Probe Magazine Vol 13 Issue 5 (16-31 Dec 2014) [Fortnight ]

Exclusive Article

The UntoldStory ofDr. Abu Hena

Communist chroniclesFrom Communist Party to Lal Potaka

A letter in memory of SelimMaj Gen. (Retd) S M Ibrahim

Indepth

5 December 16-31,

Media NGOs struggle for survivalProbe Special

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Abu Hena

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Editorial

Issue: 5 I December 16 - 31, 2014 I Vol: 13 I Page: 1

Editor in ChiefIrtiza Nasim Ali

EditorAyesha Kabir

Executive EditorAhmed Hasan

Special CorrespondentAnwar Parvez Halim

Senior CorrespondentShafiq Rahman

Staff CorrespondentsMd. Belayet Hossain

Aritra Ankan Mitra

ContributorsBadiul Alam, Kamrul Hasan

Altaf Parvez, Taib AhmedHarunur Rashid

Overseas CorrespondentsProf Moonish Ahmar (Pakistan)

Paritosh Paul (India)Frances Bulathasinghala (Sri Lanka)

R Shresta (Nepal)Sandra Kabir (UK)

Shehabuddin Kisslu (USA)

Chief PhotographerBablu Chowdhury

Cover and Graphic DesignAdventure Communications

ManagerDebashish Sarkar

AddressHouse 10/B, Road 9

Dhanmondi R/A, Dhaka 1205Bangladesh. Tel: 8119897

Email: [email protected]

Published by the Editor fromS.A Printers Limited

1/1 Sheikh Shaheb Bazar, Dhaka

Price: TK 50

Sundarbans, we are sorry and ashamed

We have always been so proud of our natural beauty in Bangladesh --emerald fields, golden crops, silver fish, flora and fauna of such diversity!What more could one want?But we have been negligent of this bounty. Not only have we failed totake care of Nature, but we have deliberately and steadily set out todestroy it.Let us turn to the Sundarbans. We are the custodians of the largestmangrove forest in the world, but what have we done? As furnace oilseeps into the soil of the forest, the roots of the trees, the rivers and canals,killing fish, dolphins, terrapins, crabs, trees, micro-organisms,threatening the livelihood of the local populace, we can only hand ourheads in shame. It is as if the blackness of the oil spill is smothering oursouls, our conscience.Measures to contain the oil spill are slow and entangled in ignorance,bureaucratic bungling and a despicable sense of nonchalance. Every daycounts as the oil spreads further into the forests, through the canals andrivulets. Eventually measures will be taken, no doubt, but the damageswill be long term.This accident should serve as a lesson. Maybe now the authorities willrethink plans to set up the Rampal power plant near the Sundarbans. Thispower plant will mean many more tankers loaded with oil and coalsplying through the forest. It will mean toxic fumes, more industries andencroachment of the forest space. It spells disaster, in no uncertain terms,for the global heritage site, the Sundarbans.Let this recent oil spill be a lesson to us. What has happened cannot beundone, but we can take it as a warning for future catastrophes if we failto take care. Let us save our animals, our plants, out biodiversity, ourenvironment, our Royal Bengal Tiger and our Sundarbans.

14 Complexities in land-swap deal

03 Newsbeat 05 South Asia Desk07 Report23 Article25 Out of the box27 Guest Column29 International31 Region/ Pakistan32 Region/ India36 Feature38 Life Style

Theatre39 MacabreRevelations and Recollections

34 The �ag of red and green

Probe Special

16 Media NGOs struggle for sur vival

R E G U L A R S

Flim

40 Sulemani Keeda

08Communist chroniclesFrom Communist Par ty to Lal Potaka19

Exclusive : The Untold Stor y of Dr. Abu Hena

33 Back to the basics

Macabre is the story of every person's inner quest for freedom.

Contents


InternationalCooperation Agreementwith CERN in Geneva

Bangladesh has moved a majorstep closer towards the advancedscience and technology,

particularly in the field of research ofquantum and fundamental physics bysigning an International CooperationAgreement with CERN on, 12December 2014 in Geneva, Switzerland.Shameem Ahsan, Ambassador andPermanent Representative ofBangladesh in Geneva, Switzerland,signed the instrument of cooperationon behalf of the Bangladeshgovernment, with Dr. Rolf Heuer,Director General of CERN (EuropeanOrganization for Nuclear Research).

The Director General of CERNpraised the Bangladesh government fortaking science and technology to thepeople. He assured the support ofCERN and hoped that the teachers,students and researchers of Bangladeshwould be benefited from thiscooperation.

CERN as the pioneering institute forresearch of fundamental physics in theworld, has recently attracted the globalattention for its discovery of Higg’sBoson. CERN- the largest research

laboratory in the world and the centerof excellence for research infundamental and quantum physics, hasthe long tradition of establishinginternational co-operation in researchand training and promoting contactsamong scientists and professionals andinterchange with other laboratories andinstitutes around the world. It alsooffers advanced training for researchersand professionals of different countries.

For the countries like Bangladesh,CERN provides the unique opportunityfor the much needed technologytransfer, education and training for theresearchers, scholars, academics andstudents. Most importantly, CERNoffers different programs for studentsand researchers from developingcountries in the form of internship,summer and other specialized schoolswhich are open to all. Cooperationbetween Bangladesh and CERN willfacilitate opportunity of research inexperimental and theoretical particlephysics and related aspects oftechnologies for particle accelerators,particle detectors and informationtechnology. Inventions and discoveriesof CERN are playing a major role in thefight against deadly diseases likecancer.

Bangladesh will benefit from thiscooperation with CERN, especially theuniversities, institutes, organizations,

academics, professionals and thestudents of Bangladesh. CERN willconduct a high-level short school onadvanced particle and quantumphysics at Dhaka University from 15 to18 December 2014. Eminent professorsfrom CERN, Belgium and India will beconducting the lessons.Girl Power Award 2014

Community RadioBroadcasters in RuralWomen Empowerment

Bangladesh NGOs Network forRadio and Communication(BNNRC) is to honor five

community radio stations for theiroutstanding contribution in championinggirl and young women empowermentissues. The upcoming event will alsoprovide a certificates of appreciation to allparticipants in community radio stations.

The Girl Power Award of BNNRC wasinitiated to motivate community radiobroadcasters (CRB) in Bangladesh tocontribute in reducing genderdiscrimination in communities. Theawarding process started from 1 October,2014. The event was organized byBangladesh NGOs Network for Radio

and Communication (BNNRC) incollaboration with Plan InternationalBangladesh.

The objective of this event is toencourage the community radiobroadcasters (CRB) and engage them incontributing to various effective radioprograms on ‘success and achievementsof girls and young women’. Programmeproducers and journalists from 14community radio stations participated inthis contest. The theme of this event was:‘Because I am a Girl!’ All the 14community Radios sent theirprogrammes and features based on thistheme.

Nibedita Ahmed Tuli, Deputy Director(External Service), Bangladesh Betar,

Newsbeat


Department Centre International (DCI) a local NGO organised a discutionon “International Day of Solidarity with Palestinian People” in Dhakarecently. Fakrul Ferdous, Executive Director of the organisation spoke onthe occassion. Md. Abdul Quddus, Exicutive Director of NGO ADP, AbdulBaten from fair Health also delivered speech among others. ExecutiveDirector of IVDC’s Syed Ashek Mahmud, Syeda Shamima Sultana,Executive Director of KRDS and Dulal Mahmud, Executive Director of RDS.

Qadir Kollol, Correspondent, BBCBangladesh, and Amin Al Rasheed,Editor, Community Media, were juryboard members.

Community Radio Padma 99.2 - 1st formagazine programme ‘Adomyo’. Thisprogram was made based on varioussuccess stories of women. The programfocused on the education of women. Inmagazine format, the program of 15minutes produced a folk song Gambhiraand a drama, and radio reporting on awoman who won a battle for her life.

Community Radio Lokobetar 99.2 - 2ndfor magazine programme ‘Shustho Maa,Shustho Shishu'. This program was madeto sensitize the community about theneeds and benefits of taking proper careof women during their pregnancy and therole of the family members.

Community Radio Radio Chilmari 99.2

- 3rd for magazine programme ‘Shafolyo

Gatha’. This program was made based on

a girl with disabilities, Najmin, who

achieved GPA 4.5 in the recent Primary

School Certificate exams despite both her

hands being paralyzed. The winners of this contest under

category two (Features or Reports) are1st, Mahfuz Faruque, Head of News,Community Radio Barendra 99.8 - for afeature ‘Naam Taar Nishat AraChandona’. This inspiring story is of awoman, Nishat Ara, who struggledthroughout her life to achieve success.

2nd, Sabiha Islam, Producer,Community Radio Nalta 99.2 for a story ‘Ami Meye Bolei Shoite Paree’ Thissuccess story is concentrated on widownamed Jamirun. A victim of a child

marriage she was then a widow. Anotherdisaster, cyclone Aila, took awayeverything. But nothing could stop her.The born-fighter Jamirun again startedher battle against poverty cycle andfinally came out successful.

3rd, Abida Sultana, Fellow,Community Radio Lokobetar 99.2‘Daridro Bijoyee Rina Begum’er GhureDaranor Golpo’. This case story is basedon a girl who was a survivor of repeateddisasters, like cyclones Sidr, Aila,Mohasen etc.

The winners of this event will beawarded crests and certificates byBNNRC. All participating CRSs will alsoget ‘Certificates of Appreciation’. BNNRCwill announce the name of the winnersand date of the event “Awarding the CRJournalists, for Their Best Practice”shortly. n

Newsbeat


At a press conferenceheld on 11December in at the

media centre of UNFCCC(United Nation FrameworkConvention for ClimateChange) CoP (conference ofParties) 20 in Lima, civilsocieties from Bangladeshas the representative ofMVC (Most VulnerableCountries) and LDCs (LeastDeveloped Countries) havecriticized the presentongoing impasses ofclimate negotiation processof CoP and thereby calledfor taking urgent decisionsand clear roadmap ofactions from Lima, CoP 20.They also demand a legallybinding commitment forboth adaptation andmitigation for ParisAgreement (2015), in CoP-21 that will be come intoforce onwards 2020.

The press conferenceheld during the CoP, wastitled "Comments on LatestOn Going CoP 20 LimaClimate Negotiations onthe Interest of MVC andLDC People: Civil SocietyPerspectives" andorganized by acoordination body ofBangladeshi climateactivists and climatealliance namely AAB,

BAPA, BIPNet-CCBD,CDP, CCDF, CPRD, CSRL,BCJF, FEJB, EquityBD,ICCAD and NCCB in CoP20 at Lima.

The press conference wasmoderated by Dr. SaleemulHuq from ICCAD, and thekey note presented byFarah Kabir of AAB andMd. Golam Rabbani fromBCAS.

In their key notepresentation, the presentersexpressed theirdisappointment and saidthat that the globalleadership collectivelyfailed to live up to theirpromises towards settlingwith firm collective actionsas agreed earlier. They alsosaid that, a number ofparties have beendeliberately delaying firm

action on major issues toaddress negative impacts ofclimate change. There wasan absence of urgency inLima.

They made somedemands: i. Developedcountry parties mustreduce their emissions byat least 45% by 2020, and95% below 1990 levels by2050. The majority of thisaction must be undertakendomestically in order toguarantee a low carbonglobal future, ii. NAP(National Adaptation Plan)process must be facilitatedwith adequate financewhere Local AdaptationProgrammes must besupported, iii. TheAdaptation goal for 2015must be an integral part ofLima Outcome/Decisions,

iv. The global process mustbe establishing a registrysystem on adaptationfinancing, which will allowMRV Measurable,Reportable and Verifiable),v. Developed countries willdeclare a clear roadmap offinancing to climate action,in particular, for adaptationin developing countries forpre and post 2020 and thefinal is vi. Developedcountry parties mustprovide technology andfinancial support as well asinstitutions building atlocal and national levels forlong term sustainablegrowth and infrastructureresilience withoutfollowing any IntellectualProperty Rights (IPR)regime.

Dr. Saleemul Huq, in hisspeech said that the globaldemand is now to focus thescience base mitigationmeasures for developedcountries and takingappropriate measure thatlimit really the temperaturerise within 2°C. He alsodemanded acomprehensive, effectiveand rightful global deal in2015, guided by equity andinter-generational equitythose are un-compromisingin 2015 Agreement and forthe global society. n

Bangladesh CSOs in Lima call forroadmap of action

Hindutva group seeksdonations for Aligarh'conversioncamp'

Ahead of its plans to organise the"biggest ever conversion camp"in Aligarh on December 25,

Dharam Jagaran Samiti, a western U.P.-based Hindutva group, soughtdonations to organise the camp.

The undated letters and pamphlets,addressed by Rajeshwar Singh whoclaimed that conversion is a "costly"affair, have found their way to people'shomes in Aligarh.

The letter seeks a donation of Rs. 5lakh for converting a Muslim and Rs. 2lakh for the “ghar vapsi” of a Christian.

"Ghar vapsi is a costly affair becausethere are lots of expenses involved. Themoney comes from society and peopleindeed give money for the purpose. Butwhen it's done at a large scale, thenmore and more volunteers will have tobe deployed to raise fund and organisecamps," Mr. Singh said in the letter.

" About Rs. 5 lakh is spent on theGhar vapsi of a Muslim and Rs. 2 lakhfor that of a Christian, when a volunteerworks for the purpose in a year. That iswhy I request you to donate money andbear expenses of at least oneprogramme," he requested in the letter.

In an effort to establish hiscredentials, Mr. Singh also claimed thatabout 40,000 people, including 2000

Muslims in 20 districts of western UP,have been brought under the fold ofHinduism through his 'ghar vapsi'camps. The target is to convert one lakhpeople, the letter claimed.

Meanwhile, a non bailable warrantwas issued by an Agra court againstKishor Valmiki, the main accused in thealleged conversion case in Agra.

Nepalese NGO teachescomputer literacy to rural women, girls

Anjani Mandal's life changedwhen she learned how to use acomputer. The 20-year-old

Nepalese woman hails from thesoutheastern village of MithileshworNikas, where access to computers isvery limited. Until recently, she had toventure an hour away by bus to thedistrict capital of Janakpur whereinternet service and computers wereavailable.

But thanks to an initiative by localNGO Women Development AdvocacyCentre (WDAC) to bring computer

literacy to women and girls , Mandalcan now use computers and get limitedinternet service in her village.

After taking one of the computertraining courses, she got a job at GalaxySecondary Boarding School inJanakpur, where she now teachesstudents how to use computers.

"I took the computer training forthree months. I learned how to useWindows and [Microsoft] Office. Now Iteach computers to school kids up toclass five," she said.

Mandal is one of 450 people whoreceived basic computer trainingthrough WDAC. As many as 151

South Asia Desk


Prime Minister Nawaz Sharifannounced a reduction in thepower tariff by Rs2.32 per unit

in a bid to provide relief to themasses, Express News reported onFriday.

While addressing a pressconference in Peshawar after visitingAwami National Party leader BashirBilour, PM Nawaz Sharif said therewill be a further reduction inpetroleum prices, adding thateconomic indicators were showingsigns of improvement.

“Our only mission is not to endload shedding but also reduce thetariff,” he said, adding that hisgovernment’s priority is to makeelectricity production cheaper.

He said coal-based power plantshave already been initiated with the

help of Chinese companies. “Despitea lack of resources, the government isstriving to provide relief to thepeople.”

The premier argued that thereduction in power would decreaseinflation in the country, while alsoemphasising that the power crisiswould not end overnight.

“I never gave a timeline, eitherbefore or after elections to end thepower crisis,” he said. “But we aredetermined to end the crisis in ourcurrent tenure,” he added.

When asked about the Karachishutdown by the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, Nawaz said he shouldn’t beasked about protests but rather theongoing development projects in thecountry.n

As Karachi shuts down,Nawaz announcesreduction in power tariffby Rs2.32

Nepalese girls aNd womeN take part iN a computer

literacy class iN mithileshwor Nikas village, dhaNusa

district

graduates have landed jobs where theyuse their newfound computer skills.Though the centre mainly serveswomen, boys and men are alsowelcome to take its computer classes.

TEAChinG PEOPlE vAluAblESKillSThe NGO was founded in January 2013by Nanda Kishor Mandal (no relationto Anjani Mandal), who recognised aneed to narrow the computer skills gapas many Nepalese don't know how touse a computer .

The idea to start a computer trainingprogramme for rural Nepalese women ,girls and people came to him during avisit to the Indian Institute ofTechnology – Kharagpur, while hestudied for an MBA. At the WestBengal campus, he saw studentsoffering computer literacy training to

people from nearby underprivilegedcommunities.

"I asked them why they were doingthat. They informed me that peoplefrom those underprivilegedcommunities were educated but theydid not have computer education, forwhich they were left behind and notgetting employment opportunities,"Mandal said. "I thought that was true inour case as well."

After coming home, he visiteddozens of villages to see what kind ofskills-training was taking place throughgovernment and NGO programmes.Villagers he encountered were trainedin traditional skills like sewing, candle-making and cattle rearing, but not inhow to use computers.

"I asked them if they would beinterested in computer trainings," hesaid. "The majority of them said yes."

Mandal then established the WomenDevelopment Advocacy Centre, whichbegan to offer computer-trainingclasses to people in Mithileshwor Nikasvillage. Because of a high demand forthe classes, the NGO has sinceexpanded.

The centre charges NRs. 500 ($5) for athree-month course and NRs. 150($1.50) for an 18-day course.

"WinDOWS TO ThE WOrlD"Village women and girls are the mainrecipients of the training programme,because most of the male members oftheir families work aboard as migrantlabourers, particularly in the PersianGulf states.

"Women and young girls are moreinterested to learn computers.Computers are their windows to theworld," Nirmala Devi, an instructor atthe centre Mithileshwor Nikas, said.n

South Asia Desk


Popular MTV host and actorShenaz Treasurywala, who iscurrently playing a role of a

choosy girl in her upcoming film Mainor Mr. Right has written an open letterto the most influential people in India,reported The Deccan Chronicle. Shehas addressed the letter to PrimeMinister Narendra Modi, SachinTendulkar, Bollywood stars AmitabhBachchan, Shahrukh Khan, SalmanKhan, Aamir Khan and businessmanAnil Ambani, requesting them to takestrict actions against rapists and sexualoffenders in India.

