Psychology of Music …staticssl.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/Miller and Quigley (2012... · Psychology of Music 2012 40: 389 originally published online 16 March 2011 ... Sensation-seeking,

http://pom.sagepub.com/Psychology of Music

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389The online version of this article can be found at:

DOI: 10.1177/0305735610387776 2012 40: 389 originally published online 16 March 2011Psychology of Music

Kathleen E. Miller and Brian M. QuigleySensation-seeking, performance genres and substance use among musicians

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of:

Society for Education, Music and Psychology Research

can be found at:Psychology of MusicAdditional services and information for

http://pom.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts:

http://pom.sagepub.com/subscriptionsSubscriptions:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions:

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389.refs.htmlCitations:

What is This?

- Mar 16, 2011 OnlineFirst Version of Record

- Jun 22, 2012Version of Record >>

at SAGE Publications on February 14, 2014pom.sagepub.comDownloaded from at SAGE Publications on February 14, 2014pom.sagepub.comDownloaded from

http://pom.sagepub.com/


http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389



http://www.sempre.org.uk

http://www.sempre.org.uk

http://pom.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

http://pom.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

http://pom.sagepub.com/subscriptions

http://pom.sagepub.com/subscriptions

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389.refs.html

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389.refs.html

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389.full.pdf

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/40/4/389.full.pdf

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/03/12/0305735610387776.full.pdf

http://pom.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/03/12/0305735610387776.full.pdf

http://online.sagepub.com/site/sphelp/vorhelp.xhtml

http://online.sagepub.com/site/sphelp/vorhelp.xhtml





Sensation-seeking, performance genres and substance use among musicians

Kathleen E. MillerResearch Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, USA

Brian M. QuigleyResearch Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, USA

AbstractPopular cultural imagery has long assumed that musicians routinely use both licit and illicit substances for recreational purposes, to enhance creativity or to cope with the vicissitudes of an artistic lifestyle. To date, however, there has been little empirical examination of the presumed links between drugs and musical performance. In this analysis, we examined relationships among personality, musical performance genres, and the use of substances both licit (tobacco and alcohol) and illicit (marijuana and other drugs). Drawing on self-report survey data from a sample of 226 Western New York professional and amateur musicians, we used hierarchical regression analyses to test the simultaneous effects of sensation-seeking and performance genres on eight substance use outcomes, controlling for gender, age, race, and ethnicity. All forms of substance use were positively associated with sensation-seeking. Substance use outcomes were positively associated with Intense/Rebellious genres (e.g., rock) and to a lesser extent with Energetic/Rhythmic genres (e.g., rap/hip-hop), but negatively associated with Upbeat/Conventional genres (e.g., pop) and Reflective/Complex genres (e.g., jazz). The relationships between performance genres and both smoking and alcohol use were gender-specific.

Keywordsalcohol abuse, illicit drug use, musical performance genre dimensions, sensation-seeking, smoking

Musicians are a population often stereotypically linked to a wide range of substance use behav-iors (Raeburn, Hipple, Delaney, & Chesky, 2003; Shapiro, 2003). A wealth of anecdotal evi-dence supports the perception of rampant drug use among elite-level popular musicians, with artists such as Jim Morrison, Janis Joplin, and Kurt Cobain achieving legendary iconic status for their drug-related deaths (Shapiro, 2003). Yet the extent to which substance abuse plays a genre-specific role in the lives of ordinary, non-celebrity performers remains unclear. Despite

Psychology of Music40(4) 389–410

© The Author(s) 2011Reprints and permission: sagepub.

co.uk/journalsPermissions.navDOI: 10.1177/0305735610387776

pom.sagepub.com

Corresponding author:Dr. Kathleen Miller, Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, 1021 Main Street, Buffalo, NY 14203, USA. [email: [email protected]]

Article

at SAGE Publications on February 14, 2014pom.sagepub.comDownloaded from



390 Psychology of Music 40(4)

conventional imagery of strung-out rock stars, hard-drinking country singers, and ascetic classical artists, few studies have actually tested the validity of these presumed relationships between performance of specific musical genres and substance use or misuse.

In this paper, we examine the gender-moderated links among sensation-seeking, musical performance genres and tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drug use in a sample of professional and amateur musicians aged 18–45. Musical performance genres are classified in four dimensions or categories: Reflective/Complex (e.g., jazz or classical); Intense/Rebellious (e.g., rock or punk); Upbeat/Conventional (e.g., country or gospel); and Energetic/Rhythmic (e.g., rap or Dance/Electronica). Three hypotheses are tested: (1) that performance in Intense/Rebellious and Energetic/Rhythmic music genres will be associated with elevated substance use; (2) that these genres will also be positively associated with sensation-seeking personality trait; and (3) that the relationships among performance genre, sensation-seeking, and substance use will be stronger for men than for women.

Assessing the extent of musician substance use

To date, there are no reliable data on the prevalence or patterns of substance use by musicians compared to the general population. A number of convenience studies provide support for the perception of disproportionately high substance use rates by musicians, at least in some genres. Using a cross-sectional, non-probability sample of 3,278 self-identified musicians who responded to an Internet advertisement for the University of North Texas Musician Health Survey (UNT-MHS), Chesky and Hipple (1999) found that nearly twice as many of their partici-pants believed drug use was widespread among musicians as those who did not. In the UNT-MHS sample, the perception of widespread use was particularly common among rock/alternative/R&B musicians (57%) and jazz/blues musicians (42%) but considerably less so among classical (21%) and church/gospel performers (17%). Singer and Mirhej’s (2006) ethnographic review of the evolution of jazz in the mid-20th century United States (US) docu-ments the pervasiveness of both marijuana and heroin abuse as key characteristics of the genre. Wills (2003) reached parallel conclusions in his retrospective analysis of the biographies of 40 mid-century famous US jazz musicians, finding that more than half of his subjects expe-rienced heroin addiction at some point in their lives.

