to become the breadwinner for his three brothers and two sisters.

As a livelihood, Bonifacio made canes and paper fans to sell. He loved books and was able to do some self-studying. In his late teens, he landed a job as clerk-messenger at Fleming and Company, where he was promoted to agent. He sold rattan, tar and other products of the firm. Later, he moved to Fressel and Company, also as an agent.He read Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, The Ruins of Palmyra, Les Miserables, The Wandering Jew, and read about the presidents of the United States, international law, the penal and civil codes, a book on the French Revolution and some novels.

At a young age, he married a certain Monica. The marriage did not last long as she died of leprosy. In 1892, he met Gregoria de Jesus of Kalookan, who became his second wife. Gregoria later joined the women’s chapter of the Katipunan. Bonifacio adopted Emilio Jacinto’s Kartilla as the official teachings of the society. Although its founder, he didn’t intend to become president of the Katipunan. However, he became president when the first two presidents did not come up to expectations.

One Filipino leader, Emilio Aguinaldo, totally liberated Cavite while inflicting countless other defeats on the Spanish. Aguinaldo drew the attention of the public while Bonifacio faded into the background. Disputes and infighting soon erupted within the Philippine Resistance, mostly concerning who would lead the revolution - Bonifacio or Aguinaldo. An election was later held in Tejeros, in which Aguinaldo decisively defeated his opponent. Outraged, Bonifacio set out to install a rival government.As countermeasure, the government under Aguinaldo ordered the arrest of Bonifacio in Limbon. His house was surrounded. In the following combat his

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brother was killed and Bonifacio was shot in the arm. Weak and half-starved, he was brought on a stretcher to Naik. Here he stood trial, accused of the betrayal of the revolution and trying to poison Aguinaldo. He was found guilty and condemned to death.At first, Aguinaldo hesitated to give the order of execution. He preferred banishing Bonifacio. However, his generals urged him to show no mercy. They believed that the execution would maintain peace and order within the new revolutionary government. Andres Bonifacio was executed on May 10, 1897 by a firing squad

Discovery of the Katipunan

In Manila, in its suburbs, and in the provinces of Luzon, the Katipunan became the talk of the town. This happened after copies of the publication Kalayaan were circulated among the people. However, the new members were rash and impatient so nightly meetings had to be held. It was, thus, inevitable that the suspicions of the authorities were aroused. Rumors about the meetings circulated in Manila and caused worry particularly among the Spanish friars. In fact, the friars blew the rumors out of proportion to force Spanish Governor-General Blanco, who was unsympathetic to them, to act on the matter. He, however, did not.

The discovery of the Katipunan was the result of a misunderstanding between two Katipuneros. The Katipuneros were Teodoro Patiño and Apolonio de la Cruz. Both of them were working at the Spanish-owned Diario de Manila. As an action against de la Cruz, Patiño revealed the secrets of the society to his sister, Honoria, an inmate at the orphanage in Mandaluyong in the suburbs of Manila. She was shocked about the revelation and she cried. A madre portera, Sor Teresa saw her cry. Then the sister asked Patiño to tell all he knew to Father Mariano Gil, the parish priest of Guadalupe and one of those trying to convince Governor-General Blanco to act quickly.

In the afternoon of August 19, 1896, Patiño disclosed the secrets he knew to Father Gil. The friar rushed to the printing shop of Diario de Manila and, with its owner, conducted a search of the premises. The friar sought hidden evidence of the existence of the secret society. They found the lithographic stone used to print Katipunan receipts, which was confirmed by Patiño. “So here they are,” Father Gil might have whispered. A locker was forced open. There he found a dagger and other documents.

“Arrest Them!”

A series of arrests of prominent Filipinos, took place. Even the innocent ones, were thrown in jail or imprisoned at Fort Santiago in Manila. The implication of some was the offset of a quirk of fate. The wealthy Filipinos had refused to join the Katipunan. So Andres Bonifacio, head of the Katipunan, thought that drawing up a list to make it appear that numerous wealthy Filipinos were contributing to the cause would force them to join..Instead of being coerced to join, however, these wealthy Filipinos denounced or denied any knowledge of the existence of the Katipunan. The authorities did not believe them. One of the prominent men, Francisco L. Roxas, was executed.

Emergency Assembly

The news of the discovery of the Katipunan spread rapidly. Upon learning of this, Bonifacio told his runners to call all the leaders for an emergency general assembly to be held on August 24, in Balintawak, Caloocan. On the night of August 19, he, his brother Procopio, Emilio Jacinto, Teodoro Plata, and Aguedo del Rosario were able to slip past the Spanish sentries in the area. Before midnight, they were in Balintawak.On August 21, Bonifacio changed their code as the original one had been broken by the Spaniards. Afterwards, about 500 of the rebels went to Kangkong from Balintawak—then, to Pugadlawin. On August 23, Bonifacio met his men in the yard of Juan A. Ramos, son of Melchora Aquino, who later became known as the “Mother of the Katipunan.” Bonifacio asked his men if they were committed to carry on the fight. Against the objections of Teodoro Plata, all agreed to fight until the last drop of blood.

To symbolize the commitment for an armed struggle, Bonifacio led his men in tearing up their cedulas, (residence certificate), shouting: “Mabuhay ang Filipinas!” (“Long live the Philippines”). For some time, the event was commemorated in the Philippines as the “Cry of Balintawak.” Later, it was corrected to the “Cry of Pugadlawin.”

I. START OF THE REVOLUTION

Bang! Bang! Bang!

The first shots of the Philippine Revolution were fired the next day between several Katipuneros and a patrol of Spanish civil guards. That happened in the sitio of Pasong Tamo in Kalookan.However, the first real

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battle of the revolution took place on August 30, 1896. Bonifacio, with about 800 Katipuneros, attacked the Spanish arsenal in San Juan del Monte, which is now the municipality of San Juan in Metro Manila. The Spaniards were outnumbered and weak. But reinforcements turned the tide in their favor. The Katipuneros were forced to retreat. They left more than 150 Katipuneros dead and many more captured. The revolution spread to several Luzon provinces nearby. This prompted Governor-General Ramon Blanco to place the first eight provinces to revolt against Spanish sovereignty under martial law. They were Manila, Laguna, Bulacan, Batangas, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, and Nueva Ecija.

Governor-General Blanco also included in the decree the condition that anyone who would surrender within 48 hours after its publication would not be tried in military courts. Some Katipuneros were duped into surrendering, only to be subjected to torture. Due to torture, some Katipuneros revealed the names of some of the other Katipuneros. Hundreds of suspects were arrested and imprisoned. Those from the provinces were brought to Manila. Fort Santiago became so crowded that many Filipinos who were thrown there for suspicion of involvement in the revolution were suffocated to death. Hundreds of heads of families were transported to the Carolines or to the Spanish penal colony in faraway Africa.. A great number of Filipinos were executed at the Luneta, most notable of whom was Jose Rizal. He was shot at the old Bagumbayan Field on December 30, 1896. This was ironic as Rizal was innocent of the charge of rebellion. He was recognized by the Katipuneros for his intellectual accomplishments. However, he rejected their invitations for him to join the Katipunan. To his death, Rizal had remained a reformist..All the tortures and executions, however, embittered the Filipinos more and fanned the fires of revolution in their hearts. The revolution continued to spread throughout the archipelago.

Revolution in Cavite

There, the rebels stormed the municipal building of San Francisco de Malabon on August 31, 1896. The Magdiwang group also attacked the Spaniards in Noveleta. In Cavite el Viejo, the Magdalo group, under Candido Tirona (a bosom friend of Emilio Aguinaldo), captured the Spanish garrison while Emilio Aguinaldo and his men tried but failed to intercept Spanish reinforcements from Manila.Aguinaldo retreated to Imus, Cavite Province. There on September 5, 1896, he defeated the Spanish command of General Aguirre. Thus, Aguinaldo returned to Imus the hero of the hour, no longer Kapitan (Captain) Miong but Heneral (General) Miong.

Emilio Aguinaldo. An ilustrado, Emilio Aguinaldo studied at San Juan de Letran College. However, he quit his studies when his father died so that he could take care of the family farm and could engage in business. When the revolution broke out, he was the mayor of Cavite el Viejo (now Kawit), where he was born on March 22, 1869. A cousin of Baldomero Aguinaldo, leader of the Magdalo faction, Emilio joined the Katipunan when he was 25.

Betrayal. There were early signs that the rebels in Cavite were leaning towards the establishment of a new leadership and government. On October 31, 1896, General Aguinaldo issued two decrees. They both stated that the aim of the Revolution was the independence of the Philippines. Therefore, he urged Filipinos to fight for freedom, following the example of civilized European and American nations. He also proclaimed “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity” as watchwords of the revolution.

Although the Magdalo was only one of the two factions of the Katipunan in Cavite, Aguinaldo, who belonged to this faction, made no mention of the parent organization. The letter K appeared on the seal of both documents, though. One manifesto announced that they (implying the Magdalo faction) had formed a provisional government in the towns that had been “pacified.” It was the government’s task to pursue the war until all of the archipelago was free.According to author Renato Constantino, one was forced to conclude that Aguinaldo and the other leaders of the Magdalo had decided at this early stage to withdraw recognition of the Katipunan and install themselves as leaders of the revolution.

Cavite

The Spaniards decided to concentrate on Cavite, after they had been defeated in other places. Governor-General Blanco ordered attacks on rebel troops in early November. But they suffered heavy losses in Binakayan and Noveleta, Cavite. (Aguinaldo led the Filipinos. Many died, including Carlos Tirona.) As a result of the defeats of the Spaniards, Governor-General Blanco was relieved upon the instigation of the friars. He was replaced by General Camilo de Polavieja on December 13, 1896. Little by little, de Polavieja was able to recapture about a third of Cavite.

Divided They Fall

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The disunity between the rival Magdalo and Magdiwang factions of the Katipunan in Cavite fought independently of each other. This was a major factor for the success of General Polavieja in his victories in Cavite. Realizing this, the Magdiwang faction asked Bonifacio, who had refused because he was needed in Morong (now Rizal Province), to mediate. Later, he finally accepted the invitation.

In the latter part of December 1896, Bonifacio went to Cavite with his wife and brothers Procopio and Ciriaco. They were personally met in Zapote by Aguinaldo and other leaders. Bonifacio was received enthusiastically by the Caviteños.However, in his memoirs, General Artemio Ricarte recounted that a few days after Bonifacio’s arrival, black propaganda against Bonifacio in the form of anonymous letters circulated all over Cavite. The letters described him as unworthy of being idolized. The letter writers called him a mason, an atheist, an uneducated man, and a mere employee of a German firm.

On December 31, the Imus assembly was convened to determine the leadership in the province. The purpose was to end the rivalry between the two factions. The Magdalo group wanted a revolutionary government to supplant the Katipunan. Such an idea was objected to by the Magdiwang faction that maintained that the Katipunan already had a constitution and by-laws recognized by all. The meeting ended without a resolution of the conflict.

First Meeting at Tejeros: The End of the Katipunan

With the continuing successes of Spanish campaigns against them, the Katipuneros decided to have another meeting on March 22, 1897, to discuss how Cavite should be defended. This was not even touched on. Instead, it was decided that an election of officers of the revolutionary government be held. That meant that the Supreme Council of the Katipunan was being discarded, and that would be the end of the Katipunan.

Bonifacio reluctantly agreed to chair the assembly. Before the voting was started, he admonished everyone that whoever was elected to any position should be respected. Ironically, after the elections, Bonifacio, founder of the Katipunan and initiator of the revolutionary struggle in the country, lost the leadership to Emilio Aguinaldo, who was voted president. Bonifacio was merely elected to the minor post of director of the interior. None of the other leaders of the Katipunan, not even Emilio Jacinto, were considered for positions at Tejeros.

When Bonifacio was being proclaimed, Daniel Tirona, a Magdalo, had even questioned this on the grounds that the position should not be held by someone without a lawyer’s diploma. The angry Bonifacio demanded a retraction from Tirona, who, instead, turned to leave. Bonifacio was about to shoot Tirona when Artemio Ricarte intervened.As the people began to leave the hall, Bonifacio shouted that he, in his capacity as chairman of the assembly and president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, declared the assembly dissolved and annulled all that had been approved and resolved. Then he left with his men.

Second Meeting at Tejeros: A Confrontation

Aguinaldo, engaged in a battle in Pasong Santol, a barrio in Cavite, was not present during the elections. He was notified of his election to presidency in Pasong Santol the following day. He was later convinced by his elder brother, Crispulo, to leave his men and take his oath of office. Thus, he and the others who had been elected the day before, except Bonifacio, took their oath of office in Santa Cruz de Malabon (now Tanza), Cavite.

Among those who were installed in office were Emilio Aguinaldo, president; Mariano Trias, vice president; Artemio Ricarte, captain-general; Emiliano Riego de Dios, director of war; Pascual Alvarez, director of the interior; and Severino de las Alas, director of justice.

In the meantime, Bonifacio and his remaining men of about 45 met at the estate house in Tejeros on March 23, 1897. They drew up a document, now called the Acta de Tejeros, where they cited their reasons for not accepting the results of the first Tejeros convention. From there, they went to Naic to get away from the Magdalo faction, which they held responsible for the anomalies during the election. Aguinaldo sent a delegation to Bonifacio to try to convince him to cooperate with the new revolutionary government, which the latter rebuffed.

Rival Government

In Naic, Bonifacio and his men prepared another document. The agreement specified the establishment of a government independent from Aguinaldo’s revolutionary government. Called the Naic Military Agreement, it also rejected the first Tejeros convention and reasserted Bonifacio as leader of the

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revolution. To be organized was an army whose members were to be recruited by persuasive or coercive means.

Among the 41 signatories were Bonifacio, Artemio Ricarte, Pio del Pilar as commander-in-chief and Emilio Jacinto as general of the North Military Area (provinces of Morong, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, and Manila).

Emilio Jacinto

The so-called “Brains of the Katipunan,” Emilio Jacinto, was born in Tondo, Manila on December 15, 1875. Her parents were Mariano Jacinto and Josefa Dizon. At a young age, he learned how to speak a kind of Spanish, sort of pidgin Spanish, on the streets. Although the family was poor, his parents managed to send him to school. He first studied at San Juan de Letran College and later at the University of Santo Tomas. However, as a member of the Katipunan, he was forced to speak Tagalog, the language of the Katipuneros.

He painstakingly mastered Tagalog and wrote most of his articles in this language. Because of his honesty and intelligence, he became the trusted friend and adviser of Bonifacio. The two were almost inseparable until late December 1896, when Bonifacio went to Cavite to sort out the differences between two rival factions of the Katipunan and Jacinto went to Laguna as commander-in-chief. However, they kept in constant communication. Jacinto died of a fever on April 16, 1899 in Mahayhay, Laguna.

Besides the Kartilla, which became the primer for the Katipuneros, he wrote Pahayag or Manifesto (which had appeared in the only issue of Kalayaan), Liwanag at Dilim (Light and Darkness), Sa mga Kababayan Ko (To My Countrymen), Ang Kasalanan ni Cain (Cain’s Sin), Pagkatatag ng Pamahalaan sa Hukuman ng Silangan (Establishment of the Provincial Government of Laguna), and Samahan ng Bayan sa Pangangalakal (Commercial Association of the People).

Death of Bonifacio

Bonifacio moved from Naic to the barrio of Limbon in Indang, Cavite. He was accompanied by his wife, two brothers, and a few loyal soldiers. By then, Aguinaldo had learned of the Naic Military Agreement. He immediately ordered Colonel Agapito Bonzon and a group of soldiers to arrest the Bonifacio brothers. “Dakpin sila!” (“Arrest them!”) he might have said.

In the ensuing confrontation, Bonifacio was stabbed in the larynx but taken alive. His brother Ciriaco was killed, while his brother Procopio was wounded. Bonifacio was transported in a hammock to Naic, the capital of the revolutionary government.From April 29 to May 4, Bonifacio was placed on trial, together with Procopio, by the Council of War. General Tomas Mascardo was one of the members of the Council of War that tried the Bonifacio brothers.

Despite the lack of evidence, the Bonifacio brothers were found guilty of treason and sedition and recommended to be executed. Aguinaldo commuted the sentence to deportation on May 8, 1897, but Generals Mariano Noriel and Pio del Pilar, both former supporters of Bonifacio, upon learning of this, immediately asked General Aguinaldo to withdraw his order. Their reason was that there would be no unity among the revolutionaries as long as Bonifacio was alive. They were supported by other leaders.

Aguinaldo withdrew his order for reversal of the death sentence. As for Severino de las Alas, it was he who had made the false accusations against Bonifacio.On May 10, General Noriel ordered Major Lazaro Makapagal to bring the Bonifacio brothers to Mount Tala near Maragondon. He was also given a sealed letter to be opened and read upon reaching their destination. The letter contained orders to execute Andres and Procopio Bonifacio. He was warned that severe punishment would follow if he failed to comply with the order. Hence, Makapagal made no hesitation to carry out the execution. Bonifacio and his brother were buried in shallow graves marked only by a few twigs.

II. THE BIAK-NA-BATO REPUBLIC

Maragondon, Cavite, became the new rebel capital after the Spanish forces had captured Naic. However, many of the Spanish soldiers had just arrived from Spain and they suffered greatly from the tropical climate.

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General Camilo de Polavieja requested that he be relieved as governor-general. On April 23, 1897, he was replaced by former governor-general of the Philippines, Fernando Primo de Rivera. Against Primo de Rivera, Aguinaldo and his men were forced to retreat to Batangas Province by Spanish forces.The Spaniards gained control of practically the whole of Cavite. Thus, Primo de Rivera extended a decree granting pardon for those Filipinos surrendering beyond the initial deadline of May 17. There were some Filipinos who took advantage, but the others continued their fight.

Aguinaldo, who had established his headquarters in Talisay, Batangas Province, managed to escape the Spaniards who had surrounded the place. Then he proceeded with his men to the hilly province of Morong (now Metro Manila). From there, he and about 500 handpicked men went to Biyak-na-Bato, San Miguel de Mayumo, in Bulacan. There, Aguinaldo established a new government, which is now known as the Biak-na-Bato Republic.

He also issued a proclamation in July entitled “To the Brave Sons of the Philippines.” The proclamation enumerated the revolutionary demands as:

1. Expulsion of the friars and the return to the Filipinos of the lands they appropriated for themselves. 2. Representation in the Spanish Cortes, freedom of press, and tolerance of all religious sects. 3. Equal treatment and pay for peninsular and insular civil servants and abolition of the power of the government to banish citizens.4. Legal equality for all persons.

This proclamation showed that Aguinaldo was still willing to return to the Spanish fold if these demands were met. That was in spite of the fact that he and his men had already established the Biak-na-Bato Republic.

The constitution of the new republic was prepared by Felix Ferrer and Isabelo Artacho. They copied it almost verbatim from the Cuban Constitution of Jimaguayu. It was signed on November 1, 1897. In accordance with Article I, a Supreme Council was created on November. Aguinaldo was elected president.

Peace! Peace! Peace!

Governor-General Primo de Rivera realized that he might not be able to quell the rebellion. Hence, he tried to end it by peaceful negotiations.

The chance came when Pedro A. Paterno, a mestizo who had spent some years in Spain, offered to act as a peace negotiator. On August 9, 1897, Paterno brought Primo de Tavera’s offer of peace to Aguinaldo’s headquarters. It took four months before Paterno was able to come up with a peace agreement, now called the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, signed by Paterno as representative of the revolutionists and Primo de Rivera for the Spanish government.

Made up of three separate documents, the peace pact was signed on December 14 and 15, 1897. The pact provided for an end to the revolution by the laying down of arms by the revolutionary forces of Aguinaldo. They would then be granted amnesty and allowed to return to their homes. Aguinaldo and the other leaders would go on voluntary exile to Hong Kong. They would be given P800,000 by the Spanish government in three installments:

1. P400,000 upon leaving the Philippines.2. P200,000 when at least 700 arms have been surrendered. 3. the balance upon declaration of a general amnesty.

Spain also promised to pay P900,000 to Filipino civilians who suffered losses because of the revolution. (Renato Constantino: The Philippines: A Past Revisited).To be sure that the Spaniards were to make good their promises, Aguinaldo’s camp demanded that two Spanish generals remain at Biyak-na-Bato as hostages. Also, Colonel Miguel Primo de Rivera, the governor’s nephew, was also required by the Aguinaldo camp to accompany the exiles to Hong Kong.

On December 27, 1897, Aguinaldo, with a check for P400,000, left for Hong Kong with 25 revolutionary leaders. Those left behind asked Primo de Rivera to give them the balance of P400,000, supposedly to be

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given to the needy ones among them. Instead, they were given P200,000, which they then divided among themselves.

Continuation of Hostilities

There was celebration in Manila the following month. However, although some of the Filipino generals left behind did all they could to surrender the arms from the rebels, some of them were suspicious of the Spaniards. Thus, they declined to give up their arms. One of them, General Francisco Makabulos of Tarlac Province, established the Central Executive Committee, which would exist until a general government of the republic would again be established. For their part, the lower-ranking Spanish authorities continued to arrest and imprison many Filipinos suspected of having been involved in the rebellion.

Thus, the rebellion spread further to the different provinces of the archipelago. including Zambales, Pampanga, Laguna, Pangasinan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, La Union, Ilocos Sur, Cebu, Bulacan, Caloocan, and Camarines Norte. Far from mere banditry, as the Spaniards termed these acts of resistance, they were, on the contrary, attempts to achieve the objectives of the old Katipunan. The Pact of Biak-na-Bato was thus a cessation of hostilities only for the compromisers, Aguinaldo and his group. For the people, the struggle continued.

III. SPANISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS

In 1817, the United States established a consulate in Manila. After the Philippines was opened to world trade in 1834, several American companies established businesses in Manila.Even before 1898, American ships already had been sailing to Manila to trade with the Philippines. The first American ship to reach Manila was the Astrea in the later part of the 18th century.

In the meantime, in February 1895, Cuba, which Christopher Columbus had discovered for Spain in 1492 to become a colony, revolted against the Spaniards. In answer, Spanish General Valeriano Weyler, commander of all Spanish forces in Cuba, established concentration camps for the rebels and sympathizers. Being close to the United States, many American businessmen had large investments in Cuba, especially in the sugar industry. Thus, it was not difficult to obtain American support for the Cuban cause.

In January 1898, President William McKinley sent the U.S. Navy battleship Maine to Cuba in case American citizens needed to be evacuated. However, on February 15, 1898, an explosion sank the ship in the Havana harbor. This resulted in the loss of 260 of the crewmen and in a huge outcry from the American public.

Earlier, on February 9, 1898, a private letter from Enrique Dupuy de Lome, the Spanish minister to the United States, which had been stolen from a post office in Havana was published in the New York Journal. It described President McKinley as a “would-be politician” and a weak president.The sinking of the USS Maine added fuel to an American public already enraged against the Spaniards because of the letter, although an investigation had failed to establish who was responsible for the explosion.

On February 25, 1898, Commodore George Dewey in Hong Kong received a directive from the United States. He was ordered to take his Asiatic squadron to Manila and attack Spanish forces in the Philippines should war break out between Spain and the United States. Although President McKinley wished to avoid war with Spain, which also wanted to avoid a war with the United States, he ultimately had to give in to pressure from his own Republican Party. On April 11, 1898, he recommended direct American intervention in Cuba to the United States Congress, which voted for war with Spain.

Meanwhile, Spanish Governor-General Primo de Rivera was relieved of his position after the Conservative Party in Spain, to which he belonged, was replaced by the Liberal Party. His replacement, Governor-General Basilio Augustin, knew nothing about conditions in the Philippines. Primo de Rivera had wanted to stay there for a while in the event that Spanish-American relations might turn into a shooting war, in which case it would not have been practical to have a new governor-general in the Philippines.Governor General Augustin arrived on April 9, 1898. He announced he would continue his predecessor’s work of pacification and then assumed a wait-and-see position.

The Battle of Manila Bay

On April 25, 1898, Commodore George Dewey, upon orders, proceeded at once to the Philippines with a squadron of four armored cruisers, two gunboats, and a revenue cutter. It was led by the flagship Olympia. They entered Manila Bay in the early morning of May 1, 1898, and engaged the Spanish fleet of 12 ships, headed by Admiral Patricio Montojo, in a battle that lasted for only a few hours.

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The more-modern American warships, although fewer in number, proved to be superior to the old and weaker Spanish vessels. The not-so-hard-fought Battle of Manila Bay was one of the most significant battles in American history because it established the United States as a world power.For the Philippines, it signalled the end of more than 300 years of Spanish colonial rule. It also signalled the start of a new colonial rule, this time under the Americans. Dewey requested for army reinforcements because he had no troops to capture Manila. All he could do while waiting was blockade Manila Bay.

IV. THE EXILES IN HONG KONG

In Hong Kong, the Filipino exiles followed closely the developments in the Philippines and the conflict between Spain and the United States. They thought of seeking American assistance in their revolutionary cause against the Spaniards. In the meantime, there was a problem regarding disposal of the P400,000 from Governor-General Primo de Rivera, under the terms of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.

Isabelo Artacho wanted the money to be divided among themselves. When Aguinaldo refused, Artacho sued him in the Hong Kong Supreme Court. To escape the inconvenience of having to go to court, Aguinaldo, with Gregorio del Pilar and J. Leyba, secretly went to Singapore and arrived there on April 23, 1898. In the afternoon, Howard Bray, an Englishman who had been living in Singapore, gave Aguinaldo the message that E. Spencer Pratt, the American consul, wanted to talk with him.It turned out that the Americans were thinking of winning the Filipinos over to their side should hostilities between the U.S. and Spain take a turn for the worst.Pratt gave the impression to Aguinaldo that the Americans would not colonize the Philippines. He said that if they were going to leave Cuba (“which is just at our door”) alone after driving the Spaniards away, why would they want the Philippines, which was 10,000 miles away. Aguinaldo then consented to return with Commodore Dewey to the Philippines to once more lead the revolution against Spain, fighting alongside the Americans.

Dewey had already sailed for Manila when Aguinaldo returned to Hong Kong. But Rounseville Wildman, American consul in Hong Kong, told him that Dewey had left instructions that Aguinaldo’s return to the Philippines be arranged. He and Wildman met several times after this. He later suggested that Aguinaldo establish a dictatorial government, which was needed in the prosecution of the war against Spain, but it had to be replaced with a government similar to that of the United States once the war was over and peace was restored. Wildman and Pratt assured Aguinaldo that their government sympathized with the Filipinos’ aspirations for independence, but they did not make any formal commitment.

“What Shall We Do?”

On May 4, Filipinos comprising what was called the Hong Kong Junta met to discuss what to do in the light of the new developments.Those present were Felipe Agoncillo, temporary president; Doroteo Lopez, temporary secretary; and Teodoro Sandico, Anastacio Francisco, Mariano Llanera, Miguel Malvar, Andres Garchitorena, Severo Buenaventura, Maximo Kabigting, Faustino Lichauco, Antonio Montenegro, and Galicano Apacible. Aguinaldo apprised them of what transpired in his meetings with Pratt and Wildman, and asked for their advice on what to do. After discussions, the Junta unanimously decided that Aguinaldo should return to the Philippines to lead the struggle against the Spaniards.

Have Guns, Will Fight

In preparation for his return to the Philippines, Aguinaldo gave Wildman P117,000 to be used in buying guns and ammunition. The first shipment for P50,000 arrived promptly, but Aguinaldo never learned from the consul where the rest of the money went.

Aguinaldo’s Return to the Philippines

Consul Wildman arranged Aguinaldo’s return on the revenue cutter McCulloch, which he and his companions boarded at night to avoid rousing the suspicion of the Spanish consul in Hong Kong.

On May 17, 1898, the ship left and arrived in Cavite two days later. Aguinaldo was then taken to the Olympia, where he was accorded honors due a general. Aguinaldo reportedly said that in their conference Dewey had given him assurance that the United States would recognize Philippine independence, which

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Dewey, however, denied. It is suggested that, there being no sufficient evidence to prove Aguinaldo’s statement, he had mistakenly thought that Dewey was speaking for the American government.Renato Constantino (The Philippines: A Past Revisited) points out that historians have treated the time when Aguinaldo was in Hong Kong as a period when the revolution was put on hold. That was during a time when he and others in Hong Kong were planning its resumption and, with this view, the acts of resistance in the country while Aguinaldo was away were “dismissed as if they were not part of the revolutionary stream.... Actually, the different manifestations of resistance which Aguinaldo so cavalierly branded as banditry just because he had chosen to surrender were the continuing expression of the people’s determination to fight for the goals of the Katipunan.”

Then, Aguinaldo was again in the Philippines, ready to lead the very ones he had branded bandits.With Aguinaldo’s return to the Philippines, Constantino saw “four major forces on the historical stage”:

1. Spanish colonialism, which was trying to ward off its impending end.2. American imperialism, which was waiting for such time when it had gathered sufficient military

strength in the Philippines before showing its real motives. 3. The Filipino ilustrados, whose main concern was to place themselves in a jockeying position

whatever political setup was to emerge. (However, their ultimate objective was supposedly independence, but they were ready to accept becoming an American protectorate or even annexation, just as they readily accepted continuing Spanish rule after the Pact of Biak-na-Bato).

4. And the masses, who still believed in and fought for the revolutionary objectives of the Katipunan.

The people showed that they could continue the struggle without the leadership of those who entered into the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. However, they were unaware of the “dangers that its (leadership) inherently compromising nature posed for the goal of independence.” On May 21, 1898, two days after he arrived, Aguinaldo in a letter advised the people to “respect foreigners and their properties, also enemies who surrender...if we do not conduct ourselves thus the Americans will decide to sell us or else divide up our territory as they will hold us incapable of governing our land, we shall not secure our liberty; rather the contrary; our own soil will be delivered over to other hands.”