Shenaz wrote, “I am writing to youspecifically because you are the mostpowerful and influential men in ourcountry. I am writing to you as awoman who grew up in a middle-classfamily in Mumbai. I am writing to youfor help.”

During the actors young years, shefound herself threatened andmistreated by the men in India and feltit was about time women felt secure intheir own country. “I want all womento speak up. Let’s make it our motto —it’s not our shame, it’s their shame.Who are ‘they’? ‘They are the men inour country,” Shenaz said.

Not only did Shenaz include sex-offenders and rapists in the category of

‘men’ in her letter but also pointedfingers at other male influences thathave not made an effort to look intodaily assaults faced by women. “Notjust the rapists and the sexual offendersbut also our fathers, uncles, brothers,movie-stars, cricketers and politiciansfor not saving us or protecting us byinsisting and protesting for the laws tochange and offenders to be punishedseverely!”

Shenaz went on to explain how herfirst incident with a stranger in themarket place at the age of 13 has lefther scarred for life. She continued thatthe first time wasn’t the last she felt“shocked and speechless.” Suchincidents of assault by random menwent on through her teenage years,

where not only she felt victimised buther regardless of the city in which theywere. “Why do we as women have tofeel so threatened? Why has there beenno severe action taken? This has goneon for years now. Not just in Delhi butall over our country and yes even inBombay and Mumbai. Nowhere issafe!”

Since 2001, the actor who has beenactively involved in acting, hosting andtravelling, says, “I still feel that fear. Iam still am on guard. I still fantasize ofhaving that machine gun. I have beenliving and working half in India andhalf in New York and let me tell you Ihave walked the streets of Harlem, theBronx and Brooklyn (perceived as themost dangerous in NYC) at 3am afterparties in short skirts and felt safer thanI feel in Bandra at 10 pm on a quietroad fully covered,” Shenaz adds.

Addressing the politicians of IndiaShenaz went on to say, “What good areall your speeches in the US or Japan orAustralia, if no woman can walk freelyin the streets even in broad daylight byherself in the capital of our country?Isn’t this a shame? Shame on you sir.”

Fumed by the careless approach ofthe men in her country, the actor endedher letter by saying, “Scare them bymaking an example out of them (sexoffenders) Save your mother, daughter,sister please! Don’t sleep till you saveyour women.With all respect, ShenazTreasury.”n

It’s not our shame, it’s their shame

sheNaz treasurywala

Jatiya Party celebrates its 29thfounding anniversary on 1 Januarynext year. The party is organising a

gathering at Suhrawardy Uddyanon the occasion. Party ChairmanErshad has called this gathering MMGor million man gathering. He has takenup a programme to collect around 10million taka in the name of thisgathering. The party leaders areannoyed about this. They say that thisis a sort of extortion. No way is so muchmoney needed for the gathering.

On 30 November Ershad sent lettersto the party presidium, advisors, vicechairmen, joint secretaries general,secretaries and joint secretaries,demanding huge sums of money. In theletter signed by Ershad, it was written,"Everyone should make their respectivepayments by 20 December." Copies ofthe letter are in PROBE's possession.

Ershad has asked the party'spresidium members to pay 50 thousandtaka each. The party has 41 presidiummembers at present, so thetotal sum from them wouldstand at 2.05 million taka.

Members of the Parliamenthave to pay 100 thousandtaka. There are 40 members ofparliament of the party,making their total payment 4million taka.

Each of the Chairman's advisors hasbeen asked to pay 30 thousand taka.Ershad has 17 advisors at present. Sothe sum from them would total 510thousand taka.

The vice chairmen have been askedto pay 20 thousand taka each. There are41 vice chairmen at present, bringingtheir total payment to 820 thousandtaka.

The payment from the jointsecretaries has been fixed at 15thousand taka each. There

are 16 joint secretaries at present, sotheir total will come to 240 thousandtaka.

Each organising secretary is to pay 10thousand taka. There are 31 organisingsecretaries presently and their paymentwill total 310 thousand taka.

Members of the council of secretarieshave to pay 10 thousand taka each, The23 present members will together haveto pay 230 thousand taka.

The amount to be paid by each jointorganising secretary is 5000 taka. The31 joint organising secretaries will haveto pay a total of 155 thousand taka.

The joint secretaries have also beenasked for 5000 taka each. They total 23at present, making their total payment115 thousand taka.

The total collection to be taken fromthe central leaders of all levels adds upto 8,430,000 taka.

Then collections will also be madefrom the party's ministers and wealthypersons. Ershad has demanded onemillion to two million taka from somepersons too.

Most of the leaders and activists ofthe party are displeased with this fundcollection drive in the name of thegathering. They say that this is sheertoll collection and a gathering cannotcost so much.

Ershad has divided up theexpenditure among various front

organisations of the party. JuboSanghati, the party's main affiliatedbody, has been placed in charge ofcampaign and publicity. JuboSanghati will put up posters allover the country at its ownexpense. Other organisations havebeen given other responsibilities.

A presidium member, oncondition of anonymity, has said,"Let those who take benefitsfrom the party spend moneyfrom their own pockets. Whyshould we pay? We are notgiven any sort of facilities andare not even informed of all theprogrammes. And this is a sortof extortion. It doesn't cost 10million taka to hold such ameeting."

PROBE tried to contactJatiya Party SecretaryGeneral for his comments onthe issue, but he did notanswer his phone.n

Reports


Jatiya Party's million man gatheringErshad aims at collecting 10 million taka for the gathering, and

the party people are displeased

by MD. bElAyET hOSSAin

jatiya party’s chairmaN h m ershad

Most of the leaders and

activists of the party are

displeased with this fund

collection drive in the

name of the gathering.

They say that this is sheer

toll collection and a

gathering cannot cost so

much.

One of the leaders twirlshis pistol around afinger and says,"What's the matterwith you journalists?

If a member of any revolutionaryparty is arrested, you immediatelycall them extremists. What's yourproblem? Awami League and BNPcadres have more arms than us.They are the ones committingcrimes. They are the extremists.When the Jamaat-backed militantsare caught, they are protected withsafety helmets. Yet if arevolutionary is killed, he is calledan extremist. Why?" The leader isagitated. One of his comradescalms him down. This is thepredicament of the CommunistParty today.

The history of communistpolitical parties in Bangladesh isrife with rifts. There is no accuraterecord of how many times theybroke up. If one is to delve into thehistory of communist parties, onewill have to go back to the Britishrule, though the Communist Partyof India was founded in 1920 inTaskhent. Those who were thefounders of this so-calledCommunist Party were, i. MN Roy;ii. Evelyn Trent Roy (MN Roy'swife); iii. A Mukherjee; iv. RosaFittingof; v. Muhammed Ali; vi. MPrativadi Bhayankar Acharya; and,vii. Muhammed Shafiq Siddiqui.

Muhammed Shafiq Siddiqui waselected Secretary. After threemonths, the Communist Party ofIndia had 10 members. Of them,two were militant revolutionaries,one was an armed revolutionary,two were mujaheeds, three weremujahireen, and two were foreignnationals.

Then the revolutionary DharaniGoswami went to Russia to collectarms to fight against the British. Hecame back a communist. TheCommunist Party thus began tospread in India.

The East Pakistan CommunistParty was formed in East Bengal.The Stalin-Mao conflict in theinternational communistmovement in the fifties and China'sattack of India in 1962 led totheoretical differences which, inturn, led to differences within theparty leadership. Most of theimportant leaders went in favour ofChina. The Communist Party ofIndia ML was formed. Theyeventually formed the stategovernment of West Bengal and ofTripura. They left their classstruggle and were elected by thepeople.

A faction of the CommunistParty of India (Marxist) opposedtheir leadership in 1967 and theCommunist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist) formed aseparate extremist left-wing group.This revolutionary group was ledby Charu Majumdar, Jungle Santaland Kanu Sanyal.

The rebellion sparked off on 25May 1967. The local landownerswould use hired hoodlums tooppress the peasants of the villageNaxalbari. Later these peasantsdrove those landowners away.Charu Majumdar was a follower ofChinese leader Mao Zhedong. Hefelt that, in the footsteps of Mao

Zhedong, the class enemies had tobe identified and an armed strugglelaunched against them.

Inner rifts split this party in 1970.Betrayed by party comrades, CharuMajumdar was arrested andtortured to death in jail. He was aheart patient and also had asthma.It is said that he was torturedinhumanly, his pacemaker wasdisconnected and then he died. Theparty broke up after that.

Some of the Naxalite parties atpresent have joined up inmainstream politics to take part inthe elections in India, such as CPI(ML) Liberation. Then there are theothers like CPI (M); CPI (ML)Manpower; CPML (CharuMajumdar); CPML (AsimChakrabarty); CPML (Azizul Huq);People's War, etc, who are carryingout their armed movement.

As in India, in Bangladesh too therifts and the armed movementbegan in the sixties. They wouldmaintain that Chinese leaderChairman Mao was there leadertoo. But even the pro-Chinesegroup broke up over triflingmatters. Then over a period of sixlong decades, the rifts and splitscontinued until it reached thepresent state.

Indepth


COmmuNISt CHRONICLESFrom Communist Party to LAL PoTAkA

by DiPOnGKEr GOuTAM

ThE rOArinG SixTiES AnD

ThE hiSTOriCAl

libErATiOn WArThe East Pakistan CommunistParty initially entered AwamiMuslim League and then a factionformed the Gonotantri Party. Lateron both factions joined MaulanaAbdul Hamid Khan Bhashani'sNational Awami Party (NAP).

The breaks in the CommunistParty of India were reflected in theEast Pakistan Communist Party. Inthe sixties the party split and one ofthe new organisations emergingfrom this was the National AwamiParty (pro-Moscow) and the otherwas pro-Peking. They strovealongside Awami League for theregional autonomy of EastPakistan.

The question is, how did AwamiLeague's demand for regionalautonomy and the communists'demand for autocracy become acommon programme in the framework of an independent sovereignstate, and why did the communistsdemand autonomy for just oneregion? Why did they leave out fiveprovinces and local indigenousareas?

On the other hand, the so-calledEast Pakistan Communist Party(ML) also split in 1968 and a new"party" called Purbo BanglaCommunist Party (M-L) wasformed. While the East PakistanCommunist Party led by Huq-Toaha professed to call for arevolution all over Pakistan, theywere more focussed on a people'srepublic of east Bengal.

Under the leadership of Deven-Bashar-Alauddin-Matin, PurboBangla Communist Party onlyfocussed their revolutionaryprogrammes on East Bengal. Theydecided to form a "people's"democratic independent sovereignPurbo Bangla (East Bengal). Therewas an active group calledCoordination Committee ofCommunist Revolutionaries, underthe leadership of Kazi Zafar Ahmedand Rashed Khan Menon. Theywould call for independence,speaking about the ethnicdiscrimination in East Bengal.

In 1969 another small but stronggroup emerged on the scene and

created a stir in the leftist arena.The leader of this group was SirajSikder. They had formed therevolutionary group, Purbo BanglaSramik Andolan on 8 September1968. According to them, the mainconflict was between the people ofEast Bengal and the colonial rule ofPakistan. In 1971, while in conflictwith the Pakistan army at PearaBagan in Barisal during theindependence struggle, Siraj Sikderformed the workers' movementPurbo Banglar Sarbahara Party.

East Pakistan Communist Party(Marxist-Leninist) or EPCP-ML ranthe mouthpiece Gonoshakti andadhered to this till theindependence movement.

Developments took place so fastin 1969-1971, that a large portion ofeven experienced leftist partiesbegan to fall behind. This failurehad tragic consequences. In a veryshort span of time, the pro-Chinesegroup broke up and failed to giveleadership to this difficult

movement. The pro-Chinese groupfailed to realise the need for anational coalition front in thesituation which was culminatingtowards a national freedomstruggle, and it split into manyfactions.

In 1971 China sided withPakistan. The Soviet Union sidedwith India, which meant itsupported Bangladesh. The pro-Chinese elements, particularlyAbdul Huq, reasoned that thePakistan army was funded by thebourgeoisie of the country, just aswas the Indian army. It was a fightbetween two dogs. They werearmed, but followed the mantra of'don't disturb Pakistan'. However,many pro-Chinese elements,including the Menon group andSiraj Sikder, joined in the liberationwar.

On the other hand, those whofollowed the Charu Majumdar line,withdrew themselves for thepeople's organisation and took upthe fight against the class enemies.

The faction of leftists, theMoscow-ites, followed SovietUnion's directives and surrenderedthemselves wholly to AwamiLeague's political power. So thoughthey played a bold role in the 1971war of independence, thecommunists failed to give thecountry a united leadership. Theyfailed to remain united themselves.

The leftists failed to take timelymeasures to meet the demands ofthe day. Not only that, they weresoon devoured by the suicidal classstruggle of Charu Majumdar,imported from India. Afterindependence, it was difficult forthe revolutionary part ofcommunist politics to reorganiseitself. This was not just anorganisational reorganisation. Itwas ideologically significant too.

Till 1962 there was oneCommunist Party in India andBangladesh. That year a borderconflict broke out between Indiaand China and the CommunistParty of India split into two -- onepro-China and the other pro-Moscow.

This split had an impact onBangladesh's secret CommunistParty which also split in 1966.

Indepth


Under the leadership of

Deven-Bashar-Alauddin-

Matin, Purbo Bangla

Communist Party only

focussed their revolutionary

programmes on East Bengal.

They decided to form a

"people's" democratic

independent sovereign Purbo

Bangla (East Bengal). There

was an active group called

Coordination Committee of

Communist Revolutionaries,

under the leadership of kazi

Zafar Ahmed and Rashed

khan Menon. They would call

for independence, speaking

about the ethnic

discrimination in East Bengal.

Clearly there was no room forrevolutionary unity andcomradeship in this party. Theconflict between the Soviet Unionand China affected this party too.The split indicated lack ofconfidence in the party leadershipas well as lack of farsightedness.

With similar theoreticaldifferences, the pro-ChinaCommunist Party also split intomany factions. When theCommunist Party of India (ML) in1969 took up the Charu Majumdarline, they split again into manygroups.

During the 1971 freedomstruggle of Bangladesh they werelost due to the lack of properleadership and directives. Afterindependence, their groupingsturned into enmity. The pro-Chinese Communist Party inBangladesh was thus pitched intodarkness.

In the sixties during Pakistanrule, there were two main parties,one was Awami League underSheikh Mujib, and the other wasNAP under Bhasani. Needless tosay, NAP too was divided into pro-Moscow and pro-China factions.

After independence, the pro-Moscow Communist Party andNAP acted as associates of theAwami League government. Thepro-Chinese NAP was theopposition.

It was at this juncture that JatiyaSamajtantrik Dal or JSD wasformed. In 1975 when Sheikh Mujibformed the Bangladesh KrishakSramik Awami League (BKSAL) fora one-party rule, almost all theparties merged with it. But BKSALlasted for only a few months.

Prior to that, the Maoist leaderSiraj Sikder was betrayed by hisown party workers in Chittagongand was killed. He was killed whilein custody. Sheikh Mujib gloated inparliament, asking, "Where is SirajSikder?" He said he had finishedhim off. The Moscow-ite leaderswith Sheikh Mujib imaginedsocialism would be establishedthrough BKSAL.

After Sheikh Mujibur Rahmanwas killed along with his family on15 August 1975 by a counterrevolutionary group, martial law

was imposed in Bangladesh. Theprevious political parties emergedonce again. Military rule ZiaurRahman formed BangladesherJatiyatabadi Dal and the entire pro-China NAP joined it.

In the meantime, a faction ofAwami League was under MizanurRahman Chowdhury's leadership.The Moscow-ites began to workwith the Communist Party ofBangladesh, NAP (Muzaffar) and afew other parties. The pro-Chineseworked openly, and clandestinely,with Sarbahara Party and UnitedPeople's Party under Menon andZafar.

SArbAhArA PArTyMistrust and theoretical conflictbegan to increase within the pro-China elements. The Siraj Sikdergroup divided into three: 1. Ziagroup; 2. Kamrul group; and 3.Anwar Kabir group. In the southand west region the Zia-Kamrulgroup conflict became a front war.Some were backed by AwamiLeague and others by BNP.

Makham Serniabat was in chargeof Agailjhara, Barisal. AinalChowkidar was in charge ofUjirpur sadar, along with KanaBadal, Mainuddin, SubhashChairman and Abani Chairman.

In charge of Satala-Bagdha,Ujirpur, were Zafar Mollah; incharge of Jallar was Humayun

Chairman; in charge of Banariparawas Moazzem Hossain Ripon; incharge of Atghar-Kuriana,Swarupkathi, was Mrinal. Theywere all armed with modernweapons. They would collect toll,nominate chairmen and members,carry out arbitration, andeverything. They were the livingterrors. Many of them indulged inwomen and wealth. They killedinnumerable people in the southernregion. Rather than abolishing theclass enemies, they were busyfighting against each other. Theywould kill in exchange ofexorbitant amounts of money. In

fact, 98% of their deaths were ateach other hands or at the hands ofthe law enforcers. These leaderswere bereft of any ideology andthey transformed the southwestregion into a valley of death.

Some of these groups still existdown till today, but are not visiblyactive. That is even moredangerous! Previously they couldbe identified by their groups."Whoever carries a weapon is aliving terror," says a businessmanof Agarpur, Barisal.

A certain leftist leader is said tosupport these armed terrors. Hewas even shot at by one of thegroups and is now an influentialminister in the Awami Leaguegovernment. He claims to be

Indepth


related to the prime minister.Another patron was a BNP leaderfrom Banaripara who has presentlyjoined Awami League.

biPlObi COMMuniST PArTy (huq)Abdul Huq's Biplobi CommunistParty took up the fight against theclass enemies in the southwestregion. After Huq died, they splitup into groups under Chunnu'sleadership and are active inMeherpur, Gangni, Magura andKaliganj.