Shapiro (2003) has traced the evolution of multiple illicit drug trends in the US and United Kingdom (UK) professional music industries over the past century, compiling news reports, interviews, criminal records, and published ethnographies to document the drug-related behaviors of well-known popular musicians and their associates. Non-professional rock musicians, while less beset by life-threatening dependency than their elite counterparts, also report that drinking and, to a lesser extent, marijuana use are often integral to the culture sur-rounding rehearsals, performances, and/or the meta-experience of rock musicianship; alcohol and other drugs can come to be a “normal,” even ubiquitous aspect of a musician’s life (Groce, 1991, p. 363). Interviewing a sample of 32 Finnish non-professional young adult rock musicians, Grønnerød (2002) found that alcohol and marijuana were commonly used in musi-cal contexts such as rehearsals or performances. Substance use served as a source of creative inspiration and celebration; drinking also serves as a way to promote group bonding with band-mates or audience members.

In contrast, other studies have concluded that musicians in some genres may be somewhat less likely to use illicit drugs than popular imagery would dictate (see North & Hargreaves, 2008, for review). For example, in their analysis of qualitative interviews with 27 bluegrass musicians, supplemented with participant observation in the semi-professional bluegrass




Miller and Quigley 391

music scene, Tunnell and Groce (1998) found that their participants overwhelmingly rejected illicit drug use or excessive drinking as potentially detrimental to their performances.

One key difference between studies reporting disproportionately heavy versus light musician substance use appears to be the genre in question. To date, however, this link has not been sys-tematically or empirically examined. Collectively, these studies suggest widespread casual sub-stance use among some categories of musicians (e.g., non-professional rock/pop), as well as pervasive and clinically-significant abuse among the highest-risk genres (e.g., jazz or profes-sional rock/pop). In contrast, only anecdotal data are yet available regarding the substance use implications for performers of other genres (e.g., classical, dance/electronica, or rap/hip-hop).

Most of the empirical research on links between music and drug use has focused not on performers but on their audiences – specifically, differences among musical taste groups or lis-tener preferences for specific genres. In fact, past studies suggest that such tastes may be indica-tive of personal predispositions or lifestyle preferences (North & Hargreaves, 2007a, 2007b), including personality traits like sensation-seeking (Weisskirch & Murphy, 2004) and substance use (Chen, Miller, Grube, & Waiters, 2006). Particular attention has been directed to fans of heavy metal rock (Arnett, 1991; Tanner, Asbridge, & Wortley, 2008), rap/hip-hop (Miranda & Claes, 2004; Tanner et al., 2008), and electronica/dance music popularly associated with raves (Forsyth, Barnard, & McKeganey, 1997; Kavanaugh & Anderson, 2008; Winstock, Griffiths, & Stewart, 2001). In keeping with their trademark ambience of rebellion and edginess, the lyrics and visual imagery associated with these genres often reflect hedonistic, sensation-seeking, anti-social, and/or drug-tolerant themes (DuRant et al., 1997; Herd, 2005; Roberts et al., 1999). Far less attention has been paid to the personality traits or behavioral predispositions of musicians than their fans, leaving a research lacuna regarding the comparative substance use patterns (and sensation-seeking tendencies) of musicians affiliated with different genres.

Possible explanations for musician substance use

Several arguments have been advanced in support of elevated drug use among musical perform-ers in general, irrespective of genre. Use of beta blockers, alcohol, or marijuana may serve as a strategy for reducing performance anxiety (Fishbein, Middlestadt, Ottati, Strauss, & Ellis, 1988; Kenny, 2010; Wilson, 1997). While “stage fright” is a fairly common source of psychological distress among musicians, illicit drug use may also provide an informal means of self-medication for less common, but more severe, dysfunctions which sometimes accompany artistic creativity, such as schizophrenic or affective disorders (Belli, 2009; Ludwig, 1995; Woody & McPherson, 2010). Alternatively, some musicians may use psychoactive drugs in the hope that doing so will directly enhance artistic creativity (Groce, 1991; Newcomb, Chou, Bentler, & Huba, 1988). Each of these explanations derives from the presumed advantageous pharmacological effects of sub-stance use on the musician, the music, or both, although the evidence for any such advantage is inconsistent at best (see North & Hargreaves, 2008, for review). However, these theories provide little insight into how and why substance use patterns may differ between genres of musical performance. Nor do they account for identifiable patterns of substance use that may be inter-woven with the contemporary subcultures that have evolved around certain musical perfor-mance genres and subgenres, such as rock (Grønnerød, 2002; Shapiro, 2003), rap/hip-hop (Chen et al., 2006), dance/electronica (Kavanaugh & Anderson, 2008; McCaughan, Carlson, Falck, & Siegal, 2005), or jazz (Singer & Mirhej, 2006; Wills, 2003).

A more illuminating way to understand relationships between musical performance genres and substance use is to juxtapose two classic social science approaches: selection versus social-ization. A selection explanation posits a common cause for both musical genre choice and





substance use. For example, a dispositional personality trait such as sensation-seeking may lead people who are predisposed to abuse alcohol or illicit drugs to self-select involvement in a genre subculture they perceive will facilitate such behavior (Weisskirch & Murphy, 2004). If so, then the link between genre and substance use outcomes would be associational rather than causal; participation in a drug-friendly genre is merely a red flag indicating the actual distal cause. Alternatively, a socialization explanation presumes that substance use behavior is learned from peers and associates within the context of a given musical genre subculture. Involvement in a given genre may expose musicians to peer social networks that disseminate both drug-tolerant norms as well as opportunities to act on those norms, providing what Dishion has termed “deviancy training” (Dishion & Owen, 2002; Dishion, Spracklen, Andrews, & Patterson, 1996). If so, then the link between genre and substance use outcomes could in fact be considered causal.