When news of Aguinaldo’s arrival spread, a number of Filipino volunteers in the Spanish army defected to the Filipino side. They were assigned to occupy Dalahikan, the Cavite shipyard, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Spaniards. Munitions were obtained from the captain of the American warship Petrel.

By the end of May, with the growing number of revolutionary supporters, 5,000 Spaniards had been captured. Within a week, Imus and Bacood, in Cavite, and Parañaque and Las Piñas in Morong, were seized from Spanish control, so with San Fernando and Macabebe in Pampanga. Joining the fight for freedom were the provinces of Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Tayabas (Quezon), and Camarines.

Spanish Last-Ditch Attempts

Governor-General Augustin was demoralized by the defection of the Filipinos from the Spanish army to Aguinaldo’s side and Dewey’s victory over the Spanish fleet on Manila Bay. Nevertheless, he desperately tried to save the situation.

In May, he issued two decrees creating a Filipino Volunteer Militia and a Consultative Assembly. His purpose was to win over the ilustrados, whom he appointed to both bodies. However, this backfired because all of those appointed in the militia instead joined Aguinaldo. On the other hand, the Consultative Assembly, which was headed by Pedro Paterno, the negotiator of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato and who appealed to the Filipinos to stand by Spain, accomplished nothing.

Cavite Falls

The renewed revolution after Aguinaldo’s arrival from Hongkong immediately became a success. By June 2, 1898, General Artemio Ricarte accepted the surrender of the Spanish commanding general in Cavite.

The Filipinos gained victory after victory. Within the month of June 1898, almost the whole of Luzon (except for the port of Cavite and Manila) had fallen into rebel hands. It was these victories by the people that “gave substance to the legal institutions the ilustrados were establishing.

American Duplicity

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All the while, the Americans waited for reinforcements. Aguinaldo was treated with the courtesies befitting a head of state. Playing safe, the Americans took care not to make any commitments at the same time, continuing to let the Filipinos think they meant well. Their motive was to use the Filipinos to fight the Spaniards until reinforcements arrived.

The Siege of Manila

The Walled City (Intramuros) was then known as the City of Manila. (The outlying districts were the arrabales or suburbs.)When the Spanish navy was destroyed, many Spaniards had taken refuge there. When Dewey did not bombard the city after winning the Battle of Manila Bay, the Spanish became optimistic. They didn’t know that he was just waiting for reinforcements. However, Aguinaldo seized the opportunity to besiege the city and cut off its food and water supply to force the Spaniards out. Aguinaldo offered the option of surrender three times, with generous terms, to Governor-General Augustin but these were rebuffed.

V. DICTATORIAL GOVERNMENT

When Aguinaldo had arrived from Hong Kong, he had with him a draft of a plan drawn up by Mariano Ponce. The plan was for the establishment of a revolutionary government. However, he was prevailed upon by his adviser, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, to form a dictatorial government instead. On May 24, 1898, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing such form of government, albeit temporary in nature. The decree also nullified the orders issued under the Biak-na-Bato Republic.

Having a government in operation, Aguinaldo then deemed it necessary to declare the independence of the Philippines against the objections of Apolinario Mabini, who had become his unofficial adviser.Mabini considered it more important before declaring independence to first reorganize the government into one that could prove to the foreign powers its competence and stability. It was Aguinaldo who won.

Apolinario Mabini: The Brains of the Katipunan

Born in Talaga, Tanauan, Batangas Province, Apolinario Mabini played an important role in the Aguinaldo government. Born of poor parents, his poverty did not deter him from pursuing high studies. His mother wanted him to become a priest. However, he opted to study law, and he received his degree in 1894 from the University of Santo Tomas.

In 1896, he contracted an illness that left him paralyzed in the lower limbs. He had been arrested on suspicion of involvement in the revolution, but he was released when the Spaniards saw he was paralyzed. However, in truth, he did have some involvement, having been a member of Rizal’s reformist La Liga Filipina.

While taking his vacation in Los Baños, Laguna, in 1898, he was fetched by Aguinaldo’s men. The men alternated in carrying him in his hammock. Afterwards, he was made Aguinaldo’s adviser. Those envious of his position regarded him the “Dark Chamber of the President,” but he is better known in history as the “Brains of the Revolution” and the “Sublime Paralytic.””

VI. PROCLAMATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE

On June 12, 1898, Philippine independence was proclaimed in Kawit, Cavite. The Philippine flag, which had been hand-sewn by Marcela Agoncillo in Hong Kong, was first officially raised. Also, the Marcha Nacional Filipina, the Philippine national anthem composed by Julian Felipe, was first played in public. The declaration of independence was patterned after the American Declaration of Independence. It was signed by 98 persons.

Revolutionary Government

For his part, Apolinario Mabini considered the declaration of independence premature and inadequate, due to the lack of participation of the people. Thus, he urged Aguinaldo to change the form of government from dictatorial to revolutionary. That was done on June 23, 1898. The decree also provided for the creation of Congress.

VII. BACK TO THE WALLED CITY

While the Walled City was under naval blockade from the Manila Bay, in June and July, 1898, Aguinaldo had already accomplished a complete tight land siege around the city. For the fourth time, on July 7 (since August 1896) Aguinaldo made another demand from the Spanish general to surrender. The Spanish official,

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however, refused to do so upon instruction from Madrid. He was ordered that if it was inevitable to surrender, he should surrender to the Americans, not to the Filipinos.(In another development, on July 15, 1898, the first cabinet appointments were made. Aguinaldo’s cabinet was composed of ilustrados, most of whom had been on the Spanish side. It is also noteworthy that Cayetano Arellano, who was held in high regard even by the Spaniards, was offered the post of secretary of foreign affairs. However, he declined, pretending to be ill because his loyalties lay with the Americans. Mabini later accepted the position.)

Provinces Recovered

One by One. By the time the Battle of Manila was to be held, other parts of the country were already in complete control of Aguinaldo’s forces. In July, the provinces of La Union, Pangasinan, and Mindoro were taken. Generals Manuel and Casimiro Tinio went to Ilocos from Nueva Ecija to Ilocus Sur. Other forces were sent to Antique and Capiz.

Surrender Negotiations

After fresh American troops arrived on June 30, July 17, and July 31, 1898, Dewey started negotiating with Governor-General Augustin and with Belgian Consul, Andre, acting as go-between for the surrender of the Spaniards. Word about this reached the Peninsular Government, which immediately replaced Augustin with General Fermin Jaudenes. The two powers then very secretly agreed to stage a mock battle between them on one condition—that no Filipino troops would be allowed to enter Manila, clearly an act of betrayal of the Filipinos on the part of the Americans.

Mock Battle of Manila

All along, Aguinaldo and his forces guarded the city, and waited for the Spaniards to give in to hunger and thirst and surrender. After the secret deal between the Americans and the Spaniards, General Merritt, who had overall command of the American forces, decided to conduct the “offensive” against Manila from the side of Manila Bay.General Francis Greene, who headed the second reinforcements, was instructed to tell Aguinaldo and his troops to show their cooperation with the Americans by leaving the area free for the foreigners to occupy. Although Aguinaldo showed caution by demanding that this request be made in writing, he gullibly withdrew his troops when Greene promised to grant that request after the evacuation. But Greene reneged on his promise.

Aguinaldo started to get suspicious about the continuous arrival of American reinforcements. He considered them unnecessary because the Filipinos had the situation well in hand. His sentiments were shared by his generals. They did not, however, do anything about this. Therefore, the American troops were able to be installed in place. On the eve of the mock battle, General Anderson, commander of the first reinforcements, even telegraphed Aguinaldo not to let his troops enter Manila without permission from the American commander or else they would be fired upon.

However, the Filipinos were not to be left out of the assault. On the dark and rainy morning of August 13, 1898, they amassed on the right side of General Arthur MacArthur, who had led the third American reinforcements, ready for battle. The Americans started their mock attack, with the Filipinos unsuspectingly fighting with all their might. There was token resistance from the Spaniards.

At about 11:20 a.m., the Spaniards raised a flag of surrender, but it was only noticed at noon. By 5:00 p.m., the surrender negotiations were completed. The Spanish authorities agreed to surrender the Spaniards and the Filipino volunteers in the city on the condition that the Americans would safeguard the city and its inhabitants, churches, and religious worship. The next day, August 14, the document stating the terms of surrender was formally signed by representatives of both parties. General Merritt then announced the establishment of the Military Government.It turned out that the mock battle need not have been staged, as the two powers had already been negotiating to end hostilities.

Thus, on August 12, Washington, D.C. time, American President McKinley issued a proclamation directing the suspension of all military operations against the Spaniards. However, this did not reach Dewey as he had cut the cable between Manila and the outside world after winning the Battle of Manila Bay. By the time he received it, on August 16, the surrender agreement had been signed.

VIII. REVOLUTIONARY CONGRESS

President Aguinaldo convoked the Revolutionary Congress in Barasoain, Malolos, Bulacan Province. Those officers elected on September 15, 1898, were Pedro A. Paterno (the very same man who had brokered

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the betrayal of the revolution at Biak-na-Bato) as its president; Benito Legarda, vice president; Gregorio Araneta, first secretary; and Pablo Ocampo, second secretary.

The leadership of the revolution had been seized by the Cavite elite when Aguinaldo came into power in Tejeros, Cavite. He then reasserted his (and thus ilustrado) leadership after surrendering in the Pact of Biak-na-Bato and returning from exile in Hong Kong, both with the help of the Americans.

Constitution

The Congress, which Mabini had envisioned to be a mere advisory, not legislative, body of the president, proposed that a constitution be drafted, overruling Mabini’s objections. He had meritoriously argued that the constitution had to be framed under peaceful conditions, but he was outvoted by the majority under Paterno. He proposed a constitution, which was rejected. Instead, one planned by Filipino lawyer Felipe Calderon was considered.

More Provinces Recovered

In September, 1898, the provinces of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya were recovered. General Vicente Lukban also rushed to Samar and Leyte where he met little opposition. On September 15, 1898, in Malolos, Bulacan, President Aguinaldo formally declared the conclusion of the liberation of the Philippines. By October, General Lukban was in control of the situation Camarines.

On November 29, 1898, the Malolos Congress approved the constitution. However, Aguinaldo refused to sign it due to Mabini’s objections.

Meanwhile, there were still Spanish garrisons in Cebu and Iloilo under General Montero and General de los Rios respectively. (Montero and his forces later surrendered on December 24, 1898. General de los Rios was to evacuate to Iloilo on December 26 and leave for Zamboanga on the way home to Spain.)

When Mabini’s objections were satisfied the Malolos Constitution was promulgated on January 21, 1899. On January 23, 1899, the Philippine Republic was inaugurated in Malolos, with Aguinaldo as its first president.

Despite the proclamation of the Philippine independence and the establishment of the First Philippine Republic, the Philippines did not become a member of the family of nations. Among others, the United States and Spain did not recognize it. The U.S. had by then decided to annex the Philippines as its territory in the Pacific.48

SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR AND PHILIPPINE RESISTANCE, Outbreak of War, 1898

Spain's rule in the Philippines came to an end as a result of United States involvement with Spain's other major colony, Cuba. American business interests were anxious for a resolution--with or without Spain--of the insurrection that had broken out in Cuba in February 1895. Moreover, public opinion in the United States had been aroused by newspaper accounts of the brutalities of Spanish rule. When the United States declared war on Spain on April 25, 1898, acting Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt ordered Commodore George Dewey, commander of the Asiatic Squadron, to sail to the Philippines and destroy the Spanish fleet anchored in Manila Bay. The Spanish navy, which had seen its apogee in the support of a global empire in the sixteenth century, suffered an inglorious defeat on May 1, 1898, as Spain's antiquated fleet, including ships with wooden hulls, was sunk by the guns of Dewey's flagship, the Olympia, and other United States warships. More than 380 Spanish sailors died, but there was only one American fatality.

As Spain and the United States had moved toward war over Cuba in the last months of 1897, negotiations of a highly tentative nature began between United States officials and Aguinaldo in both Hong Kong and Singapore. When war was declared, Aguinaldo, a partner, if not an ally, of the United States, was urged by Dewey to return to the islands as quickly as possible. Arriving in Manila on May 19, Aguinaldo reassumed command of rebel forces. Insurrectionists overwhelmed demoralized Spanish garrisons around the capital, and links were established with other movements throughout the islands.

In the eyes of the Filipinos, their relationship with the United States was that of two nations joined in a common struggle against Spain. As allies, the Filipinos provided American forces with valuable intelligence

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(e.g., that the Spanish had no mines or torpedoes with which to sink warships entering Manila Bay), and Aguinaldo's 12,000 troops kept a slightly larger Spanish force bottled up inside Manila until American troop reinforcements could arrive from San Francisco in late June. Aguinaldo was unhappy, however, that the United States would not commit to paper a statement of support for Philippine independence.

By late May, the United States Department of the Navy had ordered Dewey, newly promoted to Admiral, to distance himself from Aguinaldo lest he make untoward commitments to the Philippine forces. The war with Spain still was going on, and the future of the Philippines remained uncertain. The immediate objective was to capture Manila, and it was thought best to do that without the assistance of the insurgents. By late July, there were some 12,000 United States troops in the area, and relations between them and rebel forces deteriorated rapidly.

By the summer of 1898, Manila had become the focus not only of the Spanish-American conflict and the growing suspicions between the Americans and Filipino rebels but also of a rivalry that encompassed the European powers. Following Dewey's victory, Manila Bay was filled with the warships of Britain, Germany, France, and Japan. The German fleet of eight ships, ostensibly in Philippine waters to protect German interests (a single import firm), acted provocatively--cutting in front of United States ships, refusing to salute the United States flag (according to naval courtesy), taking soundings of the harbor, and landing supplies for the besieged Spanish. Germany, hungry for the ultimate status symbol, a colonial empire, was eager to take advantage of whatever opportunities the conflict in the islands might afford. Dewey called the bluff of the German admiral, threatening a fight if his aggressive activities continued, and the Germans backed down.

The Spanish cause was doomed, but Fermín Jaudenes, Spain's last governor in the islands, had to devise a way to salvage the honor of his country. Negotiations were carried out through British and Belgian diplomatic intermediaries. A secret agreement was made between the governor and United States military commanders in early August 1898 concerning the capture of Manila. In their assault, American forces would neither bombard the city nor allow the insurgents to take part (the Spanish feared that the Filipinos were plotting to massacre them all). The Spanish, in turn, would put up only a show of resistance and, on a prearranged signal, would surrender. In this way, the governor would be spared the ignominy of giving up without a fight, and both sides would be spared casualties. The mock battle was staged on August 13. The attackers rushed in, and by afternoon the United States flag was flying over Intramuros, the ancient walled city that had been the seat of Spanish power for over 300 years.

The agreement between Jaudenes and Dewey marked a curious reversal of roles. At the beginning of the war, Americans and Filipinos had been allies against Spain in all but name; now Spanish and Americans were in a partnership that excluded the insurgents. Fighting between American and Filipino troops almost broke out as the former moved in to dislodge the latter from strategic positions around Manila on the eve of the attack. Aguinaldo was told bluntly by the Americans that his army could not participate and would be fired upon if it crossed into the city. The insurgents were infuriated at being denied triumphant entry into their own capital, but Aguinaldo bided his time. Relations continued to deteriorate, however, as it became clear to Filipinos that the Americans were in the islands to stay.

The Malolos Constitution and the Treaty of Paris

After returning to the islands, Aguinaldo wasted little time in setting up an independent government. On June 12, 1898, a declaration of independence, modeled on the American one, was proclaimed at his headquarters in Cavite. It was at this time that Apolinario Mabini, a lawyer and political thinker, came to prominence as Aguinaldo's principal adviser. Born into a poor indio family but educated at the University of Santo Tomás, he advocated "simultaneous external and internal revolution," a philosophy that unsettled the more conservative landowners and ilustrados who initially supported Aguinaldo. For Mabini, true independence for the Philippines would mean not simply liberation from Spain (or from any other colonial power) but also educating the people for self-government and abandoning the paternalistic, colonial mentality that the Spanish had cultivated over the centuries. Mabini's The True Decalogue, published in July 1898 in the form of ten commandments, used this medium, somewhat paradoxically, to promote critical thinking and a reform of customs and attitudes. His Constitutional Program for the Philippine Republic, published at the same time, elaborated his ideas on political institutions.

On September 15, 1898, a revolutionary congress was convened at Malolos, a market town located thirty-two kilometers north of Manila, for the purpose of drawing up a constitution for the new republic. A document was approved by the congress on November 29, 1898. Modeled on the constitutions of France, Belgium, and Latin American countries, it was promulgated at Malolos on January 21, 1899, and two days later Aguinaldo was inaugurated as president. American observers traveling in Luzon commented that the areas

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controlled by the republic seemed peaceful and well governed. The Malolos congress had set up schools, a military academy, and the Literary University of the Philippines. Government finances were organized, and new currency was issued. The army and navy were established on a regular basis, having regional commands. The accomplishments of the Filipino government, however, counted for little in the eyes of the great powers as the transfer of the islands from Spanish to United States rule was arranged in the closing months of 1898.

In late September, treaty negotiations were initiated between Spanish and American representatives in Paris. The Treaty of Paris was signed on December 10, 1898. Among its conditions was the cession of the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico to the United States (Cuba was granted its independence); in return, the United States would pay Spain the sum of US$20 million. The nature of this payment is rather difficult to define; it was paid neither to purchase Spanish territories nor as a war indemnity. In the words of historian Leon Wolff, "it was . . . a gift. Spain accepted it. Quite irrelevantly she handed us the Philippines. No question of honor or conquest was involved. The Filipino people had nothing to say about it, although their rebellion was thrown in (so to speak) free of charge." The Treaty of Paris aroused anger among Filipinos. Reacting to the US$20 million sum paid to Spain, La Independencia (Independence), a newspaper published in Manila by a revolutionary, General Antonio Luna, stated that "people are not to be bought and sold like horses and houses. If the aim has been to abolish the traffic in Negroes because it meant the sale of persons, why is there still maintained the sale of countries with inhabitants?" Tension and ill feelings were growing between the American troops in Manila and the insurgents surrounding the capital. In addition to Manila, Iloilo, the main port on the island of Panay, also was a pressure point. The Revolutionary Government of the Visayas was proclaimed there on November 17, 1898, and an American force stood poised to capture the city. Upon the announcement of the treaty, the radicals, Mabini and Luna, prepared for war, and provisional articles were added to the constitution giving President Aguinaldo dictatorial powers in times of emergency. President William McKinley issued a proclamation on December 21, 1898, declaring United States policy to be one of "benevolent assimilation" in which "the mild sway of justice and right" would be substituted for "arbitrary rule." When this was published in the islands on January 4, 1899, references to "American sovereignty" having been prudently deleted, Aguinaldo issued his own proclamation that condemned "violent and aggressive seizure" by the United States and threatened war.

Philippine-American War

On the night of February 4, 1899, a Filipino was shot by an American sentry as he crossed the San Juan bridge. This incident is considered the beginning of the Philippine-American War, and open fighting soon broke out between American troops and pro-independence Filipinos. Superior American firepower drove Filipino troops away from the city, and the Malolos government had to move from one place to another.Aguinaldo led resistance to the American occupation, then retreated to northern Luzon with the Americans on his trail. On June 2, 1899, a telegram from Aguinaldo was received by Gen. Antonio Luna, an arrogant but brilliant general and looming rival in the military hierarchy, ordering him to proceed to Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija for a meeting at the Cabanatuan Church Convent. Three days later (June 5), when Luna arrived, he learned Aguinaldo was not available at the appointed place. As Gen. Luna was about to depart, he was shot, then stabbed to death by Aguinaldo's men. He was later buried in the churchyard. Less than two years later, Aguinaldo was captured in Palanan, Isabela on March 23, 1901 by US General Frederick Funston, with the help of Filipino trackers/traitors who had gained access to Aguinaldo's camp by pretending to surrender to the Filipinos.Taking him into custody, Funston noted his "dignified bearing," "excellent qualities," and "humane instincts." He accepted an offer that his life would be spared if he pledged allegiance to the United States. He pledged allegiance on April 1, 1901, effectively ending the First Republic and recognizing the sovereignty of the United States over the Philippines. Nevertheless, many others (like Miguel Malvar and Macario Sakay) continued to resist the American occupation and the war would continue for many more years.

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In 1903 after McKinley died an elderly supporter named James F. Rusling recalled that in 1899 McKinley had said to a religious delegation:

"The truth is I didn't want the Philippines, and when they came to us as a gift from the gods, I did not know what to do with them.... I sought counsel from all sides - Democrats as well as Republicans - but got little help. I thought first we would take only Manila; then Luzon; then other islands, perhaps, also. I walked the floor of the White House night after night until midnight; and I am not ashamed to tell you, gentlemen, that I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light and guidance more than one night." "And one night late it came to me this way - I don't know how it was, but it came: (1) That we could not give them back to Spain - that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that we could not turn them over to France or Germany - our commercial rivals in the Orient - that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) that we could not

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leave them to themselves - they were unfit for self-government - and they would soon have anarchy and misrule over there worse than Spain's was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God's grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellow men for whom Christ also died. And then I went to bed and went to sleep and slept soundly."

The question is whether McKinley said any such thing, especially regarding "Christianize" the natives, or whether Rusling added it. McKinley was a religious person but never said God told him to do anything. McKinley never used the term Christianize (and indeed it was rare in 1898). McKinley operated a highly effective publicity bureau in the White House and he gave hundreds of interviews to reporters, and hundreds of public speeches to promote his Philippines policy. Yet no authentic speech or newspaper report contains anything like the purported words or sentiment. The man who remembered it -- a Civil War veteran--had written a book on the war that was full of exaggeration. The supposed highly specific quote from memory years after the event is unlikely enough--especially when the quote uses words like "Christianize" that were never used by McKinley. Conclusion of historians such as Lewis Gould: it is remotely possible but highly unlikely McKinley said the last part.For a discussion of this question, ( Gould 1980, pp. 140-142).

Tensions between the Filipinos and the American soldiers on the islands existed because of the conflicting movements for independence and colonization, aggravated by the feelings of betrayal on the part of Aguinaldo, who had been brought to the islands by the American navy. Hostilities started on February 4, 1899 when an American soldier shot a Filipino soldier who was crossing a bridge into American-occupied territory in San Juan del Monte, an incident historians now consider to be the start of the war. U.S. President William McKinley later told reporters "that the insurgents had attacked Manila" in justifying war on the Philippines. The Battle of Manila (1899) that followed caused thousands of casualties for Filipinos and Americans alike.The administration of U.S. President McKinley subsequently declared Aguinaldo to be an "outlaw bandit", and no formal declaration of war was ever issued. Two reasons have been given for this: 1)One is that calling the war the Philippine Insurrection made it appear to be a rebellion against a lawful government; and 2)The other was to enable the American government to avoid liability to claims by veterans of the action.

American escalation

A large American military force (126,000 soldiers) was needed to occupy the country, and would be regularly engaged in war against Filipino forces for another decade. Also, Macabebe Filipinos were recruited by the United States Army. Twenty-six of the 30 American generals who served in the Philippines from 1898 to 1902 had fought in the Indian Wars.By the end of February, 1899, the Americans had prevailed in the struggle for Manila, and the Philippine Army of Liberation was forced to retreat north. Hard-fought American victories followed at Quingua (April), Zapote Bridge (June), and Tirad Pass (December). With the June assassination of General Antonio Luna, conventional military leadership was weakened. Brigadier General Gregorio del Pilar, fought a heroic Filipino delaying action at Battle of Tirad Pass to buy time for Aguinaldo to escape, escape he did, but del Pilar was killed in the final attack. For the the Filipinos, this battle remains their Thermopylae. After this battle and with the loss of two of their best generals, the Filipinos' ability to fight a conventional rapidly diminished.

Aguinaldo's strategy

Estimates of the insurgent forces vary between 80,000 and 100,000, with tens of thousands of auxiliaries. Lack of weapons and munitions was a significant impediment to the insurgents. U.S. troop strength was 40,000 at the start of hostilities and peaked at 74,000 two years later. Typically only 60 percent of American troops were combat troops. With a field strength ranging from 24,000 to 44,000, this force was able to defeat an opponent many times its size.

The goal, or end-state, sought by the Filipino insurgency was a sovereign, independent, socially stable Philippines led by the illustrado oligarchy. Local chieftains, landowners, and businessmen were the principales who controlled local politics. The insurgency was strongest when illustrados, principales, and peasants were unified in opposition to annexation. The peasants, who

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provided the bulk of guerilla manpower, had interests different from their illustrado leaders and the principales of their villages. Coupled with the ethnic and geographic fragmentation, unity was a daunting task. The challenge for Aguinaldo and his generals was to sustain unified Filipino public opposition; this was the insurrectos' strategic center of gravity.

The Filipino operational center of gravity was the ability to sustain its force of 100,000 irregulars in the field. The Filipino General Francisco Macabulos described the insurrection's aim as, "not to vanquish the [US Army] but to inflict on them constant losses." They sought to initially use conventional (later guerilla) tactics and an increasing toll of US casualties to contribute to McKinley's defeat in the 1900 presidential election. Their hope was that as President the avowedly anti-imperialist William Jennings Bryan would withdraw from the Philippines. They pursued this short-term goal with guerilla tactics better suited to a protracted struggle. While targeting McKinley motivated the insurgents in the short term, his victory demoralized them and convinced many undecided Filipinos that the United States would not depart precipitately.

The guerrilla war phase

As of 1900, Aguinaldo ordered his army to engage in guerrilla warfare, a means of operation which better suited them and made American occupation of the Philippine archipelago all the more difficult over the next few years. In fact, during just the first four months of the guerrilla war, the Americans lost nearly 500 men who were either killed or wounded. The Filipino resistance fighters began staging bloody ambushes and raids. Most infamous were the guerrilla victories at Pulang Lupa and Balangiga. At first, it even seemed as if the Filipinos would fight the Americans to a stalemate and force them to withdraw. This was even considered by President McKinley at the beginning of the phase.

The shift to guerrilla warfare, however, only angered the Americans into acting more ruthlessly than before. They began taking no prisoners, burning whole villages, and routinely shooting surrendering Filipinos. Much worse were the concentration camps that civilians were forced into, after being suspected of being guerrilla sympathizers. Thousands of civilians died in these camps. In nearly all cases, the civilians suffered much worse than the actual Filipino guerrillas.

The subsequent American repression towards the population decreased tremendously the materials, men, and morale of many Filipino resistance fighters, compelling them in one way or another to surrender.

Aguinaldo Captured; downfall of the Philippine Army

The Philippine Army continued suffering defeats time and time again by the better armed Americans when fighting conventional warfare, forcing Aguinaldo to continuously change his base of operations, which he did off and on for nearly the length of the entire war.

General Frederick Funston was able to use Aguinaldo's poor security against him, when Funston on March 23, 1901 in northern Luzon, faked capture with the help of some Filipinos who had joined the Americans' side. Once Funston and his "captors" entered Aguinaldo's camp, they immediately fell upon the guards and quickly overwhelmed them and the weary Aguinaldo. On April 1, 1901, at the Malacañang palace in Manila Aguinaldo swore an oath accepting the authority of the United States over the Philippines and pledging his allegiance to the American government. Three weeks later he publicly called on his followers to lay down arms. "Let the stream of blood cease to flow; let there be an end to tears and desolation," Aguinaldo said. "The lesson which the war holds out and the significance of which I realized only recently, leads me to the firm conviction that the complete termination of hostilities and a lasting peace are not only desirable but also absolutely essential for the well-being of the Philippines." (Brands p. 59)

The capture of Aguinaldo dealt a severe blow to the Filipino cause, but not as much as the Americans had hoped. The less competent General Mariano Trias succeeded him, but surrendered shortly after.

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Command then fell to highly regarded General Miguel Malvar, who originally had taken a defensive stance against the Americans, now launched all out offensives against the American-held towns in the Batangas region. Though his victories were small, they were a testament that the war was not yet over.

In response, General J. Franklin Bell performed tactics that countered Malvar's guerilla strategy perfectly. Forcing civilians to live in hamlets, interrogating suspected guerillas (and regular civilian alike), and his execution of scorched earth campaigns took a heavy toll on the Filipino revolutionaries.

Bell also relentlessly pursued Malvar and his men, breaking ranks, dropping morale, and forcing the surrender of many of the Filipino fighters. Finally, in April of 1902, after barely escaping capture, Malvar with his sick wife and children along with some of his most trusted officers who stood with him until the end, surrendered. By the end of the month, nearly 3,000 of Malvar's men also gave into the inevitable and surrendered.

With the surrender of Malvar, the last truly capable general of the Philippine Army, the Filipino fight began to dwindle even further. Command changed hands frequently, as each general one after another, was killed, captured, or just surrendered.

Although unorganized bands of guerillas roamed the countryside for nearly a decade, with the occasional clash with American Army or Philippine Constabulary patrols, the Filipinos, for the most part, accepted that the Americans had won.

The United States declared the insurgency officially over in 1902.

American opposition to the war

Some Americans, notably William Jennings Bryan, Mark Twain, Andrew Carnegie, and other members of the American Anti-Imperialist League, strongly objected to the annexation of the Philippines. Other Americans mistakenly thought that the Philippines wanted to become part of the United States. Anti-imperialist movements claimed that the United States had betrayed its lofty goals of the Spanish-American War by becoming a colonial power, merely replacing Spain in the Philippines. Other anti-imperialists opposed annexation on racist grounds. Among those who opposed annexation were individuals such as Senator Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina, who feared that annexation of the Philippines would lead to an influx of non-white immigrants, thus undermining white racial purity in America. As news of atrocities committed in subduing the Philippines arrived in the United States, support for the war flagged.

Mark Twain famously opposed the war by using his influence in the press. He felt it betrayed the ideals of American Democracy by not allowing the Filipino people to choose their own destiny.