SAMyAbADi DAlToaha, Bashir (Purnendu Dastidar)and Shanti Sen formed SamyabadiDal. They broke up and the Raufgroup was formed, but after Rauf'sdeath they became inactive. DilipBarua was a leader of SamyabadiDal, but after he joined SheikhHasina's last cabinet as a minister,his party activists no longeraccepted him. Dilip Barua's factionhas become a one-man party.

uniTED COMMuniST lEAGuEAmol Sen and Tipu Biswas formedthe United Communist League.They shook Rajshahi to Rajbari inthe name of class struggle. Theylater merged with Rashed KhanMenon's Workers Party. ButWorkers Party split too over powersharing issues. Under Saiful Huq asmall faction formed BiplobiWorkers Party. Saiful Huq is stillactive in the anti-governmentmovement. Another faction ofWorkers Party joined CPB. HaiderAkbar Khan Rono among them.Amol Sen, Tipu Biswas and Sylhet'sMofakkar Chowdhury split fromMenon's group.

PurbO bAnGlAr

COMMuniST PArTyMofakkar Chowdhury formed thePurbo Banglar Communist Party.An NGO worker Abdur RashidMalitha (Tapan) alias Dada Tapanwas in charge of his party's armedforce. He was a living terror of thesouthwest region. He would carryout extortion in the name of politicsand was a professional killer. Hewas arrested by police, but his

activists snatched him from thepolice cordon in the Khulna courtpremises and escaped with him.

PurbO bAnGlArCOMMuniST PArTy (JAnAJuDDhA)Rashid Malitha Tapan eventuallybroke away from MofakkerChowdhury. He named his partyPurbo Banglar Communist Party(Jana Juddha). He is alleged to havekilled several journalists andpoliticians in Khulna. Tapan andhis Jana Juddha would spread theirrule of terror all over Khulna,Narail, Jhenaidah, Magura andKushtia. Tapan was killed in ashootout with the law enforcementforces after the 1/11 caretakergovernment took over. Jana Juddhabecame inactive after that. RABarrested Mofakker Chowdhury

around the same time from ahideout in Mirpur, Dhaka, and hewas killed in so-called crossfire.

nEW biPlObi COMMuniST

PArTyMrinal was the terror of Dumuria,Khulna. In 2000 he formed the NewBiplobi Communist Party. Mrinalwould basically remainunderground, but in the name ofthe party would control the fishfarms in Khulna and Satkhira,collect toll and carry out killings. Itwas alleged that a local Jamaatleader was his patron. During thefour-party alliance's OperationClean Heart, Mrinal fled to India.He was killed by rivals while inWest Bengal. His party has beeninactive since.

PurbO bAnGlAr

COMMuniST PArTy

(lAl POTAKA)Rakesh Kamal alias Dr. Tutul ofRajshahi Medical College andZaman Master, a schoolteacher ofPabna, formed the Purbo BanglarCommunist Party (Lal Potaka).Their theoretical and armed forcehas spread from Rajshahi all overthe country. Lal Potaka has stronginfluence on the marginalisedpeople of Rajshahi, Pabna, Natoreand Naogaon's Chalan Bil.

Of all the pro-Chinaunderground parties which havesprouted up in recent times, onlyLal Potaka has any internationalrecognition and credibility.

When Dr. Tutul and ZamanMaster were killed by law enforcersafter 1/11, Lal Potaka fizzled outalmost as quickly as it had sproutedup. Bashir Master is in charge of theparty at present. They are active inexpanding their public base in theKushtia zone.

Bazlu is in charge of Lal Potaka inKushtia and Lal is in charge ofChuadanga, but both of these arepseudonyms.

A Lal Potaka leader tells PROBE,"Activists of various parties in thecountry have weapons. When thesearms are bereft of ideology, theybecome mere metal tools. LalPotaka will no go that way."n

Indepth


Toaha, Bashir

(Purnendu Dastidar)

and Shanti Sen formed

Samyabadi Dal. They

broke up and the Rauf

group was formed, but

after Rauf's death they

became inactive. Dilip

Barua was a leader of

Samyabadi Dal, but

after he joined Sheikh

Hasina's last cabinet as

a minister, his party

activists no longer

accepted him. Dilip

Barua's faction has

become a

one-man party.

Reports


The Department of Agriculture willnow provide farmers withforecasts of crop pestilence so that

they can take advance measures toreduce damages as much as possible. Itwill also control the use of pesticidesand arbitrary use of other harmfulinsecticides to ensure safe foodproduction.

According to the Department ofAgriculture, about 16% of the crops inthe fields are destroyed simply due tothe lack of proper management of cropdiseases. This damage is even higher inthe case of vegetables, where often uptill 25% of the produce is lost.

According to agricultural experts,while it is essential to control pests anddiseases to reduce damage to the crops,

pesticides are not the only tool. Thereis need for awareness. There is needfor advance information regardingthe plant diseases and pestilence,based on the weather, the region andthe crops.

The Department of Agriculture hastaken up a Programme for theStrengthening of Surveys, Forecasts andAdvance Warnings of Environment-Friendly Food Production. Am upazila-based survey is being carried out onvarious crops, pestilences and diseases,the types of pests and the type of pestattacks, etc.

Based on the results of this survey,from 2015 the field level officials of theDepartment of Agriculture will providearea-wise and crop-wise pestilence and

disease forecasts.Programme Director agriculturalist

Dr. Mohammed Iqbal says,Bangladesh's agriculture has beenmodernised, production has increased.The export of agricultural products hasincreased too. But the agriculturalsector is still behind in technologicalmethods. Health risks and crop damageare the two main problems inagriculture. Health risks pose as a riskto losing international markets at anytime. But if this survey and forecastprocess is accurate, then it will bepossible to curtail agricultural costs,crop damage and health risks.n

Agriculture forecast for crop pestilenceA PrObE rEPOrT

Md. MainuddinNewsstandBangladesh Secretariat (South-West corner)Topkhana Road, Dhaka.Mobile 01829883233

Md. MonaNewsstand(In front of Shahbagh Market)Shahbagh, Dhaka.Mobile 01911785195

Md. Ali rajNewsstand(In front of Shahbagh Market)Shahbagh, Dhaka.Mobile 01714313538

ManagerPathok Samabesh CentreAbove Agrani Bank(Opposite Aziz Super Market)Shahbagh, Dhaka.Mobile 01841234612

newsstand(In front of City College)Mirpur Road, Dhaka.

Md baharNewsstandKalabagan Bus Stand (West side)Dhaka. Mobile: 01841812996

Md humayunNewsstandSukrabad Bus stand (east side)Dhaka. Mobile: 01813889588

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islamBook ChoiceSobhanbagh Mosque MarketDhaka. Mobile: 01914755009

Md. ShahidullahNewsstandAsad Gate Bus stand, Dhaka01682305114

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TofailKushol CentreRajlaxmi, Uttara, Dhaka.Mobile: 0191537544

Md rubelNewsstandDCC Market, Gulshan-1Dhaka

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PROBE is available at the following newsstands

In the family, 94.4% of the olderpeople are treated unequally toearning members and 26% aretreated as a burden. They facediscrimination within the family.

The discriminations is mostly related toa lack of assets, earning inabilities andpoverty in family

These matters came to light in arecent survey. The survey was fundedby the European Union andimplemented by HelpAge internationalBangladesh, with three partnerorganizations Bohubrihy Dinajpur;BSDO, Naogoan; and Barcik;The family mainly discriminatesagainst them in terms of decisionmaking and in other daily activities. Atcommunity level, in 45% of the cases,younger people were unwilling toaccept leadership of older people insocial activities. They also tended toundermine older people. There is needto raise awareness to make the overallenvironment more congenial for olderpeople.

Accordingly to the surveyedrespondents, family membersmisbehaved with 83.7% of the olderpeople on various occasions. Of this47.5% involved serving food, 39.3% inbearing health care costs, 7.7 % inbuying clothes and 2.7% duringrecreation. In 59.3% of the cases,daughters-in-law, 11% sons and 6%wives, misbehaved with the olderpersons.

Older persons' needs were identifiedas food on time, health care, clothing,social dignity and recreation facilities.The general perception is older peopleare neglected in the family andcommunity, so their dignity isundermined. Dignity is important toolder people, but this is recurrentlydenied by family members and society.This can be addressed by increasingawareness among the family members,the community and stakeholders.

It was perceived by the respondentsthat older people can give good adviceand share experiences with youngerpeople of both family and society. Atthe household level, they take care ofchildren and help in household chores,but these activities are neitheracknowledged nor recognized. There isneed for recognition of older people’swork in the family and society.

Gaps in understanding andknowledge on the rights of older

people irrespective of stakeholderspersist. They claim to have knowledgeon the rights of older people but themajority of them could inadequatelyspecify the rights of older people.Union parishad chairmen andmembers, journalists and civil societyrepresentatives, also lacked awarenessconcerning older people’s rights.

Older people’s access to support andservices from government and non-government organizations is limited.Older people are reluctant to visitservice providing agencies because ofthe negative experiences they face.They often fail to get support fromthese agencies and the behaviour ofservices providers is not alwayspositive.

The media often gives coverage tospecial issues like gender, violenceagainst women, marginalizedcommunities, etc. However, there isneed for wider coverage of olderpeople’s rights issues.

A majority of the journalists (90%)were not aware of older people’s rights.Specific training and other supportwould be effective for them in coveringolder people’s issues for policy change.The baseline survey of the projectPromoting the Rights of Older Peopleand Influencing Policy throughCultural Campaigning and MediaWork was conducted to establish a

benchmark database systemdevelopment, focusing its three specificoutputs. The focuses are; 1) improvingcapacity of local cultural groups toincorporate advocacy and social actioninto their performances and culturalwork; 2) involving local and nationallevel media stakeholders to debates onageing and calling for improved socialprotection for older people; and 3)establishment of communication andcoordination among local level culturalactions to national level policy dialogueprocesses. The baseline survey coveredissues and concerns of older people inline with the objectives and goal of theprogramme. The survey mostlyfollowed quantitative survey forcultural group, journalist and civilsociety representative but qualitativemethods for local governmentrepresentative.

Though the government hasformulated a national policy for olderpersons, it is yet to be implemented.However, the sensitivity of thecommunity, local level institutions andsupportive policy is inevitable toaddress the ageing issues. HelpAgeInternational helps older people claimtheir rights, challenge discriminationand overcome poverty, so that they canlead dignified, secure, active andhealthy lives. It established itsBangladesh country office in 2009.Since then, it implemented the projectfocusing on ageing issues inBangladesh. The current projectfocused on strengthening civil societyinstitutions, media and cultural groupsfor increased citizen actions to ensureolder people’s rights and entitlements.

The government has several socialsafety-net programmes that addressmostly economic issues rather thansocial security, mental anxiety, healthand right. Until and unless thecommunity and local institutions areproactive in creating space for olderpeople, the real changes could not bemade. The civil society and media mayplay a tremendous role to ensure theentitlement of older people and accessto support and services available forcitizen of Bangladesh.

Policy influence in the context ofBangladesh is a difficult task due tobureaucratic process. It needsconcerted efforts of all actors atdifferent level. Cultural groups couldplay a crucial role along with the otheractors.n

Reports


Discriminationagainst the

elderly94.4% older people are

treated unequally to earningmembers

A Probe report

muNNujaN Bewa( 89), photo: khaled hasaN

After nearly forty years, itappears that India is goingto resolve the borderissues with Bangladesh, alegacy of the partition of

India in 1947. The previous Congress-led United Progressive Alliancegovernment tried repeatedly to pass theConstitution (119th Amendment) Bill toimplement the India-Bangladesh LandBoundary Agreement, 1974, and its2011 Protocol Bill, which proposes toamend the First Schedule of the IndianConstitution to facilitate the exchangeof territories between the two countries.It kept it alive by presenting it in theRajya Sabha, the upper house of theParliament on 18 December 2013. Thenthe bill was sent to the ParliamentaryStanding Committee on ExternalAffairs for reconsideration.

After the changeover in India, as partof the new National DemocraticAlliance government’s“neighbourhood outreach,” IndianExternal Affairs Minister SushmaSwaraj promised the Bangladeshgovernment that the BJP would reverseits stand. Prime Minister NarendraModi voiced his support to ratify thebill. Recently the standing committee ofthe parliament submitted its report tothe both houses of the parliamentwhich was “unanimously” passed by

members who included those of the BJPand the Trinamool Congress, both ofwhich had earlier opposed swapping ofthe enclaves. In its report, the standingcommittee was of the strong opinionthat the bill is “in the overall nationalinterest as it would pave the way forbroader bilateral ties with one of ourclosest neighbours, Bangladesh”. Itopined that “delays in the passage ofthe bill have needlessly contributed tothe perpetuation of a hugehumanitarian crisis”. The committeewas also of the firm conviction that“difficulties of the people living in theenclaves of both countries would cometo an end after the Act is passed byParliament”. The committee would,therefore, urge the government to takeurgent steps for presenting the bill toParliament without any further delay.

The government is trying toeliminate the misgivings about the dealand started discussions with the statesof West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya andTripura adjoining the border withBangladesh on the issue ofrehabilitation packages of thetransferred population. Though it maynot be possible for the IndianGovernment to pass the bill in thiswinter session of the Parliament whichwill end on 22 December 2014, thegovernment communicated its honest

assurance to the Government ofBangladesh about passing the bill assoon as possible.

DiSPuTED bOrDErSIndia and Bangladesh have a commonland boundary of approximately 4096.7km, which was determined as per theRadcliffe Award of 1947, then with EastPakistan. But certain disputes arose outof some provisions in the RadcliffeAward, which were sought to beresolved through the Bagge Award of1950, and another effort was made tosettle these disputes by the Nehru-Noon Agreement of 1958. But disputesregarding the chits or enclaves (a massof land in the other country near theborder), and other certain areas,continued.

Shortly after Bangladesh’s separationfrom Pakistan and emergence as anindependent country, India andBangladesh first attempted to resolvethe border in 1974. The Prime Ministersof Bangladesh and India signed anagreement on 16 May 1974, popularlyknown as the Indira-Mujib pact. Thetwo signatories of the pact were theIndian PM Indira Gandhi and theBangladesh PM Sheikh MujiburRahman. It aimed at a solution to thecomplex nature of the borderdemarcation involved. This agreementrequired a constitutional amendmentas it involved transfer of territory.Though the agreement was passed inthe Bangladesh Jatiya Sangsad throughthe 3rd constitutional amendmentratifying the agreement, the Indiangovernment failed to do so till now.

rEDrAWinG Of bOunDAriESAfter many years of dillydallying theprevious UPA government in Indiaplaced high priority on strengtheningrelations with Bangladesh, and workedto revive the Land BoundaryAgreement among other initiatives.During the then Prime MinisterManmohan Singh’s visit to Bangladeshin 2011, the issues relating todemarcation of un-demarcatedboundary; the territories in adversepossession; and exchange of enclaves

Cover Story


COmPLExItIES IN LAND-SWAP DEALby SuTirThA GuPTA from Kolkata

were identified and resolved by signinga Protocol on 6th September, 2011,which forms an integral part of theLand Boundary Agreement betweenIndia and Bangladesh, 1974. TheProtocol was prepared with supportand concurrence of the concerned StateGovernments of Assam, Meghalaya,Tripura and West Bengal. It wasdecided that 111 Indian enclaves inBangladesh and 51 Bangladeshenclaves in India as per the jointlyverified cadastral enclave maps, shallbe exchanged without claim tocompensation for the additional areasgoing to Bangladesh.

Furthermore, the Protocol providesfor redrawing of boundaries tomaintain the status quo of adversepossessions and has dealt with them onan “as is where is basis” by converting“de facto control into de jurerecognition”.

Unfortunately the necessarylegislation was not able to make itthrough the Indian parliament in orderto ratify the agreement. Among theobjecting parties were the BharatiyaJanata Party, the Trinamool Congress,and the Asom Gana Parishad. Aftercoming to power the BJP-led NationalDemocratic Government decided tomove ahead with Bangladesh. PrimeMinister Narendra Modi decided to riseabove partisanship and advancelegislation that his own party rejected ayear ago. Knowing the BJP members'reservation on the deal in Assam, thePrime Minister Narendra Modideclared to the same people in Assam

that the Centre will go ahead with aland swapping deal with Bangladesh tofind a permanent solution to the long-pending border dispute between thetwo countries.

Apart from BJP’s U-turn on the issue,the Trinamool Congress also gave theirconsent and West Bengal ChiefMinister Mamata Banerjee herselfdeclared openly in a meeting in CoochBehar adjoining the border that asolution is being worked out for borderenclaves.

COMPlExiTiES in ThE SWAPUnder the deal no government isceding any land that is under respectivegovernment control at present. It issimply the correction of a legalanomaly by a paper-swap. The swapwill involve handing over 17,000 acresof land to Bangladesh in return for7,000 acres in 111 enclaves in WestBengal, Assam, Tripura andMeghalaya, and was first decidedunder the 1974 Land BoundaryAgreement between India andBangladesh. More clearly, in the case ofenclaves, the area to be transferred isalready in the possession of Bangladeshand the handing over of this area toBangladesh is merely a proceduralacceptance of the de facto situation onthe ground. Similarly, areas in adversepossession of India will now beformally transferred to India. In respectof adverse possession, India willreceive 2,777.038 acres of land andBangladesh will get 2,267.682 acres ofland. An adverse possession is a

portion of territory contiguous toborder and within Indian control, butwhich is legally part of Bangladesh.Residents of these adverse possessionsare Indian citizens. The same applies toBangladeshi adverse possessions. It isdecided to maintain the status quo ofadverse possessions for redrawing ofboundaries. But the complexities willarise on the rehabilitation of the influxof population.

A number of Indian nationals livingin Indian enclaves in Bangladeshterritory and Bangladesh nationalsliving in Bangladesh enclaves are goingto be adversely affected as they wouldlose their claim to their naturalcitizenship. The number of people to beinvolved in the whole swap isapproximately 52,000, of which about15,000 are on the Indian side of theborder and 37,000 on the Bangladeshside. After the Protocol comes intoforce, a modest demographic change inboth India and Bangladesh wasexpected to take place. Not only wouldsome Indian citizens return to themainland from the previously heldenclaves but a number of currentlyBangladeshi nationals would also begiven Indian citizenship after the area isceded to India. So the securitydimensions of this influx of populationshould be considered seriously by therespective governments.