Several researchers have applied the notion of musical subcultures as peer social networks to the study of adolescent depression (Miranda & Claes, 2009), aggression and delinquency (Selfhout, Delsing, Ter Bogt, & Meeus, 2008), or substance use (Mulder et al., 2010). Within interpersonal friendship networks, peer substance use behavior is a powerful predictor of an adolescent’s own substance use, both because teens select friends based on common interests, norms, and worldviews (Selfhout, Branje, Ter Bogt, & Meeus, 2009) and because peers serve as role models and ongoing sources of attitudinal and behavioral socialization (Kandel, 1978). For example, in one sample of Dutch adolescents, perceived peer substance use mediated posi-tive associations between a preference for rebellious, energetic musical genres (i.e., urban and hard, as opposed to adult or pop) and use of tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana (Mulder et al., 2010). However, most studies linking peer social networks, musical tastes, and substance use have focused on adolescent friendship groups and on listener preferences. It is unclear if this dynamic also extends to adult peer networks (as opposed to adolescent networks) and/or to musical performance genres (as opposed to listener genre preferences). The present study offers a preliminary empirical assessment of both of these issues in a sample of professional and amateur musicians aged 18–45.

Sensation-seeking

One possible mechanism contributing to both selection and socialization processes is sensation-seeking, a personality trait that encompasses “the seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense sensations and experiences and the willingness to take physical, social, legal, and finan-cial risks for the sake of such experience” (Zuckerman, 1994, p. 10). Sensation-seeking has been widely implicated as a predictor of substance use during adolescence and emerging adult-hood, the peak of the developmental trajectory for this trait (Crawford, Pentz, Chou, Li, & Dwyer, 2003). High sensation seekers tend to initiate alcohol and illicit drug use at an earlier age and are more likely to become regular users or develop substance use disorders than low sensation seekers (Bardo et al., 2007; Crawford et al., 2003; Hittner & Swickert, 2005).

While individuals scoring high on sensation-seeking may be more vulnerable to drug abuse because their direct stimulant effects satisfy a psychological need for sensational novelty and intensity (Kelly et al., 2006), there is growing evidence to suggest that this individual-level trait also interacts reciprocally with social influences, such as deviant peer networks, to affect alcohol abuse and illicit drug use (Donohew et al., 1999; Yanovitzky, 2005, 2006). Association with drug-using peers not only reinforces pro-drug norms but provides opportunities for drug access, and even instruction in drug use. Sensation-seeking has also been linked to a listening prefer-ence for arousing or intense music genres such as punk (Weisskirch & Murphy, 2004) or heavy





metal (Arnett, 1991; Litle & Zuckerman, 1986). To the extent that some kinds of music are inherently more arousing, musical performers who score high in sensation-seeking might well self-select for involvement in those genres, thus in turn becoming enmeshed in social networks of co-performing peers and audience members whose own sensation-seeking tendencies incline them toward substance abuse. Most previous research on peer influences has dealt exclusively with broad adolescent or college-aged populations. The present analysis offers a twist on this foundation; we hypothesize that, for adult musicians, some performance-genre-specific net-works may provide comparable venues for socialization to (and structural facilitation of) abuse of alcohol and illicit drugs.

Gender

The relationships among musical performance, sensation-seeking, and substance abuse may be moderated by gender. Although it has noticeably narrowed in recent years (Keyes, Grant, & Hasin, 2008), there remains a considerable gender gap in US substance use, with more alcohol use, abuse, and dependence (Harrell & Karim, 2008; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2004) as well as illicit drug use (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2009) by US men than US women. Men also tend to score higher on measures of sensation-seeking (Ball, Farnill, & Wangeman, 1984; Waldeck & Miller, 1997). Less attention has been devoted specifically to assessing whether sensation-seeking has as great an impact on substance use behavior for women as it does for men. However, it is also well-established that motivations for drinking and other forms of substance use tend to differ across gender (see Kuntsche, Knibbe, Gmel, & Engels, 2006, for review), with men inclining toward social and enhancement motives (e.g., having fun or cele-brating a special occasion with friends) which are in turn associated with sensation-seeking (Comeau, Stewart, & Loba, 2001). Because gender-specific cultural norms have traditionally placed greater sanctions on women who stray outside the bounds of propriety than on their male counterparts, it is plausible to hypothesize that men would additionally feel freer to act on their inclination to experiment with drugs or other forms of sensational risk-taking (Capraro, 2000; Carman & Holmgren, 1986). In one recent study of Canadian secondary school students, Baker and Yardley (2002) found that the relationship between sensation-seeking and alcohol use was significantly stronger for men than for women. Others have suggested that the corre-lates of substance use may be converging across gender; Romer and Hennessy (2007) found that gender did not moderate relationships between sensation-seeking and use of tobacco, alco-hol, or illicit drugs in a nationally representative sample of US youth aged 14–22.

Moreover, music can play a role in shaping and/or expressing gender identity (Dibben, 2002). Musical listening preferences tend to differ somewhat by gender; in one study of British undergraduate students, women expressed significantly more liking for chart pop while men had more liking for heavy metal, folk, rock, and blues (Colley, 2008). A secondary purpose of our research is to examine whether these differences in listening preferences have strong paral-lels in choice of musical performance genre, and to assess whether gender moderates the rela-tionships among musical performance, sensation-seeking, and substance use outcomes.

Hypotheses

In this study, our primary purpose was to examine the gender-moderated links among sensa-tion-seeking, musical performance genres, and tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drug use. A prepon-derance of the previous research on music and substance use has examined the behavior of (1) adolescents and emergent adults, as well as (2) music fans or casual listeners rather than





musicians themselves. The present analysis broadens that focus to include amateur and profes-sional musicians aged 18–45.

We tested three hypotheses. First, we reasoned that substance abuse patterns would differ among musical performance genre dimensions. Both anecdotal (e.g., Shapiro, 2003) and empirical evidence (e.g., Chesky and Hipple, 1999) suggest that some musical genres are more conducive to drinking and illicit drug use than others; moreover, links between genre and sub-stance use have been established for adolescents who listen to rebellious, energetic, or uncon-ventional genres (e.g., Forsyth et al., 1997). In the expectation that this dynamic would apply to adult music performers as well, our first hypothesis was that Intense/Rebellious and Energetic/Rhythmic musical performers would report elevated smoking, problem drinking, marijuana use, and illicit drug use, whereas Reflective/Complex and Upbeat/Conventional musical per-formers would not.