"There is the case of the Philippines. I have tried hard, and yet I cannot for the life of me comprehend how we got into that mess. Perhaps we could not have avoided it -- perhaps it was inevitable that we should come to be fighting the natives of those islands -- but I cannot understand it, and have never been able to get at the bottom of the origin of our antagonism to the natives. I thought we should act as their protector -- not try to get them under our heel. We were to relieve them from Spanish tyranny to enable them to set up a government of their own, and we were to stand by and see that it got a fair trial. It was not to be a government according to our ideas, but a government that represented the feeling of the majority of the Filipinos, a government according to Filipino ideas. That would have been a worthy mission for the United States. But now -- why, we have got into a mess, a quagmire from which each fresh step renders the difficulty of extrication immensely greater. I'm sure I wish I could see what we were getting out of it, and all it means to us as a nation."

Muslims

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In the south, Muslim Filipinos resisted until 1913— the so-called Moro rebellion. They were never part of Aguinaldo's movement. During this conflict, the Americans realized a need to be able to stop a charging tribesman with a single shot. To fill this need, the Colt M1911 Handgun was developed for its larger .45 caliber ammunition (45 ACP), resulting in additional stopping power.

Casualties

During the war, 4,324 American soldiers died --only 1000-1500 of which due to acutual combat, the rest contributed to disease. 2,818 were wounded. There were also 2,000 casualties that the Philippine Constabulary suffered during the war, over a thousand of which were fatalities. Philippine military deaths are estimated at 20,000 with 16,000 actually counted, while civilian deaths numbered in 250,000 to 1,000,000 Filipinos, including counting those killed by war, malnutrition and a cholera epidemic that raged during (and after) the insurrection. The American military and Philipine Constabulary still suffered periodic losses combating small bands of Moro guerillas in the far south until 1913.

The high casualty figures are due mostly to the combination of superior arms and even more superior numbers of the Americans. They had the most modern and up-to-date weapons in the world with the most superb bolt action rifles and machine guns and were also well led. Furthermore there were the U.S. warships at the ready to destroy Philippine positions when needed. In contrast, the Filipinos were armed with a motley collection of rifles, a number of which were taken from dead Spanish or American soldiers, or smuggled into the country by their fellow Filipinos. Their artillery was not much better, mostly worn out artillery pieces captured from the Spanish. Although they did have a few Maxim and Gatling machine guns, along with a few modern Krupp artillery pieces, these were highly prized and taken to the rear for fear of capture before they could play any decisive role. Ammunition along with rifles also became scarce as the war dragged on, and they had to manufacture their own, like the homemade paltik. Still most did not even have firearms. Many used bolos, spears, and lances in fighting, which also contributed to high casualty figures when such obsolete weapons were used against the Americans' superior arms. The Filipinos knew their own country and rough terrain well however, in contrast to the Americans fighting on foreign terrain.In recognition of United States military service, during the Philippine-American War, the United States military created two service decorations which were known as the Philippine Campaign Medal and the Philippine Congressional Medal.

In 1916 the United States granted the Philippines self-government and promised eventual independence, which came in 1946.

War Crimes American torture and scorched-earth campaigns

General Jacob H. Smith's infamous order, "Kill everyone over ten," was the caption in the New York Journal cartoon on May 5, 1902. The Old Glory draped an American shield on which a vulture replaced the bald eagle. Caption is: "Criminals because they were born ten years before we took the Philippines." In fact no children were executed and the general was court martialed.In 1908, Manuel Arellano Remondo, in a book entitled General Geography of the Philippine Islands, wrote:"The population decreased due to the wars, in the five-year periodfrom 1895 to 1900, since, at the start of the first insurrection, the population was estimated at 9,000,000, and at present (1908), the inhabitants of the Archipelago do not exceed 8,000,000 in number."

U.S. attacks into the countryside often included scorched earth campaigns where entire villages were burned and destroyed, torture (water cure) and the concentration of civilians into "protected zones" (concentration camps). Many of the civilian casualties resulted from disease and famine. Reports of the execution of U.S. soldiers taken prisoner by the Filipinos led to savage reprisals by American forces. Many American officers and soldiers called war a "nigger killing business".

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American soldiers letters and response

From almost the beginning of the war, soldiers wrote home describing, and usually bragging about, atrocities committed against Filipinos, soldiers and civilians alike. Increasingly, such personal letters, or portions of them, reached a national audience as anti-imperialist editors across the nation reproduced them.

*For a small sampling of some of the letters and statements see: Wikiquote: American Torture and Attrocities against Filipinos, Once these accounts were widely reproduced, the War Department was forced to demand that General Otis investigate their authenticity. For each press clipping, he forwarded it to the writer’s commanding officer, who would then convince the soldier to write a retraction.

Private Charles Brenner of the Kansas regiment resisted such pressure. He insisted that Colonel Funston50 toured the United States speaking to increase public support for the war in the Philippines. He said: "I personally strung up thirty-five Filipinos without trial, so what was all the fuss over Waller's "dispatching" a few "treacherous savages"? If there had been more Smiths and Wallers, the war would have been over long ago. Impromptu domestic hanging might also hasten the end of the war. For starters, all Americans who had recently petitioned Congress to sue for peace in the Philippines should be dragged out of their homes and lynched.--Colonel Frederick Funston at a banquet in Chicago. had ordered that all prisoners be shot and that Major Metcalf and Captain Bishop enforced these orders. Otis was obliged to order the Northern Luzon sector commander, General MacArthur, to look into the charge. Brenner confronted MacArthur’s aide with a corroborating witness, Private Putman, who confessed to shooting two prisoners after Bishop or Metcalf ordered, “Kill them! Damn it, Kill them!” MacArthur sent his aide’s report on to Otis with no comment. Otis ordered Brenner court-martialed “for writing and conniving at the publication of an article which... contains willful falsehoods concerning himself and a false charge against Captain Bishop." The judge advocate in Manila convinced Otis that such a trial could open a Pandora’s box, as “facts would develop implicating many others.”

General Otis sent the Brenner case to Washington writing: “After mature deliberation, I doubt the wisdom of court-martial in this case, as it would give the insurgent authorities a knowledge of what was taking place and they would assert positively that our troops had practiced inhumanities, whether the charge should be proven or not, as they would use it as an excuse to defend their own barbarities;” and Otis went on, justifying the war crimes, “and it is not thought that his charge is very grievous under the circumstances then existing, as it was very early in the war, and the patience of our men was under greatstrain.” (Miller, p. 89;)Towards the end of 1899, General Otis attempted to repair his battered image. He began to work to win new friends among the journalists in Manila and bestowed favors on any journalist who gave him favourable press. (Miller, p. 91)

Concentration camps

As one historian wrote about Marinduque, the first island with concentration camps: "The triple press of concentration (camps), devastation, and harassment led Abad (the Marinduque commander) …to request a truce to negotiate surrender terms… The Army pacified Marinduque not by winning the allegiance of the people, but by imposing coercive measures to control their behavior and separate them from the insurgents in the field. Ultimately, military and security measures proved to be the (essential element) of Philippine pacification."This assessment could probably be applied to all of the Philippines.

Filipino atrocities

To counter the bad press back in America, General Otis stated that insurgents tortured American prisoners in “fiendish fashion”, some of whom were buried alive, or worse, up their necks in anthills to be slowly devoured. Others were castrated, had the removed parts stuffed into their mouths, and were then left to suffocate or bleed to death. It was also stated that some prisoners were deliberately infested with leprosy before being released to spread the disease among their comrades. Spanish priests were horribly mutilated before their congregations, and natives who

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refused to support Emilio Aguinaldo were slaughtered by the thousands. American newspaper headlines announced the “Murder and Rapine” by the “Fiendish Filipinos.” General “Fighting Joe” Wheeler insisted that it was the Filipinos who had mutilated their own dead, murdered women and children, and burned down villages, solely to discredit American soldiers. (Miller, p. 92-93)

Other atrocities included those by General Vicente Lukban, the Filipino commander who masterminded the surprise attack in the Balangiga Massacre, that killed over fifty American soldiers. Media reports stated that many of the bodies were mutilated.(Boot, p. 102) Sergeant Hallock testified in the Lodge committee said natives were given the water cure, “…in order to secure information of the murder of Private O'Herne of Company I, who had been not only killed, but roasted and otherwise tortured before death ensued.”51

Reporters and Red Cross accounts contradict Otis

During the closing months of 1899, Emilio Aguinaldo attempted to counter General Otis’s account by suggesting that neutral parties—foreign journalists or representatives of the International Red Cross inspect his military operations. Otis refused, but Emilio Aguinaldo managed to smuggle in four reporters—two English, one Canadian, and a Japanese into the Philippines. The correspondents returned to Manila to report that American captives were “treated more like guests than prisoners,” were “fed the best that the country affords, and everything is done to gain their favor.” The story went on to say that American prisoners were offered commissions in the Philippine army and that three had accepted. The four reporters were expelled from the Philippines as soon as their stories were printed.52

Emilio Aguinaldo also released some American prisoners so they could tell their own stories. In a Boston Globe article entitled “With the Goo Goo’s” Paul Spillane described his fair treatment as a prisoner. Emilio Aguinaldo had even invited American captives to the christening of his baby and had given each a present of four dollars, Spillane recounted. Naval Lieutenant J.C. Gilmore, whose release was forced by American cavalry pursuing Aguinaldo into the mountains, insisted that he had received “considerable treatment” and that he was no more starved than were his captors. Otis responded to these two articles by ordering the “capture” of the two authors, and that they be “investigated”, therefore questioning their loyalty.53

When F.A. Blake of the International Red Cross arrived at Emilio Aguinaldo’s request, Otis kept him confined to Manila, where Otis’s staff explained all of the Filipinos' violations of civilized warfare. Blake managed to slip away from an escort and venture into the field. Blake never made it past American lines, but even within American lines he saw burned out villages and “horribly mutilated bodies, with stomachs slit open and occasionally decapitated.” Blake waited to return to San Francisco, where he told one reporter that “American soldiers are determined to kill every Filipino in sight.”54

Ratio of Filipinos wounded

The most conclusive evidence that the enemy wounded were being killed, came from the official reports of Otis and his successor, General Arthur MacArthur, Jr., which claimed fifteen Filipinos killed for every one wounded. In the American Civil War, the ratio had been five wounded for every soldier killed, which is close to historical norm. Otis attempted to explain this anomaly by the superior marksmanship of rural southerners and westerners who had hunted all their lives.MacArthur added a racial twist, asserting that Anglo-Saxons do not succumb to wounds as easily as do men of "inferior races." 55

English education and the Catholic Church

The Catholic Church was disestablished, and a considerable amount of church land was purchased and redistributed.During the U.S. occupation, English was declared the official language, although the languages of the Philippine people were Spanish, Visayan, Tagalog, Ilokano, Pangasinan and other native languages. Also, six hundred American teachers were imported aboard the USS Thomas.

Quotes

In the fall of 1899, MacArthur, who was still loyal to General Otis, said to reporter H. Irving Hannock:

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When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that Aguinaldo’s troops represented only a faction. I did not like to believe that the whole population of Luzon—the native population that is—was opposed to us and our offers of aid and good government. But after having come this far, after having occupied several towns and cities in succession, and having been brought much into contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads.56

A Collaborative Philippine Leadership

The most important step in establishing a new political system was the successful coaptation of the Filipino elite--called the "policy of attraction." Wealthy and conservative ilustrados, the self-described "oligarchy of intelligence," had been from the outset reluctant revolutionaries, suspicious of the Katipunan and willing to negotiate with either Spain or the United States. Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, a descendant of Spanish nobility, and Benito Legarda, a rich landowner and capitalist, had quit Aguinaldo's government in 1898 as a result of disagreements with Mabini. Subsequently, they worked closely with the Schurman and Taft commissions, advocating acceptance of United States rule.

In December 1900, de Tavera and Legarda established the Federalista Party, advocating statehood for the islands. In the following year they were appointed the first Filipino members of the Philippine Commission of the legislature. In such an advantageous position, they were able to bring influence to bear to achieve the appointment of Federalistas to provincial governorships, the Supreme Court, and top positions in the civil service. Although the party boasted a membership of 200,000 by May 1901, its proposal to make the islands a state of the United States had limited appeal, both in the islands and in the United States, and the party was widely regarded as being opportunistic. In 1905 the party revised its program over the objections of its leaders, calling for "ultimate independence" and changing its name to the National Progressive Party (Partido Nacional Progresista).

The Nacionalista Party, established in 1907, dominated the Philippine political process until after World War II. It was led by a new generation of politicians, although they were not ilustrados and were by no means radical. One of the leaders, Manuel Quezon, came from a family of moderate wealth. An officer in Aguinaldo's army, he studied law, passed his bar examination in 1903, and entered provincial politics, becoming governor of Tayabas in 1906 before being elected to the Philippine Assembly the following year. His success at an early age was attributable to consummate political skills and the support of influential Americans. His Nacionalista Party associate and sometime rival was Sergio Osmeña, the college-educated son of a shopkeeper, who had worked as a journalist. The former journalist's thoroughness and command of detail made him a perfect complement to Quezon. Like Quezon, Osmeña had served as a provincial governor (in his home province of Cebu) before being elected in 1907 to the assembly and, at age twenty-nine, selected as its first speaker.

Although the Nacionalista Party's platform at its founding called for "immediate independence," American observers believed that Osmeña and Quezon used this appeal only to get votes. In fact, their policy toward the Americans was highly accommodating. In 1907 an understanding was reached with an American official that the two leaders would block any attempt by the Philippine Assembly to demand independence. Osmeña and Quezon, who were the dominant political figures in the islands up to World War II, were genuinely committed to independence. The failure of Aguinaldo's revolutionary movement, however, had taught them the pragmatism of adopting a conciliatory policy.

The appearance of the Nacionalista Party in 1907 marked the emergence of the party system, although the party was without an effective rival from 1916 for most of the period until the emergence of the Liberal Party in 1946. Much of the system's success (or, rather, the success of the Nacionalistas) depended on the linkage of modern political institutions with traditional social structures and practices. Most significantly, it involved the integration of local-level elite groups into the new political system. Philippine parties have been described by political scientist Carl Landé as organized "upward" rather than "downward." That is, national followings were put together by party leaders who worked in conjunction with local elite groups--in many cases the descendants of the principalía of Spanish times--who controlled constituencies tied to them in patron-client relationships. The issue of independence, and the conditions and timing under which it would be granted, generated considerable passion in the national political arena. According to Landé, however, the decisive factors in terms of popular support were more often local and particularistic issues rather than national or ideological concerns. Filipino political associations depended on intricate networks of personalistic ties, directed upward to Manila and the national legislature.

The linchpins of the system created under United States tutelage were the village- and province-level notables--often labeled bosses or caciques by colonial administrators--who garnered support by exchanging specific favors for votes. Reciprocal relations between inferior and superior (most often tenants or sharecroppers with large landholders) usually involved the concept of utang na loob (repayment of debts) or

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kinship ties, and they formed the basis of support for village-level factions led by the notables. These factions decided political party allegiance. The extension of voting rights to all literate males in 1916, the growth of literacy, and the granting of women's suffrage in 1938 increased the electorate considerably. The elite, however, was largely successful in monopolizing the support of the newly enfranchised, and a genuinely populist alternative to the status quo was never really established.

The policy of attraction ensured the success of what colonial administrators called the political education of the Filipinos. It was, however, also the cause of its greatest failure. Osmeña and Quezon, as the acknowledged representatives, were not genuinely interested in social reform, and serious problems involving land ownership, tenancy, and the highly unequal distribution of wealth were largely ignored. The growing power of the Nacionalista Party, particularly in the period after 1916 when it gained almost complete control of a bicameral Filipino legislature, barred the effective inclusion of nonelite interests in the political system. Not only revolution but also moderate reform of the social and economic systems were precluded. Discussions of policy alternatives became less salient to the political process than the dynamics of personalism and the ethic of give and take.

The Jones Act

The term of Governor General Francis Burton Harrison (1913-21) was one of particularly harmonious collaboration between Americans and Filipinos. Harrison's attitudes (he is described as having regarded himself as a "constitutional monarch" presiding over a "government of Filipinos") reflected the relatively liberal stance of Woodrow Wilson's Democratic Party administration. In 1913 Wilson had appointed five Filipinos to the Philippine Commission of the legislature, giving it a Filipino majority for the first time. Harrison undertook rapid "Filipinization" of the civil service, much to the anger and distress of Americans in the islands, including superannuated officials. In 1913 there had been 2,623 American and 6,363 Filipino officials; in 1921 there were 13,240 Filipino and 614 American administrators. Critics accused Harrison of transforming a "colonial government of Americans aided by Filipinos" into a "government of Filipinos aided by Americans" and of being the "plaything and catspaw of the leaders of the Nacionalista Party."

A major step was taken in the direction of independence in 1916, when the United States Congress passed a second organic law, commonly referred to as the Jones Act, which replaced the 1902 law. Its preamble stated the intent to grant Philippine independence as soon as a stable government was established. The Philippine Senate replaced the Philippine Commission as the upper house of the legislature. Unlike the commission, all but two of the Senate's twenty-four members (and all but nine of the ninety representatives in the lower house, now renamed the House of Representatives) were popularly elected. The two senators and nine representatives were appointed by the governor general to represent the non-Christian peoples. The legislature's actions were subject to the veto of the governor general, and it could not pass laws affecting the rights of United States citizens. The Jones Act brought the legislative branch under Filipino control.

The executive still was firmly under the control of an appointed governor general, and most Supreme Court justices, who were appointed by the United States president, still were Americans in 1916.

Elections were held for the two houses in 1916, and the Nacionalista Party made an almost clean sweep. All but one elected seat in the Senate and eighty-three out of ninety elected seats in the House were won by their candidates, leaving the National Progressive Party (the former Federalista Party) a powerless opposition. Quezon was chosen president of the Senate, and Osmeña continued as speaker of the House.

The Jones Act remained the basic legislation for the administration of the Philippines until the United States Congress passed new legislation in 1934 which became effective in 1935, establishing the Commonwealth of the Philippines. Provisions of the Jones Act were differently interpreted, however, by the governors general. Harrison rarely challenged the legislature by his use of the veto power. His successor, General Leonard Wood (1921-27), was convinced that United States withdrawal from the islands would be as disastrous for the Filipinos as it would be for the interests of the United States in the western Pacific. He aroused the intense opposition of the Nacionalistas by his use of the veto power 126 times in his six years in office. The Nacionalista Party created a political deadlock when ranking Filipino officials resigned in 1923 leaving their positions vacant until Wood's term ended with his death in 1927. His successors, however, reversed Wood's policies and reestablished effective working relations with Filipino politicians.

Although the Jones Act did not transfer responsibility for the Moro regions (reorganized in 1914 under the Department of Mindanao and Sulu) from the American governor to the Filipinocontrolled legislature, Muslims perceived the rapid Filipinization of the civil service and United States commitment to eventual independence as serious threats. In the view of the Moros, an independent Philippines would be dominated by Christians , their traditional enemies. United States policy from 1903 had been to break down the historical autonomy of the Muslim territories. Immigration of Christian settlers from Luzon and the Visayan Islands to the relatively unsettled regions of Mindanao was encouraged, and the new arrivals began supplanting the Moros in

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their own homeland. Large areas of the island were opened to economic exploitation. There was no legal recognition of Muslim customs and institutions. In March 1935, Muslim datu petitioned United States president Franklin D. Roosevelt, asking that "the American people should not release us until we are educated and become powerful because we are like a calf who, once abandoned by its mother, would be devoured by a merciless lion." Any suggestion of special status for or continued United States rule over the Moro regions, however, was vehemently opposed by Christian Filipino leaders who, when the Commonwealth of the Philippines was established, gained virtually complete control over government institutions.

The Taft Commission, appointed in 1900, viewed economic development, along with education and the establishment of representative institutions, as one of the three pillars of the United States program of tutelage. Its members had ambitious plans to build railroads and highways, improve harbor facilities, open greater markets for Philippine goods through the lowering or elimination of tariffs, and stimulate foreign investment in mining, forestry, and cash-crop cultivation. In 1901 some 93 percent of the islands' total land area was public land, and it was hoped that a portion of this area could be sold to American investors. Those plans were frustrated, however, by powerful agricultural interests in the United States Congress who feared competition from Philippine sugar, coconut oil, tobacco, and other exports. Although Taft argued for more liberal terms, the United States Congress, in the 1902 Land Act, set a limit of 16 hectares of Philippine public land to be sold or leased to American individuals and 1,024 hectares to American corporations. This act and tight financial markets in the United States discouraged the development of large-scale, foreign-owned plantations such as were being established in British Malaya, the Dutch East Indies, and French Indochina.

The Taft Commission argued that tariff relief was essential if the islands were to be developed. In August 1909, Congress passed the Payne Aldrich Tariff Act, which provided for free entry to the United States of all Philippine products except rice, sugar, and tobacco. Rice imports were subjected to regular tariffs, and quotas were established for sugar and tobacco. In 1913 the Underwood Tariff Act removed all restrictions. The principal result of these acts was to make the islands increasingly dependent on American markets; between 1914 and 1920, the portion of Philippine exports going to the United States rose from 50 to 70 percent. By 1939 it had reached 85 percent, and 65 percent of imports came from the United States.

In 1931 there were between 80,000 and 100,000 Chinese in the islands active in the local economy; many of them had arrived after United States rule had been established. Some 16,000 Japanese were concentrated largely in the Mindanao province of Davao (the incorporated city of Davao was labeled by local boosters the "Little Tokyo of the South") and were predominant in the abaca industry. Yet the immigration of foreign laborers never reached a volume sufficient to threaten indigenous control of the economy or the traditional social structure as it did in British Malaya and Burma.

The Tenancy Problem

The limited nature of United States intervention in the economy and the Nacionalista Party's elite dominance of the Philippine political system ensured that the status quo in landlord and tenant relationships would be maintained, even if certain of its traditional aspects changed. A government attempt to establish homesteads modeled on those of the American West in 1903 did little to alter landholding arrangements. Although different regions of the archipelago had their own specific arrangements and different proportions of tenants and small proprietors, the kasama (sharecropper) system, was the most prevalent, particularly in the rice-growing areas of Central Luzon and the Visayan Islands. Under this arrangement, the landowners supplied the seed and cash necessary to tide cultivators over during the planting season, whereas the cultivators provided tools and work animals and were responsible for one-half the expense of crop production. Usually, owner and sharecropper each took one-half of the harvest, although only after the former deducted a portion for expenses. Terms might be more liberal in frontier areas where owners needed to attract cultivators to clear the land. Sometimes land tenancy arrangements were three tiered. An original owner would lease land to an inquilino, who would then sublet it to kasamas. In the words of historian David R. Sturtevant: "Thrice removed from their proprietario, affected taos [peasants] received ever-diminishing shares from the picked-over remains of harvests."

Cultivators customarily were deep in debt, for they were dependent on advances made by the landowner or inquilino and had to pay steep interest rates. Principal and interest accumulated rapidly, becoming an impossible burden. It was estimated in 1924 that the average tenant family would have to labor uninterruptedly for 163 years to pay off debts and acquire title to the land they worked. The kasama system created a class of peons or serfs; children inherited the debts of their fathers, and over the generations families were tied in bondage to their estates. Contracts usually were unwritten, and landowners could change conditions to their own advantage. Two factors led to a worsening of the cultivators' position. One was the rapid increase in the national population (from 7.6 million in 1905 to 16 million in 1939) brought about through improvements in public health, which put added pressure on the land, lowered the standard of living, and created a labor surplus. Closely tied to the population increase was the erosion of traditional patron-client ties. The landlord-tenant relationship was becoming more impersonal. The landlord's interest in the tenants' welfare

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was waning. Landlords ceased providing important services and used profits from the sale of cash crops to support their urban life-styles or to invest in other kinds of enterprises. Cultivators accused landowners of being shameless and forgetting the principle of utang na loob, demanding services from tenants without pay and giving nothing in return.

As the area under cultivation increased from 1.3 million hectares in 1903 to 4 million hectares in 1935--stimulated by United States demand for cash crops and by the growing population--tenancy also increased. In 1918 there were roughly 2 million farms, of which 1.5 million were operated by their owners; by 1939 these figures had declined to 1.6 million and 800,000, respectively, as individual proprietors became tenants or migrant laborers. Disparities in the distribution of wealth grew. By 1939 the wealthiest 10 percent of the population received 40 percent of the islands' income. The elite and the cultivators were separated culturally and geographically, as well as economically; as new urban centers rose, often with an Americanized culture, the elite left the countryside to become absentee landlords, leaving estate management in the hands of frequently abusive overseers. The Philippine Constabulary played a central role in suppressing antilandlord resistance.

Philippines Commonwealth 56

In 1933, the United States Congress passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act as a Philippine Independence Act over President Herbert Hoover's veto. Though the bill had been drafted with the aid of a commission from the Philippines, it was opposed by Philippine Senate President Manuel L. Quezon, partially because of provisions leaving the United States in control of naval bases. Under his influence, the Philippine legislature rejected the bill.[20] The following year, a revised act known as the Tydings-McDuffie Act was finally passed. The act provided for the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines with a ten-year period of peaceful transition to full independence. The commonwealth would have its own constitution and be self-governing, though foreign policy would be the responsibility of the United States, and certain legislation required approval of the United States president.A constitution was framed in 1934 and overwhelmingly approved by plebiscite the following year. On May 14, 1935, an election to fill the newly created office of President of the Commonwealth was won by Manuel L. Quezon of the Nacionalista Party, and a Filipino government was formed on the basis of principles similar to the U.S. Constitution. The commonwealth was established in 1935, featuring a very strong executive, a unicameral National Assembly, and a Supreme Court composed entirely of Filipinos for the first time since 1901. During the commonwealth years, Philippines sent one elected Resident Commissioner to the United States House of Representatives .The new government embarked on an ambitious agenda of establishing the basis for national defense, greater control over the economy, reforms in education, improvement of transport, the colonization of the island of Mindanao, and the promotion of local capital and industrialization. The commonwealth, however, was also faced with agrarian unrest, an uncertain diplomatic and military situation in Southeast Asia, and uncertainty about the level of United States commitment to the future Republic of the Philippines. In 1939–40, the Philippine Constitution was amended to restore a bicameral congress, and permit the reelection of President Quezon, who was previously restricted to a single six-year term

In the second half of President Taft’s administration – there was agitation in the U.S. for granting independence for the Philippines by the Democratic party, adopted upon acquisition of the Philippine Islands. However, there was stiff resistance from the avid colonizers that wanted to exploit the country’s natural resources, its manpower, moreover its strategic geographical location in Southeast Asia.

It was Manuel Luis Quezon, as first president of the first Philippine Senate – who delivered his maiden speech on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives pushing for Philippine independence which boosted the Filipinos desire for self-autonomy. In that speech, he spoke of the grateful recognition of the benefits which Filipinos received from the United States. However, Filipinos believed that nationalism is the passion of the free, and the curse of every peon who has a chain around his neck with the other end of the chain fastened around the master’s waist. To the Filipino, the cause of being free, is the cause of God. Man is born free, but everywhere he is chains. (J.J.Rousseau). Quezon stated a simile, and said: “Ask the bird, who is enclosed in a golden cage if he would prefer his cage or the care of his owner than the freedom of the skies and the allure of the forest.”

Quezon portrayed that patriotism like in political life, is like faith in religion, that stood for domestic aspirations for men to be free in his own native-land, which every American understand. It was a trying time for Quezon then to sell independence for Filipinos at a time American business sector was eyeing for the permanent acquisition of the archipelago for their imperial pecuniary interests. Nevertheless, Filipinos while have been accepted as a “brown brother”, Americans never had an imaginary idea how the Filipino looked like. They only had the mistaken reflection, and a vague image of the Filipino as backward, like the uneducated native Indian tribesmen whom they drove to the wilderness to grab their land, etc. American viewed Filipinos as untamed native savages.

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Manuel L. Quezon, a Spanish-mestizo, was born in Baler in the province of Tayabas (now Aurora). While serving as aide-de-camp to Emilio Aguinaldo (he had been a Lieutenant, then a Major, in the Bataan sector during the retreat and surrender in 1901), he fought with Filipino nationalists in the Philippine-American War. He received his primary education from his mother and tutors (his father, a mestizo from Paco, Manila, was a Sergeant in the Spanish Army), and later boarded at the Colegio de San Juan de Letran where he completed secondary school. After the war, he completed Law at the University of Santo Tomas and passed the bar examinations in 1903, placing fourth. He worked for a time as a clerk and surveyor, entering government service as an appointed fiscal for Mindoro and later Tayabas. He became a councilor and was elected governor of Tayabas in 1906 as an independent. In 1907 he was elected to the first Philippine Assembly, where he served as majority floor leader and chairman of the committee on appropriations. From 1909-1916 he served as one of the Philippines' two resident commissioners to the U.S. House of Representatives, lobbying for the passage of the Philippine Autonomy Act or Jones Law.He was elected senator in 1916 and became Senate President, serving continuously until 1935 (19 years). He headed the first Independence Mission to the U.S. Congress in 1919, and brought home the Tydings-McDuffie Independence Law in 1934.While in the United States, he personally met Napoleon Hill and was inspired to continue seeking for the Independence of the Philippines.