On the issue of the adverse position,the Coordination Committee onInternational Border (CCIB), aconglomerate of social organisations,has been seeking answers from thegovernment about the fate of the acresof land under dispute. The total landunder adverse possession (inMeghalaya sector) is 559.7 acres. If240.5 acres come to Meghalaya and 41.7to Bangladesh, what about theremaining 278 acres of land? Thisquestion has been posed by CCIB. Onthe other hand some BJP leaders inWest Bengal started raising voice on theissue of Angrapota-Dahagram enclave,two largest Bangladesh chitmahals inIndia. Though these enclaves wereaccepted to be integral parts ofBangladesh and a strip of Indian landwas leased to Bangladesh as TinbighaCorridor to connect these two enclaveswith Bangladesh mainland, someleaders on Indian side are reigniting theissue.n

Cover Story


The media NGOs of thecountry are facing a seriousfund crisis. Some of theseorganisations have had toclose down their

programmes, while others are runningprojects like general NGOs, for the sakeof survival. They hold perfunctoryworkshops ands training programmesin a bid to hold on to the character ofmedia NGOs. The heads of theseorganisations say that the donors nolonger are interested in developing themedia sector. However, experts saythat the main cause of the crisis in thesector is lack of innovative conceptsand also the excessive dependence onforeign funds.

When Mass-line Media Centre(MMC), a media NGO, started work, itwas not restricted to workshops andtraining programmes to improveprofessional standards. It publishedtwo newspapers in order to give thefield level journalists the opportunity todevelop their professional skills. Theorganisation began in 1996, and thesame year began publishing a paperfrom Patuakhali called Methobarta andother from Noakhali called Lokbartawith funding from DANIDA. Afterbeing published regularly, in 2008 themagazines shut down due to lack of

donor interest and funds. Theorganisation's executive directorKamrul Hassan Monju said that anumber of other media-related projectshad to be shut down. The organisationpresently works on increasingawareness of holding tax payers,transparency in government khas landallocations, preparing for climatechange risks, protecting the rights ofindigenous people, the issue of localgovernment accountability and so on.They also hold workshops for localjournalists on issue-based awareness-raising.

Kamrul Hassan Monju says thatBangladesh is at the most risk ofclimate change effects, yet many do nothave a clear idea of how to deal withthe risks involved. Even the localjournalists lack in knowledge of theissue.

He says that the local people,including the journalists, did not have aclear understanding of what rights thecitizens had under the localgovernment structure, what facilitiesthey were entitled to, how much theywere getting and so on. He says MMCwas working in raising such awarenessin their project areas.

Asked whether there was need for amedia NGO like MMC to work likeother NGOs on issues such as climatechange, local government and khasland, Kamrul Hassan Monju says thattheir two newspapers had been likemodel publications. Now this wouldchange. The newspapers didn't existanymore, but the concept was there.The other local newspapers hadchanged their composition and make-up. There was still a lot of scope todevelop the media sector. Thecircumstances had changed and thedonors were no longer willing toprovide grants directly to the mediasector.

It was MMC that was the pioneer ofthe community radio movement. Withfinancial and policy assistance fromvarious donor agencies, it alsopioneered the movement for the rightto information act and itsimplementation. It published 146 booksregarding mass media, journalism andvarious aspects of livelihood. In 2011the government introduced thecommunity radio policy and at the veryoutset of 2012 MMC set up thecommunity radio 'Lokbetar' in Bargunawith funding from the donor agencyDANIDA. It presently broadcastsprogrammes every day from theafternoon for five hours.

There are 14 community radios in thecountry at present and another 18 in thepipeline. However, Kamrul HassanMonju feared that these may have toclose down eventually due to lack offunds. He said, if community radio is tobe given a permanent place, then itmust be allowed commercialadvertising. He says there were talksabout changing the prevailingcommunity radio policy to this end.

Probe Special


media NGOs struggle for survivalFund crisis hits media NGos hard

by ShAfiq rAhMAn

The organisation presently

works on increasing

awareness of holding tax

payers, transparency in

government khas land

allocations, preparing for

climate change risks,

protecting the rights of

indigenous people, the

issue of local government

accountability and so on.

In the meantime, another media-based organisation, News Network,has added climate change to its list ofprogrammes. It is working in thecoastal areas, particularly in increasingthe awareness of journalists in theKhulna region. This organisationstarted in 1994. Its scope of work hasshrunk somewhat and it now focusesmainly on raising awareness about theRight to Information Act and providingfellowships to women journalists. Itrecently provided 15 women journalistswill fellowships, funded by JanataBank. Shahiduzzaman, Editor andChief Executive of the organisation,said that the nine-month fellowshipwould end next month.

Shahiduzzaman recalls an incident of1993. The Country Director of the

World Bank was attending a pressconference. He began is speech with theusual "Ladies and gentlemen..." Thenhe looked around a bit and added,"even though there aren't any ladieshere!"

"It was right then and there," saysShahiduzzaman, "that I decided towork with women journalists of thecountry if I ever got a chance." Thedonor agency Diakonia gave him thatchance in 1999. News Network beganthe fellowship programme for womenjournalists.

Shahiduzzaman says, "We oftenwould say that women can't take upjournalism. That is an ignorant idea."He said that so far they had givenfellowships to 240 women.

The organisation has published alarge number of books on a wide rangeof issues such as women trafficking,illegal arms, smuggling and so on.

Along with foreign donors,Shahiduzzaman also blames thegovernment for the present crisis. Hesays, there is no end for work to bedone in the media sector. But all of thisdepends on funding. Foreign quartersare not very interested in funding themedia. The government too shows alack of interest. If the government actedproperly, there would be no need forforeign funds. The government isinvesting in education, industry, tradeand other sectors, providing incentives,so why will it not help in thedevelopment of the media sector?

Shahiduzzaman says, "Investment ismade in education because educationenlightens. The media plays the samerole. Media is the master of people."

About how necessary such media-based organisations are,Shahiduzzaman says that if thecountry's media houses had staffdevelopment activities, then suchorganisations wouldn't be needed.

The Centre for Development andCommunications (CDC), under thesupervision of media personalityMuhammed Jahangir, is going downthe same path. Its activities are limited

Probe Special


There must be innovative ideas in alldevelopment processes. There mustbe long-term vision. But the NGOs inBangladesh over the past threedecades or more have been workingwith the same product. The country'smedia-related NGOs are the same.Their activities have becomerestricted to slogans. This has createdthe crisis in the NGO sector.

NGO means donor dependentactivities. The matter of the donor'slike and dislikes matter. But since thework is to be done here in this

country, we are the ones who have toraise the issues. But we are not doingso efficiently. We are holding on tocertain customised ideas.

The scope of work is not finished.Media is expanding. But nothing isbeing done to reach global standardsin quality. It is time for innovation,for a new philosophy to take NGOsahead.n

It is time forinnovation-Dr. Golam rahman, Professor,Department of MassCommunications and Journalism,Dhaka University and Pro-VC,Daffodil University

kamrul hassaN moNju Nayeemul islam khaNmuhammed jahaNgir

kamaluddiN Nilu

to local government and climatechange.

Shaheen Mohammed, ProgrammeCoordinator of CDC, says at themoment they are running, withGerman Embassy funds, an orientationprogramme for local government andjournalists on climate change.

The Department of Environment ismaking a documentary film on climatechange. The film is being made to raiseawareness of primary and secondarylevel students about climate changeand its risks. CDC had also publishedDhaka for the Future, a bookcomprising recommendation of variousprofessionals regarding Dhaka city.

The Bangladesh Centre forDevelopment, Journalism andCommunications (BCDJC) waslaunched in 1991 with the aim ofimproving the professional standard ofmedia persons, enhancing their skillsand developing research. Manypersons representing the country'smedia today have been trained at thiscentre and have participated in its

activities. But BCDJC today has noactivities, says its President NayeemulIslam Khan.

The reason he gives for thispredicament is that BCDJC was neveran NGO in the general sense of theterm. It was a voluntary professionalorganisation. It received funds fromvarious sources and that is why it wasduly registered. "But we never lobbiedfor funds," says Nayeemul Islam Khan."BCDJC never acted as an NGO."

He says, "I stopped fund seeking forBCDJC from the moment we startedpublishing the daily Amader Shomoy.It was a conflict of interests for aneditor of a national daily to seek funds."

Over a long period of time, BCJDCimplemented a large number ofprojects involving development ofjournalist professionalism, training,participation of women in theprofession, access of the ruralpopulation to the media and so on. Itpublished 47 books, though none ofthem are available at present, sayBCDJC office personnel.

Nayeemul Islam Khan says, "Youneed to have full business initiative inwhatever you do. It will never succeedas a secondary interest. We wereinterested in publications, but that wasour secondary interest and so it was notpossible to maintain its continuity."

PrOfESSiOnAl ThEATrE AnD

CATThe Centre for Asian Theatre (CAT)suffers from the same crisis as the othermedia NGOs. It was established in 1995to give theatre development aprofessional shape. It staged suchdramas as Kafka's Metamorphosis,Heiner Muller’s The Mission, EugeneIonesco’s The Lesson an adaptation ofIbsen's Ghosts, an adaptation of WildDuck, Tagore's Raja, folk theatre BheluaSundari and Sonai Bibir Pala.

CAT organised the Ibsen's DollsHouse festival in 2002. In 2005 itcommemorated Ibsen's 100th deathanniversary and published Ibsen'sbiography.

The German Embassy, NorwegianEmbassy, Swedish Embassy, BritishCouncil, Alliance Francaise and otherdonor agencies funded these plays.

In 2004, with funds from Action Aid,CAT made the documentary film 'SilentDeparture', about the trafficking ofwomen.

However, all grants have stoppedsince 2011, says the organisation'sformer Secretary General MosharrafHossain Tutul. He said, we also want towork as we please.

He said that CAT's presentproduction is Macabre. It was writtenby Anika Mahin and directed byKamaluddin Nilu. Its opening showwas held on 7 December at ShilpakalaAcademy.n

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the commuNicator, aN experimeNtal productioN of ceNtre for asiaN theatre (cat)

receptioN of News Network fellows oN jourNalism

Exclusive

the untold Story of DR. ABu HENADr. Abu Hena went to kolkata on 7 March 1971 at the ordersof Sheikh Mujib. He held a meeting with a representative ofRAW regarding preparations for the liberation war. What didthey discuss? How did he go to kolkata with kamaruzzaman,Sheikh Moni and Tofail? once they were there, why did adistance grow between him and Moni? In the independentcountry, why did Bangabandhu expel him from the parliamentwith no explanation? Dr. Abu Hena, for the first time ever,talks about these unknown stories of history in an exclusiveinterview with PRoBE.Dr. Abu Hena was interviewed on 2 December in the PRoBEoffice by aNwar parvez halim. PHoTo: aritra aNkaN mitra

MEETinG MuJib

It was 1962 and Abu Hena was anLMF student at Mymensingh MedicalCollege. They had launched amovement against the discriminationbetween the East and West Pakistan

medical profession and medical students.One day Sheikh Mujib came to Tangail toaddress a public rally. Abu Hena alsorushed to Tangail to voice their demandsand that was when he first met SheikhMujibur Rahman. He then joined ChhatraLeague politics.

JOininG ChhATrA lEAGuEIn 1962 Shah Moazzem was the president ofChhatra League and Fazlul Huq Moni thegeneral secretary. At their directives, AbuHena was given the responsibility to formthe Chhatra League district committee. Heformed the committee and was thepresident of the district committee.

Jamalpur, Sherpur and Kishoreganj weresub-divisions at the time. Approval of thedistrict committee was required to formsub-divisional committees. At Abu Hena'srecommendation and the centre'sdirectives, Abdul Hamid was madepresident of Kishoreganj Chhatra League.Abu Hena says, "Abdul Hamid is now thePresident of Bangladesh. And I am farremoved from Awami League."

After Ayub Khan's martial law, ChhatraLeague central committee was formed in1964. Obaidur Rahman was president andSerajul Alam Khan general secretary. Henabecame a member of this committee andcame to Dhaka. He would live in OldDhaka. He says, "When I came to Dhaka forChhatra League, I became even closer toMujib. I was also accused under the publicsafety act and had to remain a fugitive foralmost two years."

MuJib WAnTED yOunGlEADErShiPAbu Hena says that at that time there wasno Awami League activity in his villagehome of Chouhali, Sirajganj. There was nocommittee either. He went around the areaand formed a committee. In the meantime,the 1970 election was nearing. One daySheikh Mujib called him and said, "Hena,we can't rely on the old ones. If we want anindependence struggle, we will needyoung people like you. Nothing willhappen unless we build up a youngleadership. You must contest in theelection."

At just 29 years of age, Abu Hena waselected MPA (Member of the Provincial


Assembly) from the then Pabna-5 seat(now Sirajganj-5). Hena says, "At theadvice of Mujib bhai, a group of usyoung persons contested in the election-- me, Razzak, Tofail and Rauf ofRangpur. Mujib bhai wanted youngleadership to come forward. Therewere reasons for that. Mujib bhai didn'tfeel confident about relying of the oldleaders when it came to theindependence war. I saw evidence ofthis during the war. I don't want toname anyone, but believe it or not, I amwitness to many incidents. There weremany senior Awami League leadersthen who did not want independence.All they wanted was to becomeministers. They even opposedindependence while they were in

Kolkata. They would sit there, that sideof the border, and angrily admonish us,"It is because of you all that we are inthis is condition. There will never beany independence."

MuJib SEnDS hEnA TOKOlKATAAbu Hena relates: Though AwamiLeague won the election with a hugenumber of seats, the government beganprevaricating over the Assemblysession. The entire country rocked withagitation and protest. In the last weekof February Moni bhai called me andsaid, "Hena, we have to get down towork. You must go to Kolkata on anurgent task. You have met with arepresentative of the Indiangovernment." I said, "Look here, I can'tjust go at your instructions. I contestedin the election at Mujib bhai's request. Iwill go nowhere unless he tells me to."

Then on 1 or 2 March Mujib bhaicalled me and said, "I am a busy manand can't always talk to you all directly.From now on if Moni tells youanything, take it that it's from me."

Mujib continued, "You speak English,Hindi and Urdu well. On top of that, Itrust you that is why I've selected you.Do as Moni says." After that Moni bhaigave me some instructions and told beto meet Chittaranjan Sutar in Kolkata.

What were those instructions? Henasays: I had to get the Indian authoritiesto make a commitment to keep theborders open when the war started andto help us with radio transmitters andarms. Moni bhai briefed me about this.

I started off on 7 March, the day ofthe 7 March public rally at the racecourse. I was told to go via Bogra andcross through Hili. But instead oftaking that route, I crossed the borderat Roumari, Kurigram for safety's sakeand to avoid the police and the

intelligence. The problem was thatMoni bhai had given me the wrongaddress. There was no one there by thename of Chittaranjan Sutar. What hadactually happened was thatChittaranjan Sutar had come to Kolkataand adopted the pseudonym BhujangaBhushan Roy.

Anyway, after much searching Ifinally found the house, Sunny Villa, at21 Rajendra Road near Northern Parkin Bhawanipur. This was basically aRAW office and guest house. Sutarwould live there with his wife andchild. Sheikh Mujib had sent him.

WhO WAS ChiTTArAnJAnSuTAr?Chittaranjan Sutar had been electedmember of parliament in 1964 from aseat in Barisal. He had been involved inthe Scheduled Caste Federation beforejoining Awami League. In 1957 whenAwami League split, he joined NAP. In1964 he joined up with Dr. KalidasBaidya to form a political party calledGonomukti. In 1968 Sutar went toKolkata. At a public rally in 1969

Gonomukti made a declaration andmerged with Awami League. In 1973too Sutar was elected an AwamiLeague member of parliament from aseat in Barisal (Bakherganj-14).However he would spend most of thetime in Kolkata. Sutar was a member ofBKSAL's central committee. AfterBangabandhu was killed on 15 August1975, the Mushtaque governmentconfiscated his passport.

Chittaranjan Sutar was close to RAW.Sheikh Mujib was well aware of that.When the war broke out in 1971, theyoung leaders would go to Kolkata andthrough Sutar would stay at RAW'sguest house. Chittaranjan Sutar wasalso the contact between the youngleaders and RAW.

Abu Hena says, "I can say withconviction that in the sixties India hadevil designs for East Pakistan. Theircomplaint was that Hindus were beingoppressed here, were not being givencitizens' rights. They wanted to form aseparate state comprising the districtsthat side of the river Padma. This wascalled Bangabhumi. RAW was behindthis evil design. They even created aparty called Gonomukti. It main leaderwas Kalidas Baidya of Faridpur.

Ayub Khan had placed ChittaranjanSutar in jail. Towards the end of 1968when Sutar was released from jail,Mujib told him, "You are chantingabout Hindus and I am chanting aboutBengalis. You should go to Kolkata. Gothere and work for me." Sutar crossedthe Sonaimura border and went viaAgartala to Kolkata. Mujib knew thatSutar was RAW's man. That is whyMujib sent him in advance to Kolkataso that he could use him. I openly said,Chittaranjan is a Raw agent. I learnt allabout this from Tajuddin bhai. He toldme about it all. Sutar, in the guise of ajute trade, would stay in RAW's shelter.

Exclusive


When Sutar was released from jail, Mujib told him, "You are

chanting about Hindus and I am chanting about Bengalis.

You should go to kolkata. Go there and work for me." Sutar

crossed the Sonaimura border and went via Agartala to

kolkata. Mujib knew that Sutar was RAW's man.

hEnA MEETS rAWrEPrESEnTATivESI started off on 7 March and reachedKolkata on 10 or 11 March. Sutar hadarranged for me to stay at a RAWhouse. My identity was fixed before Ileft Dhaka. My code number was 99. Ididn't know that before I reachedDhaka, the Indian Deputy HighCommission in Dhaka had taken mycode number there. After receivinginformation from him, two men cameto the house at around two in theafternoon. Both were elderly and bothcould speak Bengali. I later learnt thatthey had come from Delhi. They wereRAW men and Indira Gandhi's trustedpersons. I cannot recall their namesnow. One of them was tall, fair and hada white spot in one eye.

A closed door meeting took place.Sutar wasn't allowed in the roomduring the meeting. He only came oncewhen we were having tea. He did notknow what transpired between us.