Second, previous research has established that sensation-seeking personality trait is associ-ated with both elevated substance use (Bardo et al., 2007; Hittner & Swickert, 2006) and listener preferences for rebellious or energetic music genres (Arnett, 1991; Litle & Zuckerman, 1986; Weisskirch & Murphy, 2004). However, no existing study has yet tested whether scores on this personality trait vary among musicians across different performance genres. Accordingly, our second hypothesis was that sensation-seeking would be positively associated with the Intense/Rebellious and Energetic/Rhythmic dimensions of musical performance.

Third, women and men differ in their patterns of substance use (Johnston et al., 2009; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2004), sensation-seeking (Waldeck & Miller, 1997), and musical tastes (Colley, 2008). Some studies suggest that gender may also condition the relationships among these variables (e.g., Baker & Yardley, 2002; Capraro, 2000). Our third hypothesis, therefore, was that the relationships among musical performance, sensation-seeking, and substance use outcomes would be stronger for men than for women.

Methods

Sample

This analysis derives from the Musicians Self-Image Concept and Lifestyle (MuSICAL) Study. A convenience sample of 226 professional or amateur musicians was recruited through hard-copy and online advertisements and flyers distributed throughout the Western New York State music community and the local university campus. Participants completed a one-hour, self-administered questionnaire about their musical backgrounds, personality and self-image, and lifestyles, including substance use. Because our sampling protocol was not probability based, the demographic composition of our sample diverged somewhat from that of the overall popu-lation. Sixty percent of participants in the sample were male. Nearly three out of four (72%) were non-Hispanic White, 13% were non-Hispanic Black, 4% were Hispanic, and 10% were Other Race (Asian American, Native American, or Mixed Race), with a disproportionate racial/gender skew (women were significantly more likely to be Black or Other Race). Ages ranged from 18–45 (mean age = 27.7).

Substance use measures

Using a modified version of the Drug History Questionnaire (aka the Psychoactive Drug History Questionnaire; Sobell, Kwan, & Sobell, 1995), participants were asked how often on average they used a series of substances, including tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and nine other





categories of illicit drugs. The latter series consisted of six kinds of illegal drugs (cocaine, amphetamines, barbiturates, opiates, psychedelics, and “club” drugs1 such as ecstasy, rohypnol, ketamine, and GHB) and three kinds of legal drugs abused for recreational purposes (inhalants, prescription drugs used without a prescription, and over-the-counter drugs used in order to get high). Although participants reported on each substance individually, only tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana use had high usage frequencies. Therefore, a composite illicit drug-use scale was constructed by summing frequency scores for the other nine low-incidence drug items (Cronbach’s α = .79).

Three broad measures of alcohol use/abuse were constructed: alcohol consumption, binge drinking, and alcohol-related social problems. All alcohol measures were based on a standard quantity/frequency measure of alcohol consumption (Cahalan, Cisin, & Crossley, 1969). First, participants were asked how frequently they consumed (1) beer or other malt beverages, with one drink defined as a 12-ounce can or bottle; (2) wine or wine coolers, with one drink defined as a 4-ounce glass of wine or a 12-ounce wine cooler; and (3) liquor (whiskey, vodka, gin, mixed drinks, etc.), with one drink defined as a 1.5-ounce shot of liquor, either by itself or mixed with a soft drink, water, or other mixer. Responses to these three questions were summed as a single overall measure of alcohol consumption (Cronbach’s α = .76). Second, participants reported how frequently they engaged in heavy episodic (“binge”) drinking, defined as five (males only) or four (females only) drinks of alcohol in a row, within a couple of hours (Wechsler & Nelson, 2001). Third, participants reported on the frequency with which they experienced five alcohol-related problems, including physical consequences of drinking (vomiting, passing out, and hangovers) as well as social consequences (arguing with friends/family about one’s drinking and doing something while drinking that one later regretted); responses to these alco-hol-related problem questions were summed into a single measure with good internal consis-tency (Cronbach’s α = .83). Responses to all alcohol or drug use frequency questions included: (0) never; (1) once or twice a year; (2) less than once a month; (3) once a month; (4) less than once a week; (5) once a week; (6) 2–3 times a week; (7) 4–6 times a week; and (8) every day.

Participants were asked if they smoked cigarettes on a regular basis, only on certain occa-sions (e.g., when drinking or when with certain friends), or not at all (never smoked or used to but don’t anymore). Those who reported either social or regular smoking were also asked how many cigarettes they smoked daily on average, with responses including: (1) less than one ciga-rette/day; (2) less than half a pack a day; (3) half a pack; (4) 1 pack; (5) one and a half packs; and (6) two or more packs. Non-smokers were coded as (0) for this question.

Finally, participants were asked about their substance use in four music-related contexts: while practicing/rehearsing music, prior to a performance, during a performance, and after a performance. Participants reported how commonly they drank alcohol and how commonly they used marijuana under each of those four circumstances, with responses including: (0) never; (1) occasionally (less than half the time); (2) frequently (at least half the time); and (3) always. Responses were summed to create four-item scales of alcohol use in musical contexts (Cronbach’s α = .89) and marijuana use in musical contexts (Cronbach’s α = .91).