In 1935 Manuel L. Quezon won the Philippine's first national presidential election against Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay. His original six year term without reelection was extended by constitutional amendment, allowing him to serve two additional years for a total of eight. He was reelected in November, 1941. In a notable humanitarian act, Quezon, in cooperation with United States High Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, facilitated the entry into the Philippines of Jewish refugees fleeing fascist regimes in Europe. Quezon was also instrumental in promoting a project to resettle the refugees in Mindanao.After the Japanese invasion of the Philippines during World War II he fled to the United States. There, he served as a member of the Pacific War Council, signed the declaration of the United Nations against the Axis Powers, and wrote his autobiography (Good Fight, 1946).Quezon suffered from tuberculosis and died in Saranac Lake, New York on August 1, 1944. He was initially buried in Arlington National Cemetery. His body was later carried by the USS Princeton (CV-37) and re-interred in Manila, at the Manila North Cemetery and then moved to Quezon City within the monument at the Quezon Memorial Circle.Quezon was married to his first cousin Aurora Aragón and had four children: María Aurora "Baby" Quezon (1919-1949), María Zeneida "Nini" Quezon-Avancena (1921-), Luisa Corazón Paz "Nenita" Quezon (1923-1923) and Manuel L. "Nonong" Quezon, Jr. (1926-1998) with his son Manuel L. "Manolo" Quezon III (1970-)

Legacy Quotes :"I prefer a country run like hell by Filipinos to a country run like heaven by Americans. Because, however bad a Filipino government might be, we can always change it."

"My loyalty to my party ends where my loyalty to my country begins."

"Social Justice is far more beneficial when applied as a matter of sentiment, and not of law.

Case in point, Americans had the mistaken image of a Filipino liken to that of the Igorot in their mind’s eye, garbed in G-strings – seen in postcards. Lest did Americans knew that Filipinos were already educated in Spain, and in the University of Sto.Tomas, older than many U.S. universities. And that Filipinos had the row brand of democratic government called barangay led by chieftains. And had their own moral Code – the Code of Kalantiao. Filipinos under Spain spoke Spanish and “Pilipino dialect which became its national language called “Tagalog.”

Quezon, in his effort to acquaint the American people, made speech-making trips to New England states, was advertised ahead in the newspapers in those states. Americans curiously trooped to the train station to see how a brown Filipino looked like. He spoke and wrote fluent English. “When I stepped off the train in a city stop, where I was supposed to give an address, I was thrilled with emotion as I saw the railroad station full with people to give me, as I thought, a rousing welcome. Beforehand, on the train I had changed my ordinary suit for a cut-a-way suit and had put on my top hat, like any visiting dignitary. “To my surprise, the people in the station remained in their in their places, with their eyes fixed on the train even after I had left the platform. Then I realized that the crowd had not come to meet me, but perhaps, some other notable personage who had traveled from Washington in the same train .with me. “ As the train pulled off the station, the look of disappointment was evident in every face. True enough, these people were to see the visiting Filipino, but they had expected an entirely different figure – that of a chief of one of the local tribes likened to what was exhibited at the St. Louis fair, adorned with plumes on his head, trinkets on his neck, arms and legs, and perhaps a silk G-string. Americans learned right there and then that a Filipino could high-hat them.” Quezon said in good humor.

Quezon, of course, was a Spanish-Filipino mestizo, just as white as any typical American pale face. It therefore can be gainsaid, through not their own fault, that Americans who has never left his country is full of prejudices - for it is the child of ignorance. And ignorance is the minister of critical perception the leads to discrimination.

As Quezon’s campaign for independence went through – resistance became difficult, because the past three presidents ( McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft ) had created the belief that Filipinos would not be ready to be entrusted with a government of their own..

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President. Wilson summoned Quezon to the White House to ask for his opinion as to whether a new Governor General should be appointed. “To a Filipino, with an Oriental ancestry, little Spanish blood, and mostly Spanish education – which practically all that I then had, the question was very trying indeed,” said Quezon. “Friendship to me, has a real meaning and personal favors were never forgotten.. On the other-hand, I had come to Washington to perform a sacred duty. I measured my words and gave President Wilson – the following answer: “I shall always remember with gratitude that you have always given an opinion with utmost consideration. Let me say that I am your great admirer, and I sincerely believe that you would know best. And that - in one instance, you have prevented the conclusion of an unjust treaty of peace at Versailles..” said Quezon.

Governor General Francis Burton Harrison - thus was appointed – and he proceeded to providing a majority in the upper chamber, thus turning over to Filipinos practical control of the legislative department. Antagonism of Harrison’s county-men in the home country who were against his policy – found support of the newspapers in the U.S. However, Filipinos stood by Gov. Harrison. and his policy prevailed.

It was contemplated at first that the Philippines should be recognized as a neutral territory – but as condition sine qua non for the establishment of a Philippine Republic. Then – a law was passed for the granting of Philippine Independence with the signature of Pres. Wilson then known as the Jones Law. Quezon returned to the Philippines triumphantly. The Philippine legislature created the Philippine National Guard, a body trained by American officers and then was mustered into the U.S. Federal Army. However, these whole outfit missed the privilege of taking part in the First World War in Europe, under Gen. Pershing.

Only a few Filipino recruits shed blood and died for the U.S. flag. Record had it that there was one, Tomas Claudio and a few others who served in World War I. By that gesture, America saw, despite of the deep desire of Filipinos for self-determination, their deep loyalty to the U.S. and willingness to fight with America on the battlefields of Europe created quite a lasting impression. Filipinos have shown exemplary act of devotion for attainment of their dream of self-determination. Albeit, have considered it their own cause for common unity and comradeship to help American in her unsheathing of the sword for the first time in history, and for Filipinos to take part in America’s conflict against an old quarrel of old imperialists Europe.

The First World War was concluded and peace once more was attained. Trade between the Philippines and the U.S. flourished on an uneven level. Development of the country, nevertheless, continued under what Filipinos perceived as unbalanced and unfair. The Philippine Commonwealth was nearing its dream of one day, on July 4th 1946, would be the Second Philippine Republic to be proclaimed by the United States of America as a separate and independent state.

Commonwealth Politics, 1935-41

The constellation of political forces in the United States that assisted in the resolution of the independence question formed an odd community of interests with the Filipino nationalists. Principal among these were the agricultural interests. American sugar beet, tobacco, and dairy farmers feared the competition of low-tariff insular products, and the hardships suffered in a deepening depression in the early 1930s led them to seek protection through a severance of the colonial relationship. In this they had the support of Cuban sugar interests, who feared the loss of markets to Philippine sugarcane. United States labor unions, particularly on the West Coast, wanted to exclude Filipino labor. A number of American observers saw the Philippines as a potential flash point with an expansive Japan and argued for a withdrawal across the Pacific to Hawaii.

In the climate generated by these considerations, Osmeña and Manuel Roxas, a rising star in the Nacionalista Party and Osmeña's successor as speaker of the House, successfully campaigned for passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Independence Bill, which Congress approved over President Herbert Hoover's veto in January 1933. Quezon opposed the legislation, however, on the grounds that clauses relating to trade and excluding Filipino immigrants were too stringent and that the guarantees of United States bases on Philippine soil and powers granted a United States high commissioner compromised independence. After the bill was defeated in the Philippine legislature, Quezon himself went to Washington and negotiated the passage of a revised independence act, the Tydings-McDuffie Act, in March 1934.

The Tydings-McDuffie Act provided for a ten-year transition period to independence, during which the Commonwealth of the Philippines would be established. The commonwealth would have its own constitution and would be self-governing, although foreign policy would be the responsibility of the United States. Laws passed by the legislature affecting immigration, foreign trade, and the currency system had to be approved by the United States president.

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If the Tydings-McDuffie Act marked a new stage in Filipino-American partnership, it remained a highly unequal one. Although only fifty Filipino immigrants were allowed into the United States annually under the arrangement, American entry and residence in the islands were unrestricted. Trade provisions of the act allowed for five years' free entry of Philippine goods during the transition period and five years of gradually steepening tariff duties thereafter, reaching 100 percent in 1946, whereas United States goods could enter the islands unrestricted and duty free during the full ten years. Quezon had managed to obtain more favorable terms on bases; the United States would retain only a naval reservation and fueling stations. The United States would, moreover, negotiate with foreign governments for the neutralization of the islands.

The country's first constitution was framed by a constitutional convention that assembled in July 1934. Overwhelmingly approved by plebiscite in May 1935, this document established the political institutions for the intended ten-year commonwealth period that began that year and after July 1946 became the constitution of the independent Republic of the Philippines. The first commonwealth election to the new Congress was held in September 1935. Quezon and Osmeña, reconciled after their disagreements over the independence act, ran on a Coalition Party ticket and were elected president and vice president, respectively.

Sergio Osmeña (September 9, 1878—October 19, 1961) was the second President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, and rose to the presidency upon Quezon's death in 1944. He was a founder of Nacionalista Party.

Osmeña is a member of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son (former Senator Sergio Osmeña Jr.) and his grandsons (Senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Osmeña).A Chinese-mestizo, Osmeña was born in Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico. He took his elementary education in the University of San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903.Osmeña served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900 he founded the Cebu newspaper, El Nuevo Dia which lasted for three years.

Osmeña was a lawyer and newspaper editor before involving himself in local politics, starting out as a councilor. In 1904, the American colonial administration appointed him governor of Cebu. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was only 29 and already the highest-ranking Filipino official.He and another provincial politician, Manuel Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the Partido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. The two would engage in a rivalry for political dominance ever since. Osmeña was elected an assemblyman in 1907 and remained a member of the lower house until 1922. He was the country's vice president for two consecutive terms under the Philippine Commonwealth.He went to the US in 1933 to secure passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings-McDuffie Act in March 1934.Osmeña was elected as vice-president of the Commonwealth in 1935, with Quezon as president. He was re-elected in 1941. When the Commonwealth government relocated in the US in exile, Osmeña went with Quezon.

Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence.For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. Nevertheless, he was defeated by Manuel Roxas, who won 54 percent of the vote and became the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines.After his defeat in the election, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died on October 19, 1961, at the Veteran's Memorial Hospital in Quezon City. He is buried in the North Cemetery in Manila.

World War II

Japan launched a surprise attack on the Philippines on December 8, 1941, just ten hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Initial aerial bombardment was followed by landings of ground troops both north and south of Manila. The defending Philippine and United States troops were under the command of General Douglas MacArthur, who had been recalled to active duty in the United States Army earlier in the year and was designated commander of the United States Armed Forces in the Asia-Pacific region. The aircraft of his command were destroyed; the naval forces were ordered to leave; and because of the circumstances in the Pacific region, reinforcement and resupply of his ground forces were impossible. Under the pressure of superior numbers, the defending forces withdrew to the Bataan Peninsula and to the island of Corregidor at the entrance to Manila Bay. Manila, declared an open city to prevent its destruction, was occupied by the Japanese on January 2, 1942.

The Philippine defense continued until the final surrender of United States-Philippine forces on the Bataan Peninsula in April 1942 and on Corregidor in May. Most of the 80,000 prisoners of war captured by the Japanese at Bataan were forced to undertake the infamous "Death March" to a prison camp 105 kilometers to the north. It is estimated that as many as 10,000 men, weakened by disease and malnutrition and treated

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harshly by their captors, died before reaching their destination. Quezon and Osmeña had accompanied the troops to Corregidor and later left for the United States, where they set up a government in exile. MacArthur was ordered to Australia, where he started to plan for a return to the Philippines.

The Japanese military authorities immediately began organizing a new government structure in the Philippines. Although the Japanese had promised independence for the islands after occupation, they initially organized a Council of State through which they directed civil affairs until October 1943, when they declared the Philippines an independent republic. Most of the Philippine elite, with a few notable exceptions, served under the Japanese. Philippine collaboration in Japanese-sponsored political institutions--which later became a major domestic political issue--was motivated by several considerations. Among them was the effort to protect the people from the harshness of Japanese rule (an effort that Quezon himself had advocated), protection of family and personal interests, and a belief that Philippine nationalism would be advanced by solidarity with fellow Asians. Many collaborated to pass information to the Allies. The Japanese-sponsored republic headed by President José P. Laurel proved to be unpopular.

José P. Laurel was born on March 9, 1891 in the town of Tanauan City, Batangas. His parents were Sotero Laurel, Sr. and Jacoba Garcia.As a teen, Laurel was indicted for attempted murder when he almost killed a rival suitor of his girlfriend. While studying and finishing law school, he asked for and received an acquittal.Laurel received law degrees from the University of the Philippines in 1915, from Escuela de Derecho in 1919, and from Yale University in 1920. He became a Secretary of the Interior in 1922 but resigned along with others in 1923 in protest of American Governor-General Leonard Wood. In 1925 he was elected to the Philippine Senate. When the Commonwealth of the Philippines was established, he was appointed associate justice of the Supreme Court and later Chief Justice at the outbreak of the war.Following the attack on Pearl Harbor in World War II, Laurel was instructed to remain in Manila by President Manuel Quezon, who fled to Corregidor and then to the United States to establish a government-in-exile. His prewar, close relationship with Japanese officials (a son had been sent to study at the Imperial Military Academy in Tokyo, and Laurel had received an honorary doctorate from Tokyo University), placed him in a good position to interact with the Japanese occupation forces.Laurel was among the Commonwealth officials instructed by the Japanese Imperial Army to form a provisional government when they invaded and occupied the country. It was because of his being well-known to the Japanese as a critic of US rule, as well as his demonstrated willingness to serve under the Japanese Military Administration, that he held a series of high posts in 1942-1943. In 1943 he was selected, by the National Assembly, under vigorous Japanes influence, to serve as President. That year he was shot by Philippine guerillas, but recovered. Laurel was instrumental in interceding, protecting and looking after the best interests of the Filipinos against the harsh wartime Japanese military rule and policies. During the Second World War, the Japanese had massacred many Filipinos, and raped and molested Filipino women, Laurel's willingness to work with the Japanese military is seen by many as having led to this behavior being somewhat mitigated subsequent to his inauguration.

On August 15, 1945, the Japanese forces surrendered to the United States. General MacArthur ordered Laurel arrested for collaborating with the Japanese. In 1946 he was charged with 132 counts of treason, but was never brought to trial due to the general amnesty granted by President Manuel Roxas in 1948. Laurel ran for president against Elpidio Quirino in 1949 but lost in what was then considered as the dirtiest election in Philippine electoral history. In the subsequent presidential election, Laurel, then serving as a senator, declined to be nominated, working instead for the successful election of Ramon Magsaysay. Magsaysay appointed Laurel head of a mission tasked with negotiating trade and other issues with United States officials, the result being known as the Laurel-Langley Agreement. Laurel considered his election to the senate as a vindication of his reputation, and had no difficulty being reelected. He retired from public life in 1957, concentrating on the development of the Lyceum of the Philippines established by his family. On November 6, 1959, he died of a massive heart attack and stroke.Laurel was married to Pacencia Hidalgo, and had nine children. Many of them grew to be active in politics, such as former speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr., former Amb. to Japan Jose S. Laurel III, former senator/former vice-president/former Prime Minister Salvador H. Laurel, former President of Philippine Banking Corporation Mariano Laurel and former senator Sotero H. Laurel, Jr.

Japanese occupation of the Philippines was opposed by increasingly effective underground and guerrilla activity that ultimately reached large-scale proportions. Postwar investigations showed that about 260,000 people were in guerrilla organizations and that members of the anti-Japanese underground were even more numerous. Their effectiveness was such that by the end of the war, Japan controlled only twelve of the forty-eight provinces. The major element of resistance in the Central Luzon area was furnished by the Huks, Hukbalahap, or the People's Anti-Japanese Army organized in early 1942 under the leadership of Luis Taruc, a communist party member since 1939. The Huks armed some 30,000 people and extended their control over much of Luzon. Other guerrilla units were attached to the United States Armed Forces Far East.

MacArthur's Allied forces landed on the island of Leyte on October 20, 1944, accompanied by Osmeña, who had succeeded to the commonwealth presidency upon the death of Quezon on August 1, 1944. Landings then followed on the island of Mindoro and around the Lingayen Gulf on the west side of Luzon, and the push toward Manila was initiated. Fighting was fierce, particularly in the mountains of northern Luzon, where Japanese troops had retreated, and in Manila, where they put up a last-ditch resistance. Guerrilla forces rose up everywhere for the final offensive. Fighting continued until Japan's formal surrender on September 2, 1945. The Philippines had suffered great loss of life and tremendous physical destruction by the time the war was

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over. An estimated 1 million Filipinos had been killed, a large proportion during the final months of the war, and Manila was extensively damaged.

The liberation campaign of the Philippines by the U.S. began 1944 onward to 1946 from South West Pacific northward to the Philippines. Filipino guerrillas became an asset to McArthur that saved billions of U.S. dollars and saved millions of American GIs during the liberation campaign.

When the guns of war turned silent, the Philippines was ready for its promised independence. Filipino leaders took to the challenge of nation-building amidst the ruins, more caused by the U.S. forces than the Japanese suicidal defense forces that fought to last son of the Bushido under the dwindling defense of Gen. Tomoyuki Yamashita, abandoned by the Imperial High Command. A day before July 4, 1946, I vividly remember receiving orders intended for most members of the U.S. liberation Forces that could be spared for the grand ceremony of inaugurating the Second Philippine Republic at the Luneta, Manila. I was a budding (readjusted from Captain as a guerrilla officer) as 1st Lieutenant in the U.S. Army Counter-Intelligence Corps, that took part in the military parade and inauguration ceremony.

It was a glorious day for every Filipino and American that witnessed the new fangled political power, the lowering of the Stars and Stripes, and the raising of the (national tri-color) Filipino National Flag at the Luneta, followed by the playing of the national anthems of both countries.

President Manuel Acuna. Roxas took the oath of allegiance to the new Republic. It was a day that Filipinos witnessed inauguration of the subsequent Second Philippine Republic, the least known past historical event to most Americans.

Manuel Acuña Roxas (January 1, 1892—April 15, 1948) was the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. He served as president from the granting of independence in 1946 until his abrupt death in 1948.Roxas was born on January 1, 1892 in a city that was named, postmortem, after him, Roxas City, Capiz to Rosario Acuna. His father, Gerardo Roxas, Sr. died before he was born.Roxas studied college in University of Manila, and law at the University of the Philippines and was the Bar topnotcher. He was a career politician who started as a provincial fiscal. In 1921, he was elected to the Philippine House of Representatives and in the following year he became speaker.

After the Commonwealth of the Philippines was established (1935), Roxas became a member of the unicameral National Assembly, and served (1938-1941) as the Secretary of Finance in President Manuel L. Quezon's cabinet. After the amendments to the 1935 Philippine Constitution were approved in 1941, he was elected (1941) to the Philippine Senate, but was unable to serve until 1945 because of the outbreak of World War II.

Having enrolled prior to World War II as an officer in the reserves, he was made liaison officer between the Commonwealth government and the United States Army Forces in the Far East headquarters of General Douglas MacArthur. He accompanied President Quezon to Corregidor where he supervised the destruction of Philippine currency to prevent its capture by the Japanese. When Quezon left Corregidor, Roxas went to Mindanao to direct the resistance there. It was prior to Quezon's departure that he was made Executive Secretary and designated as successor to the presidency in case Quezon or Vice-President Sergio Osmeña were captured or killed. Roxas was captured (1942) by the Japanese invasion forces. After a period of imprisonment, he was brought to Manila and eventually signed the Constitution promulgated by the Japanese-sponsored Philippine Republic. He was made responsible for economic policy under the government of Jose P. Laurel. During this time he also served as an intelligence agent for the underground Philippine guerilla forces. In 1944 he unsuccessfully tried to escape to Allied territory. The returning American forces arrested him a Japanese collaborator. After the war, Gen. Douglas MacArthur cleared him and reinstated his commission as an officer of the US armed forces. This resuscitated his political career.

When the Congress of the Philippines was convened in 1945, the legislators elected in 1941 chose Roxas as Senate President. In the Philippine national elections of 1946, Roxas ran for president as the nominee of the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party. He had the staunch support of General MacArthur. His opponent was Sergio Osmeña, who refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew his reputation. However, in the April 23, 1946 election, Roxas won 54 percent of the vote, and the Liberal Party won a majority in the legislature. When Philippine independence was recognized by the United States on July 4, 1946, he became the first president of the new republic.

In 1948, Roxas declared amnesty for those arrested for collaborating with the Japanese during World War II, except for those who had committed violent crimes.Manuel Roxas was married to Doña Trinidad de Leon and had two children Ruby and Gerardo "Gerry" Roxas, Jr. who became congressman and a leader of Liberal Party. He died on April 15, 1948 at the age of 56, after suffering a fatal heart attack after delivering a speech at Clark Air Base. He was succeeded by his vice president, Elpidio Quirino.

INDEPENDENCE

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Demoralized by the war and suffering rampant inflation and shortages of food and other goods, the Philippine people prepared for the transition to independence, which was scheduled for July 4, 1946. A number of issues remained unresolved, principally those concerned with trade and security arrangements between the islands and the United States. Yet in the months following Japan's surrender, collaboration became a virulent issue that split the country and poisoned political life. Most of the commonwealth legislature and leaders, such as Laurel, Claro Recto, and Roxas, had served in the Japanese-sponsored government. While the war was still going on, Allied leaders had stated that such "quislings" and their counterparts on the provincial and local levels would be severely punished. Harold Ickes, who as United States secretary of the interior had civil authority over the islands, suggested that all officials above the rank of schoolteacher who had cooperated with the Japanese be purged and denied the right to vote in the first postwar elections. Osmeña countered that each case should be tried on its own merits.

Resolution of the problem posed serious moral questions that struck at the heart of the political system. Collaborators argued that they had gone along with the occupiers in order to shield the people from the harshest aspects of Japanese rule. Before leaving Corregidor in March 1942, Quezon had told Laurel and José Vargas, mayor of Manila, that they should stay behind to deal with the Japanese but refuse to take an oath of allegiance. Although president of a "puppet" republic, Laurel had faced down the Japanese several times and made it clear that his loyalty was first to the Philippines and second to the Japanese-sponsored Greater East Asia Coprosperity Sphere.

Critics accused the collaborators of opportunism and of enriching themselves while the people starved. Anticollaborationist feeling, moreover, was fueled by the people's resentment of the elite. On both the local and the national levels, it had been primarily the landlords, important officials, and the political establishment that had supported the Japanese, largely because the latter, with their own troops and those of a reestablished Philippine Constabulary, preserved their property and forcibly maintained the rural status quo. Tenants felt the harshest aspects of Japanese rule. Guerrillas, particularly those associated with the Huks, came from the ranks of the cultivators, who organized to defend themselves against Philippine Constabulary and Japanese depredations.

The issue of collaboration centered on Roxas, prewar Nacionalista speaker of the House of Representatives, who had served as minister without portfolio and was responsible for rice procurement and economic policy in the wartime Laurel government. A close prewar associate of MacArthur, he maintained contact with Allied intelligence during the war and in 1944 had unsuccessfully attempted to escape to Allied territory, which exonerated him in the general's eyes. MacArthur supported Roxas in his ambitions for the presidency when he announced himself as a candidate of the newly formed Liberal Party (the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party) in January 1946. MacArthur's favoritism aroused much criticism, particularly because other collaborationist leaders were held in jail, awaiting trial. A presidential campaign of great vindictiveness ensued, in which Roxas's wartime role was a central issue. Roxas outspent and outspoke his Nacionalista opponent, the aging and ailing Osmeña. In the April 23, 1946, election, Roxas won 54 percent of the vote, and the Liberal Party won a majority in the legislature.

On July 4, 1946, Roxas became the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. In 1948 he declared an amnesty for arrested collaborators--only one of whom had been indicted--except for those who had committed violent crimes. The resiliency of the prewar elite, although remarkable, nevertheless had left a bitter residue in the minds of the people. In the first years of the republic, the issue of collaboration became closely entwined with old agrarian grievances and produced violent results.

Elpidio Quirino (November 16, 1890–February 29, 1956) was the sixth President of the Philippines. He served from April 17, 1948 to December 30, 1953.Elpidio Quirino was a Catholic and is the first president of Ilocano descent.Born in Vigan, Ilocos Sur to Mariano Quirino and Gregoria Rivera, a Spanish-mestiza, Quirino spent his early years in Aringay, La Union. He received secondary education at Vigan High School, then went to Manila where he worked as junior computer in the Bureau of Lands and as property clerk in the Manila police department. He graduated from Manila High School in 1911 and also passed the civil service examination, first-grade.

Quirino attended the University of the Philippines in 1915, earning his law degree and practicing law until he was elected as member of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1919 to 1925, then as senator from 1925 to 1931. He then served as secretary of finance and secretary of the interior in the Commonwealth government.In 1934, Quirino was a member of the Philippine Independence mission to Washington D.C., headed by Manuel Quezon that secured the passage in the United States Congress of the Tydings-McDuffie Act. This legislation set the date for Philippine independence by 1945. Official declaration came on July 4, 1946.

During the Japanese invasion during World War II, he became a leader of the underground rebellion and was captured and imprisoned. He suffered the execution of his wife, Alicia Syquia, and three of his five children by the Japanese conquerors.After the war, Quirino continued public service, becoming president pro tempore of the senate. In 1946 he was elected first vice president of the independent Republic of the Philippines, serving under Manuel Roxas. He also served as secretary of state.

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Quirino assumed the presidency on April 17, 1948, taking his oath of office two days after the death of Manuel Roxas. The next year, he was elected president on his own right for a four-year term as the candidate of the Liberal Party. Quirino's administration faced a serious threat in the form of the communist Hukbalahap (Huk) movement. Though the Huks originally had been an anti-Japanese guerrilla army in Luzon, communists steadily gained control over the leadership, and when Quirino's negotiation with Huk commander Luis Taruc broke down in 1948, Taruc openly declared himself a Communist and called for the overthrow of the government.His six years as president were marked by notable postwar reconstruction, general economic gains, and increased economic aid from the United States. Basic social problems, however, particularly in the rural areas, remained unsolved, and his administration was tainted by widespread graft and corruption.Although ill, Quirino ran for re-election in 1953, but he was overwhelmingly defeated by Ramon Magsaysay.Following his failed bid for re-election, Quirino retired to private life in Quezon City, Manila. He died of a heart attack on February 29, 1956. His death anniversary is

observed on February 28.

The Huk Rebellion

At the end of World War II, most rural areas, particularly in Central Luzon, were tinderboxes on the point of incineration. The Japanese occupation had only postponed the farmers' push for better conditions. Tensions grew as landlords who had fled to urban areas during the fighting returned to the villages in late 1945, demanded back rent, and employed military police and their own armed contingents to enforce these demands. Food and other goods were in short supply. The war had sharpened animosities between the elite, who in large numbers had supported the Japanese, and those tenants who had been part of the guerrilla resistance. Having had weapons and combat experience and having lost friends and relatives to the Japanese and the wartime Philippine Constabulary, guerrilla veterans and those close to them were not as willing to be intimidated by landlords as they had been before 1942.

MacArthur had jailed Taruc and Casto Alejandrino, both Huk leaders, in 1945 and ordered United States forces to disarm and disband Huk guerrillas. Many guerrillas, however, concealed their weapons or fled into the mountains. The Huks were closely identified with the emerging Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid (PKM--National Peasant Union), which was strongest in the provinces of Pampanga, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, and Tarlac and had as many as 500,000 members. As part of the left-wing Democratic Alliance, which also included urban left-wing groups and labor unions, the PKM supported Osmeña and the Nacionalistas against Roxas in the 1946 election campaign. They did so not only because Roxas had been a collaborator but also because Osmeña had promised a new law giving tenants 60 percent of the harvest, rather than the 50 percent or less that had been customary.

Six Democratic Alliance candidates won congressional seats, including Taruc, who had been released from jail along with other leaders, but their exclusion from the legislature on charges of using terrorist methods during the campaign provoked great unrest in the districts that had elected them. Continued landlord- and police-instigated violence against peasant activities, including the murder of PKM leader Juan Feleo in August 1946, provoked the Huk veterans to dig up their weapons and incite a rebellion in the Central Luzon provinces. The name of the HUK movement was changed from the People's Anti-Japanese Army to the People's Liberation Army (Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan).

Roxas's policy toward the Huks alternated between gestures of negotiation and harsh suppression. His administration established an Agrarian Commission and passed a law giving tenants 70 percent of the harvest, although this was extremely difficult to enforce in the countryside. The Huks in turn demanded reinstatement of the Democratic Alliance members of Congress; disbandment of the military police, which in the 1945-48 period had been the equivalent of the old Philippine Constabulary; and a general amnesty. They also refused to give up their arms. In March 1948, Roxas declared the Huks an illegal and subversive organization and stepped up counterinsurgency activities.

Following Roxas's death from a heart attack in April 1948, his successor, Elpidio Quirino, opened negotiations with Huk leader Taruc, but nothing was accomplished. That same year the communist PKP decided to support the rebellion, overcoming its reluctance to rely on peasant movements. Although it lacked a peasant following, the PKP declared that it would lead the Huks on all levels and in 1950 described them as the "military arm" of the revolutionary movement to overthrow the government. From its inception, the government considered the Huk movement to have been communist instigated, an extension onto the Luzon Plain of the international revolutionary strategy of the Cominform in Moscow. Yet the rebellion's main impetus was peasant grievances, not Leninist designs. The principal factors were continuous tenant-landlord conflicts, in which the government actively took the part of the latter, dislocations caused by the war, and perhaps an insurrectionist tradition going back several centuries. According to historian Benedict Kerkvliet, "the PKP did not inspire or control the peasant movement . . . . What appears closer to the truth is that the PKP, as an organization, moved back and forth between alliance and nonalliance with the peasant movement in Central Luzon." Most farmers had little interest in or knowledge of socialism. Most wanted better conditions not redistribution of land or collectivization. The landlord-tenant relationship itself was not challenged, just its more exploitive and impersonal character in the contemporary period.

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Huk fortunes reached their peak between 1949 and 1951. Violence associated with the November 1949 presidential election, in which Quirino was reelected on the Liberal Party ticket, led many farmers to support the Huks, and after that date there were between 11,000 and 15,000 armed Huks. Although the core of the rebellion remained in Central Luzon, Huk regional committees also were established in the provinces of Southern Tagalog, in northern Luzon, in the Visayan Islands, and in Mindanao. Antigovernment activities spread to areas outside the movement's heartland.