The first thing I told them was that Iwanted arms. They said, what will youdo with arms? Send us your people, wewill train them. They didn't make anypromises about providing us witharms. Perhaps that was their policy. Butthey agreed about the radio station andkeeping the border open. They set up aradio station later near Gorer Math.

Towards the end of our discussionthey said, "Tell Sheikh Mujib to send usletter, simply stating, 'Didi [sister], helpus, Mujib,' that is all."

I said, "You all are delaying. We areat a very crucial moment. If I have to goback and then return here with a letter,that will waste a lot of time." They said,"It is needed, she [Indira] wants it."They also said, "The radio station isready. The borders will remain open.Arrangements will be made for shelterif people come over the border."

Two days later I came back home viaJessore. On 14 or 15 March I apprisedMujib bhai of the matter. I told himthey wanted a letter. Mujib bhailistened to me, but did not respond. Ialso informed Moni bhai about theKolkata visit. Then the crackdown tookplace on 25 March. Sheikh Mujib wasarrested.

I want to clear things here. Manypeople say that Sheikh Mujib sent Henawith a note to Kolkata. That is not true.Before going to Kolkata, Mujib bhaiinstructed me through Sheikh Fazlul

Huq Moni. He issued verbal instructionand didn't give me any written note.

SECOnD viSiT TO KOlKATAOn 27 March when I was passingthrough Rayer Bazar with CaptainMansur Ali sahib, we metKamaruzzaman sahib. The three of uscrossed the river, arrived at Jinjira andbegan to walk. On the way we gotGolam Rasul Moyna. Moyna wasSheikh Moni's classmate. He took us tohis sister's house in Kolatia. This wasthe house of Ratan Chairman. Ratan'sbrother Borhanuddin Gogon was laterelected as member of parliament in1973.

Over there we found Sheikh FazlulHuq Moni, Serajul Alam Khan, AbdurRazzak, Tofail Ahmed, Shahjahan Sirajand ASM Abdur Rab. They said theyhad fled Dhaka in the afternoon of 25March and came to Ratan Chairman'shouse. Later that afternoon, Nure AlamSiddiqui and Abdul Kuddus Makhanalso turned up there.

I wanted to go to the village, butsince I had been to Kolkata and knewthe place well, they all said I shouldstay with them. I had to change myplans. We had a meeting and it wasdecided five of us -- Mansur Ali,Kamaruzzaman, Sheikh Moni, Tofailand I - would all go to Kolkata. SerajulAlam Khan and Abdur Razzak wouldcome later after carrying out certaintasks.

29 March, we went to Manikganj byboat. We met Habu Miah (he had beena state minister) there. His brother LebuMiah took us to the river Jamuna wherewe took a small launch and reachedSirajganj in two days. We then went viaSariakandi in Bogra to Hili and fromthere straight on to Kolkata. ButMansur Ali sahib didn't go on toKolkata. He went back to Sirajganj fromSariakandi. He said, "I will not leavemy children behind." We sent a retiredarmy commando, Sattar, with him.Later Professor Abu Sayeed came toKolkata with Mansur Ali.

Kamruzzaman, Moni and Tofailwere all cowardly and among them,Moni was the most cowardly. I had toliterally keep him in my lap while wecrossed the river Jamuna! He reallydisturbed us the entire journey. AtSariakandi we spent the night atTaherul Islam MPS's house. It was a tin-roofed house. Whenever a tiny jackfruit

fell from the tree onto the roof, Moniwould jump up, saying, "Gunshots,gunshots!" He almost sunk thespeedboat on the way to Sariakandi. Irealised that Mansur Ali sahib hasactually left the group because of Moni.It was because of Moni bhai that outjourney to Kolkata took so long.

Exclusive


Dr. Abu Hena

Dr. Abu Hena was born on 15January 1942 in the village Chouhaliof Sirajganj. His father Mazhar AliSarker was a police inspector.

Abu Hena obtained the LMFdegree from Mymensingh MedicalSchool in 1963-64. He later obtainedhis MBBS degree after independencefrom Salimullah Medical College.

In 1962 he became Mymensinghdistrict Chhatra League founderpresident. In 1964 he became acentral committee member. In the1970 election he was elected MPAfrom the Pabna-5 seat (nowSirajganj-5).

At Mujib's instructions he went toKolkata on 7 March 1971 anddiscussed preparations for theliberation war with Indianrepresentatives. He was in charge ofrecruitment and training of freedomfighters during the war. He wasexpelled as member of parliamentafter independence. After 1975 hejoined Khandkar Mushtaque'sDemocratic League. In 1981 he gotjob in Saudi Arabia and lived there.

His wife Latifa Begum anddaughter Taslima Bashar are bothteachers. His son Abdullah BasharMithu has passed his A-levels.

Dr. Abu Hena is presently retiredand lives with his family in Mirpur,Dhaka. n

profile

A small incident at the Kolkata RAWhideout led to a misunderstandingbetween Sheikh Moni and Abu Hena.That is why Hena moved away fromthe youth leaders. Abu Hena says, "Iguided him to Kolkata, but once we gotthere his attitude changed. At theinstructions of Seraj bhai I let Baliadi'sAhram Siddiqui stay inKamruzzaman's bed. Moni bhaimisbehaved with me over this. It wasraining heavily that night and Moniforced Ahram Siddiqui our, in thepouring rain. Yet Ahram Siddiquihadn't eaten for three days. He hadcome empty handed all the way toKolkata, weak and sick. We had gone tofight a way, yet Moni's behaviour oversuch a minor incident was inhuman. Ileft the place that every night."

Abu Hena says, "Believe me, at thebeginning there was no one to doanything. Tofail wouldn't leave thehouse. He was too scared. He wasscared of the pro-China Naxalites. Theyhad posted slogans over all the walls,stating, 'Destroy the black plans ofSheikh Mujib, crush his black hand.'Tofail was a popular leader, the VP ofDUCSU. His pictures had been in thepapers during the 1969 uprising.Naturally he was scared. The Naxaliteswould kill him if they recognised him.We didn't let him venture out. I was theone who would go out under the aliasof Nitai Chandra Das Gupta. Razzak'sname was Raju, Tofail was Tapan(Topu), Sheikh Moni was Moni Babu,and Seraj was Saroj da. It was from thisSaroj da that he was later called 'dada'.About 20 to 25 days after we reachedKolkata, Razzak arrived. I went to theborder to bring him."

That night when he left the RAWhideout, Hena went to stay at NiranjanBose's house at 26 Palm Avenue.Niranjan was from Khulna. LaterSerajul Alam Khan asked Hena to joinMujib Bahini, but Hena refused. AbuHena says, "I didn't believe in theconcept of Mujib Bahini. After all, I felt,the entire war was carried out withMujib's inspiration in the front.Maulana Bhasani was almost like afather to Mujib, but became his followerregarding the liberation war. FromMuzaffar Ahmed to Moni Singh,everyone became Mujib's follower andjoined the liberation struggle. Having aseparate force in the name of Mujibwould be divisive. That would lead to

little armies under various person'snames."

During the war, the MNAs Membersof National Assembly and MPAs hadcertain responsibilities. Other thanthese duties, Abu Hena would also visitthe various FF camps and organise thefreedom fighters and help in theirtraining.

Abu Hena says, "Most of the MNAswere old and cowards. The youthwouldn't like them. The boys who hadcome to fight would prefer us. I wasgiven the responsibility to recruit boysfrom Sirajganj and Bogra. I wouldcollect them from the border and bringthem to the camps. I also coveredTangail."

Abu Hena also took part directly inthe war for one day at Bhurungamariunder Captain Delwar. Lt. Samad wasmartyred in that war. Hena said,"Delwar and I could have died that daytoo. It was a serious battle." He goes onto say, "We would spread mats on theground in the camp and sleep with therest of the boys while many of theyouth leaders would live in luxury inKolkata. They would do nothing."

ExPEllED AS MPA AnD frOMThE PArTy AfTErinDEPEnDEnCEAbu Hena returned to the country on19 December. He went back to thevillage and concentrated in rebuildingthe party. Bangabandhu returned on 10January. The parliament started. Henaonly had the opportunity of attendingparliament for a day. Then he receivedva phone call from Ittefaq telling himthat he had been expelled. Abu Henasays, "Till date, I have no idea on what

grounds Bangabandhu expelled me. Iwasn't even given any notice. I askedMujib bhai about this, but he couldn'tgiven me a clear explanation. All hesaid was, 'I made a mistake.' I said, 'Ifyou made a mistake, then correct it.'But I understood why I was expelled."

"It was Sheikh Moni who was behindmy expulsion. He was taking revengefor the Kolkata incident. Also, at apublic meeting in Sirajganj, I said thatdemocracy and socialism can't go handit hand. I had said, some speak ofsocialism, some speak of Mujib-ism.Stop all this nonsense. That was whyMoni was infuriated with me."

Abu Hena says about Sheikh Moni,"Moni began preparing himself asSheikh Mujib's second man. It was hisintention to replace Sheikh Mujib.Slogans were called out at Dhakaairport, 'Sheikh Mujib or Sheikh Moni -Sheikh Moni, Sheikh Moni!' Similarslogans were heard at Rajbari and someplaces of Faridpur. What arrogance forsuch slogans to be called in anyone'sname while Sheikh Mujib was stillalive. Moni would remove anyonewhom he felt to be an obstacle in hisway."

There was no governance in thecountry then; it was running on theproclamation of presidential order.And if Sheikh Mujib said anything,would anyone stop that? I went to courtto consult with the judges and theysaid, "We can file an injunction, andyou will be spared because of yourpolitical clout. But we will be sacked.Where will we go then?"

After BKSAL was formed, AbdurRazzak, Mansur Ali's son Romeo (nowdeceased) and Kapasia's Dr. MatiurRahman Chowdhury took me to Mujibbhai. They wanted me to join BKSAL.Sheikh Mujib asked, "Everyone wantssomething. What do you want?" "Ireplied, "Why will I want anything?Who am I to you?"

He said, "You are overdoing it. Youheld a press conference and insultedme." I replied, "Mujib bhai, you are theone who insulted me. I do not knowwhy you expelled me. You havepunished me for nothing. Yet weliberated the country for the sake ofjustice. I was the victim of injustice andyou were the one who did this injusticeto me."

He said, "Won't you join us?"I replied, "No."n

Exclusive


From Muzaffar Ahmed to

Moni Singh, everyone

became Mujib's follower

and joined the liberation

struggle. Having a

separate force in the

name of Mujib would be

divisive. That would lead

to little armies under

various person's names."

Dear readers, today is 16 December.As you, my beloved readers, turnthe pages of this beautifulmagazine, let me wish youhappiness and prosperity. Let me

share with you the excitement of being one ofthose who survived the nine months of war inthe battlefield and who has survived thefollowing four decades plus in life, in not sopleasant times. The battlefield was spread allalong the border of Bangladesh. The battlefieldswere dispersed all along the countryside ofBangladesh. The battle field extended into thewaters of the river Karnaphuli in Chittagongand similar other rivers and rivulets in theSundarbans, in the South-West of Bangladesh.

The war of liberation of Bangladesh is but thefinishing phase of the long drawn political warto setup an independent country. The warbegan, before I was born. I was born remotevillage named Burishchar, on the western bankof river Halda, in the present-day upazila namedHathazari in the district of Chittagong.Chittagong has been famous for more than onereason. In the year 1931 a group of youngpatriots under the leadership of Surjo Sen(dearly called Masterda Surjoshen) had attacked

the armory of the Chittagong police and tookaway all the weapons. They hoisted the flag ofindependence on the roof top of the police linesand the court building. Those were the days ofthe British Raj; the sun had not yet tilted forsetting. Masterda Surjo Sen’s village is hardlyfour kilometers away from my village. The sagaof the adventurous and indomitable team underthe leadership of Masterda Surjo Sen was brightin the minds of the adolescents and the youth inthe neighborhood. My father ‘Hafiz Ahmed’ wasborn in 1926 and their generation vibrated withthe spirit of patriotism which Surjo Senemanated. My father and the young men of hisgeneration use to tell their children all aboutMasterda Surjo Sen. I was born in 1949. As Igrew up from a child to an adolescent, in myvillage school or in the very famous FaujdarhatCadet College, I never forgot Surjo Sen.

In the city of Chittagong, there is a place calledSholoshohor. In 1970 the government ofPakistan had approved the raising of a newbattalion, the 8th battalion of the East BengalRegiment. In the battalions of the East Bengal

Regiment, officers would come from anysegment of the people of the country, who werecommissioned from the Pakistan MilitaryAcademy Kakul. But the soldiers would be fromonly Bengalis, less three to four percent who hadto be technically qualified and experienced andtherefore for the sake of necessity could also benon-Bengalis. As the tradition was, soldiers fromexisting battalions were transferred to the 8th

battalion. Officers from other battalions not onlyof the East Bengal Regiment but also otherinfantry regiments were transferred to the 8th

battalion. The cantonment or Garrison waslocated in a place called Natun Para, fewkilometers away from the main city hidden inthe valleys of Jalalabad Hills which in itself werea part of the foothills of the Himalayas spreadingright up to the shores of the Bay of Bengal. Spaceor accommodation inside the Garrison wasscarce for the new battalion. Therefore, thenewly raised battalion was housed in few largeand small sheds in the area Sholoshohor.Lieutenant Colonel Abdur Rashid Janjua wasmade the commanding officer while Major ZiaurRahman was made the second in command ofthe 8th battalion. Ziaur Rahman had been in theimmediate past, the second in command ofsecond battalion of the East Bengal Regimentlocated at a place called Joydevpur, which isnow over-shadowed by new name calledGazipur, 25 kilometers north from Dhaka.Generally all Bengali officers and men in thebattalions of the East Bengal Regiment located inthe-then East Pakistan were following thepolitical events of the country, then, carefully.

Chittagong was a port city. Soldiers as well asarms and ammunition had been arriving fromthe port city of Karachi in West Pakistan. Themilitary build-up could not be neglected. MajorZiaur Rahman and other Bengali officerscarefully prepared themselves for anyeventuality. The officers and men weredesperate to fight for a new independentcountry. But the direction needed to come fromthe Bengali political leadership in Dhaka. TheAwami League of the nineteen sixties under theleadership of (Bangabandhu) Sheikh MujiburRahman prepared the country, in terms ofpolitical awareness.

The month of March 1971 was verytreacherous. The Pakistani military juntaordered a military crackdown on the entirepopulation of erstwhile East Pakistan.Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wasinterned. Officers and men of the East BengalRegiment were instrumental in rising to theoccasion. Major Ziaur Rahman took theleadership, took the initiative and revolted. Fewminutes past the midnight; the date in thecalendar was 26th of March 1971. Ziaur Rahmantold his men assembled in the courtyard of the


maj geN s miBrahim

Article

A letter in memory of Selim

sheds: “We revolt. We will fight for independent Bangladesh.We will urge our countrymen to join us.” On the 27th ofMarch, Ziaur Rahman was in the radio station located atKalurghat little away from the city center, in Chittagong. Hedeclared independence of Bangladesh over the radio; peoplenear and away heard. He also said, we do so in the name ofour great and supreme leader Bangabandhu Sheikh MujiburRahman.

The second battalion of the East Bengal Regiment wasspread in three different locations. I was in the headquartersat Joydevpur. Our journey started in the evening at 5 pm. Thenine months were busy as well as rewarding. I fought. Wefought. The countrymen supported us, helped us and prayedfor us. We had a very friendly neighbor in the large countrycalled India. They gave us all that was needed to sustain thewar, to advance our cause. We expanded. India helped ustrain new men to fight for our country. India provided usfood, clothing and shelter. India gave us weapons. And ofcourse, India stood as a friend of the people of Bangladesh inthe international arena. Towards the end of November 1971,India warmed up for major offensive. On 3rd December 1971,India and Pakistan were in a declared war against each other.India and Pakistan had not been friendly neighbor since thebirth of both of them in 1947. India wanted to cut Pakistan tosize. 1971 provided a golden opportunity. The excuse wasBangladesh. It was a historic coincidence that the interest ofBangladesh in 1971 and the interest ofIndia in 1971 were similar to a large part.Millions of Bangladesh laid down theirlives for an independent country.Thousands of Indian military officersand soldiers also laid down their lives foran independent Bangladesh; albeit for aBangladesh friendly to India.

The memories of the war of liberationare fresh in the minds of the freedomfighters. The government of Bangladesh,while Bangabandhu was the supreme,bestowed the honor of 'Bir Protik' on mealong with 300 or so other valiant fighters. Many freedomfighters of 1971 are no more living. Many have passed awayin natural process. I recall those who laid down their lives inthe battlefield. I recall those who laid down their lives afterthe war. I remember my battalion, the Second East BengalRegiment. I recall my first commanding officer LieutenantColonel Masoudul Hossain Khan who was nearly a fatherfigure to Ibrahim at 21 years; he is now late. The battalionrevolted under the leadership of the-then Major KMShafiullah who became Commanding Officer of the battalion,then became sector commander of Sector 3 and lastly becamecommander of S Force. Between April 1972 and August 1975he was the professional head of Bangladesh Army; myregards to the General who is luckily still hale and hearty.General Safiullah is a ‘Bir Uttom’ I recall Major MoinulHossain Chowdhury, later a ‘Bir Bikrom’ and a MajorGeneral, Major Nurul Islam later a Major General and aMinister, Captain Abu Saleh Mohammad Nasim later a ‘BirBirkrom’ and as a Lieutenant General the Chief of BangladeshArmy. Major General Azizur Rahman Bir Uttom was a youngCaptain; and my regards for him also. My last salute is forSecond Lieutenant Kamrul Hasan Selim.

Selim was one of those courageous young students wholeft their studies to join the war of liberation as a fighter. I sawhim in mid April 1971 for the first time. The remaining fourmonths he was more often out at nights as a guerrilla fighterto hunt enemy. He was selected with 60 or so other younggentlemen to undergo a short training course between Julyand October 1971. Their training school was in a place calledMurti in Eastern India. The batch was commissioned into thewar-time Bangladesh Army or 9th of October 1971. Selimjoined the Second Battalion of the East Bengal Regiment andsaw through the war till the end.