Predictors

Substance use is not randomly distributed among US adults; for example, binge drinkers tend to be disproportionately young, while daily drinkers may skew in the opposite direction (Johnston et al., 2009; National Center for Health Statistics, 2009; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2009). Nor is substance use randomly reported (Harrison, Martin, Enev, & Harrington, 2007); for example, several studies (Fendrich & Rosenbaum, 2003;





Johnston & O’Malley, 1997; Percy, McAlister, Higgins, McCrystal, & Thornton, 2005) have found that African Americans are more likely than other racial groups to recant reports of earlier drug use over time. Because the convenience sample used in the present study was not randomly selected, we controlled for three key demographic predictors in the analysis: gender, age, and race/ethnicity. Sixty percent of respondents were male, and approximately half (51.8%) were aged 18–25. In order to provide large enough subsamples to permit hypothesis testing, we initially coded participants as white or non-white. However, preliminary analyses showed disparate substance use patterns within the latter group. We therefore constructed separate dichotomous measures for three unique racial/ethnic groups: Black (n = 30), Hispanic (n = 10), and Other Race (n = 23), the latter comprised of participants who self-identified as Asian American, Native American, or Mixed Race. As the most numerous racial/ethnic group, Whites (n = 162) were left as the reference category.

Sensation-seeking was assessed using the true/false Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joireman, Teta, & Kraft, 1993). We administered the 11 sensation-seeking items from the ZKPQ Impulsive Sensation-Seeking subscale (Cronbach’s α = .83), including items such as “I like doing things just for the thrill of it” and “I’ll try anything once.” Summing the dichotomous scores (0 = no, 1 = yes) of the 11 items in the scale yielded responses ranging from 0 (low) to 11 (high). The mean score on the sensation-seeking scale was 6.58 (SD = 3.18).

To assess musical performance genres, we adapted the Short Test of Musical Preferences (STOMP; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003; P. J. Rentfrow, personal communication, 3 August, 2007) to create performance dimensions rather than preference/listening dimensions. The STOMP asks respondents to rate their liking for 21 distinct musical styles on a seven-point scale. As measures of musical preference, these genres factor into four dimensions: Reflective/Complex, Intense/Rebellious, Upbeat/Conventional, and Energetic/Rhythmic. In a series of studies using confirmatory factor analyses, Rentfrow and Gosling (2003) found that these four dimensional preference factors had high test–retest reliability and were generalizable across diverse large samples of University of Texas undergraduate students and online music users throughout the United States (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2007).

In the present study, several modifications were made to this measure. First, rather than scor-ing musical preferences, we asked respondents to identify all genres they regularly performed (played or sang for an audience), using the same schema as the STOMP. Like the STOMP, our four performance dimensions included Reflective/Complex (i.e., bluegrass/folk, blues, classical/opera, and/or jazz), Upbeat/Conventional (i.e., country, gospel/religious, pop, and/or oldies/soundtracks), Intense/Rebellious (i.e., alternative, heavy metal, punk, and/or rock), and Energetic/Rhythmic (i.e., dance/electronica, funk, rap/hip-hop, and/or soul/R&B).2 Respondents were then assigned a level-of-involvement score for each of the four dimensions, based on the number of genres in that dimension that they reported regularly performing (0 = “performs no genres in this dimension” to 4 = “performs all four genres in this dimension”). Because most musicians reported involve-ment in multiple genres, these dimensions were of course not mutually exclusive. (For example, a musician who reported performing blues, jazz, pop, and alternative music for an audience would be scored as follows: Reflective/Complex = 2, Upbeat/Conventional = 1, Intense/Rebellious = 1, Energetic/Rhythmic = 0.)

Analysis

This analysis included two steps. First, in order to provide a broad descriptive portrait of our musician sample, we tested for significant gender differences in demographics, sensation-seeking, musical





performance dimensions, and substance use frequencies. Chi-square tests were used to assess sig-nificant gender differences in the proportions of dichotomous variables (i.e., race/ethnicity, inci-dence of performance in each musical genre dimension, and incidence of each form of substance use); F-tests were used to assess significant gender differences in the means of continuous variables (i.e., age, sensation-seeking, musical performance dimension level of involvement, and substance use frequencies).

Second, we conducted a series of hierarchical regression analyses to predict eight substance use outcomes: quantity of smoking and frequencies of alcohol use, binge drinking, alcohol-related problems, marijuana use, other illicit drug use, alcohol use in musical contexts, and marijuana use in musical contexts. Continuous measures of substance use were employed in all regression analyses. Each regression included four models: (1) main effects of demographics only; (2) main effect of sensation-seeking, controlling for demographics; (3) main effects of performance genre dimensions, controlling for demographics and sensation-seeking; and (4) two-way interactions of gender by sensation-seeking and gender by performance dimensions, controlling for all main effects. Where significant interactions were identified, we performed separate follow-up regressions for each gender. All main effect and product terms in the regres-sions were centered.

Because the nine-item illicit drug use measure skewed heavily toward the lower end of the scale, violating a basic regression assumption (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007), a log transforma-tion was performed in order to normalize its distribution. Although even after transformation, analysis using the Lilliefors Test for Normality showed that the distribution significantly differed from normal (see Abdi & Molin, 2007), skewness and kurtosis fell into generally accept-able ranges (skewness = 3.70, kurtosis = 19.29 before transformation; skewness = .456, kur-tosis = −1.63 after transformation). The log-transformed version of the variable was used in multivariate analyses.

Results

Substance use

Alcohol was the drug of choice for most participants in our sample (see Table 1). Nine in ten musicians reported drinking alcohol at least once or twice a year, and 59% did so on at least a weekly basis. Two thirds (68.3%) reported binge drinking at least once or twice a year, although frequent consumption was less common; fewer than a third (29.5%) binged at least once a week. Three in four reported experiencing one or more alcohol-related problems on at least an occasional basis, although only 9% did so weekly. By contrast, 43% smoked cigarettes (10% regularly smoked a pack or more daily) and 50% used marijuana at least occasionally (24.9% every week). Forty-two percent reported abusing another illicit drug at least once or twice a year, and one in ten (10.2%) did so at least once a week on average. The highest rates of illicit drug use other than marijuana for this musician sample were for psychedelic drugs, followed by prescription drugs and cocaine; 25.4%, 23.1%, and 21.4% reported abusing these drugs at least once or twice a year. In comparison, general population samples tend to find somewhat lower rates of drug abuse (see discussion).