Beginning in 1951, however, the momentum began to slow. This was in part the result of poor training and the atrocities perpetrated by individual Huks. Their mistreatment of Negrito peoples made it almost impossible for them to use the mountain areas where these tribespeople lived, and the assassination of Aurora Quezon, President Quezon's widow, and of her family by Huks outraged the nation. Many Huks degenerated into murderers and bank robbers. Moreover, in the words of one guerrilla veteran, the movement was suffering from "battle fatigue." Lacking a hinterland, such as that which the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) provided for Viet Cong guerrillas or the liberated areas established by the Chinese Communists before 1949, the Huks were constantly on the run. Also the Huks were mainly active in Central Luzon, which permitted the government to concentrate its forces. Other decisive factors were the better quality of United States-trained Philippine armed forces and the more conciliatory policy adopted by the Quirino government toward the peasants.

The Magsaysay, Garcia, and Macapagal Administrations

Huk guerrilla unit during the war, became secretary of defense in 1950. He initiated a campaign to defeat the insurgents militarily and at the same time win popular support for the government. With United States aid and advisers he was able to improve the quality of the armed forces, whose campaign against the Huks had been largely ineffective and heavy-handed. In 1950 the constabulary was made part of the armed forces (it had previously been under the secretary of the interior) with its own separate command. All armed forces units were placed under strict discipline, and their behavior in the villages was visibly more restrained. Peasants felt grateful to Magsaysay for ending the forced evacuations and harsh pacification tactics that some claimed had been worse than those of the Japanese occupation.

Nominated as Nacionalista Party presidential candidate in April 1953, Magsaysay won almost two-thirds of the vote over his opponent, Quirino, in November. Often compared to United States president Andrew Jackson, Magsaysay styled himself as a man of the people. He invited thousands of peasants and laborers to tour the Malacañang Palace--the presidential residence in Manila--and encouraged farmers to send him telegrams, free of charge, with their complaints. In the countryside a number of small-scale but highly visible projects had been started, including the building of bridges, roads, irrigation canals, and artesian "liberty wells"; the establishment of special courts for landlord-tenant disputes; agricultural extension services; and credit for farmers. The Economic Development Corps project settled some 950 families on land that the government had purchased on Mindanao. In the ensuing years, this program, in various forms, promoted the settlement of poor people from the Christian north in traditionally Muslim areas. Although it relieved population pressures in the north, it also exacerbated centuries-old MuslimChristian hostilities. The capture and killing of Huk leaders, the dissolution of Huk regional committees, and finally the surrender of Taruc in May 1954 marked the waning of the Huk threat.

Magsaysay's vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded to the presidency after Magsaysay's death in an airplane crash in March 1957 and was shortly thereafter elected to the office. Garcia emphasized the nationalist themes of "Filipino First" and attainment of "respectable independence." Further discussions with the United States on the question of the military bases took place in 1959. Early agreement was reached on United States relinquishment of large land areas initially reserved for bases but no longer required for their operation. As a result, the United States turned over to Philippine administration the town of Olongapo on Subic Bay, north of Manila, which previously had been under the jurisdiction of the United States Navy.

Ramón Magsaysay (August 31, 1907 - March 17, 1957) was the third President of the Third Republic of the Philippines from December 30, 1953 until his death. He was a Nacionalista.Ramon Magsaysay was born in Iba, Zambales to Ezequiel Magsaysay, a blacksmith, and Perfecta del Fierro, a schoolteacher. Of Visayan descent, he nonetheless was ethnically affiliated with the Ilocanos of Iba and considered himself as one of them. He went to high school at Zambales Academy (ZA).In 1927 he enrolled at the University of the Philippines. He took up a pre-law course and later shifted to engineering, all the while working as a chauffeur to support himself. However, he did not finish his course due to illness. Eventually he studied commerce at Jose Rizal College, graduating in 1933.When World War II broke out in the Philippines, Magsaysay joined the motor pool of the 31st Infantry Division of the Philippine army. Following the fall of Bataan in 1942, he organized the Western Luzon Guerilla Forces that fought against the Japanese.

In 1946 Magsaysay was elected on the Liberal party ticket to the Philippine House of Representatives. He was appointed Secretary of National Defence in the administration of President Elpidio Quirino in 1950. He intensified the campaign against the Hukbalahap guerillas, waging one of the most successful anti-guerilla campaigns in

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modern history. This success was due in part to the unconventional methods he employed, namely utilizing soldiers to distribute relief goods and other forms of aid to outlying, provincial communities. Where before Magsaysay the rural folk looked on the Philippine Army if not in distrust, at least with general apathy, during his term as Defense Secretary Filipinos began to respect and admire their soldiers. In 1953 he resigned his post as defense secretary, criticizing the Liberal government and becoming the presidential candidate of the Nacionalist party.

In the Philippine election of 1953, Magsaysay was decisively elected president over the incumbent Elpidio Quirino. He was sworn into office wearing the Barong Tagalog, a first by a Philippine president.As president, he was a close friend and supporter of the United States and a vocal spokesman against communism during the Cold War. He was also known for his integrity and strength of character.During his term, he made Malacañáng Palace literally a "house of the people", opening its gates to the public.One example of his integrity followed a demonstration flight aboard a new plane belonging to the Philippines Air Force (PAF). President Magsaysay asked what the operating costs per hour were for that type of aircraft, then wrote a personal check to the PAF, covering the costs for his flight.On March 16, 1957 Magsaysay left Manila for Cebú where he was scheduled to speak at an educational institution. That same night, he boarded the presidential plane "Mt. Pinatubo" heading back to Manila. In the early morning hours of March 17, his plane was reported missing. It was late in the afternoon that day that newspapers reported that the airplane had crashed on Mt. Manunggal in Cebu, and all those aboard were killed except one newspaperman, Néstor Mata. Vice President Carlos P. García assumed the presidency to complete the last eight months of Magsaysay's term.An estimated 2 million people attended Magsaysay's burial on March 22, 1957. He was survived by first lady Luz Banzon-Magsaysay (1915-2004) with 3 children: Teresita & Milagros Magsaysay and former congressman and now senator Ramon Magsaysay, Jr. (1938- )

The 1957 election had resulted, for the first time, in a vice president of a party different from that of the president. The new vice president, Diosdado Macapagal, ran as the candidate of the Liberal Party, which followers of Magsaysay had joined after unsuccessful efforts to form an effective third party. By the time of the 1961 presidential election, the revived Liberal Party had built enough of a following to win the presidency for Macapagal. In this election, the returns from each polling place were reported by observers (who had been placed there by newspapers) as soon as the votes were counted. This system, known as Operation Quick Count, was designed to prevent fraud.

The issue of jurisdiction over United States service personnel in the Philippines, which had not been fully settled after the 1959 discussions, continued to be a problem in relations between the two countries. A series of incidents in the 1960-65 period, chiefly associated with Clark Air Base, aroused considerable anti-American feelings and demonstrations. Negotiations took place and resulted in an August 1965 agreement to adopt provisions similar to the status of forces agreement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization regarding criminal jurisdiction. In the next four years, agreements were reached on several other matters relating to the bases, including a 1966 amendment to the 1947 agreement, which moved the expiration date of the fixed term for United States use of the military facilities up to 1991.

Ramon Magsaysay, a member of Congress from Zambales Province and veteran of a non- Philippine foreign policy under Macapagal sought closer relations with neighboring Asian peoples. In July 1963, he convened a summit meeting in Manila consisting of the Philippines , Indonesia, and Malaysia. An organization called MAPHILINDO was proposed; much heralded in the local press as a realization of Rizal's dream of bringing together the Malay peoples, MAPHILINDO was described as a regional association that would approach issues of common concern in the spirit of consensus. MAPHILINDO was quickly shelved, however, in the face of the continuing confrontation between Indonesia and newly established Malaysia and the Philippines' own claim to Sabah, the territory in northeastern Borneo that had become a Malaysian state in 1963

Carlos P. Garcia succeeded to the presidency after Magsaysay's death, and was elected to a four-year term in the election of November that same year. His administration emphasized the nationalist theme of "Filipino first", arguing that the Filipino people should be given the chances to improve the country's economy.Garcia successfully negotiated for the United States' relinquishment of large military land reservations. However, his administration lost popularity on issues of government corruption as his term advanced.

Carlos Polestico Garcia (November 4, 1896–June 14, 1971) was the 8th president of the Philippines (1957-1961). His administration was known for its "Filipino First" policy, which put the interests of the Filipino people above those of foreigners and of the ruling party.Garcia was born in Talibon, Bohol to Policronio Garcia and Ambrosia Polistico (who were both natives of Bangued, Abra). He grew up with politics, with his father serving as a municipal mayor for four terms.

Garcia acquired his primary education in his native Talibon, then took his secondary education in Cebu Provincial High School. He briefly took law courses at Silliman University in Dumaguete City. He then studied in Philippine Law School and earned his degree in 1923. He was among the top ten in the bar examination.Rather than practice law right away, worked as a teacher for two years at Bohol Provincial High School. He became famous for his poetry in Bohol, where he earned the nickname "Prince of Visayan Poets" and the "Bard from Bohol".

He started his political career in 1925, scoring an impressive victory running for congressman representing the third district of Bohol. He was elected for another term, but served only until 1931 when he successfully ran for

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governor of Bohol. He served as provincial governor for two terms. He became a member of the congress in 1946, amd was elected three times to the senate for three consecutive terms from 1941 to 1953.Garcia was the running mate of Ramon Magsaysay in the presidential election of 1953. He was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs by President Ramon Magsaysay, for four years concurrently serving as vice-president.

He assumed the presidency after Magsaysay died in a plane crash in 1957.During his administration, he acted on the Bohlen Serrano Agreement which shortened the lease of the US Bases from 99 years to 25 years and made it renewable after every five years. He also exercised the Filipino First Policy, for which he was known. This policy heavily favored Filipino businessmen over foreign investors. He was also responsible for changes in retail trade which greatly affected the Chinese businessmen in the country. At the end of his term, he ran for re-election but was defeated by Diosdado Macapagal in November 1961.After his failed re-election bid, Garcia then retired to private life, living as a private citizen in Bohol.On June 1, 1971, Garcia was elected delegate of the 1971 Constitutional Convention and chosen as its president. However, he died of a heart attack on June 14, 1971 at the age of seventy-four.

Diosdado Macapagal was elected president in the 1961 election, defeating Garcia's re-election bid. Macapagal's foreign policy sought closer relations with neighboring Asian nations, particularly Malaya (later Malaysia) and Indonesia. Negotiations with the United States over base rights led to anti-American sentiment.[28] Notably, the celebration of Independence Day was changed from July 4 to June 12, to honor the day that Emilio Aguinaldo declared independence from Spain in 1898.

Macapagal ran for re-election in 1965, but was defeated by his former party-mate, Senate President Ferdinand Marcos, who had switched to the Nacionalista Party. Early in his presidency, Marcos initiated ambitious public works projects and intensified tax collection which brought the country economic prosperity throughout the 1970s. His administration built more roads (including a substantial portion of the Pan-Philippine Highway) than all his predecessors combined, and more schools than any previous administration. Marcos was re-elected president in 1969, becoming the first president of the independent Philippines to achieve a second term.

The Philippine Legislature was corrupt and impotent. Opponents of Marcos blocked the necessary legislation to implement his ambitious plans. Because of this, optimism faded early in his second term and economic growth slowed. Crime and civil disobedience increased. The Communist Party of the Philippines formed the New People's Army. The Moro National Liberation Front continued to fight for an independent Muslim nation in Mindanao. An explosion during the proclamation rally of the senatorial slate of the Liberal Party on August 21, 1971 prompted Marcos to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, which he restored on January 11, 1972 after public protests.

Diosdado Pangan Macapagal (September 28, 1910–April 21, 1997) was a Filipino politician who served as the 9th President of the Philippines. He was elected in 1961, defeating the re-election bid of Carlos P. Garcia. He failed in his own re-election bid in 1965, losing to Ferdinand Marcos. He was also known by his nickname "The Incorruptable"His daughter, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, is the current president of the Philippines.Macapagal was born in Lubao, Pampanga to Urbano Macapagal and Romana Pangan. He graduated valedictorian in the Lubao Elementary School, graduated with second highest rating in the Pampanga High School. His family was poor, but with the help of Honorio Ventura, the Secretary of Interior at that time, he studied law and graduated in the University of Santo Tomas and pursued and earned the postgraduate degree of Doctor of Civil Law and Ph. D. in Economics in the same university.He finished his law degree in 1936. He worked as a lawyer for an American employer in Manila, and was assigned as a legal assistant to President Manuel Quezon.During the Japanese occupation of World War II, Macapagal served as support to the anti-Japanese task force and as an intelligence liaison to the US guerillas. It was during this period that his first wife died of malnutrition. He later married Evangelina Macaraeg, the mother of current Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.In 1948 he served as second secretary to the Philippine Embassy in Washington, DC. In 1949 he was elected to the House of Representatives, where he served until 1956. During that time, he was the Philippines' representative to the United Nations General Assembly three times.In 1957, as a member of the Liberal Party, he became vice president under President Carlos Garcia of the Nacionalista Party.

Macapagal was elected president in 1961 by a coalition of liberals and progressives, defeating the re-election bid of Carlos P. Garcia. He focused on fighting graft and corruption in the government. Seeking to stimulate economic development, he took the advice of wealthy supporters and allowed the Philippine peso to float on the free currency exchange market. This policy bled millions of pesos from the government's treasury each year during his administration. His reform efforts were blocked by the Nacionalistas, who dominated the House of Representatives and the Senate at that time. Nonetheless, the average GDP growth rate during the Macapagal presidency was 5.15%.In 1962, when the United States made its final rejection of Philippine monetary claims for the destruction wrought by American forces in World War II, Macapagal changed the official celebration of Independence Day from July 4 (the date in 1946 that United States granted independence) to June 12 (the date in 1898 that Emilio Aguinaldo declared independence from Spain). Macapagal claimed that the timing of the decision to change the date of Independence Day was not out of resentment for the United States, but rather a judicious choice of timing for the taking of an action which had previously been decided upon. During his term, Macapagal also made the decision to recognize José P. Laurel, who was made President of the Philippines by the Japanese occupation forces, as having been an official President. Prior to this, Laurel's regime had not been recognized by post-World War II Filipino governments as having held any legal status whatever.In 1965, he was defeated in the

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presidential election by Ferdinand Marcos, who had built a conservative coalition to block Macapagal's reforms in a landslide victory.

In 1971, Macapagal was elected president of the constitutional convention that drafted what became the 1973 constitution.In 1979 Macapagal formed the National Union for Liberation to oppose the Marcos regime. In his retirement, Macapagal devoted much of his time to reading and writing. He authored several books, and wrote a weekly column for the Manila Bulletin newspaper.Diosdado Macapagal died of heart failure, pneumonia and renal complications at the Makati Medical Center on April 21, 1997. He is buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

Marcos and the Road to Martial Law, 1965-72

In the presidential election of 1965, the Nacionalista candidate, Ferdinand E. Marcos (1917-90), triumphed over Macapagal. Marcos dominated the political scene for the next two decades, first as an elected president in 1965 and 1969, and then as a virtual dictator after his 1972 proclamation of martial law. He was born in llocos Norte Province at the northwestern tip of Luzon, a traditionally poor and clannish region. He was a brilliant law student, who successfully argued before the Philippine Supreme Court in the late 1930s for a reversal of a murder conviction against him (he had been convicted of shooting a political rival of his father). During World War II, Marcos served in the Battle of Bataan and then claimed to have led a guerrilla unit, the Maharlikas. Like many other aspects of his life, Marcos's war record, and the large number of United States and Philippine military medals that he claimed (at one time including the Congressional Medal of Honor), came under embarrassing scrutiny during the last years of his presidency. His stories of wartime gallantry, which were inflated by the media into a personality cult during his years in power, enthralled not only Filipino voters but also American presidents and members of Congress.

In 1949 Marcos gained a seat in the Philippine House of Representatives; he became a senator in 1959. His 1954 marriage to former beauty queen Imelda Romualdez provided him with a photogenic partner and skilled campaigner. She also had family connections with the powerful Romualdez political dynasty of Leyte in the Visayas.

`During his first term as president, Marcos initiated ambitious public works projects--roads, bridges, schools, health centers, irrigation facilities, and urban beautification projects--that improved the quality of life and also provided generous pork barrel benefits for his friends. Massive spending on public works was, politically, a cost-free policy not only because the pork barrel won him loyal allies but also because both local elites and ordinary people viewed a new civic center or bridge as a benefit. By contrast, a land reform program--part of Marcos's platform as it had been that of Macapagal and his predecessors--would alienate the politically all-powerful landowner elite and thus was never forcefully implemented.

Marcos lobbied rigorously for economic and military aid from the United States but resisted pressure from President Lyndon Johnson to become significantly involved in the Second Indochina War. Marcos's contribution to the war was limited to a 2,000- member Philippine Civic Action Group sent to the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) between 1966 and 1969. The Philippines became one of the founding members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), established in 1967. Disputes with fellow ASEAN member Malaysia over Sabah in northeast Borneo, however, continued, and it was discovered, after an army mutiny and murder of Muslim troops in 1968 (the "Corregidor Incident"), that the Philippine army was training a special unit to infiltrate Sabah.

Although Marcos was elected to a second term as president in 1969--the first president of the independent Philippines to gain a second term--the atmosphere of optimism that characterized his first years in power was largely dissipated. Economic growth slowed. Ordinary Filipinos, especially in urban areas, noted a deteriorating quality of life reflected in spiraling crime rates and random violence. Communist insurgency, particularly the activity of the Huks--had degenerated into gangsterism during the late 1950s, but the Communist Party of the Philippines-Marxist Leninist, usually referred to as the CPP, was "reestablished" in 1968 along Maoist lines in Tarlac Province north of Manila, leaving only a small remnant of the orgiinal PKP. The CPP's military arm, the New People's Army (NPA), soon spread from Tarlac to other parts of the archipelago. On Mindanao and in the Sulu Archipelago, violence between Muslims and Christians, the latter often recent government-sponsored immigrants from the north, was on the rise. In 1969 the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was organized on Malaysian soil. The MNLF conducted an insurrection supported by Malaysia and certain Islamic states in the Middle East, including Libya.

The carefully crafted "Camelot" atmosphere of Marcos's first inauguration, in which he cast himself in the role of John F. Kennedy with Imelda as his Jackie, gave way in 1970 to general dissatisfaction with what had been one of the most dishonest elections in Philippine history and fears that Marcos might engineer change in the 1935 constitution to maintain himself in power. On January 30, 1970, the "Battle of Mendiola," named after a street in front of the Malacañang Palace, the presidential mansion, pitted student demonstrators, who tried to storm the palace, against riot police and resulted in many injuries. Random

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bombings, officially attributed to communists but probably set by government agents provocateurs, occurred in Manila and other large cities. Most of these only destroyed property, but grenade explosions in the Plaza Miranda in Manila during an opposition Liberal Party rally on August 21, 1971, killed 9 people and wounded 100 (8 of the wounded were Liberal Party candidates for the Senate). Although it has never been conclusively shown who was responsible for the bombing, Marcos blamed leftists and suspended habeas corpus--a prelude to martial law. But evidence subsequently pointed, again, to government involvement.

Government and opposition political leaders agreed that the country's constitution, American-authored during the colonial period, should be replaced by a new document to serve as the basis for thorough-going reform of the political system. In 1967 a bill was passed providing for a constitutional convention, and three years later, delegates to the convention were elected. It first met in June 1971.

On September 21, 1972, Marcos issued Proclamation 1081, declaring martial law over the entire country. Under the president's command, the military arrested opposition figures, including Benigno Aquino, journalists, student and labor activists, and criminal elements. A total of about 30,000 detainees were kept at military compounds run by the army and the Philippine Constabulary. Weapons were confiscated, and "private armies" connected with prominent politicians and other figures were broken up. Newspapers were shut down, and the mass media were brought under tight control. With the stroke of a pen, Marcos closed the Philippine Congress and assumed its legislative responsibilities. During the 1972-81 martial law period, Marcos, invested with dictatorial powers, issued hundreds of presidential decrees, many of which were never published.

Like much else connected with Marcos, the declaration of martial law had a theatrical, smoke-and-mirrors quality. The incident that precipitated Proclamation 1081 was an attempt, allegedly by communists, to assassinate Minister of National Defense Enrile. As Enrile himself admitted after Marcos's downfall in 1986, his unoccupied car had been riddled by machinegun bullets fired by his own men on the night that Proclamation 1081 was signed.

Most Filipinos--or at least those well positioned within the economic and social elites--initially supported the imposition of martial law. The rising tide of violence and lawlessness was apparent to everyone. Although still modest in comparison with the Huk insurgency of the early 1950s, the New People's Army was expanding, and the Muslim secessionist movement continued in the south with foreign support. Well-worn themes of communist conspiracy--Marcos claimed that a network of "front organizations" was operating "among our peasants, laborers, professionals, intellectuals, students, and mass media personnel"--found a ready audience in the United States, which did not protest the demise of Philippine democracy.

Ferdinand Edralín Marcos (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was the tenth president of the Philippines, serving from 1965 to 1986. He has the distinction of being the last Senate President to be elected to the presidency and being the first president to be elected to two consecutive full terms. Ferdinand Marcos was born in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to Don Mariano Marcos, a lawyer who was an assemblyman for Ilocos Norte, and Doña Josefa Quetulio Edralín, a teacher. He was the second of four children. His siblings were Pacífico, Elizabeth and Fortuna. He was of mixed Filipino (Ilocano), Chinese, and Japanese ancestry. He started his primary education in Sarrat Central School. He was transferred to Shamrock Elementary School (Laoag), and finally to the Ermita Elementary School (Manila) when his father was elected as an Assemblyman in the Philippine Congress. He completed his primary education in 1929.

During World War II, Marcos served in the Philippine Armed Forces as the combat intelligence officer of the 21st Infantry Division. In mid-January of 1942, Lieutenant Marcos, accompanied by three 18 year old recruits, penetrated behind the Japanese lines, killed more than 50 of the enemy and destroyed the deadly mortars that pinned down General Mateo Capinpin’s 21st Division. He was later captured and tortured yet escaped to rally elements of various divisions in a six-day running battle on the banks of two Bataan rivers that threw the enemy back. For this he was promoted captain and recommended for the Medal of Honor. Captured by the Japanese, he survived the Bataan Death March towards Central Luzon and then escaped.He was awarded with medals as an officer though his biography written by Hartzell Spence greatly exaggerated the truth. Marcos' subsequent claims of being an important leader in the Filipino guerrilla resistance movement were a central factor in his later political success, but U.S. government archives later revealed that he actually played little or no part in anti-Japanese activities during the war. Marcos reportedly started out fighting with President Quezon's Own Guerrillas (PQOG) in southern Luzon.

His first term in office showed a lot of promise, building on the relatively robust economy by developing the country's infrastructure and intensifying tax collection. The unemployment rate shrank from 7.20% in 1966 to just 5.20% in 1971.He liberalized trade with the free world, hastening the industrialization of the Philippines. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient in food, especially in rice. Marcos also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone. He received a Doctor of Laws honoris causa degree from the University of Michigan on 19 September 1966.Throughout his 20-year tenure, Marcos maintained a close alliance with the United States and was a close friend of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and Lyndon Johnson. He launched major military campaigns against Communist New People's Army and Moro insurgents. He was an outspoken critic of communism. He sent forces to Vietnam to help the Americans, as well as medical teams to do humanitarian work.

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He was re-elected in 1969, along with Fernando Lopez, becoming the first president of the Republic of the Philippines to be elected to a full second term. In 1971, Marcos called for a Constitutional Convention for the purpose of revising the 1935 Constitution. The Convention was composed of 321 elected delegates headed by former Presidents Carlos P. Garcia and Diosdado Macapagal. However, the Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from staying in power under a new constitution. Marcos' second term was marked by increasing civil strife known as the "First Quarter Storm." After a series of bombings in Manila claimed to have been carried out by the New People's Army of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Marcos warned of imminent Communist takeover. On September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081, he declared martial law over the entire country, thereby remaining in office past limits imposed by the 1935 Constitution as amended. By 1973, he had assumed dictatorial control—ushering in a so-called constitutional authoritarianism.Defending his right to rule by decree, if he chose, he asserted that otherwise "you will have Communists going back and forth, causing the dastardly ruin of our country, the killing of people and the rape of women."

The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented. The country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970's in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule towards the end of martial law. Political oppositionists were given the opportunity to go into exile. However, public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested and detained. Communist leaders as well as sympathizers were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations as well as graft and corruption by the military emerged, as made manifest by the Rolex 12.

Over the years, President Marcos' hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled, to 200,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill-equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations.

On January 17, 1981, martial law was formally lifted by virtue of Proclamation No. 2045, as a precondition for the visit of Pope John Paul II. Although this paved the way for a more open democracy, Marcos retained most of his dictatorial control over the government with the monolithic Kilusang Bagong Lipunan dominating the Batasang Pambansa. Marcos stepped down as Prime Minister and ran for re-election for president with virtually no opposition. Most of the opposition parties boycotted the elections after the 1978 elections, including Ninoy Aquino's LABAN, the largest opposition party during that time. Only the Nacionalista party fielded a candidate against Marcos, and it was out of constant pressure from the incumbent. Retired Gen. Alejo Santos ran against Marcos. Marcos handily won 91.4% of the vote while Santos only got 8.6%. Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million votes, the largest ever in Philippine elections, thus allowing him another six-year term as the first President of the Fourth Republic of the Philippines. Cesar Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.

During these years, his regime was marred by widespread corruption and political mismanagement by his cronies, which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr.. Marcos can be considered the quintessential kleptocrat, having supposedly looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. Much of the lost sum has yet to be accounted for, but $684 million has been recovered and returned to the government. He was also a notorious nepotist, appointing family members and close friends to high positions in his government. This practice led to unchecked, widespread political mismanagement especially during the 1980's, when Marcos was mortally ill with lupus and was in and out of office. Perhaps the most prominent example is the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, a multi-billion dollar project that turned out to be a white elephant but provided huge kickbacks ($5M from Westinghouse Corp) to Marcos and crony Herminio Disini. The reactor, which turned out to be based on old, costly design and built on an earthquake fault, has still to produce a watt of electricity but the national government has continued to pay interest for its staggering cost. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of himself, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras as an act of friendship, was carved into a hillside, and was subsequently destroyed by communist rebels. In the first half of the year 1983, 500-peso bill was to have Ferdinand Marcos to stop high inflation under the permission of Pres. Marcos and Central Bank Governor Jaime C. Laya. Laya said...the banknote did not really looked liked the President but he wanted himself as handsome as his portrait. The banknote was issued but was stopped during the events of August 21, 1983 and until People Power Revolution when it was replaced by the current 500-peso bill. Remnants of this bill are only for media purposes.,

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated due to kidney ailments. He was absent for weeks at a time, undergoing treatment, with no one to assume command. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest. With Marcos ailing, his long powerful wife Imelda emerged as the government's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculation of his ailing health, being an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique.

In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that led to the overthrow of Marcos. Many Filipinos came to believe that Mr. Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the killing of Mr. Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. The opposition blamed Marcos, who was convalescing in the Kidney Center of the Philippines, for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Gen. Fabian Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers for the assassination were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice. By 1984, his close personal friend, President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents, save for President Carter, supported all the way. The leftist movement peaked to about 20,000 armed fighters by 1985, and had numerous assertive and anti-American allies in the Batasang Pambansa.In the face of escalating public

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discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos resigned the presidency conditionally to run for office during 1986 snap elections. He declared Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition united behind Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino and her running mate, Salvador Laurel. Both Marcos and Aquino declared themselves winners, the administration and opposition accusing each other of rigging the elections. Popular sentiment sided with Aquino, leading to a massive, multisectoral congregation of protesters, and the gradual defection of the military to Aquino (led by then-Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile whose arrest for graft and corruption charges was about to be served and Fidel Ramos, then-military vice-chief). This so-called "People Power movement" drove Marcos into exile, and installed Corazon Aquino as president. However, he maintained that he was duly elected and proclaimed President for a fourth term.

The Marcos family and their associates went into exile in Hawaii and were later indicted for embezzlement in the United States. Marcos died in Honolulu in 1989 of kidney, heart and lung ailments. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The late strongman's remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his only son, Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. The youngest daughter, Irene, is not involved in politics. Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990, but is still facing a few hundred additional graft charges in a Philippine court in 2006.

The New Society

Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating a "New Society" based on new social and political values. He argued that certain aspects of personal behavior, attributed to a colonial mentality, were obstacles to effective modernization. These included the primacy of personal connections, as reflected in the ethic of utang na loob, and the importance of maintaining in-group harmony and coherence, even at the cost to the national community. A new spirit of self-sacrifice for the national welfare was necessary if the country were to equal the accomplishments of its Asian neighbors, such as Taiwan and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). Despite Marcos's often perceptive criticisms of the old society, Marcos, his wife, and a small circle of close associates, the crony group, now felt free to practice corruption on an awe-inspiring scale.

Political, economic, and social policies were designed to neutralize Marcos's rivals within the elite. The old political system, with its parties, rough-and-tumble election campaigns, and a press so uninhibited in its vituperative and libelous nature that it was called "the freest in the world," had been boss-ridden and dominated by the elite since early American colonial days, if not before. The elite, however, composed of local political dynasties, had never been a homogeneous group. Its feuds and tensions, fueled as often by assaults on amor proprio (self-esteem) as by disagreement on ideology or issues, made for a pluralistic system.

Marcos's self-proclaimed "revolution from the top" deprived significant portions of the old elite of power and patronage. For example, the powerful Lopez family, who had fallen out of Marcos's favor (Fernando Lopez had served as Marcos's first vice president), was stripped of most of its political and economic assets. Although always influential, during the martial law years, Imelda Marcos built her own power base, with her husband's support. Concurrently the governor of Metro Manila and minister of human settlements (a post created for her), she exercised significant powers.