After the war was over, and the battalion was preparing tosettle down, the battalion went through a different ordeal.The city of Dhaka in 1971 or early 1972 was vastly differentfrom what it is today. Mirpur was a different township. It hadoverwhelmingly large ‘non-Bengali or Bihari’ population.During 1971, they had supported the Pakistani military inDhaka. While the Pakistani military surrendered on 16December 1971, the Biharis kept themselves aloof, andprotected. The Indian army who had taken over the charge ofDhaka soon after the surrender of Pakistanis, did not doenough to bring to township of Mirpur under control. It wasthe 29 January 1972. The Second East Bengal Regiment wastasked to take over Mirpur and ensure the surrender of fewthousand armed anti-Bangladeshi Biharis. Only 24 hoursnotice was given. “Not to question why but to do or die” has

always been the un-spelled dictum ofthe military anywhere in the world. Sowas it with the Second East Bengalalso. On the 30 January 1972, soldiersof Second East Bengal fought terriblebattle with the Biharis in Mirpur.Lieutenant Selim and 39 others laiddown their lives, before they couldobtain the surrender of the Biharis.

Lieutenant Selim and his 39colleagues were the last of martyrs ofthe Bangladesh War of Liberation. Idedicate this column to the memory of

Selim and the 39. In April 1971, Selim was not alone in joiningthe war. His immediate younger brother Anisul Hasan alsojoined the war. Both of them were commissioned on 9October 1971. After the war Anis became a doctor. For the lasttwo decades, Anis has been leading a campaign of fact-finding in respect of war crimes committed in Bangladesh in1971. Selim and Anis have been very dear to me. Selim andthe 39 others of my parent battalion the Second East BengalRegiment were also very dear to me. We fought the wartogether. I shall not forget them; may you the countrymenalso remember them and please keep them in your prayers.Sincerely yours: Major General (Retd) Syed MuhammadIbrahim Bir Protik, now 65+, grandfather of three, stillstriving for a better Bangladesh. On the eve of the VictoryDay 2014. n

Major General Syed Muhammad Ibrahim Bir Protik retired in

June 1996. While in service, he was a graduate of The Royal Staff College

Camberley England as well as the US Army War College. He is a popular

columnist in Bengali and English. He is also a popular participant in

television talk-shows. He leads a political party by the name of

Bangladesh Kallyan Party

Article


father of the NatioN

The concept and practice of multiculturalism isalways a debatable subject. There are severalburning issues erupting in our world which createcontroversial questions of cultural clashes whilethe origins of dissonance are not always religious

or cultural; but political and economic. Unfortunately, as aresult, one culture tries to dominate over other to wipe out socalled “hostile” identities with cultural bullying or moneypower and in most cases political power is used as a tool tosubordinate or demonise the other.

Preservation of ethnic purity is often criticised as an anti-thesis of multiculturalism and harmony, even though the realmeaning of multiculturalism encompasses tolerance andrespect to other civilisations and culture. This process hasindeed created a sense of insecurity among people worldover, especially those who live in other countries asimmigrants.

When we look at the problems related to cultural conflictsdispassionately, the emergent reality is that more than anyidentity or adjustment issue with other religion, it is thechanging nature of economics and struggle for economicpower that leads to community conflicts or religious conflictsor even war among nations. At a closer look, all religionsessentially teach the lessons of tolerance and resilience ratherthan hostility and subordination.

Religion has become the most contentious issue since theend of cold war. Among the religions under attack forcultural and political reasons, Islam stands first. There is adeliberate attempt to project Islam as a monolithic religion,which disregards diversity and pluralism. There is amisconception even among scholars that the anti-Islamsentiments were by-products of 9/11 and Talibanization. Butin reality it is not true. The speed and pace of economicgrowth in some Islamic countries and their huge naturalresources base have played a vital role in defining andredefining global attitude towards Islam - both political andcultural dimensions.

Western media has successfully projected the image ofIslam in accordance with their immediate political andeconomic concerns. There was hardly any attempt on theirpart to study and explore the spirit and content of Islam as areligion practised by millions of people across the world.Instead there is a tendency to equate militancy and

extremism with the very fabric of Islam. Even the BritishCommission on Muslims views that a deep dislike of Islam isnot a new phenomenon in our society. What is new is the wayit is articulated by those sections of society who claim themantle of secularism, liberalism and tolerance. They are at theforefront of the fight against racism and against Islam andMuslims at the same time. They preach equality for all, yetturn a blind eye to the fact that Western society sometimesoffers unequal opportunities for Muslim.

There is also another common misconception thatterrorism originated in west Asia and its global religiousaffiliation is Islam. But it is absolutely wrong. Terrorism hasroots in Europe. The history of genocide, brutal victimisation,etcetera dates back to pre-cold war Europe. Even thoughthere is no denying fact that there are militant organisationsfunctioning under the banner of Islam like Al-Qaeda,majority of the Muslims negates extremism in any form andcontent.

When we analyse the growth and development of Al-Qaeda or any such terrorist movement, USA’s imperialisticinvolvement is evident. Once upon a time Osama wasWashington’s ally. There are several other cases as well.There is no doubt that Talibanization or any type offundamentalism needs to be checked. However, it is notpolitically correct to brand or demonise all the countries ormovements which attack hegemony of Western culture anddeclaring the political weapon of “war on terror” on them

As a religion and culture, Islam provides sufficient spacefor reform though there are certain basic features whichcannot be altered as it essentially constitute the “Islamicidentity.” However, in social realms, this “identity” does notnegate or disrespect any other religion or culture. To each tohis own (Lakum deen na kum waliudeen).

Islamic way of life neither comes in conflict with othercultures nor does it close the social spaces for discourse andinteraction with other culture. Hence it is painful to viewIslam being contextualized and positioned as an entityopposite to and intolerant of the so-called democratic andliberal ideals and values for which the west stands for. This isoften articulated through an onslaught on Muslims as ahegemonic community, where the religion of Islam isemployed as a battering ram: a religion that is conceived anddetermined to be either uniquely evil or uniquely backward.

Out of the Box


multiculturalism,tolerance and IslamPluralism is the key to harmony in a multicultural world

by WAJiD Ali KhAn PAnni

Islam is often equated withTaliban and headscarf is beingseen as an embodiment ofsubordination of women.Even in the 90s, Netherlandsand some other Europeancountries discussed the issueof headscarf to project it as aconflict between Islam andmodern liberal ideas ofcitizenship and public sphere.The terrorist attacks in theUnited States and Britainmade such false claims morepopular. In 2005, during thedebate on terrorismprevention, some right wing membersstrongly argued that burkhas are womenunfriendly and creates security threat inpublic places. Instead of recognising andsubsequently creating moral and culturalspace for other religious beliefs, attemptswere made to reject the religioussentiments and identity consciousness ofMuslim women and to homogenise theentire community into the dominantculture and identity.

When the Taliban came into power inAfghanistan and wrong interpretation ofIslam was given especially on the role ofwomen, there was wide spread criticismacross the world. But there was no suchcry when negation of identity wasinitiated in Western Europe. Both aredifferent sides of same coin - one projects itself asfundamental Islam and the other put the veil of democracyand liberalism to cover the face of hegemony andhomogenisation. Both are equally disastrous as far as religionas a redeeming force is concerned. Wearing headscarf orturban in public places - to express ones identity explicitly - ismore honest than preaching the sentiments of liberaldemocratic values on one hand and practising the politics ofimperialism and cultural hegemony on the other.

More and more, one hears about homogenisation takingplace ostensibly to deal with the threats faced byglobalisation. What is happening is actually cultural bullyingto wipe out identities to enable a sinister kind of mass publicwho will react similarly and predictably in an acceptableresponse level - acceptable to the powers that be.

The reasons why people feel threatened is that their ownindigenous base within the diversities of the world aregetting threatened by large scale out - migration of their ownkind and large scale in - migration of distinct foreigners whoare making the land home to the extent of even changing theheritage landscape. International travellers often face insultand humiliation in airports whether it is Sharukh Khan orAPJ Abdul Kalam. This is more acute in the case of peoplewho wear dresses expressing his or her religious identity.Stereotyping and demonising of Muslims as extremists putspeople into predetermined moulds. This is actually the resultof poor knowledge about the other religion and culture.

There is also the element of small-time prejudice gettingthe upper hand in such situations where travel staff goes by

perceptible signs fromclothing and speech accents tocome to dubious conclusions.Such hubs are known for theirharassment of internationaltravellers who become softtargets for the first contactpoint in a foreign country.Nevertheless there are severalMuslims peacefully living inUSA and Europe withoutcausing any disruption insociety or culture even thoughmajority of them continuepractising Islam as their wayof life. Irrespective of the

nature of the current debates andarguments surroundingmulticulturalism, neither Islam norMuslims are incompatible with eitherliberalism or multiculturalism.

The events of 9/11, 7/7 and 21/7 werenot therefore evidence thatmulticulturalism is no more, nor eventhat certain communities and religionsneeded to be vilified. The reality is indeedquite the opposite.

The key factor to protectmulticulturalism in the contemporaryworld is to realize and accept theessential uniqueness of each religion andculture whether it is backward or modernas per the stereotype criteria. As far asIslam is concerned, movement for reform

- if there is a felt need - should emerge within that culture andreligion. It should not be a ”prescription sheet” given byothers who condemn the culture or those who believe thatcontemporary Islam - as a religion, practice and politics - isessentially a threat to multiculturalism. The definition,content and discourse on Islam should not be somethingdetermined by either Al-Qaeda or USA.

There are number of terrorist outfits which are not Islamicat all. There are several wars, which the USA and othercountries fought in which Islamic countries were not a party.Hence, any effort to brand Islam as a “threat” and creator of“clash of civilisations” will only lead to wrong assumptionsand further polarisations in society. Mutual respect andresilience should be the bottom line when the geographicalbarriers dividing countries are getting blurred and redrawn.

The key to harmony in a multicultural world is tounderstand that every culture is inherently plural andporous. Culture and religion evolves over centuries and thecontent will be refined in tune with the time. What we can dois to celebrate diversity as a positive corollary of peaceful co-existence. The branding and exclusion of a particular religionwill not support the future of multiculturalism. Rather,liberal democracy and multiculturalism should be practisedthrough recognition and respect towards other religiousbeliefs with a strong conviction that their specific culturalidentity will not hamper the scope for the collectiveconsciousness of the mainstream society.n

The writer is former Deputy Foreign Minister and High Commissioner of Bangladesh

Out of the Box


In 2005, during the debate on

terrorism prevention, some right

wing members strongly argued that

burkhas are women unfriendly and

creates security threat in public

places. Instead of recognising and

subsequently creating moral and

cultural space for other religious

beliefs, attempts were made to

reject the religious sentiments and

identity consciousness of Muslim

women and to homogenise the

entire community into the dominant

culture and identity.

The lack of economic opportunities forthe populace in Afghanistan is a majorimpediment to peace and stability.Without an adequate industrial baseand/or agriculture infra-structure,

guns for hire in abundance as a means to findingincome is neither conducive neither for foreigndirect investment (FDI) nor domesticentrepreneurial initiatives. That a small elitecabal with fixed mindsets returned after the fallof the Taliban to occupy seats of power in Kabuldoes not help.

Economic resurgence for land-lockedcountries requires facilitating trade to andthrough their territory. EastWest Institute(EWI), a NY-based leading US think tank headedby Ross Perot Jr, initiated the “Abu DhabiProcess”, a cross-border trade dialogue co-funded by Abu Dhabi and Germany, betweenAfghanistan and the countries on its periphery.Hosted by EWI, the recent Istanbul conferenceencouraged businesses in South and CentralAsia to themselves take necessary initiatives tounlock trade and kickstart the war-ravagedAfghan economy.

For the short term the recommended “waysforward” included (a) Regional Business Councilcomprising influential business leaders from

Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Iran, CARs, Turkeyand Iran (b) one window custom clearancesystems by Afghanistan and improved bordersources at Torghundi, Hairatan, Torkham,Chaman, Wagah and Sher Khan Bandar andother border points to reduce time and cost ofcrossing (c) generous visa regime to enablebusinesses to move around easily (underSAARC for the short term and EconomicCooperation Organisation (ECO) for the longterm) (d) regional entrepreneurship exchangeprograms to promote trade and investmentopportunities.

The mid-term recommendations included (a) aunified transaction mechanism system andregional banking framework (b) standardizingAfghan tax structure to entice businessinvestment and (c) a Free Trade Zone (FTZ) inFederally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) ofPakistan. The long term recommendations were(a) a regional infrastructure trust fund (Donors:India, Turkey, China, Russia, Pakistan andAfghanistan) to invest on designing, developing& expanding transport means such as railwaysand (b) the implementation of CASA – 1000,TAPI Projects and regional energy projects(without mention by name of Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline). The threat of US


RE-CONNECtING

AFGHANIStAN

afghaN farmers work oN a wheat field iN NaNgarhar proviNce

ikram sehgal

Guest Column

Hosted by EWI,

the recent Istanbul

conference

encouraged

businesses in

South and Central

Asia to themselves

take necessary

initiatives to unlock

trade and kickstart

the war-ravaged

Afghan economy.

sanctions remain, and while Pakistan has nointention of bucking that, the Iranian portion is inplace at the border at two places, 70 kms fromGwadar and 250 kms to connect into the extensivePakistani gas pipeline infra-structure, withplanned connections into FATA and Swat.

Recent significant and symbolic events confirmthat Ashraf Ghani is a game-changer in thecontext of Pakistan-Afghanistan relationship. Toquote “The Making of History” dated Nov 20,2014, “Throwing aside diplomatic norms, theAfghanistan’s President visited GHQimmediately after landing at Islamabad. A foreignHead of State heading straight towards a militaryHQ on arrival carries a lot more than ceremonialimportance, the Afghan President means businessbecause he well understands where the realpower concerning national security rests. AshrafGhani described his discussions later with thePakistani PM as “a shared vision to serve as theheart of Asia, ensuring economic integration byenhancing connectivity between South andCentral Asia through energy, gas and oilpipelines becoming a reality and not remaining adream. The narrative for the future must includethe most neglected of our people to becomestakeholders in a prosperous economy in stableand peaceful countries, our faiths are linkedbecause terror knows no boundaries. We haveovercome obstacles of 13 years in three days, wewill not permit the past to destroy the future.”

How will the Afghan President overcome the hatePakistani mindset of a few Kabuli diehards, someof these ingrates even born and educated inPakistan, who must even now be conspiring tocut him down to size?

That the future would not be held hostage bythe past was symbolised by the US repatriating(with Afghan consent) Latif Mehsud alongwithtwo other militant commanders from Bagram intoPakistani custody. My article, “Malala’s Theme”,of a year ago Oct 31, 2013, said, “The capture ofthe senior leader of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan(TTP), Hakeemullah Mehsud’s No 2, by USSpecial Forces represents the “smoking gun”about the Afghan regime’s sustained involvementin terrorism in Pakistan. In the company ofAfghan National Directorate of Security (NDS)agents taking their prized asset to Kabul to meetsenior govt officials, Latif Mehsud wassimultaneously on the American “most wantedlist”. India’s Research & Analysis Wing (RAW), isusing the NDS as a proxy to sustain and supportTTP’s brutal campaign within Pakistan. To theircredit, despite Karzai’s fury at the US for hiscapture (Daily Telegraph Oct 13, 2013) cut no icewith them, the US signalled that as their enemyLatif Mehsud would remain in their custody.”The act of handing over this terrorist is aconfidence-building measure that will reduce thetrust deficit and build on the excellent fastdeveloping working relationship.

Realpolitik is the product of cold calculatedpragmatism based on economics. Afghanistanwill make billions of US dollars from system-collected royalties from the “Central AsianCorridor” passing through their geographicallocation. Without a continuous flow of gas andpower, economic resurgence in Pakistan willremain moribund. The EWI’s Abu Dhabi Processemphasizes that the entire region stands to gainexponentially from constructive trade andcommerce engagement.

Afghanistan has finally found its “man ofdestiny” in Ashraf Ghani. How long before someleader in Pakistan rises above self, selfishness andgreed for the sake of the country?n


workers at the kaBul milli factory haNdcraft comBat Boots

Guest Column

afghaN womeN at a textile factory iN kaBul

Realpolitik is the product of cold

calculated pragmatism based on

economics. Afghanistan will make

billions of US dollars from system-

collected royalties from the “Central

Asian Corridor” passing through their

geographical location. Without a

continuous flow of gas and power,

economic resurgence in Pakistan

will remain moribund.

Over 15,000 foreign jihadistsfrom 80 countries arebelieved to be fightingalongside militants inSyria, the CIA says. The

Syrian war is estimated to havemobilized more European Islamiststhan all the foreign wars of the last 20years combined.

What to do when the jihadists try toreturn home? Many of them might betrained to wage jihad against theirhome countries. The danger is, asDaniel Byman and Jeremy Shapirowrite in the current issue of ForeignAffairs, “the returned fighter seasonedby battle acquires a new authorityamong his old friends and followers onsocial media- a street cred that allowshim to recruit and radicalize others andsend them into the fray.” On the otherhand because of the use of social mediawhere the returnee sometimes bragsabout his exploits and adventures itbecomes easy for the intelligenceservices both to track him down andknow who he is trying to reach.

The threat posed by returningjihadists is too often hyped by bothWestern politicians and the media. Thenumber that go to fight from Westerncountries is only about 2,500. Of courseeven if only 25% at some point returnthat could be enough to cause mayhem,if that is what they are intent on doing.

The impression that one used to get isthat until a few months ago the jihadistsdidn’t think that much about their

home countries. They were driven notby the wrongs at home but by theclarion call of the ultra militants of theirMuslim sect, the Sunni, who want tocut down the Shiites and establish theirown caliphate. But now Westernairstrikes on the Sunni fighters of theIslamic State by Western and Arab Gulfnations are well established- theybegan in August- there is talk amongthe foreign fighters about bringinghome the war in revenge.

Even so the situation must be kept inproportion. It used to be said therewould be “blowback” from the war inIraq. It didn’t happen. Second, many ofthese volunteers will never return asthey will die in combat- the ferocity ofthe present fighting exceeds that ofother recent conflicts- or join newmilitary campaigns elsewhere or returnhome disillusioned and peacefullyinclined. Third, thanks to pervasiveintelligence they are often arrested ontheir return. This year alone the UKpolice say they have arrested 218returnees and 40 British citizens areawaiting trial on terrorism charges. InEurope five terrorist plots have beenfoiled but there has been no serioussuccessful terrorism on European orAmerican soil for a number of years.Fourth, the number of returnees whoare still militants is not particularlylarge. One study found that only one innine Western fighters who went abroadbetween 1990 and 2010 came backdetermined to attack home targets.