In general, men in our sample reported higher rates of substance use and abuse than women. Men reported significantly more smoking, drinking, binge drinking, alcohol-related problems, and marijuana use; alcohol and marijuana use in musical contexts were also more common among men than among women (see Table 1). So were arguments over drinking (27% vs. 13%, p < .05), cocaine use (29% vs. 10%, p < .01), and psychedelic drug use (35% vs. 12%, p < .001).





Table 1. Mean comparisons, whole sample and by gender

All Gender

M F

Demographics % Female 40.3 — — Age (18–45) 27.69 27.18 28.46 % White 72.0 80.6 59.3 *** % Black 13.3 7.5 22.0 ** % Hispanic 4.5 5.2 3.3 % Other race 10.2 6.7 15.4 *Personality traits Sensation-seeking (0 = low, 11 = high) 6.58 7.30 5.51 ***Musical genre dimension (0 = no genres, 4 = all four genres) Reflective/Complex genres 1.34 1.41 1.23 Upbeat/Conventional genres .96 .87 1.10 Intense/Rebellious genres 1.37 1.75 .81 *** Energetic/Rhythmic genres .78 .82 .71Substance use Smoking (0 = no cigarettes daily; 6 = 2+ packs a day) 1.05 1.22 .79 * Alcohol use (0 = never; 24 = every day)a 9.08 10.03 7.67 ** Binge drinking (0 = never; 8 = every day) 2.59 3.15 1.75 *** Alcohol-related problems (0 = never; 40 = every day) b 4.08 4.60 3.29 * Marijuana use (0 = never; 8 = every day) 2.27 2.71 1.63 ** Other illicit drug use (0 = never; 72 = every day) c 2.94 3.45 2.20 Alcohol use in a music context (0 = never; 12 = always) d 3.51 4.30 2.33 *** Marijuana use in a music context (0 = never; 12 = always) d 2.00 2.56 1.16 **Substance use (% who engage in behavior) e

% smoke 42.7 45.9 37.8 % use alcohol 89.4 93.3 83.5 * % binge drink 68.3 77.8 53.9 *** % have alcohol-related problems 73.8 79.3 65.6 * % use marijuana 50.2 59.7 36.3 ** % use other illicit drugs 42.2 50.0 30.8 ** % use alcohol in a music context 75.7 84.4 62.6 *** % use marijuana in a music context 40.7 50.4 26.4 ***

a Alcohol use was summed for three categories of alcohol (beer/malt beverages, wine, and hard liquor), each with a range of 0 (never) to 8 (every day), for a total response range of 0 (never use alcohol of any kind) to 24 (use beer/malt beverages, wine, and hard liquor every day).b Alcohol-related problems were summed for five problems, for a total response range of 0 (never have any problems) to 40 (have all five problems every day).c Drug use was summed for nine categories of drugs, for a total response range of 0 (never use any drug) to 72 (use all nine drugs every day).d Substance use in musical contexts was summed for four contexts (rehearsal and before, during, and after performances), each with a range of 0 (never) to 3 (always), for a total response range of 0 (never use in any context) to 12 (always use in all four contexts).e Percent who report engaging in substance use (yes/no) is included here for reader convenience. All multivariate analyses use the continuous measure.* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.





Consistent with the broader literature on personality traits (e.g., Ball et al., 1984; Waldeck & Miller, 1997), men scored significantly higher than women on measures of sensation-seeking.

Musical performance genres

Gender was associated with performance genres as well; men reported involvement with sig-nificantly more Intense/Rebellious genres than women did. A genre-by-genre evaluation revealed further nuances (Table 2). Women were significantly more likely to report perfor-mances in the gospel and classical genres; in contrast, men were more likely to perform the blues, funk, and all four Intense/Rebellious genres (alternative, heavy metal, punk, rock). Of the 226 musicians in the sample, 163 (72.1%) performed in one or more Reflective/Complex genres, 139 (61.5%) performed in one or more Upbeat/Conventional genres, 152 (67.3%) per-formed in one or more Intense/Rebellious genres, and 99 (43.8%) performed in one or more Energetic/Rhythmic genres.

We also conducted preliminary assessments of substance use behavior by performers in each of the four genre dimensions. Because these dimensions were not mutually exclusive (most musicians performed in two or more dimensions), direct post hoc comparisons between dimensions were not appropriate (Pett, 1997). Therefore musicians who performed in each

Table 2. Musical performance genres, whole sample and by gender

All Gender

M F

Do you perform... Reflective/Complex genres 72.1% 74.1% 69.2% Blues 35.4% 43.0% 24.2% ** Classical (including opera) 32.7% 26.7% 41.8% * Folk (including bluegrass) 28.3% 31.9% 23.1% Jazz 37.2% 39.3% 34.1% Upbeat/Conventional genres 61.5% 54.8% 71.4% * Country 11.1% 13.3% 7.7% Gospel (includes religious) 23.5% 17.0% 33.0% ** Oldies (includes soundtracks) 27.9% 23.7% 34.1% Pop 34.1% 33.3% 35.2% Intense/Rebellious genres 67.3% 82.2% 45.1% *** Alternative 39.4% 45.9% 29.7% * Heavy metal 17.7% 25.9% 5.5% *** Punk 23.9% 31.9% 12.1% ** Rock 56.2% 71.1% 34.1% *** Energetic/rhythmic genres 43.8% 44.4% 42.9% Dance/electronica 11.5% 12.6% 9.9% Funk 22.6% 28.1% 14.3% * Rap/hip hop 19.5% 18.5% 20.9% Soul/rhythm&blues 24.3% 23.0% 26.4%

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.