Crony Capitalism

During the first years of martial law, the economy benefited from increased stability, and business confidence was bolstered by Marcos's appointment of talented technocrats to economic planning posts. Despite the 1973 oil price rise shock, the growth of the gross national product (GNP) was respectable, and the oil-pushed inflation rate, reaching 40 percent in 1974, was trimmed back to 10 percent the following year. Between 1973 and the early 1980s, dependence on imported oil was reduced by domestic finds and successful energy substitution measures, including one of the world's most ambitious geothermal energy programs. Claiming that "if land reform fails, there is no New Society," Marcos launched highly publicized new initiatives that resulted in the formal transfer of land to some 184,000 farming families by late 1975. The law was filled with loopholes, however, and had little impact on local landowning elites or landless peasants, who remained desperately poor.

The largest, most productive, and technically most advanced manufacturing enterprises were gradually brought under the control of Marcos's cronies. For example, the huge business conglomerate owned by the Lopez family, which included major newspapers, a broadcast network, and the country's largest electric power company, was broken up and distributed to Marcos loyalists including Imelda Marcos's brother, Benjamin "Kokoy" Romualdez, and another loyal crony, Roberto Benedicto. Huge monopolies and semimonopolies were established in manufacturing, construction, and financial services. When these giants proved unprofitable, the government subsidized them with allocations amounting to hundreds of millions of pesos. Philippine Airlines, the nation's international and domestic air carrier, was nationalized and turned into what one author has called a "virtual private commuter line" for Imelda Marcos and her friends on shopping excursions to New York and Europe.

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Probably the most negative impact of crony capitalism, however, was felt in the traditional cash-crop sector, which employed millions of ordinary Filipinos in the rural areas. (The coconut industry alone brought income to an estimated 15 million to 18 million people.) Under Benedicto and Eduardo Cojuangco, distribution and marketing monopolies for sugar and coconuts were established. Farmers on the local level were obliged to sell only to the monopolies and received less than world prices for their crops; they also were the first to suffer when world commodity prices dropped. Millions of dollars in profits from these monopolies were diverted overseas into Swiss bank accounts, real estate deals, and purchases of art, jewelry, and antiques. On the island of Negros in the Visayas, the region developed by Nicholas Loney for the sugar industry in the nineteenth century, sugar barons continued to live lives of luxury, but the farming community suffered from degrees of malnutrition rare in other parts of Southeast Asia.

The 1935 constitution limited the president to two terms. Opposition delegates, fearing that a proposed parliamentary system would allow Marcos to maintain himself in power indefinitely, prevailed on the convention to adopt a provision in September 1971 banning Marcos and members of his family from holding the position of head of state or government under whatever arrangement was finally established. But Marcos succeeded, through the use of bribes and intimidation, in having the ban nullified the following summer. Even if Marcos had been able to contest a third presidential term in 1973, however, both the 1971 mid-term elections and subsequent public opinion polls indicated that he or a designated successor--Minister of National Defense Juan Ponce Enrile or the increasingly ambitious Imelda Marcos--would likely be defeated by his arch-rival, Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino.

Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law

Ferdinand Marcos was responsible for making the previously nonpolitical, professional Armed Forces of the Philippines, which since American colonial times had been modeled on the United States military, a major actor in the political process. This subversion occurred done in two ways. First, Marcos appointed officers from the Ilocos region, his home province, to its highest ranks. Regional background and loyalty to Marcos rather than talent or a distinguished service record were the major factors in promotion. Fabian Ver, for example, had been a childhood friend of Marcos and later his chauffeur, rose to become chief of staff of the armed forces and head of the internal security network. Secondly, both officers and the rank and file became beneficiaries of generous budget allocations. Officers and enlisted personnel received generous salary increases. Armed forces personnel increased from about 58,000 in 1971 to 142,000 in 1983. Top-ranking military officers, including Ver, played an important policy-making role. On the local level, commanders had opportunities to exploit the economy and establish personal patronage networks, as Marcos and the military establishment evolved a symbiotic relationship under martial law.

A military whose commanders, with some exceptions, were rewarded for loyalty rather than competence proved both brutal and ineffective in dealing with the rapidly growing communist insurgency and Muslim separatist movement. Treatment of civilians in rural areas was often harsh, causing rural people, as a measure of self-protection rather than ideological commitment, to cooperate with the insurgents. The communist insurgency, after some reverses in the 1970s, grew quickly in the early 1980s, particularly in some of the poorest regions of the country. The Muslim separatist movement reached a violent peak in the mid1970s and then declined greatly, because of divisions in the leadership of the movement and reduced external support brought about by the diplomatic activity of the Marcos government.

Relations with the United States remained most important for the Philippines in the 1970s, although the special relationship between the former and its ex-colony was greatly modified as trade, investment, and defense ties were redefined. The Laurel-Langley Agreement defining preferential United States tariffs for Philippine exports and parity privileges for United States investors expired on July 4, 1974, and trade relations were governed thereafter by the international General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). During the martial law period, foreign investment terms were substantially liberalized, despite official rhetoric about foreign "exploitation" of the economy. A policy promoting "nontraditional" exports such as textiles, footwear, electronic components, and fresh and processed foods was initiated with some success. Japan increasingly challenged the United States as a major foreign participant in the Philippine economy.

The status of United States military bases was redefined when a major amendment to the Military Bases Agreement of 1947 was signed on January 6, 1979, reaffirming Philippine sovereignty over the bases and reducing their total area. At the same time, the United States administration promised to make its "best effort" to obtain congressional appropriations for military and economic aid amounting to US$400 million between 1979 to 1983. The amendment called for future reviews of the bases agreement every fifth year. Although the administration of President Jimmy Carter emphasized promoting human rights worldwide, only limited pressure was exerted on Marcos to improve the behavior of the military in rural areas and to end the death-squad murder of opponents. (Pressure from the United States, however, did play a role in gaining the release of Benigno Aquino in May 1980, and he was allowed to go to the United States for medical treatment

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after spending almost eight years in prison, including long stretches of time in solitary confinement.) On January 17, 1981, Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, formally ending martial law. Some controls were loosened, but the ensuing New Republic proved to be a superficially liberalized version of the crony-dominated New Society. Predictably, Marcos won an overwhelming victory in the June 1981 presidential election, boycotted by the main opposition groups, in which his opponents were nonentities.

Martial Law and its Aftermath, (1972-86)

The Philippines found itself in an economic crisis in early 1970, in large part the consequence of the profligate spending of government funds by President Marcos in his reelection bid. The government, unable to meet payments on its US$2.3 billion international debt, worked out a US$27.5 million standby credit arrangement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that involved renegotiating the country's external debt and devaluing the Philippine currency to P6.40 to the United States dollar. The government, unwilling and unable to take the necessary steps to deal with economic difficulties on its own, submitted to the external dictates of the IMF. It was a pattern that would be repeated with increasing frequency in the next twenty years.

In September 1972, Marcos declared martial law, claiming that the country was faced with revolutions from both the left and the right. He gathered around him a group of businessmen, used presidential decrees and letters of instruction to provide them with monopoly positions within the economy, and began channeling resources to himself and his associates, instituting what came to be called "crony capitalism." By the time Marcos fled the Philippines in February 1986, monopolization and corruption had severely crippled the economy.

In the beginning, this tendency was not so obvious. Marcos's efforts to create a "New Society" were supported widely by the business community, both Filipino and foreign, by Washington, and, de facto, by the multilateral institutions. Foreign investment was encouraged: an export-processing zone was opened; a range of additional investment incentives was created, and the Philippines projected itself onto the world economy as a country of low wages and industrial peace. The inflow of international capital increased dramatically.

A general rise in world raw material prices in the early 1970s helped boost the performance of the economy; real GNP grew at an average of almost 7 percent per year in the five years after the declaration of martial law, as compared with approximately 5 percent annually in the five preceding years. Agriculture performed better that it did in the 1960s. New rice technologies introduced in the late 1960s were widely adopted. Manufacturing was able to maintain the 6 percent growth rate it achieved in the late 1960s, a rate, however, that was below that of the economy as a whole. Manufactured exports, on the other hand, did quite well, growing at a rate twice that of the country's traditional agricultural exports. The public sector played a much larger role in the 1970s, with the extent of government expenditures in GNP rising by 40 percent in the decade after 1972. To finance the boom, the government extensively resorted to international debt, hence the characterization of the economy of the Marcos era as "debt driven."

In the latter half of the 1970s, heavy borrowing from transnational commercial banks, multilateral organizations, and the United States and other countries masked problems that had begun to appear on the economic horizon with the slowdown of the world economy. By 1976 the Philippines was among the top 100 recipients of loans from the World Bank and was considered a "country of concentration." Its balance of payments problem was solved and growth facilitated, at least temporarily, but at the cost of having to service an external debt that rose from US$2.3 billion in 1970 to more than US$17.2 billion in 1980.

There were internal problems as well, particularly in respect of the increasingly visible mismanagement of crony enterprises. A financial scandal in January 1981 in which a businessman fled the country with debts of an estimated P700 million required massive amounts of emergency loans from the Central Bank of the Philippines and other government-owned financial institutions to some eighty firms. The growth rate of GNP fell dramatically, and from then the economic ills of the Philippines proliferated. In 1980 there was an abrupt change in economic policy, related to the changing world economy and deteriorating internal conditions, with the Philippine government agreeing to reduce the average level and dispersion of tariff rates and to eliminate most quantitative restrictions on trade, in exchange for a US$200 million structural adjustment loan from the World Bank. Whatever the merits of the policy shift, the timing was miserable. Exports did not increase substantially, while imports increased dramatically. The result was growing debt-service payments; emergency loans were forthcoming, but the hemorrhaging did not cease.

It was in this environment in August 1983 that President Marcos's foremost critic, former Senator Benigno Aquino, returned from exile and was assassinated. The country was thrown into an economic and

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political crisis that resulted eventually, in February 1986, in the ending of Marcos's twenty-one-year rule and his flight from the Philippines. In the meantime, debt repayment had ceased. Real GNP fell more than 11 percent before turning back up in 1986, and real GNP per capita fell 17 percent from its high point in 1981. In 1990 per capita real GNP was still 7 percent below the 1981 level.

From Aquino's Assassination to People's Power

Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino was, like his life-long rival Ferdinand Marcos, a consummate politician, Philippine-style. Born in 1932, he interrupted his college studies to pursue a journalistic career, first in wartime Korea and then in Vietnam, Malaya, and other parts of Southeast Asia. Like Marcos, a skilled manager of his own public image, he bolstered his popularity by claiming credit for negotiating the May 1954 surrender of Huk leader Luis Taruc. The Aquino family was to Tarlac Province in Central Luzon what the Marcos family was to Ilocos Norte and the Romualdez family was to Leyte: a political dynasty. Aquino became the governor of Tarlac Province in 1963, and a member of the Senate in 1967. His marriage to Corazon Cojuangco, a member of one of the country's richest and most prominent Chinese mestizo families, was, like Marcos's marriage to Imelda Romualdez, a great help to his political career. If martial law had not been declared in September 1972, Aquino would probably have defeated Marcos or a hand-picked successor in the upcoming presidential election. Instead, he was one of the first to be jailed when martial law was imposed.

Aquino's years in jail--physical hardship, the fear of imminent death at the hands of his jailers, and the opportunity to read and meditate--seemed to have transformed the fast-talking political operator into a deeper and more committed leader of the democratic opposition. Although he was found guilty of subversion and sentenced to death by a military court in November 1977, Aquino, still in prison, led the LABAN (Lakas Ng Bayan--Strength of the Nation) party in its campaign to win seats in the 1978 legislative election and even debated Marcos's associate, Enrile, on television. The vote was for seats in the legislature called the National Assembly, initiated in 1978, which was, particularly in its first three years essentially a rubber-stamp body designed to pass Marcos's policies into law with the appearance of correct legal form. (The LABAN was unsuccessful, but it gained 40 percent of the vote in Metro Manila.)

Allowed to go to the United States for medical treatment in 1980, Benigno Aquino, accompanied by his wife, became a major leader of the opposition in exile. In 1983 Aquino was fully aware of the dangers of returning to the Philippines. Imelda Marcos had pointedly advised him that his return would be risky, claiming that communists or even some of Marcos's allies would try to kill him. The deterioration of the economic and political situation and Marcos's own worsening health, however, persuaded Aquino that the only way his country could be spared civil war was either by persuading the president to relinquish power voluntarily or by building a responsible, united opposition. In his view, the worst possible outcome was a post-Marcos regime led by Imelda and backed by the military under Ver.

Aquino was shot in the head and killed as he was escorted off an airplane at Manila International Airport by soldiers of the Aviation Security Command on August 21, 1983. The government's claim that he was the victim of a lone communist gunman, Rolando Galman (who was conveniently killed by Aviation Security Command troops after the alleged act), was unconvincing. A commission appointed by Marcos and headed by jurist Corazon Agrava concluded in their findings announced in late October 1984, that the assassination was the result of a military conspiracy. Marcos's credibility, both domestically and overseas, was mortally wounded when the Sandiganbayan, a high court charged with prosecuting government officials for crimes, ignored the Agrava findings, upheld the government's story, and acquitted Ver and twenty-four other military officers and one civilian in December 1985.

Although ultimate responsibility for the act still had not been clearly determined in the early 1990s, on September 28, 1990, a special court convicted General Luther Custodio and fifteen other officers and enlisted members of the Aviation Security Command of murdering Aquino and Galman. Most observers believed, however, that Imelda Marcos and Fabian Ver wanted Aquino assassinated. Imelda's remarks, both before and after the assassination, and the fact that Ver had become her close confidant, cast suspicion on them. For the Marcoses, Aquino became a more formidable opponent dead than alive. His funeral drew millions of mourners in the largest demonstration in Philippine history. Aquino became a martyr who focused popular indignation against a corrupt regime. The inevitable outcome--Marcos's overthrow--could be delayed but not prevented.

The People's Power movement, which bore fruit in the ouster of Marcos on February 25, 1986, was broad-based but primarily, although not exclusively, urban-based, indeed the movement was commonly known in Manila as the EDSA Revolution. People's Power encompassed members of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, the business elite, and a faction of the armed forces. Its millions of rural, working-class, middle-class, and professional supporters were united not by ideology or class interests, but by their esteem for Aquino's widow, Corazon, and their disgust with the Marcos regime. After her husband's assassination, Corazon Aquino assumed first a symbolic and then a substantive role as leader of the opposition. A devout

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Catholic and a shy and self-styled "simple housewife," Mrs. Aquino inspired trust and devotion. Some, including top American policy makers, regarded her as inexperienced and naive. Yet in the events leading up to Marcos's ouster she displayed unexpected shrewdness and determination.

The Old Political Opposition

Martial law had emasculated and marginalized the opposition, led by a number of traditional politicians who attempted, with limited success, to promote a credible, noncommunist alternative to Marcos. The most important of these was Salvador H. "Doy" Laurel. Laurel organized a coalition of ten political groups, the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), to contest the 1982 National Assembly elections. Although he included Benigno Aquino as one of UNIDO's twenty "vice presidents," Laurel and Aquino were bitter rivals.

The Catholic Church

During the martial law and post-martial law periods, the Catholic Church was the country's strongest and most independent nongovernmental institution. It traditionally had been conservative and aligned with the elites. Parish priests and nuns, however, witnessed the sufferings of the common people and often became involved in political, and even communist, activities. One of the best-known politicized clergy was Father Conrado Balweg, who led a New People's Army guerrilla unit in the tribal minority regions of northern Luzon. Although Pope John Paul II had admonished the clergy worldwide not to engage in active political struggle, the pope's commitment to human rights and social justice encouraged the Philippine hierarchy to criticize the Marcos regime's abuses in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Church-state relations deteriorated as the statecontrolled media accused the church of being infiltrated by communists. Following Aquino's assassination, Cardinal Jaime Sin, archbishop of Manila and a leader of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, gradually shifted the hierarchy's stance from one of "critical collaboration" to one of open opposition.

A prominent Catholic layman, José Concepcion, played a major role in reviving the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) with church support in 1983 in order to monitor the 1984 National Assembly elections. Both in the 1984 balloting and the February 7, 1986, presidential election, NAMFREL played a major role in preventing, or at least reporting, regime-- instigated irregularities. The backbone of its organization was formed by parish priests and nuns in virtually every part of the country.

The Business Elite

The Aquino assassination shattered business confidence at a time when the economy was suffering from years of mismanagement under the cronies and unfavorable international conditions. Business leaders, especially those excluded from regime-nurtured monopolies, feared that a continuation of the status quo would cause a collapse of the economy. Their apprehensions were shared by foreign creditors and international agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Inflation and unemployment were soaring. The country's GNP became stagnant by 1983, and then it contracted--by -6.8 percent in 1984, and -3.8 percent in 1985, according to the IMF. There was a steep decline both in domestic and foreign investment. Outward capital flows reached as high as US$2 million a day in the panic that followed Aquino's death. The Makati area of Manila, with its banks, brokerage houses, luxury hotels, and upper-class homes, became a center of vocal resistance to the Marcos regime.

The Left

Left-wing groups, affiliated directly or indirectly with the Communist Party of the Philippines, played a prominent role in anti-regime demonstrations after August 1983. While the New People's Army was spreading in rural areas, the communists, through the National Democratic Front, gained influence, if not control, over some labor unions, student groups, and other urbanbased organizations. Leftists demanding radical political change established the New Nationalist Alliance (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan--BAYAN), in the early 1980s, but their political influence suffered considerably from their decision to boycott the presidential election of February 1986.

The Armed Forces

Corruption and demoralization of the armed forces led to the emergence, in the early 1980s, of a faction of young officers, mostly graduates of the elite Philippine Military Academy, known as the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). RAM supported a restoration of pre-martial law "professionalism" and was closely allied with Minister of National Defense Enrile, long a Marcos loyalist yet increasingly unhappy with Ver's ascendancy over the armed forces.

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United States Reactions

Given its past colonial association and continued security and economic interests in the Philippines, the United States never was a disinterested party in Philippine politics. On June 1, 1983, the United States and the Philippines signed a five-year memorandum of agreement on United States bases, which committed the United States administration to make "best efforts" to secure US$900 million in economic and military aid for the Philippines between 1984 and 1988. The agreement reflected both United States security concerns at a time of increased Soviet-Western tension in the Pacific and its continued faith in the Marcos regime.

The assassination of Aquino shocked United States diplomats in Manila, but conservative policy makers in the administration of President Ronald Reagan remained, until almost the very end, supportive of the Marcoses, because no viable alternative seemed available. In hindsight, United States support for the moderate People's Power movement under Corazon Aquino, backed by church and business groups, would seem to be self-evident common sense. Yet in the tense days and weeks leading up to Marcos's ouster, many policy makers feared that she was not tough or canny enough to survive a military coup d'état or a communist takeover.

The Snap Election and Marcos's Ouster

indicative of the importance of United States support for his regime, Marcos announced his decision to hold a "snap" presidential election on an American television talk show, "This Week with David Brinkley," in November 1985. He promised skeptical Americans access for observer teams, setting February 7, 1986, a year before his six-year presidential term ran out, as the date for the election. He believed his early reelection would solidify United States support, silence his critics in the Philippines and the United States, and perhaps banish the ghost of Benigno Aquino. Marcos's smoothly running, well-financed political machine and the divided nature of the opposition promised success, but his decision proved to be a monumental blunder.

Cardinal Sin, an astute negotiator described by one diplomat as "one of the best politicians in the Philippines," arranged a political alliance of convenience between Corazon Aquino and Salvador Laurel, who had announced his own candidacy but agreed to run as Aquino's vice-presidential candidate. Aquino had immense popular support and Laurel brought his superior organizational skills to the campaign. Their agreement to run together was arranged just in time for the deadline for submission of candidacies in early December. The church hierarchy gave its moral support to the opposition ticket. Cardinal Sin, realizing that poor people would not refuse money offered for votes and that the ethic of utang na loob would oblige them to vote for the briber, admonished the voters that an immoral contract was not binding and that they should vote according to their consciences.

On the day of the election, NAMFREL guarded ballot boxes and tried to get a rapid tally of the results in order to prevent irregularities. A team of United States observers, which included a joint congressional delegation, issued a mild criticism of electoral abuses, but individual members expressed shock and indignation: Senator Richard Lugar claimed that between 10 and 40 percent of the voters had been disenfranchised by the removal of their names from registration rolls. The results tabulated by the government's Commission on Elections (COMELEC) showed Marcos leading, whereas NAMFREL figures showed a majority for the Aquino-Laurel ticket. On February 9, computer operators at COMELEC observed discrepancies between their figures and those officially announced and walked out in protest, at some risk to their lives. The church condemned the election as fraudulent, but on February 15, the Marcos-dominated National Assembly proclaimed him the official winner. Despite the election fraud, the Reagan administration's support for Marcos remained strong, as did its uncertainty concerning Corazon Aquino. Yet a consensus of policy makers in the White House, Department of State, Pentagon, and Congress was emerging and advised the withdrawal of support from Marcos.

On February 22, Enrile and General Fidel Ramos, commander of the Philippine Constabulary, issued a joint statement demanding Marcos's resignation. They established their rebel headquarters inside Camp Aguinaldo and the adjoining Camp Crame in Metro Manila, which was guarded by several hundred troops. Marcos ordered loyal units to suppress the uprising, but Cardinal Sin, broadcasting over the Catholic-run Radio Veritas (which became the voice of the revolution), appealed to the people to bring food and supplies for the rebels and to use nonviolence to block pro-Marcos troop movements.

Hundreds of thousands responded. In the tense days that followed, priests, nuns, ordinary citizens, and children linked arms with the rebels and faced down, without violence, the tanks and machine guns of government troops. Many of the government troops defected, including the crews of seven helicopter gunships, which seemed poised to attack the massive crowd on February 24 but landed in Camp Crame to announce their support for People's Power. Violent confrontations were prevented. The Philippine troops did not want to wage war on their own people.

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Although Marcos held an inauguration ceremony at Malacañang Palace on February 25, it was boycotted by foreign ambassadors (with the exception, in an apparently unwitting gaffe, of a new Soviet ambassador). It was, for the Marcoses, the last, pathetic hurrah. Advised by a United States senator, Paul Laxalt, who had close ties to Reagan, to "cut and cut cleanly," Marcos realized that he had lost United States support for any kind of arrangement that could keep him in power. By that evening, the Marcoses had quit the palace that had been their residence for two decades and were on their way to exile in the United States. Manila's population surged into Malacañang to view the evidence of the Marcos's extravagant life-style (including Imelda's muchpublicized hundreds of pairs of expensive, unworn shoes). An almost bloodless revolution brought Corazon Aquino into office as the seventh president of the Republic of the Philippine

The Aquino Government

In 1986 Corazon Aquino focused her presidential campaign on the misdeeds of Marcos and his cronies. The economic correctives that she proposed emphasized a central role for private enterprise and the moral imperative of reaching out to the poor and meeting their needs. Reducing unemployment, encouraging small-scale enterprise, and developing the neglected rural areas were the themes.

Aquino entered the presidency with a mandate to undertake a new direction in economic policy. Her initial cabinet contained individuals from across the political spectrum. Over time, however, the cabinet became increasingly homogeneous, particularly with respect to economic perspective, reflecting the strong influence of the powerful business community and international creditors. The businesspeople and technocrats who directed the Central Bank and headed the departments of finance and trade and industry became the decisive voices in economic decision making. Foreign policy also reflected this power relationship, focusing on attracting more foreign loans, aid, trade, investment, and tourists.

María Corazón Sumulong Cojuangco Aquino (born January 25, 1933), widely known as Cory Aquino, was President of the Philippines from 1986 to 1992. She was Asia's first female President. She was the wife of the popular opposition senator Benigno Aquino Jr., and when he was assassinated at then Manila International Airport on his return from exile on August 21, 1983, she became the focus of the opposition to the autocratic rule of President Ferdinand Marcos.

Maria Corazón Sumulong Cojuangco was born in Manila into one of the richest Chinese-mestizo families in the Philippines, the powerful Cojuangcos of Tarlac province. Her mother's family, the Sumulongs, also belong to a political Chinese Filipino family in Rizal.She grew up privileged, sent overseas to study in Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia, the Notre Dame Convent School in New York, and College of Mount Saint Vincent, also in New York. She studied mathematics and graduated with a degree in French in 1953.

She returned to the Philippines to study law at Far Eastern University, but in 1955 she married Benigno Aquino Jr., who had just been elected mayor of Concepción in Tarlac province at the age of 22. She eventually bore him five children: a son, Benigno III, and four daughters, Maria Elena, Aurora, Victoria, and Kristina. Ninoy rose to be governor and senator, then under the Marcos regime was arrested, sentenced to death, and exiled. She accompanied him into exile in 1980. He was later assassinated on August 21, 1983 upon arrival from a 3-year exile in the United States at the tarmac of the Manila International Airport, which was later renamed in his honor. After his death she was convinced by the friends and supporters of Ninoy to enter into politics as head of the Laban coalition.

On the last week of November, 1985, President Ferdinand Marcos shocked the entire nation when he called for a snap presidential elections to be held in February 1986, at first the opposition formed the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO) as the main political umbrella of the opposition, UNIDO at first supported Senator Salvador Laurel of Batangas as its standard bearer, but business tycoon Don Joaquin Chino Roces was not convinced that Laurel could defeat Marcos in the polls. Roces initiated the Cory Aquino for President Movement to gather one million signatures in one week for Cory to run as president; Aquino was convinced to run initially as President, but Laurel gave way to Cory to run as President and ran as her running-mate.The campaign was made in the month of January 1986, for the February elections. Although she was officially reported to have lost the election to Marcos, the elections were widely believed to be fraudulent. Both Marcos and Aquino claimed to have won, and held rival inaugurations on February 25, but Marcos then fled in the face of huge popular demonstrations and the refusal of the military to intervene against them.Following the end of her term, Aquino retired to private life. When she rode away from the inauguration of her successor, she chose to go in a simple white Toyota Crown she had purchased (rather than the government-issue Mercedes), to make the point that she was once again an ordinary citizen. She has directed a number of projects that aim at furthering the spread of democracy in Asia.

In 1998, she supported Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim for the presidency. Lim however landed in the 5th place in the May 1998 election where Joseph Estrada won in a landslide victory.Aquino was the recipient of the 1998 Ramon Magsaysay Award for International Understanding with President Joseph Estrada as the guest-of-honor. In 2002, Aquino received an honorary doctorate from the University of Washington in Seattle.In January 2001, Aquino was instrumental in the success of the second EDSA Revolution, a four-day popular revolt that peacefully overthrew Philippine president Joseph Estrada that led Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to the presidency.In 2005, Aquino condemned Arroyo, the current president, for allegedly rigging the 2004 electoral process. In February 2006, Aquino joined

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protestors demonstrating against Arroyo on EDSA, after an alleged coup attempt by members of the Filipino military.In October 2005, she was awarded one of the World's Elite Women Who Make a Difference by the International Women's Forum Hall of Fame of 2005.

It soon became clear that the plight of the people had been subordinated largely to the requirements of private enterprise and the world economy. As the president noted in her state-of- the-nation address in June 1989, the poor had not benefited from the economic recovery that had taken place since 1986. The gap between the rich and poor had widened, and the proportion of malnourished preschool children had grown.

The most pressing problem in the Philippine international political economy at the time Aquino took office was the country's US$28 billion external debt. It was also one of the most vexatious issues in her administration. Economists within the economic planning agency, the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA), argued that economic recovery would be difficult, if not impossible, to achieve in a relatively short period if the country did not reduce the size of the resource outflows associated with its external debt. Large debt-service payments and moderate growth (on the order of 6.5 percent per year) were thought to be incompatible. A two-year moratorium on debt servicing and selective repudiation of loans where fraud or corruption could be shown were recommended. Business-oriented groups and their representatives in the president's cabinet vehemently objected to taking unilateral action on the debt, arguing that it was essential that the Philippines not break with its major creditors in the international community. Ultimately, the president rejected repudiation; the Philippines would honor all its debts.

Domestically, land reform was a highly contentious issue, involving economics as well as equity. NEDA economists argued that broad-based spending increases were necessary to get the economy going again; more purchasing power had to be put in the hands of the masses. Achieving this objective required a redistribution of wealth downward, primarily through land reform. Given Aquino's campaign promises, there were high expectations that a meaningful program would be implemented. Prior to the opening session of the first Congress under the country's 1987 constitution, the president had the power and the opportunity to proclaim a substantive land reform program. Waiting until the last moment before making an announcement, she chose to provide only a broad framework. Specifics were left to the new Congress, which she knew was heavily represented by landowning interests. The result--a foregone conclusion--was the enactment of a weak, loophole-ridden piece of legislation.

The most immediate task for Aquino's economic advisers was to get the economy moving, and a turn around was achieved in 1986. Economic growth was low (1.9 percent), but it was positive. For the next two years, growth was more respectable--5.9 and 6.7 percent, respectively. In 1986 and 1987, consumption led the growth process, but then investment began to increase. In 1985 industrial capacity utilization had been as low as 40 percent, but by mid-1988 industries were working at near full capacity. Investment in durable goods grew almost 30 percent in both 1988 and 1989, reflecting the buoyant atmosphere. The international community was supportive. Like domestic investment, foreign investment did not respond immediately after Aquino took office, but in 1987 it began to pick up. The economy also was helped by foreign aid. The 1989 and 1991 meetings of the aid plan called the Multilateral Aid Initiative, also known as the Philippine Assistance Plan, a multinational initiative to provide assistance to the Philippines, pledged a total of US$6.7 billion.

Economic successes, however, generated their own problems. The trade deficit rose rapidly, as both consumers and investors attempted to regain what had been lost in the depressed atmosphere of the 1983-85 period. Although debt-service payments on external debt were declining as a proportion of the country's exports, they remained above 25 percent. And the government budget deficit ballooned, hitting 5.2 percent of GNP in 1990.