Iraq offers other lessons. During thewar against Iraq, initiated by PresidentGeorge W. Bush and British PrimeMinister Tony Blair, dozens of Muslimsfrom the US and Europe went to fight.Many became even more radicalizedduring the fighting and joined AlQaeda after it established a localaffiliate in 2004. In 2005 the director ofthe CIA, Porter Goss, warned theSenate Select Committee, “Islamistextremists are exploiting the Iraqiconflict to recruit new anti-USjihadists”. In fact terrorists failed toperpetuate attacks in the West, apartfrom a bungled one at Glasgow airportin 2007. (This was carried out not byreturning jihadists but by a tiny groupof home-grown Al-Qaedasympathizers.) The experience of Iraqalso points towards another problemfor jihadism- the infighting amongmilitants. The IS jihadists have to lookthree ways- towards the governmentsof Syria and Iraq, towards the dangerfrom the sky and the threat from theless extreme militants in Syria whoalthough fighting the regime ofPresident Bashar al-Assad want to seeIS eradicated.

But what to do about those who dotry and return home to wage war? TheUK government already has a policy inplace that allows it to seize thepassports of those it suspects ofterrorism.

That is one way to go. Another aspracticed in Saudi Arabia and Denmarkis to develop policies that wouldreintegrate them back into normalsociety.

In Aarhus in Denmark returningjihadists are met with counselling andcareers advice rather than jail.

The thinking behind the Aarhusmodel is straightforward. Many ofthose who left were young men, somewith few prospects, who didn’t feelwelcome in Danish society.Interrogating and arresting them ontheir arrival could further radicalisethem, but engaging them in dialoguemight not.

In Saudi Arabia there are special(comfortable) detention facilities wherereturnees can learn true Islamicteaching, get counseling frompsychologists, and get job training.

It doesn’t always bear fruit but oftenenough it does. There is no realworkable alternative.n


International

Blowback of the foreign jihadists?by JOnAThAn POWErz

Abrief though recalcitranthandshake betweenPakistani Prime MinisterNawaz Sharif and hisIndian counterpart

Narendra Modi seems to have salvagedthe eighteenth Saarc summit inKathmandu. Throughout the first-dayproceedings, the two leaders sitting onthe same dais were seen childishlysharing frosty vibes, not even lookingat each other. The next day, at the post-summit informal retreat at Dhulikhel, asuburban resort outside Kathmandu, itwas at the urging of the host, Nepal’sPrime Minister, Sushil Koirala, thatthey were wheedled into each other forthe much-awaited handshake.

If anything, this episode made onething clear. The future of Saarc as aregional cooperation organisationremains hostage to the troubled India-Pakistan relationship. Both share theresponsibility for providing the needed‘enabling environment’ of peace andstability free of mistrust and hostilitywithout which no regional cooperativeendeavour anywhere in the world hasworked. With India-Pakistan peace aselusive as ever, there is no prospect ofan early breakthrough towards anymeaningful regional cooperation, muchless the ambitious plans for economicintegration in this vast region.

It is nearly three decades since Saarc

came into being as an expression ofSouth Asia’s collective resolve todevelop a regional cooperativeframework for the socio-economic well-being of the peoples of its member-states. This promise remainsunfulfilled. Saarc has neither improvedthe quality of life in the region, noraccelerated economic growth, socialprogress and cultural development ofits member-states. In fact, economicgrowth indices, with rare exceptions,are static, if not going downwards. Nowonder, South Asia remains one ofpoorest regions in the world with thevast majority of its people still living ingrinding poverty and sub-humanconditions.

Five of the eight Saarc member states— Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan,the Maldives and Nepal — belong tothe UN’s category of Least DevelopedCountries or LDCs. With its unbrokenlegacy of poverty, hunger, disease,illiteracy and conflict, Saarc, as aregional cooperation organisation, hasnot gone beyond declaratorypronouncements with no tangible

achievement to its credit. We just hadyet another high-sounding but low-yield 36-point declaration adopted atthe Kathmandu summit, which was nomore than a rehash of the same oldfamiliar summitry reaffirmations andreiterations that never had any practicalvalue for the peoples of this region.

There is something fundamentallywrong that keeps this region fromdeveloping a genuine regional impulse.We have been hearing the samerhetoric at every Saarc summit fromour leaders “reaffirming” theircommitment to the principles andobjectives outlined in the Saarc Charter.These pronouncements are a reflectionof the only ‘consensus’ that we seem tohave developed at the regional level,acknowledging the grim reality thatSaarc, during the last three decades ofits existence has just not lived up to itspromise and potential. Prime MinisterModi, in his debut speech at theKathmandu summit, could not havebeen more candid in depicting theregion’s dilemma.

“When we speak of Saarc, we usually

Region I Pakistan


SO CLOSE yEt SO FARby ShAMShAD AhMAD

hear two reactions — cynicism andscepticism. This, sadly, is in a regionthrobbing with the optimism of ouryouth. Let us work to change cynicisminto optimism,” he said, adding “asSaarc, we have failed to move with thespeed that our people expect and want.Nowhere in the world are collectiveefforts more urgent than in South Asia; and, nowhere else is it so modest.”What he rightly meant was that SouthAsia is out-of-step with other regions ofthe world, which have been able totranscend their differences anddisputes, moving on a steady course toeconomic growth and regionalintegration.

Speaking from a prepared text inEnglish, Prime Minister Modi suddenlybroke into Hindi:“Hum paas paas hainpar saath saath nahin. Saath saathhoney se taqat kai guna barh jaati hai”(We are neighbours but we are nottogether. By staying together, ourstrength can increase manifold).” Headmitted: “India, too, has its share ofresponsibility because of its size andlocation. I know India has to lead, andwe will do our part. I hope each of youwill, too.” He then reiterated what hispredecessor Manmohan Singh, too, hadsuggested — the need for improvedconnectivity in the region. Surely,‘connectivity’ — physical, economicand of the mind will enable the regionto come together and fully tap itspotential.

If Prime Minister Modi is a man ofvision, he would know what really iswrong with Saarc. It is not just povertyand backwardness in the region. It isSouth Asia’s geopolitical peculiarity in

which all Saarc countries share a borderwith the largest state of the region,India, but not with one another. Thisunique geographic feature limits thescope of cooperation to a great degree.It makes transit trade difficult, sincethere remains no room for bypassingIndian borders, granting India a virtualcontrol over all proposals for intra-regional cooperation.

India, because of its sheer size andcentrality, stands more or less alone asan exclusive ‘power’ without having tobe identified in tandem with the rest ofthe countries in the region, some ofwhich, like Bangladesh and Pakistan interms of population, are not that smallin the global rankings. India’sgeographical centrality also gives riseto a host of border conflicts and waterdisputes in the region all of which

involve India. In essence, it is thesebilateral disputes that have kept Saarcfrom delivering on its promise andpotential.

While other regional organisationsaround the world, including theEuropean Union and Asean, havemoved ahead in political harmony,Saarc remains fraught with centrifugaltendencies and mutual mistrust fromthe very beginning. Absence of anintra-regional dispute settlementmechanism has severely limited itscapacity to contribute to regional peace,security and development withoutwhich there can be no meaningfulprogress in socio-economic andcultural cooperation in the region.

For an enabling environment, SouthAsia must free itself of tensions,conflicts and escalating militarybudgets for which the onus rests solelywith India. Durable peace is sine quanon for South Asia’s stalemated processof regional cooperation. Also, the‘connectivity’ that India now seeksthrough Pakistan into Central Asia andEurope depends on its ability to settleits disputes with Pakistan, includingthe Kashmir issue.

It is time South Asia, so rich inhistory, culture, and material andhuman resources, rediscovered its loststrength and indivisible identity tobuild dividends of peace andprosperity rooted in common intereststo be able to play a balancing role onregional and global levels. But are wesure about India?n[The writer is a former foreign secretary of Pakistan.]

Region I Pakistan


Nawaz sharif with sushil koirala

West Bengal chiefminister MamataBanerjee says theOctober 2 bomb blastin Burdwan was

engineered by the Research & AnalysisWing, the Centre’s spy agency. Herpolitical rivals, especially those of thesaffron hue, say she has allowedterrorism to thrive in her state byallowing the influx of people fromBangladesh, illegals who are thenforced to vote for her TrinamoolCongress. Who is speaking the truth?

Inherent in Mamata’s loaded publicdeclaration is the idea that the rulingBJP is using central agencies to try todestabilise her government.

Of course, it is not difficult to seewhere the push is ultimately comingfrom: the CBI is after key Trinamoolleaders involved in chit-fund scams; theNIA seems intent on discovering terrornetworks in her state that extend toIslamist groups across the border inBangladesh. The TMC is also feeling thethreat at the ground level and at the

grassroots: the BJP’s voteshare has shotup from six per cent in the 2009 generalelections to 17 per cent in 2014. It is nowthe TMC’s main rival in the state; theLeft and the Congress are way behind,reduced to their core vote. So the onlyway ahead for the BJP is to makeinroads into the TMC’s 34 per centvoteshare. Creating new crises andfanning the fires of existing criseswould swing public opinion against theTMC government and aggregatesupport for the BJP. So are centralagencies working towards that end?Supposedly neutral agencies like NIA,CBI and RAW are known to bend topoliticians’ will. Why else would theCBI suddenly crack down upon chit-funds now and not when TMC was anally in UPA-II?

I recently visited the madrassa inShimulia, a remote village in Burdwandistrict, where two women arrested inconnection with the blast hadreportedly received training in bomb-making, I was struck by its sheertininess. In the midst of expanses of

green paddy, the yellow mud huthardly looked like a den of jehadistactivity. “The girls who studied herewere just like us,” 27-year-old TaslimaKhatoon, who lives in one of the nearbyhamlets, said. But the presence of topofficers of NIA tells a different tale.And it has been enough for Bengal’spolitical opposition to declare that thechief minister is abetting terrorists. Themedia, for now, is giving the benefit ofdoubt to the opposition.

Weakening her case is the fact thatMamata’s accusations are full ofcontradictions. And Bengal police havecome with not a shred of evidence toback them; moreover, it was Bengalpolice that arrested Sajjid, the allegedmastermind, and even claimed the Rs10 lakh announced by the NIA for hisarrest. It was state police that had takencharge of the blast site immediatelyafter it took place. It was stateinvestigators who took possession ofthe bombs found in the house and hadthem safely detonated in controlledconditions. In fact, this lends credenceto the agencies’ findings of a terrornetwork in Bengal. The NIA arrivedmuch later and is in fact working withthe Bengal cops.

It must be noted that NIA has notuttered a word against the Bengaladministration so far. When I asked anNIA official if there was fullcooperation by the state, he replied,“There are no issues.” The NIA isdoing its job probing the blast. And ifthe BJP is using the NIA for its own endin any way, it is only doing so byhighlighting the agency’s presence inthe state, thereby raising disturbingquestions in the minds of voters. So no,RAW almost certainly did not plant thebomb or organise and execute the blast.But since a bomb did go off in Bengal,the BJP, to be sure, is cranking out somemileage.

What about Mamata? Is she abettingterrorists then? The presence ofterrorism in Bengal, if at all, is anintelligence failure at the national level.If an accidental blast in her state revealsa breach of security, it does not makethe chief minister of that state aterrorist. Even the Indian Parliamentwas attacked. So to answer our firstquestion. Neither is speaking the truth.Each is manipulating public opinionwith an eye to the elections.n

Region I India


Cut, thrust And Boom!The BJP sees its main chance

to embarrass Mamata

by DOlA MiTrA

mamata marched iN protest agaiNst the ceNtre iN a calcutta rally

The wall is awash with coloursof the earth, ochre, brown,orange, with equally earthytextures. Here there are nobricks, sands, rods and

cement of the conventional structures.Abdun Nime works blithely, applyinglayers of soil in various hues.

Abdun Nine doesn't have aconventional degree in architecture.However, the method of constructionhe has created adds a new dimension tothe country's mainstream architecture.

The main component of his work isearth, plain and simple mud. He hascreated a unique composition ofpowdered soil, brick chips and water.He places this in a wooden frame andrams it down compactly and thusmakes a wall. This new buildingtechnology results in beautiful wallswith colours of the soil in aestheticdesigns.

Buildings houses with mud, ofcourse, is nothing new. This is theoriginal and traditional form ofconstruction in the region. Throughtechnology transfer, Abdun Nime isgiving a new look to an old culture. Themud house which was once the humbleabode of the rural poor, in Nime'shands has become a part of urban

architectural elegance. His mud wallshave been used for cottages,bungalows, cafes, in five-star hotelinteriors and so on.

Nime says, mud has long been usedin our villages for building houses, butdue to lack of technological know-how,the traditional method of suchconstruction has its shortfalls. Rats,termites and other animals gnaw awayat the walls and eventually destroythem. But this new technology is bothenvironment-friendly and resistant torodents and termites.

Nime was born and brought up in avillage of Shailakupa of Jhenaidah. Hepicked up building constructiontechnology from the Housing andResearch Institute in the capital city.

In 2007 this government organisationheld a workshop on low-cost,indigenous-product and environment-friendly home construction methods.Abdun Nine joined this workshopalongside young and establishedarchitects of the country. The workshopwas run by Prof. Martin Roche ofAustria's Linz University. He is knownas the 'mud guru' in Europe because ofhis durable and aesthetically pleasingmud houses.

Under supervision of this mud guru,soil was rammed and a small buildingwas constructed on the compound ofthe Housing and Research Institute.Martin Roche was quite taken in byAbdun Nimes's enthusiasm and skill inthis method of construction. Nime wasgiven an offer to go to Austria which heaccepted.

In 2008 Nime got the opportunity tostudy earth structure at Linz Universityin Austria. He returned home in 2011after a two-year course and workedwith leading architects of the country.He has completed 17 projects so far.This includes structures in Six Seasonsrestaurant in Dhaka, Radisson Blu inChittagong and a bungalow of formercaretaker government advisor TapanChowdhury, in Sylhet.

Nime said, "I was asked to stay backin Austria, but I returned. Those whowork on earth structure there, haveonly six varieties of soil, but I felt inBangladesh there are much morevarieties of earth. So far I have found 16different varieties here."

Nime loves cycling. After passing hisSSC exam in 1990, he and his friendstoured the entire country by cycle inthree months, 26 days. He was amazedby the environment, nature andbiodiversity of the various areas. It wasthis that drew him to landscaping in hisprofessional career. He now works withtrees, shrubs, creepers, flowers andbutterflies on one hand, and earth ofvarious hues on the other.

Nime says, "I am working with trees,creepers, flowers and the earth of thiscountry. This is my joy."n

Architecture


Back to the basicsAbdun Nime's houses of mud

by ShAfiq rAhMAn

When the workers andthe people announcedthat they would accorda reception forBangabandhu at the

Paltan Maidan on 7 June, on theoccasion of the Six-Point Day, we alsodecided to felicitate him on behalf ofthe Zahur Bahini (named in memory ofShaheed Sergeant Zahurul Huq). Ameeting of Chhatra League's top pro-independent leaders and selectedactivists was held on 6 June evening atthe students union room of theEngineering University's AhsanullahHall, in order to discuss the matter indetail.

At this meeting it was decided togreet Bangabandhu in a military-likemanner and, on behalf of the ZahurBahini, present him with a symbolicflag. When everyone reached aconsensus on this, suggestions begancoming in about how this flag shouldbe designed. Shahjahan Siraj firstsuggested a red sun and when this wasagreed upon, the next question wasabout the background of the flag. Awhite background would make it likethe Japanese flag and so green waschosen. It was appropriate forBangladesh, but then Pakistan's flagwas green too and so this was dropped.Artist Shiv Narayan Das was with us atthe time and he suggested a dark greenbackground. His interpretation was,"Since we believe that independence isonly possible through bloodshed andsacrifice, dark green is appropriatebecause if you mix green with red, itbecomes dark green." His explanationwas accepted by all and the dark greencolour of the flag was finalised. Nextthe proposal came that since we, themembers of Zahur Bahini, believed inthe independence of Bangladesh, wedecided to clear any possible confusionand have the map of Bangladesh, asymbol of Golden Bengal, in the centreof the red sun. This too was agreedupon by all.

Discussions had continued late oninto the night and suddenly we realisedwe would have to arrange for the clothfabric to make the flag. ChhatraLeague's General Secretary ASMAbdur Rab, who was present there, wasgiven this responsibility. Kamrul AmanKhasru was sent to New Market wherehe got a shop opened up and collectedlengths of dark green and red cloth and

a can of gold paint. Then Nazrul Islamof Jagannath College (martyred in theindependence struggle) and ChhatraLeague central committee AssistantSecretary Ekramul Huq went to Balakabuilding's second floor, to a tailor shopcalled Pak Fashion, next to the ChhatraLeague office there. They woke thetailor and got the flag sewed.

Late at night the flag was brought toShiv Narayan Das to paint in thegolden map, but he didn't have the

correct brush. He only had thickbrushes to write posters with, so heresorted to his own creativity and satup all night in Room 118 of Iqbal Hall,dipping matchsticks in the can of paintand painting the golden map ofBangladesh in the centre of the flag.

In the morning when he finishedpainting the flag, Shiv Narayan hung itup to dry on the window of Room 118.The sun was just rising outside and theroom was aglow with the golden mapof the flag.

On 7 June, 1970, we gathered at theShaheed Minar in the morning andalong with the hand-picked membersof Zahur Bahini, we marched to thebeat of the band to Paltan Maidan,along with the new flag. Preparationswere on there for Bangabandhu'sreception. As we had planned, on ourbehalf ASM Abdur Rab salutedBangabandhu military style, kneltbefore him and presented him with theflag. Bangabandhu greeted him andaccepted the flag. Bangabandhu waswell aware of Chhatra League's viewsand character at the time. So when hetook the flag in hand, he understoodwhat it was all about. He smiled atASM Abdur Rab and handed the flag toSheikh Kamal who was standing by hisside. At the end of the meeting, Sheikh

Revelations and Recollections


the flag of red and green

In the regular column

'Revelations and Recollections',

we present excerpts of books

which reflect the events and

essence of the nation's

contemporary history. These

records of the past help us in

comprehending the present. This week's excerpt is from Mujib

Bahini member sheikh mohammed zahid hossain's

Muktijuddhey Chhatra League O Bangladesh Liberation Force

[Chhatra League in the Liberation War and Bangladesh

Liberation Force]. The book was published by Ankur

Prokashoni on 21 March 2002.