genre dimension were compared to all those who did not perform in that dimension, using Pearson chi-squares (data not shown in table form). Upbeat/Conventional performance was generally associated with low incidence of substance use; these musicians reported less alcohol use (84.9% vs. 96.6%, χ2 = 7.66, p < .01), binge drinking (56.9% vs. 86.2%, χ2 = 21.06, p < .001), alcohol problems (66.7% vs. 85.1%, χ2 = 9.33, p < .01), and marijuana use (44.2% vs. 59.8%, χ2 = 5.17, p < .05) than non-performers in this dimension. In contrast, Intense/Rebellious performers reported higher rates than non-performers for every substance use outcome, including smoking (48.7% vs. 30.1%, χ2 = 6.94 p < .01), alcohol use (94.1% vs. 79.7%, χ2 = 10.80, p < .01), binge drinking (74.3% vs. 55.6%, χ2 = 7.97, p < .01), alcohol problems (78.3% vs. 64.4%, χ2 = 4.93. p < .05), marijuana use (57.0% vs. 36.5%, χ2 = 8.32, p < .01), other drug use (49.0% vs. 28.4%, χ2 = 8.66, p < .01), drinking in musical contexts (81.6% vs. 63.5%, χ2 = 8.82, p < .01), and marijuana use in musical contexts (47.4% vs. 27.0%, χ2 = 8.53, p < .01). Energetic/Rhythmic performers differed from non-performers only on smoking, reporting significantly higher rates (56.1% vs. 32.3%, χ2 = 12.85, p < .001). Finally, Reflective/Complex performers did not differ significantly from non-performers on any of the eight outcomes.

Hierarchical regression analyses: Predicting musical performance genre

Table 3 shows the results of hierarchical linear regression analyses predicting level of involve-ment (0 = no genres, 4 = all four genres) in each musical performance genre dimension. Sensation-seeking was positively associated with the Intense/Rebellious dimension (β = .20, p < .01) but not with Reflective/Complex or Energetic/Rhythmic musicianship. Being female was negatively associated with Intense/Rebellious genre involvement (β = −.26, p < .001). A nega-tive association between female gender and Energetic/Rhythmic performance in Model 1 (demographics only) of the analysis ceased to be significant when sensation-seeking was added to the equation in Model 2. Gender-specific follow-up analyses were also conducted in order to probe a significant interaction between sensation-seeking and sex in predicting Upbeat/Conventional performance. Sensation-seeking was associated with performance in this dimen-sion for men (β = .21, p < .05) but not for women (β = −.11, ns).

Table 3. Predicting musical performance genres

Reflective/ Complex

Adj. R2

Upbeat/ Conventional

Adj. R2

Intense/ Rebellious

Adj. R2

Energetic/ Rhythmic

Adj. R2

Model 1: Demographics

.00 .13 .15 .18

Gender −.07 .03 −.31 *** −.15 * Age .11 .29 *** .02 .11 Black −.10 .15 * −.20 ** .41 *** Hispanic .00 .01 .03 .04 Other race .00 .19 ** −.07 .08Model 2: Dem + SS .01 .13 .18 .19 Sensation-seeking .13 .08 .20 ** .11Model 3: Interaction .01 .15 .18 .19 Gender * SS −.10 −.16* −.07 −.06

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.





Hierarchical regression analyses: Predicting substance use

Table 4 shows the results of eight hierarchical regression analyses predicting quantity of smok-ing, frequencies of alcohol use, binge drinking, alcohol-related problems, marijuana use, and other illicit drug abuse, and drinking and marijuana use in musical contexts. All eight sub-stance use outcomes were negatively associated with female gender in Model 1 of the analysis (demographics only); however, when sensation-seeking and performance genre dimensions were added as predictors on Models 2 and 3, only binge drinking (β = −.16, p < .05) and drink-ing in musical contexts (β = −.15, p < .05) remained significantly associated with gender. Sensation-seeking was positively associated with all outcome measures, even after the addition of performance genre dimensions to the equations.

The strongest link between musical performance genres and substance use was found for the Intense/Rebellious dimension, which was positively associated with binge drinking (β = .17, p < .05), marijuana use (β = .17, p < .05), other illicit drug use (β = .16, p < .05), drinking in musical contexts (β = .21, p < .01), and marijuana use in musical contexts (β = .16, p < .05). In contrast, Upbeat/Conventional genre performance was negatively associated with alcohol use (β = −.17, p < .05), marijuana use (β = −.18, p < .05), illicit drug use (β = −.16, p < .05), and drinking in musical contexts (β = −.16, p < .05). Energetic/Rhythmic performance was positively associated with smoking (β = .16, p < .05) and drinking in musical contexts (β = .18, p < .05). Reflective/Complex performance was negatively associated with alcohol-related prob-lems for the sample as a whole (β = −.17, p < .05), but follow-up tests for significant interac-tions showed it to be linked to two other outcomes in gender-specific ways. Specifically, performance in the Reflective/Complex dimension was associated with less smoking (β = −.28, p < .01) and more alcohol use in women (β = .25, p < .05), but unrelated to either outcome in men (Table 5).

Discussion

This study extends existing research on an understudied front: substance use in professional and amateur musicians. In light of the prominent role played by music (both performed and preferred) in contemporary adult social landscapes, a better understanding is needed with regard to the links among personality, genre-specific musical identities and experiences, and substance use patterns. Our findings are as yet tentative and invite replication and refinement by other researchers. Nevertheless, we offer the following insights.

First, substance use was considerably more prevalent in this convenience sample of adult musicians than it is in the general population, as reported in the annual Monitoring the Future (MTF) Study. Over 40% of our sample reported smoking, compared to 17% of adults aged 19–30 and 21–24% of adults aged 35–45 (Johnston et al., 2009). Fifty percent of our musi-cians reported marijuana use at least once or twice a year, half of those on a weekly basis; in comparison, 28% of 19–30-year-olds in the general population used marijuana annually, with rates declining in later adulthood. Forty-two percent of our sample used any other illicit drug annually, compared to 19% of 19–30-year-olds and 10–16% of older adults in the MTF sample. Where 21% of our musician sample reported cocaine use, only 6% of young adults in the MTF sample did so. In short, while it was not possible to test the statistical significance of these dif-ferences, substance use by musicians in our sample appeared markedly elevated compared to general population samples. Like previous studies, our sample was not designed to be represen-tative of the overall population of musicians and therefore cannot provide a definitive measure