The 1988 GNP grew 6.7 percent, slightly more than the government plan target. Growth fell off to 5.7 percent in 1989, then plummeted in 1990 to just over 3 percent. Many factors contributed to the 1990 decline. The country was subjected to a prolonged drought, which resulted in the increased need to import rice. In July a major earthquake hit Northern Luzon, causing extensive destruction, and in November a typhoon did considerable damage in the Visayas. There were other, more human, troubles also. The country was attempting to regain a semblance of order in the aftermath of the December 1989 coup attempt. Brownouts became a daily occurrence, as the government struggled to overcome the deficient power-generating capacity in the Luzon grid, a deficiency that in the worst period was below peak demand by more than 300 megawatts and resulted in outages of four hours and more. Residents of Manila suffered both from a lack of public transportation and clogged and overcrowded roadways; garbage removal was woefully inadequate; and, in general, the city's infrastructure was in decline. Industrial growth fell from 6.9 percent in 1989 to 1.9 percent in 1990; growth investment in 1990 in both fixed capital and durable equipment declined by half when compared with the previous year. Government construction, which grew at 10 percent in 1989, declined by 1 percent in 1990.

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The Aquino administration appeared to be unable to work with the Congress to enact an economic package to overcome the country's economic difficulties. In July, as the government deficit soared Secretary of Finance Jesus Estanislao introduced a package of new tax measures. Then in October, stalemated with Congress, Aquino agreed to seek a reduction in the budget gap without new taxes. The agreement met with resistance from the Congress for being an onorous imposition on an economy in crisis, growth would be stifled and the poor would be impacted negatively. The willingness of the Congress to pass the tax package called for in the IMF agreement was in doubt. In 1990 Congress placed a 9 percent levy on all imports to provide revenues until an agreement could be reached with the administration on a tax package. In February 1991, however, it was learned that in its agreement with the IMF for new standby credits, the government had promised that it would indeed implement new taxes.

Accusations were widespread in Manila's press about the 1990-91 impasse. On the one hand, it was claimed that Aquino and her advisers had no economic plan; on the other hand, the Congress was said to be unwilling to work with the president. Traditional political patterns appeared to be reasserting themselves, and the technocrats had little ultimate influence. One study of the first Congress elected under the 1987 constitution showed that only 31 out of 200 members of the House of Representatives, were not previously elected officials or directly related to the leader of a traditional political clan. Business interests directly influenced the president to overrule already established policies, as in the 1990 program to simplify the tariff structure. Business and politics have always been deeply interwoven in the Philippines; crony capitalism was not a deviant model, but rather the logical extreme of a traditional pattern. As the Philippines entered the 1990s, the crucial question for the economy was whether the elite would limit its political activities to jockeying for economic advantage or would forge its economic and political interests in a fashion that would create a dynamic economy.

Ramos Administration (1992-1998)

In the 1992 elections, Defense secretary Fidel V. Ramos (Lakas-NUCD), endorsed by Aquino, won by just 23.6% of the vote, over Miriam Defensor-Santiago (PRP), Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. (NPC), House Speaker Ramon Mitra (LDP), former First Lady Imelda Marcos (KBL), Senate President Jovito Salonga (LP) and Vice President Salvador Laurel (NP).Early in his administration, Ramos declared "national reconciliation" his highest priority. He legalized the Communist Party and created the National Unification Commission (NUC) to lay the groundwork for talks with communist insurgents, Muslim separatists, and military rebels. In June 1994, Ramos signed into law a general conditional amnesty covering all rebel groups, and Philippine military and police personnel accused of crimes committed while fighting the insurgents. In October 1995, the government signed an agreement bringing the military insurgency to an end.

A standoff with China occurred in 1995, when the Chinese military built structures on Mischief Reef in the disputed Spratly Islands claimed by the Philippines as Kalayaan Islands.Ramos was heavily criticized for passing an oil-deregulation law, thus inflating prices of gasoline products. Ramos was also criticized for alleged corruption in his handling of the Philippine Centennial Exposition and the PEA-AMARI land deal, in which Ramos allegedly received kickbacks amounting to millions of pesos.A peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) under Nur Misuari, a major Muslim separatist group fighting for an independent Bangsamoro homeland in Mindanao, was signed in 1996, ending the 24-year old struggle. However an MNLF splinter group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) under Salamat Hashim continued the armed Muslim struggle for an Islamic state.

The 1998 elections were won by former movie actor and Vice President Joseph Ejercito Estrada (PMP-LAMMP) with overwhelming mass support, with close to 11 million votes. The other ten candidates included his closest rival and administration candidate, House Speaker Jose De Venecia (Lakas-NUCD-UMDP) with 4.4 million votes, Senator Raul Roco (Aksyon Demokratiko), former Cebu governor Emilio Osmeña (PROMDI) and Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim (LP).

Fidel Valdez Ramos (born March 18, 1928) was the 12th President of the Philippines. He succeeded Corazon Aquino and governed until 1998, when he was succeeded by Joseph Estrada.

During the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos, Ramos was head of the Philippine Constabulary, implementing Marcos' declaration of martial law. In the 1986 People Power Revolution, Ramos defected from the government and was a key figure in the civilian demonstrations that forced Marcos into exile.

Ramos' six-year term as President was characterized by rapid economic growth and political stability in the country despite facing communist insurgencies, an Islamic separatist movement in Mindanao, and the onslaught of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.

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Ramos was born on March 18, 1928 in Lingayen, Pangasinan. His father, Narciso Ramos (1900-1986), was a lawyer, crusading journalist and 5-term legislator of the House of Representatives, who eventually rose to the position of Secretary of Foreign Affairs. As such, Narciso Ramos was the Philippine signatory to the ASEAN declaration forged in Bangkok in 1967. His mother, Angela Valdez-Ramos (1905-1977), was an educator, woman suffragette and daughter of the respected Valdez clan of Batac, Ilocos Norte making him the second degree cousin to Ferdinand Marcos. He took his elementary education in Lingayen and secondary education in the University of the Philippines Integrated School.

In 1946, Ramos, barely months after enrolling in the Philippines' National University, won a government scholarship to the United States Military Academy in West Point. Seeing the need to help raise his country from the ruins of war, he pursued further studies in engineering following his graduation from West Point in 1950, obtaining a Masters Degree in Civil Engineering in the University of Illinois, where he was also a government scholar in 1951. In his military career, Ramos, rose from 2nd Lieutenant infantry platoon leader in the Philippine Expeditionary Force in 1952 during the Korean War to Chief of Staff of the Philippine Civil Action Group to Vietnam from 1966 to 1968. He is also known as the "father" of the Philippine Army Special Forces, an elite paratroop unit skilled in community development as well as fighting communist insurgents.Ramos has received several military awards including the U.S. Military Academy Distinguished Award, the U.S. Legion of Merit and the French Legion of Honor.Ramos served the Marcos regime for more than 20 years -- in the military, as head of the Philippine Constabulary, the country's national police force, and as a trusted advisor. He was a member of the infamous Rolex 12, a group of conspirators loyal to Marcos himself. Seeing that the Marcos regime was about to collapse, Ramos sided with Aquino when the People Power Revolution erupted in 1986. The military followed his lead and swung the pendulum in her favor.After Aquino assumed the Presidency, she appointed Ramos Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, and later Secretary of Defense, foiling seven coup attempts against the Aquino administration.

In December 1991, Ramos declared his candidacy for President. He however, lost the nomination of the dominant party Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) to House Speaker Ramon Mitra. Days later, he bolted LDP and founded the Partido Lakas ng Tao (People Power Party), inviting Cebu Governor Emilio Mario Osmeña as his Vice President. The party formed a coalition with the National Union of Christian Democrats (NUCD) of Congressman Jose de Venecia and the United Muslim Democrats of the Philippines (UMDP) of Simeon Datumanong. Ramos and Osmeña campaigned for economic reforms and improved national security and unity. He was nicknamed as "Steady Eddie" as he campaigned well and gained a steady popularity during the campaign.He won the seven-way race on May 11, 1992, narrowly defeating populist Agrarian Reform Secretary Miriam Defensor-Santiago. Despite winning, he garnered only 23.5% of the vote, the lowest plurality in the country's history. The election results were marred by allegations of fraud, though cheating on a large scale has not been proven. However, his running mate, Governor Osmeña lost to Senator Joseph Estrada as Vice President.

At the time of his assumption into power, Ramos was the oldest person to become president of the Philippines at the age of 66. He is also the first protestant president of the country.His administration (1992-1998) was characterized by economic boom, technological development, political stability and efficeient delivery of basic needs to the people. During his time, he advocated party platforms as outline and agenda for governance. As in his case, he was the first Christian Democrat to be elected in the country, being the founder of Lakas-CMD (Christian Democratic Party).

The Philippines then was experiencing widespread brownouts due to huge demand for electricity and antiquity of power plants. During his State of the Nation address on July 27, 1992, he requested Congress to enact a law that would create an energy department that would plan and manage the Philippines' energy demands. Congress not just created an energy department but gave him special constitutional powers to resolve the power crisis. Using the powers given to him, Ramos issued licenses to independent power producers to construct power plants within 24 months. The power crisis was resolved in 1994. The state National Power Corporation, however, suffered huge foreign debts when the company was granted loans to repair and replace some of its power plants.During his administration, Ramos began implementing economic reforms intended to open up the once-closed national economy, encourage private enterprise, invite more foreign and domestic investment, and reduce corruption. Ramos was also known as the most travelled Philippine President in recent history with numerous foreign trips abroad, generating about US$ 20 billion worth of foreign investments to the Philippines. To ensure a positive financial outlook on the Philippines, Ramos led the 4th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders' Summit in the Philippines on November 1996. He also instituted reforms in the tax system which includes a forced increase on VAT (E-VAT law) from 4% to 10% mandated by World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Ramos, a military general himself, gifted with a concilatory temperament and a statesman's vision, made peace with the rebel panels. One of the contributions was his being instrumental in the signing of the final peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari in 1996. He also ordered the resumption of peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hashim and the Communist Party of the Philippines-National Democratic Front, which operates the New People's Army, led by Jose Maria Sison. Ramos created the National Unification Commission and appointed Haydee Yorac as its chairman. He granted the commission's request for amnesty to rebel military officers of the Reform the Armed forces Movement (RAM), led by Col. Gregorio (Gringo) Honasan, who led the 1989 coup d' etat that threatened to oust the Aquino administration(rumors said that he made 50 push-ups for the mutineers before the amnesty).

One of the downturns of his administration was his experience in handling migrant workers protection. On the eve of his 67th birthday on March 17, 1995, Ramos was on a foreign trip when Flor Contemplación was hanged in Singapore. His last minute effort to negotiate with Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong never succeeded and he was marred with protests after his return to Manila. The protests also caused the resignation of Foreign Affairs Secretary

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Roberto Romulo and Labor Secretary Nieves Confesor from the Cabinet. He immediately recalled Philippine ambassador to Singapore Alicia Ramos and suspended diplomatic relations to Singapore. He created a special commission to look into the case and to try and rescue his sagging popularity. The commission was led by retired justice Emilio Gancayco. The Commission recommended the forced resignation of then Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) head David Corpin and 13 other government officials, including two labor attachés. President Ramos also facilitated the enactment of Republic Act 8042, better known as the Magna Carta for Overseas Workers or the Migrant Workers Act. The Migrant Workers Act was signed into law on June 7, 1995. Learning from the lessons of Contemplación case, Ramos immediately ordered UAE Ambassador Roy Señeres to facilitate negotiations after learning the death penalty verdict of Sarah Balabagan on September 1995. Balabagan's sentence was lowered and she was released August 1996. After tensions cooled off, Ramos restored diplomatic relations with Singapore after meeting Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong during the sidelines of the 50th anniversary of the United Nations in New York City.

Ramos was accused of corruption in the PEA-AMARI Manila Bay Reclamation deal. The PEA-AMARI scam tangled the government for years with unexplained disappearance of 6 billion pesos worth of funds.Towards the end of his term, Ramos talked of amending the Constitution to allow for a second term (the Philippines constitution stipulates a maximum of one six-year term as President). Widespread public protests forced him to drop the demand.One of his notable contributions to the Philippines was the revival of nationalistic spirit by embarking on a massive promotion campaign for the centennial of Philippine Independence. It was celebrated on June 12, 1998. One of his pet projects was the Centennial Expo and Amphitheater in Clarkfield, Angeles City, Pampanga. The project however marked criticisms from the opposition and his successor, Joseph Estrada for being overpriced and tainted with graft and corruption. Estrada closed the site after a few months in operation.

After his presidency, Ramos remained one of the many influential political leaders in the Philippines, amidst rumors of his alleged involvement in coup attempts and his alleged want to perpetrate himself in power. He served as Carlyle Group Asia Advisor Board Member until the board was disbanded in February 2004.In January 2001, Ramos was instrumental in the success of the second EDSA Revolution, a four-day popular revolt that peacefully overthrew Philippine president Joseph Estrada that led Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to the presidency.He is currently the Chairman Emeritus of the Lakas CMD (Christian-Muslim Democrats) Party, formerly known as Lakas NUCD-UMDP or the Partido Lakas Tao - National Union of Christian Democrats - Union of Muslim Democrats of the Philippines.Expressing his belief in continued economic progress, governance and stability, Ramos successfully convinced President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo not to resign from office at the height of the election-rigging scandal in July 2005. Ramos repeatedly stated that the scandal is nowhere as grave as that of People Power Revolutions of 1986 and 2001, citing factors such as the stagnant Philippine economy in the final years of the Marcos regime as well as the allegedly massive corruption of the Estrada administration. He did however push Arroyo into explaining her vocal involvement in the wiretapped conversation with an election official.When asked about former President Corazon Aquino's active involvement with the opposition on pushing Arroyo to resign from office, Ramos said "Remind her (Aquino) who helped her survive the seven coup de etats during her years in power".Ramos also unveiled his proposals for constitutional change of the country. Citing economics, globalization and the need to improve governance for all Filipinos, Ramos suggested the government to start the process for charter change with a set deadline in 2007 (by which the new charter and new government will take effect). Ramos supports the transformation of government from the current presidential system into a parliament as he cited the flaws of the democratic system.

Recently, Ramos had separate meetings with politicians. The first was held at his Makati City office with the presence of Senate President Franklin Drilon and former Senator Tito Sotto. Afterwards, another private meeting followed, this time with President Arroyo.In relation to the meetings, Ramos rejected invitations from the political opposition and stressed that his support is with the administration. He admitted however that Arroyo and her team has been sluggish in implementing the much-needed reforms which he suggested (including the need for Arroyo to step down from power in 2007). Political adviser Gabriel Claudio confirmed the Ramos-Arroyo meeting and said that a compromise over reforms has been reached.A high-profile summit of the Lakas-CMD is set to be held on January 15, 2006. The details are yet unknown but speculation suggests that the event will showcase the administration's unity as well as a finalized plan for national reforms and possibly charter change.

Estrada Administration (1998-2001)

Under the cloud of the Asian financial crisis which began in 1997, Estrada's wayward governance took a heavy toll on the economy. Unemployment worsened, the budget deficit grew, the currency plunged. Eventually, the economy recovered but much slower than its Asian neighbors.In late 1999, Estrada waged an all-out war against the separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Central Mindanao, which displaced half a million people. In March 2000 the bandit group Abu Sayyaf abducted to Basilan 21 hostages, including 10 foreign tourists, from the Sipadan Island resort in neighboring Sabah, Malaysia. They were freed in batches after over $20 million ransom were reportedly paid by the Libyan government.

In October 2000, Ilocos Sur governor Luis "Chavit", Singson a close Estrada friend, accused the President of receiving collections from jueteng, an illegal numbers game.On November 13, 2000, the House of Representatives impeached Estrada on grounds of bribery, graft and corruption, betrayal of public trust and culpable violation of the constitution. His impeachment trial in the Senate began on December 7, but broke down on January 17, 2001, after 11 senators allied with Estrada successfully blocked the opening of

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confidential bank records that would have been used by the prosecution to incriminate the President. In response, millions of people massed up at the EDSA Shrine, where in 1986 the People Power Revolution had ousted Marcos, demanding Estrada's immediate resignation. Estrada's cabinet resigned en masse and the military and police withdrew their support. On January 20, the Supreme Court declared the presidency vacant and swore in Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as the country's 14th President. Estrada and his family evacuated the Malacañang Palace soon after.

Nevertheless, Estrada challenged the legitimacy of the Arroyo before the Supreme Court on grounds that he did not resign, but just went on an indefinite leave. The Supreme Court upheld the legitimacy of Arroyo with finality on March 2, 2001.

José Marcelo Ejército a.k.a.Joseph Estrada, widely known as Erap (born April 19, 1937) is a popular film actor in the Philippines and was the 13th President of the Philippines from June 30, 1998 to January 20, 2001.José Marcelo Ejército was born in Tondo, a once affluent area in Manila. He was the son of Emilio Ejército, Sr. (1898-1977), a small-scale government contractor, and the former María Marcelo (1905-present), a housewife. He is a brother of Antonio Ejercito (1932-2006) and Emilio Ejercito, Jr. (1928-1999)

Contrary to the popular notion that he grew up in life of poverty, he lived a relatively lower middle class life. After being expelled from Ateneo de Manila University for repugnant conduct, he enrolled in an engineering course at Mapua Institute of Technology, eventually dropping out to pursue acting.Dropping out of college and involvement in a street gang so displeased his family that they forbade him from using his family name. He adopted the surname "Estrada" (Spanish for 'street') as a last name. As an actor he acquired the nickname "Erap" (from the reversed spelling of pare, Filipino slang for 'pal'). He played the lead role in more than 100 movies, and was producer of over 70 films. He was the first FAMAS Hall of Fame awardee for Best Actor ( 1981) and also became a Hall of Fame awardee as a producer (1983). He often played heroes of the downtrodden classes, which gained him the admiration of a lot of the nation's many unschooled and impoverished citizens. This later proved advantageous to his political career.As an actor with no prior political experience, Estrada ran for mayor of San Juan, a municipality of Metro Manila, in 1968 and ended up losing the contest. He was only proclaimed mayor in 1969, after winning an electoral protest against Dr. Braulio Sto. Domingo.When Corazon Aquino assumed the presidency in 1986, all officials of the local government suspected of malfeasance and anomalies were removed and replaced by appointed officers-in-charge. Estrada was then removed from his position as mayor. The following year, he ran and won a seat in the Senate under his own party, Partido ng Masang Pilipino.

In the 1992 presidential election Estrada initially intended to run for president but later decided to be the running mate of Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. of the Nationalist People's Coalition. Estrada won the vice-presidency, though Cojuangco was defeated by Fidel V. Ramos of the LAKAS party. Shortly after the inauguration of Ramos, Estrada was appointed to head the Presidential Anti-Crime Commission (PACC) even though Estrada was from the political opposition.The 1998 presidential election campaign had hardly anything to do with a contest between political ideologies and political programs. Estrada’s campaign in particular was focused on wooing the masses. Estrada’s political strategists and backers were aware that a large share of the Philippine electorate had become so dissatisfied and estranged from the ruling political elite, that the masa (the poor and undereducated also called masses) were looking for a change in leadership. Estrada’s handlers designed a campaign strategy that reflected Estrada’s pro-poor image that he had built up throughout his movie career. Central in the campaign was Estrada’s campaign slogan ‘Erap for the poor’ that succeeded in inspiring the masses with the hope that Estrada would be the president of and for the masses. Estrada soundly won as president over his competitors who were unable to provide a real alternative for Estrada. Estrada's running mate, Edgardo Angara, was defeated by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. During the campaign, Estrada's political rivals tried but failed to discredit him while publicizing his womanizing, drinking and gambling. Estrada was inaugurated on June 30, 1998 in the historical town of Malolos in Bulacan province. In response to his election, he stated "This is the greatest performance of my life."

The Estrada presidency was soon dogged by charges of plunder and corruption, and he was reported by his Chief of Staff Aprodicio Laquian to spend long hours drinking with shady characters. In October 2000, an acknowledged gambling racketeer, Luis "Chavit" Singson, governor of the province of Ilocos Sur, alleged that he had personally given Estrada the sum of 400 million pesos as payoff from illegal gambling profits, as well as 180 million pesos from the government price subsidy for the tobacco famers' marketing cooperative. Singson's allegation caused an uproar across the nation, which culminated in Estrada's impeachment by the House of Representatives in November of 2000. He was the first Philippine President to be impeached. The articles of impeachment were then transmitted to the Senate and an impeachment court was formed, with Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. as presiding officer.During the trial, the prosecution (composed of congressmen and private prosecutors) presented witnesses and evidence to the impeachment court regarding Estrada's involvement in illegal gambling, also known as jueteng, and his maintenance of secret bank accounts. However, the president's legal team (composed of a former chief justice, former congressman, former solicitor-general and other lawyers) was quick to deny these allegations and did its best to destroy the claims of the witnesses during cross-examination.

On January 16, 2001, the impeachment court, whose majority were political allies of Estrada, voted not to open an envelope that was said to contain incriminating evidence against the president. The prosecution panel walked out of the impeachment court in protest of this vote. That night, anti-Estrada protesters gathered on the historical EDSA highway at the site of the 1986 EDSA Revolution that overthrew Ferdinand Marcos. A political turmoil ensued and the clamor for Estrada's resignation became stronger than ever. In the following days, the number of protesters grew to the hundreds of thousands.On January 19, 2001, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, seeing the political upheaval throughout the country, decided to withdraw its support from the president and transfer its allegiance to

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the vice president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Without military support, and with mass resignations from his cabinet, Estrada's government quickly fell.On January 20, 2001, the Supreme Court declared the presidency vacant and the Chief Justice swore in the constitutional successor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, as acting President of the Philippines. Estrada and his family were quickly evacuated from the presidential palace.

Estrada returned to his old home in San Juan. He maintained that he never resigned, implying that Arroyo's government was illegitimate, despite the international community's recognition of Arroyo's succession and that all government offices, the military and the national police acknowledged Arroyo as the new president.The new government charged him with plunder and had him arrested in April. Estrada's herded supporters, particularly among the poor, marched to the EDSA Shrine demanding Estrada's release and his reinstatement as president, attempting to replicate the success of the previous revolution. On the morning of May 1, the protesters marched straight to the presidential palace. Violence erupted and the government declared a State of Rebellion. Many of Estrada's supporters were arrested, including politicians accused of provoking the violence. The government called out the military and was able to quell the rebellion. The rebellion came to be known as EDSA III.Estrada was initially detained in Veteran's Memorial Medical Center in Manila and then transferred to a military facility in Tanay, Rizal, but he was later transferred to a nearby vacation home, virtually in house arrest. He is still facing the charges of plunder and corruption. Under Filipino law, plunder has a maximum penalty of death, though it is unlikely that Estrada will be given that sentence.The 2004 presidential election was widely seen as a test of legitimacy for the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Estrada supported his friend, Fernando Poe, Jr., who became Arroyo's main opponent. However, Poe lost to Arroyo in a close election which some people say she won by cheating, by intimidating those that opposed her and by buying the military to do the cheating for her. Most international election observers however, say that the election was mostly clean.

On April 2, 2005, the United Opposition movement named Estrada "Chairman Emeritus". The unexpected death of Fernando Poe, Jr. after the election brought with it uncertainty as to the opposition's direction and leadership, yet with Estrada still facing charges and trial some have been left to speculate how much of an influence or support this declaration will create in the formation of an opposition front to the current Presidency, and her Lakas-CMD party.

Arroyo Administration (2001-Present)

Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (the daughter of the late President Diosdado Macapagal) was sworn in as Estrada's successor on the day of his departure. Estrada later challenged the legitimacy of Arroyo's government, claiming he did not resign from office, but the Supreme Court twice upheld Arroyo's legitimacy. After Estrada was arrested on corruption charges in April 2001, thousands of his supporters staged an "EDSA III" to overthrow the Arroyo government, but the attempt failed when the protest rallies degraded into violence. Arroyo's accession to power was further legitimated by the mid-term congressional and local elections held in May 2001, when her coalition won an overwhelming victory.[6]

Arroyo's initial term in office was marked by fractious coalition politics as well as a military mutiny in Manila in July 2003 that led her to declare a month-long nationwide state of rebellion.[6] Although she had declared in December 2002 that she would not contest the May 2004 presidential election, citing a need to heal divisiveness, she reversed herself in October 2003 and decided to run. [6] She was re-elected and sworn in for her own six-year term as president on June 30, 2004.

In 2005, a tape of a wiretapped conversation surfaced bearing the voice of Arroyo apparently asking an election official if her margin of victory can be maintained.[7] The tape sparked protests calling for Arroyo's resignation.[7] Arroyo admitted to inappropriately speaking to an election official, but denied allegations of fraud and refused to step down.[7] Attempts to impeach the president failed later that year.Arroyo currently spearheads a controversial plan for an overhaul of the constitution to transform the present presidential-bicameral republic into a federal parliamentary-unitary form of government.[8]

Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal-Arroyo (born April 5, 1947) is the 14th and current president of the Philippines. She is the country's second female president after Corazon Aquino. She is the daughter of former President Diosdado Macapagal.

Prior to becoming president, Arroyo was the country's first female vice president. She was launched into the presidency in 2001 by the bloodless EDSA II Revolution that toppled Joseph Estrada from power amid accusations of widespread corruption. Arroyo was elected to a six-year term in 2004, defeating actor Fernando Poe, Jr..

In 2005, Arroyo was selected as the fourth most powerful woman in the world by Forbes magazine.

Arroyo was born Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal to parents, politician Diosdado Macapagal and his wife, Evangelina Macaraeg. She was 14 years old when her father was elected as president.

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She attended Assumption Convent for her elementary and high school education, graduating valedictorian in 1964. Arroyo then studied for two years at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service in Washington, D.C. where she was a classmate of former United States President Bill Clinton and achieved consistent Dean's list status. She then earned her Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics from Assumption College, graduating magna cum laude in 1968.Upon returning to the Philippines, Arroyo pursued a Master's Degree in Economics from the Ateneo de Manila University and a Doctorate Degree in Economics from the University of the Philippines.Arroyo married Jose Miguel Arroyo in 1968. They had three children, Juan Miguel, who was born in 1969, Evangelina Lourdes, who was born 1971) and Diosdado Ignacio Jose Maria, who was born in 1974.From 1977 to 1987, Arroyo held teaching positions in different schools, notably the University of the Philippines and the Ateneo De Manila University. She also became chairperson of the Economics Department at Assumption College.In 1987 she was invited by President Corazon Aquino to join the government as Assistant Secretary of the Department of Trade and Industry. She was promoted to Undersecretary two years later. In her concurrent position as Executive Director of the Garments and Textile Export Board, Arroyo oversaw the rapid growth of the garment industry in the 1980s.

Entry into politics

Although her father served as president of the Philippines, Arroyo did not enter politics until 1992, twenty-seven years after her father left office. She was elected to the Philippine Senate in 1992 and was reelected in 1995, topping the senatorial elections with nearly 16 million votes.As a legislator, Arroyo filed over 400 bills and authored or sponsored 55 laws of economic importance during her tenure as senator.In 1998, she briefly considered a run for the presidency but was convinced by President Fidel V. Ramos to join the ruling LAKAS Party as the running mate of its presidential candidate, House Speaker Jose De Venecia. De Venecia and Arroyo ran a nationwide campaign supported by Ramos and the powerful LAKAS machinery. Arroyo won as vice president with almost 13 million votes, more than twice the votes of her closest opponent, Senator Edgardo Angara. But De Venecia lost to the popular incumbent vice president, Joseph Estrada.

Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr officiating Arroyo's oath-taking ceremony during the Second People Power Revolution. Jaime Cardinal Sin is seen in the backArroyo began her term as Vice President on June 30, 1998. Shortly after, she was appointed by Estrada to the cabinet as Secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and Development, where her main duty was to oversee the government's social programs for the poor.She resigned from the Cabinet in October 2000, distancing herself from President Estrada, who was accused of corruption by a former political supporter. Arroyo joined civil society and many Filipinos in calling for the president's resignation.On January 20, 2001, after days of political turmoil and street protests, the Supreme Court declared the presidency vacant. The military and the national police had earlier withdrawn their allegiance to Estrada and shifted it to Arroyo. Arroyo was sworn in the same day as the 14th president of the Philippines by Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr.

The ousting of Estrada would later be known as EDSA II, after the 1986 EDSA Revolution that brought down the administration of Ferdinand Marcos. EDSA is a reference to Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, a highway in metropolitan Manila that was the main site of the demonstrations.Estrada later questioned the legitimacy of the High Court's declaration when he sought to reclaim the presidency but the Supreme Court upheld the legitimacy of Arroyo's succession. Although Estrada and his adherents never recognized Arroyo as the rightful president, she was still able to wield all the powers and privileges of the presidency.

Presidency:First Period: 2001–2004

Arroyo's succession to the presidency divided the country between her and Estrada's supporters and as such her first term was hounded by questions of illegitimacy from the political opposition, even though the Supreme Court had already decided on the matter. On the other hand, the overwhelming victory of her political allies and the rejection of many Estrada-affiliated politicians in the elections of May 2004 was considered by many to be recognition of her presidency by the electorate.Her biggest challenge was to reform a government perennially perceived to be corrupt. She found it hard to fulfil this daunting task because of attempts by Estrada's supporters and her political enemies to undermine her leadership.On May 1, 2001, thousands of supporters of the deposed president marched to the presidential palace and demanded that Estrada, who had previously been arrested on charges of plunder, be released and reinstated. The protesters refused to be pacified and violence ensued. Arroyo declared a State of Rebellion and many protesters, including prominent political leaders, were arrested. The State of Rebellion was lifted after a few days, when the threat to Arroyo's government had died down. This unsuccessful attempt to unseat Arroyo was dubbed by some "EDSA III".