Kamal handed me the flag, saying, "Itwon't be safe to keep this flag at home.You keep it." I brought the flag home. Ifolded it and kept it on shelf in myroom. So much was happening allaround, I forgot about the flag. On 21February 1971, school, colleges andregional units brought out so manybrochures and I kept them on my shelf,all piled up upon the flag.

On 1 March 1971 Pakistan's PresidentYahya Khan announced through anunscheduled speech over the radio thatthe national assembly session wassuspended. Immediately the variousunits of Chhatra League in Dhaka,including the Jagannath College unit,brought out demonstrations and on 2March Chhatra declared a hartal(general strike), calling for students togather at the Bot-tola of DhakaUniversity in the morning and a publicmeeting at Paltan Maidan in theafternoon.

On the morning of 2 March the boysin my neighbourhood began gatheringat my house to march in a procession toBot-tola. I told the boys to sit in myroom while I went to prepare for theday. The boys were browsing the 21February brochures on my shelf, whenthe flag slipped out. None of them werea part of Zahur Bahini and knewnothing about the flag, but seeing themap of Bangladesh in the centre, theycaught on straight away. They beganhanding the flag to each other, inspired,enthusiastic and eager. My house wasat Gulbagh then, next to the railwaytracks. A train had left Kamalapurstation for Mymensingh and the boysrushed there. They pulled up a bamboo

and tied the flag to it, then stood on thetracks to block the train. The trainhalted and the passengers got downand gathered there, curious about thenew flag.

By then I was ready and emergedfrom the house to see the students andthe people thronging around the flag.They handed the flag to me and wemarched in a procession towards Bot-tola. We went through Siddheswariand marched past the President'sHouse at Ramna (presently the stateguest house Sugandha) in front of thecurious eyes of the military guards.Then we went through Ramna Parkand Ramna race course (presentlySuhrawardy Uddyan) and finallyreached Bot-tola at Dhaka University.

The meeting had begun before wereached the university.... When wemarched up with the flag held high,there was a resounding response. Thosewho had been listening to the speeches,

stood up and greeted us, clappingloudly. Slogans rang out in the air andthe people made way for me to go tothe stairs. I walked through the meetingto the stairs and handed over the flag toASM Abdur Rab who was standingabove the stairs. ASM Abdur Rab heldthe flag high and waves it. The entireuniversity campus resounded withdeafening slogans. It was not possiblefor anyone to make speeches anyfurther or to carry on with the meeting.The meeting was ended with a call forall to join the public meeting at PaltanMaidan in the afternoon. Processionsleft the meeting with slogans filling theair, preparing for the afternoon'smeeting.

It was an unprecedented scene on 2March at Paltan Maidan gathering ofstudents and the public that afternoon.The students, who had seen the flag atthe morning students' meeting, nowhad made innumerable replicas of theflag, in all sizes, and brought these tothe meeting. We had made this flagwith a dream in our hearts, andthrough an accidental incident, it hadbecome a treasured possession of thepeople.

After that incident of 2 March 1971,General Secretary Shahjahan Siraj readout the independence manifesto at thePaltan Maidan meeting in the presenceof Bangabandhu. Later, at the extendedmeeting of Chhatra League'scommittee, the central committee's VicePresident Swapan Kumar Chowdhury(martyred in the independence war)read out the "independence proposal".This extended meeting went on for fivedays and, in keeping with SwapanKumar Chowdhury's proposal, the"independence manifesto" wasapproved, with the flag and nationalanthem. It was decided to officiallyhoist Bangladesh's flag and read out theindependence manifesto on behalf ofChhatra League at Paltan Maidan on 23March, Pakistan Day. On 23 MarchHasanul Huq Inu raised theBangladesh flag at Paltan Maidan andKamrul Aman Khasru presented a gunsalute by firing blank shots from a .22rifle. Our national anthem "Amar SonarBangla ..." was played over themicrophone.... After the country wasindependent, the map in the middlewas removed for the official nationalflag of the country.n

Revelations and Recollections


I walked through the

meeting to the stairs and

handed over the flag to

ASM Abdur Rab who was

standing above the stairs.

ASM Abdur Rab held the

flag high and waves it.

The entire university

campus resounded with

deafening slogans.

glorious momeNt of the liBeratioN war

Southeast Asia’s biggest andone of the world’s mostrepresentative collections ofIslamic arts stands atop ahillock on Jalan Lembah

Perdana in Kuala Lumpur. Founded in1998, this museum, known simply asthe Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, isone of the anchors of Malaysia’sMuslim identity.

Apart from the priceless relicstherein, the site itself is a prized work ofart. The domes of the museum show upprominently amongst the mesh offlyovers and skyscrapers of KualaLumpur. They are done in cobalt blue,white and turquoise to represent thecharacteristic bright hues of the artfound in Islamic lands towards the endof the medieval ages. The rest of thefaçade is designed in a clean andmodern scale, with squared edges,glass walls and ample windowscleverly positioned to allow for a steadyflow of sunlight even to the hallslocated deeper inside. The roofs of thegalleries are adorned with huge domescoloured in peach, light blue and creamwith gold and silver embellishment.

The display or artifacts and relicsmake it obvious that the Islamic ArtsMuseum Malaysia is committed to

Southeast Asia’s Islamic heritage,which often remains excluded from thediscussion of Islamic history. “Whenyou say Islam, you think Saudi Arabia,you think Iran and Iraq. Rarely would

you think of the Malay peninsula orIndonesia,” says Christoph Hills, aGerman researcher and visitor to themuseum.

The building is divided into 12galleries, dedicated to India, China, theMalay world, ceramics, architecture,Holy Quran and manuscripts, coinsand seals, metal work, woodwork,textiles, jewellery and arms andarmour. The gallery on the Malayworld features pottery, manuscriptsand woodwork bearing the name of theHoly Prophet (pbuh) and praises of thepanjatan — the Holy Prophet (pbuh)and his family. There are engravings onwood of select passages from the HolyQuran. Most important to the collectionare the many scrolls with scripturalverses done in calligraphy — an artform that thrives in Malaysia but hasoften remained overlooked. Thoughcalligraphy originated in Arabia in theform of the Kufic script, it underwentmany modifications as Islam spreadacross different cultures.

Southeast Asia, the most easternlyend of Islam, has its own distinct styleof ornate writing which is said to haveoriginated in the 1300s and is heavilyderivative of the calligraphic trend ofboth India and China. Moreover,

Feature


miNiature model of the iBN tuluN mosQue iN cairo, egypt.

Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia:

In differences, we growby faiza rahmaN

scaled miNiature models of a NumBer of

islamic shriNes aNd mosQues are

displayed iN the architecture gallery

painted textiles, tiles and pots hailingfrom the Malacca Muslim sultanate inMalaysia (1400-1511) seem distinctowing to the softer artistic themes offruits, plants, rains, clouds and otherelements of nature. Ceramics comingout of Persian lands in the same erafeatured more aggressive imagery,such as hunters or even dragons. TheIslamic trends of Malay Archipelagoare, curiously, more influenced by

missionaries hailing from the Indiancoastline than by the Musliminstitutions of China, despite theterritorial proximity of the latter.

While giving the Southeast AsianMuslim identity its due representation,the Islamic Arts Museum allows amplespace to relics from other key Muslimgeographies as well. While allowing foraesthetic pleasure, a pluralistic displayof the sort also has some political utility

since it gives a fair representation of thecultural dissimilarities within the‘Islamic’ category. From the displays ofscrolls inked with praises of the HolyCompanions and God in other-worldlyterms, the museum visitor is able tomove almost immediately towardshistorical tomes on botany, medicineand physics hailing from the Abbasid,Fatimid, Seljuk and Ottoman empires.The contiguous positioning of thesetexts in the gallery allows one toexperience the cosmic and thepragmatic elements of Islamic heritagesimultaneously.

The collection from India consistedlargely of woodwork — lavishly carvedthrones and mimbars (a pulpit in themosque where the imam stands todeliver sermons) from the DelhiSultanate and the Mughal-era. Theengravings were often praises of theruler in Urdu or Persian script or ornatepatterns of leaves and flowers. A keyrelic of this collection is a sword and apowder flask from the personalarmoury of Tipu Sultan (1750-1799), theMuslim king of Mysore.

The most captivating aspect of themuseum is the architecture gallery.Here, scaled miniature models of anumber of Islamic shrines and mosquesare displayed. The accuracy of thesemodels is startling to the beholder.Everything from the famously complexpositioning of the tiles of the Nasiral-Mulk Mosque in Shiraz, Iran to thespiral minaret of the Ibn-e-Tulunmosque, Cairo has been modeled,somewhat accurately, into cardboardand wood. Mosques from various otherIslamic lands have also been modeled,allowing for a valuable study of thesimilarities and differences of Islamicart to visitors. n

photos courtesy: Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia

Feature


the museum displays a compreheNsive collectioN of scale models to emphasise the importaNce of

architecture iN islamic

The collection from Indiaconsisted largely of woodwork- lavishly carved thrones and

mimbars (a pulpit in themosque where the imam

stands to deliver sermons)from the Delhi Sultanate and

the Mughal-era. Theengravings were often praisesof the ruler in Urdu or Persian

script or ornate patterns ofleaves and flowers.

You know winter is herewhen you wake up one finemorning with dry chappedlips and parched skin. Andno matter how much water

you drink, it never seems enough tofully quench your thirst. While thosewith naturally oily skin may welcomethe season, winter can be quite a painfor people with combination or dryskin. Because of lack of naturalmoisture, dry skin wrinkles faster thanoily skin and in winter, if left untreated,it can become rough, itchy and inextreme circumstances, it can appear tocorrode.

Fear not dry-skin kin, there are a fewthings you can do to ensure that yourskin remains soft, supple andmoisturised both from the outside andfrom within, during this ratherunforgiving season. Your skin is thelargest and fastest-growing organ inyour body, so it would be wise to focuson keeping it well. It is a living,breathing organism so what you put onit and inside your body, both affects itshealth.

Use 100 per cent natural coconut oilas a moisturiser and ditch over-the-counter commercially soldmoisturising creams. Coconut oil isincredibly nutritious for your skin andis used as a base for most beautyproducts and creams. It containssaturated fats that eliminate moisturethat is lost through the pores of yourskin. It also behaves as a disinfectantand prevent sores or wounds fromfalling prey to external bacteria.

Coconut oil also contains Vitamin Ewhich is essential for healthy skingrowth, repair of wear and tear on theskin, keeps it smooth and protects

against cracking. It also contains anti-ageing properties and proteins thatkeep the skin healthy, rejuvenated andhelp in cellular repair of the skin.

You can use coconut oil as a base foryour make-up, both as a day and nightcream and as a moisturiser for yourfeet. One tip for the winter season

would be to moisturise your entire skinwith coconut oil before going to bed.You won’t wake up with skin that feelsparched and dry.

You can also keep your skinmoisturised by using natural honey as aface or body wash as it will nourishyour skin and clean it without leaving itdry. Using milk cream as a face packalso helps to nourish and moisturiseyour skin.

For those who have an aloe veraplant at home can cut off a small patchand squeeze the gel out from it to useon their skin. Aloe vera has antiseptic,antifungal and soothing properties thathelp when applied on dry and irritatedskin and can prevent flaking. It will alsoform a protective layer on your skin.

Winter is also the season in whichdandruff thrives. The skin on yourscalp sheds faster than anywhere elseon your body and this process becomesfaster in winter. It would be wise toinvest in a strong anti-dandruffshampoo and use it several times aweek. The correct way of using itwould be to apply coconut or any othernatural hair oil to your hair a couple ofhours before washing. That will serveto nourish and moisturise dry hair. Thesecond step is to use a regular, mildshampoo to wash off impurities thatmay have built up on your scalp, on topof the dandruff itself. And then finally,for the second wash you apply thedandruff shampoo and keep it in for atleast 10-15 minutes before washing itoff. Because you are washing your hairtwice in this process, it would be wiseto moisturise hair beforehand. You canuse a conditioner after the second washbut be careful that it doesn’t reach yourscalp — that can aggravate dandruff.

It goes without saying that you mustdrink as much water as you can — atleast, anywhere between eight to 12glasses a day — to keep yourselfhydrated. Having said that, hydrationdoesn’t work the other way around —showers and long baths serve todehydrate you further and rob yourskin of its natural oil. That doesn’tmean one is suggesting you go withoutshowering or bathing at all, cleanlinessis essential for good health, but try notto overdo it — stick to shorter showersand baths with lukewarm water at mostas hot water dehydrates faster.

Also, moisturise while skin is stilldamp. Pat your skin dry with a towelinstead of rubbing it and then applyyour chosen moisturising agent. n

Life Style


Skincare in winter

by MADEEhA SyED

"You like death, not of yourown, of others." A prisonermakes this barb against

global rulers for their power lust,domination and expansionism. This is aprisoner without any country orgeographical boundary. There is no endto his imprisonment either. Herepresents every moment of everyperson locked behind the invisible barsof this world, down the ages. He is themain charcter of Anika Mahin's playMacabre.

The Centre for Asian Theatre (CAT),the country's first and only professionaltheatre group, stated this play on 7December at the Jatiya Natyashala ofShilpakala Academy. CAT's head andrenowned drama director KamaluddinNilu directed the play.

Macabre is the story of every person'sinner quest for freedom. It is a pictureof the prevailing violence in globalpolitics and man's helplessness.Playwright Anika Mahin has set theplay in a prison, of no specific country,somewhat like the travels of a prisoner.He has seen the killings of 1971, 1975,1976, 1981, 1990 and 2004. He has seenair raids in Palestine and other places ofthe Middle East, he has heard the ear-

shattering blasts and seen spirallingclouds of smoke. He hears US PresidentObama saying, "Sometimes war can beinevitable too," after which Obamacharacteristically adds, "War is theexpression of human power."

Playwright Anika Mahin hasprojected the play through the eyes ofthe prisoner, centred on a particularnight, but giving the whole spectre ofoppressive political forces that lead toeventual annihilation on man. The

prisoner on stage projects the rest ofimprisoned mankind.

Macabre doesn't progress on thenormal storyline of a play, and has nocolorful narrative. The playwright says,"It stands against grand narrative anddwells in what we call metanarrative.The play is an expression, anexpression of the yearning for freedomof an individual body. It is the journeyof a body, a journey into nothingness."

Macabre delves into the invisibleforces that dominate over the physical

and mental self. This self sees all andconceives all, but does not revel. It is ina debate with itself. The rebellion is notin the script, the prisoner is acceptingsubservience. The playwright ispointing out how we are acceptingsubservience, while death dances aboutus, the dance of the macabre.

Macabre goes against all norms andtraditions of standard theatre. All sortof technology has been used in stagingthe play, videography, multi-screenprojection and animation.

Director Kamaluddin Nilu says thebasic message of the play is that allpeople are same, no matter their ethnicidentity or social circumstances. It has auniversal theme. It is relevant to ourcontemporary life too. The spectatorswill have a cross-cultural experience ofcontemporary theatre.

Ahsan Reza Khan was in charge ofthe sound, video and projection designof the play, while Nasirul Huq was incharge of light design and Seekleaf incharge of animation.

On stage were Shetu Azad, MehmudSiddique, Mesbaul Karim, BappyAmeen, Shipra Das, Anika Mahin,Chandra Barman, Muna Morjina.Hossain Ismail was the flying barmaster.n

Theatre


Macabre

Story: Dulal and Moinak are struggling script-writers. Asthey get their first break, Dulal falls for Ruma. Who breaks upwith whom?

So, Sulemani Keeda is a buddy comedy that evokes theoriginal Chashme Buddoor, dudes sharing dreams,desires and the rent. Here, Dulal (Naveen) and Moinak

(Mayank) write Bollywood scripts, knocking at filmmakers'doors (in a hilarious encounter, Mahesh Bhatt offers themvaporous views but no break) while managing love, libidosand their landlord's son. The duo meets Gonzo Kapoor(Karan), ageing star-son who wants a script full of orgies andarty references. But as they start writing, Dulal falls forRuma. With tensions brewing, whom does this keeda finallybite?

Sulemani Keeda means a niggling pain in the posteriorwhich won't let writers sit still. The story is fresh and certainsequences - fuzzy-haired Moinak trying to pick up girls in abookshop by sweetly smiling, "Like Wodehouse?" or Dulallearning a recipe from his mom on the phone, interrupted byan orgasm played full-volume from the next room - arehilarious. Some performances, particularly Mayank as foul-mouthed Moinak and brutal, brittle Gonzo, stand out. Thedialogues - 'Delhi se aaya hai - but rape-wape nahin karta' -are fun, capturing the ironies of a city full of dudes, pseudsand some genuine talent, struggling to breathe.

But there are pointed downsides too. The biggest is thecinematography, trying different takes and so-cool shots -candy floss glistening in the wind, bhuttas, black-and-whitecuts, animation involving a cat - wasting valuable time. Thefilm rises in straight scenes focusing on pretentious Gonzoand the pitiable writers. It wobbles elsewhere, with cruditiesthat don't amuse, with stopovers at Gonzo's farmhouse,inhabited by the censor board chief and his towel-clad date.This meandering is a pity for at times, the story captures thatreal-life air hanging between young people, talking of sun-signs and sex, failures and success.n

Film


NAVEEN kASTURIA AND ADITI VASUDEV

An in-group Versova film that needed more to

say hello to the world? Yet another variation of

Luck By Chance, albeit from

the margins?

by S. rOy

Sulemani

Keeda

Sulemani keeda means a

niggling pain in the posterior which

won't let writers sit still. The story

is fresh and certain

sequences - fuzzy-haired Moinak

trying to pick up girls in a bookshop

by sweetly smiling, "Like Wodehouse?

Documents

Probe Magazine Vol 13 Issue 5 (16-31 Dec 2014) [Fortnight ]