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Strong Republic: The Arroyo Agenda

In her 2002 State of the Nation Address (SONA), President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo outlined her vision of "building a strong republic." She articulated that a strong republic is characterized by a strong bureaucracy, low crime rate, efficient collection of taxes, sustained economic growth and intensified counter-terrorism efforts. To this day, her vision of a "strong republic" has always been part of her government's agenda. Critics of the President believe that her "strong republic" is somewhat related to the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos' vision of a "new society."However, President Arroyo's 'strong republic' is focused not on creating an authoritarian state but strengthening key political institutions (through constitutional amendments) and a strong currency and booming economy which eventually will lead to 'a strong and mighty Philippine republic.'

Oakwood Mutiny

On July 27, 2003, Macapagal-Arroyo faced another apparent rebellion when more than three hundred renegade junior officers and soldiers (whom the media dubbed as "Magdalos" after the red armbands they were wearing) mutinied and seized a hotel and shopping mall in the business district of Makati City. They surrendered after a 22-hour standoff upon reaching terms for their peaceful surrender. During the negotiations, Magdalo leaders Navy Lieutenant Senior Grade Antonio Trillanes IV and Marine Captain Gary Alejano highlighted the need for reform in the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Six of the mutiny leaders, including Trillanes and Alejano, even volunteered to face court martial proceedings but their subordinates be allowed to go "back to barracks". Upon the crisis' conclusion, the terms agreed upon during the negotiations were largely ignored by the government. Arroyo's aides played up the part that this mutiny was connected to Estrada and his supporters. A former aide of Estrada has been arrested in connection with the uprising. The President formed the Feliciano Commission to investigate the mutiny. The commission later found that the rebellions, dubbed the Oakwood Mutiny (named after the hotel seized by the rebels), was planned and not spontaneous. It was clearly an attempt to bring down the Arroyo Government. The connection to Estrada, however, was never fully proven.

Holiday Economics

Late in 2001, Arroyo implemented her new policy which would later be called as "Holiday Economics". Under this policy, the government will adjust holidays to form longer weekends (Example: If June 12 — Philippine Independence Day — is a Wednesday, the holiday will be moved to a Friday or a Monday to connect with the weekend) and promote local tourism. The policy went into full force in 2002 although critics claimed that it unnecessarily breaks certain traditions (Example: Labor Day must only be celebrated on May 1). Businessmen often complained that the government was always too slow and too late to announce when the holidays will take effect. To this day, people demand that a full-year schedule of holidays be released during the year before so that appropriate calendars can be printed well in advance.Arroyo stressed the following as the main purposes of the Holiday Economics policy:

1. To enable Filipinos to spend more time with their family.2. To strengthen the Philippine economy by promoting domestic travel and tourism

In late August 2005, businesses and the general public found themselves victims of a "holiday ambush" as the Arroyo administration declared a sudden holiday on August 29, a Monday (in celebration of national heroes). As late as August 26 (Friday), press secretary Ignacio Bunye claimed that no holiday would be declared, only to retract this pronouncement less than 24 hours later. That same weekend, the holiday was declared as a "working holiday".

When August 29 arrived, people were surprised to see some businesses closed as well as all government offices shut down. As a result, lawyers, labor unions and business leaders organized their own private meetings or gatherings and appealed to Arroyo to put an end to her Holiday Economics policy, which they claimed was more harmful than good. Some believed that the administration declared August 29 as a rushed holiday out of panic due to the fact that Congress was all set to debate and vote on the then-pending impeachment case against Arroyo, which happened on September 5 and 6.

While Arroyo did not declare an expected 8-day holiday in December 2005 (December 26 and 30 were holidays but December 27, 28 and 29 were work days), many critics pointed at the Holiday Economics strategy as the main culprit behind the decline of the holiday retail sales all over the country. Retailers around the Philippines reported a 15% fall in their December 2005 sales compared to December 2004. Analysts stressed that because of numerous holidays declared throughout 2005, people who went on holiday spent too much on tourism and had not much money left for the holiday season.

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Second Period: 2004–present

Congress proclaimed Arroyo the winner of the election on June 24, 2004, more than a month after election day. This makes her only the fourth Philippine president to be elected while in office and only the third to a second term (Presidents Quirino and Garcia, serving the unexpired terms of their predecessors, were elected to the presidency in 1949 and 1957 respectively; Presidents Quezon and Marcos were reelected to second terms in 1941 and 1969 respectively).She took her oath of office on June 30, 2004, on the island of Cebu, the first Philippine President to be inaugurated there. This was done in gratitude for the support given to her by the people of Cebu during the election. In a break with tradition, she delivered her inaugural address in Manila before departing for Cebu for her inauguration.Arroyo has made the economy the focus of her presidency. Economic growth in terms of gross domestic product has averaged 4.6% during the Arroyo presidency from 2001 up to the end of 2005. This is higher than the 3.8% average of President Aquino, the 3.7% average of President Ramos, and the 2.8% average of President Joseph Estrada. nflation during the Arroyo presidency has also been the lowest of the post-Marcos presidents, averaging 5.3%.

Guide Questions for Philippine History

The guide questions of this book provide a critical analysis on the historical facts through different periods in our history. The students are trained to analyze on the deeper insights by comprehending extensive historical knowledge that they can use the critical thinking in their field of specialization.Thus, the guide questions are intended for higher thinking analysis in preparation for their extensive practice in their field of specialization.

Concepts and Principles of Philippine History

1. Why should we study history?2. Do you think history should not be done by simply memorizing events,places, persons and other activities

that happened in the past ?3. Explain this statement “ History does not repeat itself, it is historian who repeat one another.”4. Based on the explanation of “ Historical Understanding” give your opinion on the following statements:

a) Do you believe that writer should always consider historical evidences toprovide better insights and general knowledge on the story presented?

b) Is it only the knowledge that the writer should know in the story? Justify your answer.c) “Explanation are essential aids to the acquisition of a tolerant attitude which enables us to assess and

constitute correctly mankind’s behavior in the past”5. Why historical understanding important to those taking up Philippine Hisotry?6. Any student of history has a right to subject the historian’s interpretation to a second inquiry, a kind of an

echo reaction, a sort of feedback response. Although interpretation is in realm of the abstract, that is, in the domain of philosophy, it will do well for every student to keep track of the various contributions to historical thought. Such a rewarding preoccupatioin provides a single most rationale for the study of history. Do you agree in this statement? Prove your answer.

7. Explain at least three (3) characteristics of historically – mindedness that you believe important in studying history.

8. How do you enhance your experience and knowledge as a novice student in history?

Geological Foundation: The Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture

1.What is the significance of knowing the geologic evolution of the Philippines?2.Which period is the most important materials on the evolution of man and his culture in the study of the

comparative geologic time scale?3.What were the two major events in the tertiary period? What happened in Asiatic areas in this period? 4.Do you have any evidence to prove that the framework of the Philippines was the same as it appears today,

with slight modification as readjustment of island forms occurred in various phases of their geologic evolution?

5.What were the best known causes of these readjustments on the framework of the Philippines? 6.The portable connection of the Philippines with Taiwan was representedas to the similar basement on floral

affinities that appeared during the early tertiary period. Cite specific evidence that there was probable connection of the Philippines with mainland Asia.

7.The most widely known version of the peopling of the Philippines during the prehistoric times is the theory of Prof. H. Otley Meyer. Do you think the migration of ancient Filipino cannot now be held tenable due to

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many questions about the manner in which this theory was postulated, and the their culture and life of these migrants?

8.Would you agree that the early migrants were in the Philippine islands were the Cave-man “Dawn Man” Group, Negritos Group, Indonesian Group, and Malay group? What can you say about their culture and life of these migrants?

9.What is your reaction about popular and systematic may be this “migration theory unfortunately it must now be dismissed, because there is on definite evidence – archeological or historical evidence – to support it? On the contrary, there are sufficient evidences for doubting it, as presented by Dr. Sonia Zaide in her book, the Philippines: A Uniqe Nation. What is now your opinion and reaction about this theory?

10. there were interesting findings of Prof. Landa F. Jocano as to the prehistory studies of the fossil evidence of the early men Southeast Aisa including the peopling of the Philippines that Filipinos are Malays is to create a myth of origin which has no basis in fact. It is doubtful whether once can safely recognize Malay characteristics in the Java, Solo, Wadjak, Niah and Tabon fossil men – a population so widespread in the area prior to any pre-historic movement of people. In addition, influences of external cultures and local responses to them show recognizable differences during historic times, even if there was a common prehistoric culture which linked these ethnic groups. Would you agree with the findings of Jacano?

11. . Enumerate ad explain the fossil evidences of early men in Southeast Asia including the peopling of the Philippines as identified by Prof. Landa F. Jocano.

12. Jocano identified 3 structures in the development of Filipino Society and Culture namely: (1) Formative Period – the stone tradition; (2) Incipient Period – pottery and metal traditions; and (3) The Emergent Period – Contacts with Other Asians. Explain the importance in the development of Filipino society in each stage/period?

13. Jocano said “Magellan did not discover the Philippines because long before the coming of Spaniards, the Filipino people had civilizatioin and diplomatic relations with other countries in Asia. He was actually lost in finding the route for the spices in the Indies? Would you agree with this statement of Jocano. Explain your answer.

14. What are the things to Consider in Historical Understanding?15. What are the Characteristics of Historically – Mindedness 16. What are the Two Major Events in the Tertiary Periods.17. What are the Probable Connection of the Philippines in Mainland Asia?18. What are the Four Waves of Migration?

The Comparative Geologic Time Scale in the Study of Geological Foundation of the Philippines

1. Give the brief description of each period on the comparative geologic time scale in the study of geological foundation of the Philippines:

2. Write your own historical and insights on the following topicsa. Pre-Historic Foundation of the Philippines Islandsb. The Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culturec. Waves of Migration in Asia

3. Explain the following Historical Statements on the Geological Foundation of the Philippines:a. The prehistoric cultures were as much products adaptation to specific ecological niches as

contemporary cultures are. This eventually led the structuring of the Filipino society and culture until finally made contacts with Asian neighbors.

b. Basically, the framework of the Philippines was the same as it appears today, with slight modification as readjustment of island forms occurred in various phases of their geologic evolution.

Pre-History: The Structuring of Philippine Society and Culture

1. The ancient Filipinos were living in big settlement clustered along sheltered bays, coastal areas and mouths of big rivers in the interior, the settlement were located at the headwaters and banks of big rivers and their tributaries. What kind of life and culture existed in the early settlement of the Filipinos?

2. Explain the following cultural practices and early life of the Filipinos:(a) Personal Hygiene and Bathing (b) Occupation and Pastime (c) Clothing (d) Native Food (e) Local Wine (f) Vessels and Craf Fruit Trees (g) Animals, Birds, Snakes and Crocodiles

3. What were the marriage traditions that had been practiced in the early Filipino society?4. Were women before given more rights and privileges than men? Support your answer.5. What can you say about the status of women before? Do you think they were equal to men?

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6. Explain the Marriages practices and succession of office of the nobleman during the early Filipino Society.

7. Explain the following local economy and foreign trade of the early Filipinos: (a) Agriculture; (b) Fishing and Hunting; (c) Jar Industry; and (d) Mining Industry

8. How did the early Filipinos practice their religion? What were the belief systems that they followed before?

9. What were the reasons why Bathala or Abba the most powerful deity of tagalong? 10. Belief in the final judgment – i.e. rewarding of the good and punishment of the evil-was also a

dominant feature of the prehistoric belief system. The soul of the good men were said to be brought to a village of rest called Maca where they enjoyed eternal peace and happiness. However, those who deserved punishment were brought to karanaan, the village of grief and affiction where they were tortured forever. The souls were kept then by the deity name, Sitan. He was assisted by many lesser divinities: explain the role of the following lesser divinities: (a) Mangangaway; (b) Manisilat; (c) Mankukulam; and (d) Huklaban

11. Rituals and ceremonies either to appease of to propitiate the different divinities were celebrated regularly by the people. These celebrations ranged from simple to complex performance of rites appropriate to the occasion. Simple ritual involved only food offering while the complex ones included animals, as well as human sacrifies. They performed in connection with important events in the family of in the community. What were the reasons why they had religious ceremonies?

12. The term social class may not be the right term, by represent standards, to describe the social stratifications system of pre-colonial Filipino community organization. Some writers argue that there were the datu group (or principales) and the commoners. However, the chroniclers such A Loarca noted four subgroupings based on wealth, “political” influence, and social privileges enjoyed. What were the subsgroupings of the early Filipinos?

13. Morga identified three social classes among the natives of these islands constituting the common to wit: Principal people (and the Datu); timawas which was equivalent to plebeians; and slaves both of the principals and of the Timaguas. What were the common practices and roles they portrayed in their social classes?

14. The least privileged group in the social groupings of ancient Philippine society was the alipin. Among the tagalogs, there were two kinds of alipin. Enumerate and explain their role in the ancient Philippine society.

15. Ambivalence characterizes Filipino moral values. It means, Filipino tolerate a standard mentality. Likewise, “Filipno values are ambivalent in the sense that they are potential for good pr evil. They may help of hinder personal and national development depending on how they are understood and practiced or lived. “Filipino values, indeed, have been characterized as either good or bad; and how a country develops depends on the way these values are being manifested. “What is your comment and reaction about this statement?

16. Compare and contrast the following strength of the Filipino characters from the stand point of the pre-hispanic values in the past and the current values of the Philippine society:a)Pakikipagkapwa Tao; b)Famiy Orientation; c) Sense of Humor; d) Flexibility, Adaptability and Creativity ;f) Hard ork and Industry; g) Spirituality

(a) Ability to Survive17. The weaknesses of the Filipino character can be traced from the sociological deviation that resulted

from the long evolution of colonial influences that erased the genuine identity of the Filipino people during the pre-Spanish period. The presentation of these weaknesses of the Filipino character provide as insights on the effect on the long period of suppression of freedom and exploitation by foreign invaders.

The Voyage and Death of Magellan

1. What were problems that Magellan encounted in his voyage?2. What can you say the strat of the voyage of Magellan?3. What were the experience of Magellan when they reached the coast of South America?4. Give the short account on his experience in the Philippine Islands.5. What was the most important lesson that you can think on the death of Magellan in the Battle

of Mactan.6. Who was the wealthy tourist who paid to be on the Magellan voyage, provided th only extant

eyewitness account of the events culminating in Magellan’s death? What can you say about his presentation on the death of Magellan.

7. What might be the weakness of both sides you can find in this battle?8. What was the strategy of Magellan in order to subjugate the natives of Mactan? Did he under

estimate the power of the natives?9. How di he encounter his death? What lesson can you learn from the battle of Mactan?10. What were the important contributions of Magellan in his voyage in the east?

The Decline of Spanish Rule, 1762-1898 In 1762

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!. What war did the Spanish government involve in 1756 to 1763? What were the results of this war? Was there a notable rebellion that happen in the Philippine islands in this war ?

2. What were changes implemented by Governor José Basco Vargas when the Spanish rule was restored in the Philippines after this war?

Philippine Revolts Againts Spain

1. What was the common underlying cause of the Philippine rebellion?2. Give a brief discussion on the following revolts:

a) Pampanga Revolt (1585)b) Revolt Against the Tributec) Sumuroy Revolt ( 1649-80)d) Dagohoy Revolt ( 1744-1829)e) Agrarian Revolt ( 1745-48)f) Silang Revolt ( 1762-63)

Peasant Movements in the Colonial and Post-Colonial Periods

1. What were the reasons of the Philippine revolts in 1565-1663?2. What were the general reasons of Philippine revolts that happened in Luzon and Visayas?3. Enumerate and describe the Philippine revolts that happened in Luzon and Visayas?4. Do you think the revolts 1863-1765 were the same from the earlier ones? Justify your answer.5. What were the common features of the Philippine revolts in 1565-1663?6. What were the three types of revolt that characterized the movements in 1565-1663?7. Was the revolt of 1765-1815 manifested by the growing nationalism of the peasant? Explain your

answer.8. Was the revolt of 1815-1872 characterized by the emergence of a counter-consciousness in the

securalization movement ?Cite an instance that supports this answer.9. Was the revolt of1872-1896 initiated by the urban middle class? Prove your answer.

The Development of a National Consciousness

1. How did the Filipinos develop their national consciousness?2. What were the prime causes in the development of the national consciousness of the Filipinos?3. What can you say the administration of Governor General Carlos Maria de la Torre in his extended

reform for the Filipinos?4. What was the reaction of the friars and other conservative Spaniard in Manila on the liberal

administration of Governor General Carlos Mario de la Torre?5. Who were the identified liberal reformists implicated in the Cavite mutiny on January 20,1872?

José Rizal and the Propaganda Movement

1. What was the main goal of the Propaganda Movement that initiated by the Filipino émigrés in Europe?2. What were the specific goals of the Propaganda movement?

3. How did it contribute to the development of the national consciousness of the Filipinos?

4. Who was the most outstanding propagandist that contributed the greatest impact on the development of the Filipino national consciousness? Cite other instances that you know that shaped the future of the Filipino nation.

5. Who were the other propagandists that contributed much to the development of the Filipino nation? Cite their contributions and its impact to the development of the national consciousness of the Filipinos.

Spirit of Nationhood ( A Quote on the Spirit of Nationhood)

1. Explain the idea on the “ Spirit of Nationhood” that had its roots in the scattered towns of Philippine Society during the Spanish period.

2. What are your reactions and comments on the following questions about the untold mysteries, anomalies, and secrets in the history of the Philippines:

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a) Did you know that the ilustrados were the first articulators of the revolution?

b) Did you know that the first 'Filipinos" were not pure filipinos but were creoles, Españoles-Filipinos, or the Spaniards born in the Philippines?

c) Did you know that three groups composed the nucleus of the reforms known as the Propaganda movement?

d) Did you know that the first purely Filipino organization was the La Solidaridad organized in Barcelona on December 13, 1888?

e) Did you know that del Pilar and Rizal, two of the Philippine's most famous and active propagandists, had a misunderstanding resulting to the latter's withdrawal of his support fot the La Solidaridad?

f) Did you know that Graciano Lopez Jaena ridiculed his colleagues in La Solidaridad when pension from Manila supporters did not materialize and that he devoted himself to fulfilling his ambition to be elected to the Cortes but without success?

g) Did you know why the Propaganda movement failed to unite the Filipino people?

h) Do you know the aims of Rizal's La Liga Filipina?

i) Did you know that during the Spanish period, land rentals increased from year to year and that social injustice was so rampant in the rural areas?

j) Do you know who betrayed the Katipunan causing many of its members to be imprisoned and persecuted.

k) Did you know where the first real encounter between Spanish forces and the Katipunan took place?

l) Did you know that Bonifacio was tried and sentenced in a mock trialby Aguinaldo's council because he was accused of plotting Aguinaldo's death?

The Philippine Revolution

1. Explain the role of Katipunan when Rizal was arrested and exiled at Dapitan.2. What can you say about the life of Andres Bonifacio?

3. How did the Spaniards discover the Katipunan?

4. What were the results on discovery of Katipunan?

5. What was the response of Andres Bonifacio on the discovery of Katipunan?

6. What was the symbol on the commitment for an armed struggle that led the start of the Philippine Revolution?

7. Explain the first encounter of the Katipuneros and Spanish civil guards in relation to the start of the Philippine Revolution.

8. The revolution spread to several Luzon provinces nearby. This prompted Governor-General Ramon Blanco to place the first eight provinces to revolt against Spanish sovereignty under martial law. What were the eight provinces that join the Philippine Revolution?

9. Governor-General Blanco also included in the decree the condition that anyone who would surrender within 48 hours after its publication would not be tried in military courts. Did the condition of the decree followed by the Spanish civil guard?Why?

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10. What were the two factions of the Katipunan?

11. What were the roles of Emilio Aguinaldo and Andres Bonifacio in the existence of two factions of the Katipunan?

12. Compare the achievements of Emilio Aguinaldo and Andres Bonifacion in their struggle of the Philippine Revolution.

13. Do you think the Tejeros convention was successful in forming a unified revolutionary government? Why? Explain the important the issues raised that led to the confrontation between the Magdalo and Magdiwang group.

14. Do you think the execution of Andres Bonifacio justified on the ground for sedition and treason ?Explain your answer?

15. Who was the chief negotiator on the Pact of Biak-na-Bato? What were agreement by the Revolutionary Government of Aguinaldo and Spanish Government?

16. Do you think peace pact provided the cessation of hostilities or it continued the struggle for independence? Support your answer.

17. Read the incident in the 1st meeting at Tejeros then give your reaction on the following questions :

a) What was the purpose of the meetingb) What was the issue raised in that meeting?c) What was the condition whoever was elected to any position on the establishment of the

revolutionary government?d) What was the position of Andres Bonifacio. Did he accept the position?e) Why did Andres Bonifacio dissolve and annul what were then approve in the meeting? Explain

your answer.

Spanish –American Relations

1. Explain the diplomatic relations of Spain and United States of America.2. What was the Battle of Manila Bay. Do you think this was the start of the new colonial rule in the

Philippines?

3. Do you think Spain's rule in the Philippines came to an end as a result of United States involvement with Spain's other major colony? Explain your answer.

4. Was there any contact with the US government and the revolutionary government of Aguinaldo?

5. Would you agree that the declaration of independence on June 12, 1898 was beginning of the new Philippine republic? Cite the activities that proved that we had independence at that period?

6. What was all about the Treaty of Paris ? Do you think this was a good treaty for the Philippine government?

7. Cite the incidents that happened in the escalation of Filipino - American War. What were the abuses of the American soldiers in the start of hostilities with the Filipinos?

8. Do you think the shift to guerrilla warfare only angered the Americans into acting more ruthlessly than before? Why?

9. Who were the famous Filipino soldiers and patriots who resisted the American rule? What were their role in resisting the American occupation in the Philippines?

10. Desribe the casualties of the Filipino-American War. What were the war crimes committed by the Americans? Did they put up a concentration camp as coercive measures against the Filipino insurgents?

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11. Who were the American Officers involve in this war? How did they manage to pacify the resistance against them?

12. What were the important contributions of the Americans in the Philippines?

A Collaborative Philippine Leadership

1. How did the American establish “policy of attraction’ in the Philippines?2. Who were the first Filipino members of the Philippine Commission of the legislature? What was the

main agenda in the establishment of the Philippine Commission ?

3. How did they participate in the political process particularly in the establishment of the Federelista and Nationalista Party?

4. The term of Governor General Francis Burton Harrison (1913-21) was one of particularly harmonious collaboration between Americans and Filipinos. How did he call himself? Explain your answer.

5. A major step was taken in the direction of independence in 1916, when the United States Congress passed a second organic law, commonly referred to as the Jones Act, which replaced the 1902 law. What was the intent of the Jones Act? How did Gov. Gen Francis Burton and General Leonard Wood (1921-27) they manage to control the immediate implementation of independence in the Philippines?

6. What was the role of the Taft Commission in the implementation of the economic development in the Philippines? Were there good results in the Philippine economy?

7. What were the problems of landholding arrangement in this period? Do you think the tenant remained poor and exploited by the landowners?

Philippine Commonwealth

1. Why did the Philippine legislature reject the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act? Did they also reject the Tydings-McDuffie Act?

2. What were the features of the Philippine Commonwealth?

3. In the political career of President Manuel L. Quezon, what were his important contributions in shaping autonomy and self-government in the Philippines? How did he play politics to gain independence ? What can you say about his relationships with the American Presidents( McKinley, Roosevelt, Taft and Wilson)?

4. Describe the role of the following American Presidents who provided strong support in the development of the Filipino Nation. What were the programs they implemented for

Explain the famous passage of Manuel L. Quezon

1. “Ask the bird, who is enclosed in a golden cage if he would prefer his cage or the care of his owner than the freedom of the skies and the allure of the forest.”

2. :"I prefer a country run like hell by Filipinos to a country run like heaven by Americans. Because, however bad a Filipino government might be, we can always change it."

3. My loyalty to my party ends where my loyalty to my country begins."

4. Social Justice is far more beneficial when applied as a matter of sentiment, and not of law

Japanese Occupation

1. How did Second World War started in the Asia-Pacific2. Was there a good contribution of the Japanese when they occupied the Philippine territory?

3.

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NOTES:

1 Resurreccion, Celedonio, O. ‘’ The Study and Interpretation of History”.Proceedings and Position Papers on the Third Regional Seminar on History. Dumaguete City, January 22-23,1972.p 38

2Gallie,W.B., Philosophy and The Historical Understanding. London: Chatto and Windus, 1964.236 p 3 Loc.cit., pp37-38 4 Ibid., p.44 5Lucero, Samson A. “ The Study and Interpretation of History”. Proceedings and Position Papers on the Third

Regional Seminar on History. Dumaguete City, January 22-23,1972, p. 57 6Loc. Cit, pp.44-45 7Carr, Edward Hallet. What is Freedom? Penguin Books, 1961. p.259 8 Loc Cit. p.119 9 Ibid.p 45 10 Ibid.,p.37 11 Jocano, F. Landa . Philippine Prehistory: An Anthropological Overview of the Beginnings of Filipino Society

and Culture. Philippine Center for Advanced Studies. University of the Philippines System. Diliman Quezon City. 1975

12 Ibid.,p. 2213 Jagor, Travels in the Philippines.1873( A Reprint).Manila: Filipinia Book Guild, p.1965. For Translation, Antonio

de Morga, “ Successos de las Islas Filipinas” in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands.1903. Vol.XVI,p 104.

14 Solhelm. W.G. II, “ Potsherds and Potholes: Philippines Archaeology in 1974”Asia Perspective. Vol XII ( 1969), pp. 97-104

15 Ibid.,p.24 16 Ibid., pp. 25-27 17 Zaide, Sonia M. The Philippines: A Unique Nation: With Dr. Gregorio Zaide History of the Republic of the

Philippines. All Nations Publishing Co. Inc. 1994,p.32 18 Hartendorp. A.V.H. The Contributions of the Foreign Communities to Philippine. Culture through the Beyer

Table of Philippine Racial Ancestry. 1942 19 Loc. cit.,pp.32-35 20 Jocano, op.cit. p. 70 21 Ibid., pp 53-70 22 Ibid., pp 73-160 23 Rasul, Jainal D. Muslim- Christian land: Ours to Share.Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House. 1979. pp 70-1724 Taken from the publications of the National Historical Institute (1990), Writings of Josel Rizal, Volume VI on

the Historical Events of the Philippine Islands by Dr. Antonio De Morga published in Mexico in 1609 recently brought to light and annotated by Jose Rizal.

25 Jocano,op. cit., pp160-161 26 Rizal, loc.cit. chapter 8,p.244 27 Based on the annotated work of Rizal in Chapter 8 on the Historical Events of the Philippines Islands by

Antonio De Morga .1609 28 Plasencia, Juan de” Custom of the Tagalogs” in Blair and Robertson. Philippine Islands, pp.185-189 29 Jocano op.cit, pp 176-17930 Fr. Gorospe (1969) as cited by Palispis (1995)31Jaime Bulatao (1967) as cited by Palispis (1995)32Robinson, James Harvey, Breasted, James Henry and Smith, Peters Emma “ History of Civilization: Earlier

Ages.BostonGinn and Company. 1937. p.624-625)33 Ibid.pp.556-60034 Morga ,p 2-335 Wikipedia Encylopedia,” Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan”36 Ibid, “Lapu-Lapu”37Cushner, Nicholas P., Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to Revolution. Institute of Philippine Culture. Ateneo de Manila University. Quezon City, Philippines in cooperation with Charles E. Tuttle Co. Inc. Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo , Japan38 Emma Blair, Blair and Robertson. Philippine Islands39 Susan Russell, Christianity in the Philippines Department of Anthropology40 Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, volume 10, pp. 75-102.Translation from the Spanish by Rachel King41 Wikipedia, “Philippine Revolts Againts Spain”42 Boquiren, Rowena Reyes.Lectured on History of Colonialism and Struggle, Local Streams in the Philippines

delivered during the1999 Ibon Philippine Educators Training, Baguio City43 Spirit of Nationhood ( A Quote on the Spirit of Nationhood). http://www.angelfire.com/rant/history/others.44 Taken from The Philippines: A Past Revisited by Renato Constantino, Chapter X: Revolution and

Nationhood.Facts: The Untold Mysteries of Philippine Revolution

139

45 Excerpted from The Filipino Americans (1763-Present): Their History, Culture, and Traditions by Veltisezar Bautista.46 http://www.angelfire.com/rant/history/others47 http://www.angelfire.com/rant/history/others

48End of excerpt from The Filipino Americans (1763-Present): Their History, Culture, and Traditions by Veltisezar 49Bautista Ronald and E. Dolan, ed. Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.50 Frederick Funston ,New York Sun March 10, 1902; p. 234-23551 The Water Cure Described. Discharged Soldier Tells Senate Committee How and Why the Torture Was Inflicted. New York Times May 4, 1902. p. 1352 Miller ,ublic Opinion volume 27 (1899), p. 291; *San Francisco Call February 14, 21, 23, March 30, 31,

May 29, June 9, July 17, 189953 Miller, p. 93; *Literary Digest Volume 18 (1899), p. 49954 Miller, p. 94;*Boston Globe June 27, 1900;*Literary Digest Volume 20 (1900), p. 25;San Francisco Call December 8, 1899, February 16, 190055 Miller p. 189 *Philippine History Group of Los Angeles The Balangiga Massacre: Getting Even; Senate Document S. Doc. 331, 57th Congress, 1st Session, p. 637-639, 894-89856 Miller, p. 94,San Francisco Call March 31, September 1, 189957 Culled by Col.(Ret)Frank B. Quesada, Former Senate Committee Secretary Veterans and Military

Pension,Associate, PMA Balitang Beterano: Facts About the Philippine Independence.Las Vegas, June 3, 2004. Reported by: Sol Jose Vanzi Copyright, 2004  by PHILIPPINE HEADLINE NEWS ONLINE

140

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