Table 4. Predicting substance use by sensation-seeking and musical performance genre dimension

Smoking Adj.R2

Alcohol Use

Adj.R2

BingeDrinking

Adj.R2

AlcoholProblems

Adj.R2

Model 1: Demographics .03 .03 .08 .02 Gender −.16 * −.19 ** −.29 *** −.15 * Age .09 −.09 −.11 −.07 Black .12 −.02 .04 .09 Hispanic .09 .01 −.08 −.09 Other race −.00 .00 .04 −.01Model 2: Dem + Sensation-seeking .11 .06 .15 .08 Sensation-seeking .30 *** .21 ** .29 *** .28 ***Model 3: Dem + SS + Dimensions .13 .08 .20 .10 Reflective/Complex genres .04 .05 −.13 −.17 * Upbeat/Conventional genres −.06 −.17 * −.13 −.05 Intense/Rebellious genres .10 .15 .17 * .06 Energetic/Rhythmic genres .16 * .05 .14 .04Model 4: Two-way interactions .17 .09 .18 .09 Gender * Sensation-seeking −.08 .06 .03 .06 Gender * Reflective/Complex −.21 ** .18* .03 −.02 Gender * Upbeat/Conventional .10 −.11 .00 .01 Gender * Intense/Rebellious −.06 .00 .03 .07 Gender * Energetic/Rhythmic .13 −.02 −.07 −.08

Marijuanause

Adj.R2

Other illicitdrug use

Adj.R2

Alcohol in music context

Adj.R2

Marijuana in music context

Adj.R2

Model 1: Demographics .01 .02 .11 .03 Gender −.16 * −.19 ** −.30 *** −.21 ** Age −.08 .08 .21 ** .03 Black −.02 .05 −.09 −.04 Hispanic .00 −.07 −.03 .01 Other race −.01 −.00 .06 .01Model 2: Dem + Sensation-seeking .15 .13 .17 .15 Sensation-seeking .40 *** .35 *** .28 *** .38 ***Model 3: Dem + SS + Dimensions .17 .15 .23 .18 Reflective/Complex genres .05 .11 −.10 .02 Upbeat/Conventional genres −.18 * −.16 * −.16 * −.12 Intense/Rebellious genres .17 * .16 * .21 ** .16 * Energetic/Rhythmic genres .01 .02 .18 * .12Model 4: Two-way interactions .16 .15 .22 .17 Gender * Sensation-seeking −.05 −.09 .04 −.08 Gender * Reflective/Complex −.00 −.05 .04 −.05 Gender * Upbeat/Conventional −.03 −.04 −.02 .09 Gender * Intense/Rebellious .01 .08 .01 .02 Gender * Energetic/Rhythmic .07 −.09 −.03 −.03

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.





of prevalence rates. Still, these findings provide tentative support for the pervasive stereotype that links drug use with musicianship.

Second, as we hypothesized, substance use behavior differed among musical performance genre dimensions. Preliminary comparisons unadjusted for demographics or sensation-seek-ing scores showed elevated rates of all eight substance use outcomes by Intense/Rebellious genre performers, elevated smoking by Energetic/Rhythmic performers, and lower rates of problem drinking and marijuana use by Upbeat/Conventional performers. These patterns were less stark but still recognizable in the regression analyses that controlled for both sensation-seeking and demographic differences (Table 4). While sensation-seeking was a strong and con-sistent predictor of substance abuse, the impact of the subcultural norms and/or opportunities associated with different performance genres could not be reduced to mere artifact from a sen-sation-seeking selection effect. Our findings extend the existing literature on listening prefer-ences and substance use (e.g., Forsyth et al., 1997; North & Hargreaves, 2007a; Tanner et al., 2008) to the domain of musical performance. Moreover, our findings suggest that these genre differences, which past studies have largely examined in the context of adolescence, are relevant for adults as well.

In particular, consistent with stereotypes about “sex, drugs, and rock ‘n’ roll,” performers in Intense/Rebellious genres were markedly more likely than non-performers in these genres to be male, to score high on measures of sensation-seeking, and to engage in health-compromising substance use behavior. The results of our analyses help to illuminate how the mechanisms of selection and socialization can engender substance use through the integration of a person into subcultures built around certain musical genres. Research on fraternity and sorority mem-bership (McCabe et al., 2005) has shown that individuals joining these groups tended to be heavier drinkers prior to membership, a finding implicating a selection effect. However, once in the fraternity/sorority, these individuals escalated their use of illicit substances at a higher rate than non-members. Although cross-sectional data such as ours did not allow us to establish causality, our findings were indicative of similar effects. Individuals high on sensation-seeking were notably attracted to the Intense/Rebellious genre dimension as well as to the use of mind

Table 5. Predicting smoking and drinking, by gender

Cigarette smoking Alcohol use

Female Adj. R2

Male Adj. R2

Female Adj. R2

Male Adj. R2

Model 1: Demographics .21 −.02 .01 −.03 Age .05 .11 −.23 −.00 Black .43 *** −.08 −.04 .01 Hispanic .27 ** .02 .01 .02 Other race .05 −.01 −.07 .06Model 2: Dem + Sensation-seeking .27 .08 .08 −.01 Sensation-seeking .25 ** .33 *** .29 ** .16Model 3: Dem + SS + Dimensions .34 .10 .10 .01 Reflective/Complex genres −.28 ** .16 .25 * −.08 Upbeat/Conventional genres .13 −.11 −.22 −.15 Intense/Rebellious genres −.03 .08 .09 .19 Energetic/Rhythmic genres .31 ** .08 .06 .07

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.





altering substances. Whether these attractions were independent of one another or causally linked in some way remains unresolved; however, they are consistent with the interpretation that certain types of individuals may be predisposed to self-select into certain musical genres.

Additionally, involvement in certain genres seems to reinforce substance use, as indicated by our findings that alcohol and/or marijuana use in practice and performance contexts vary con-siderably by genre dimension (e.g., positively associated for the Intense/Rebellious and Energetic/Rhythmic dimensions, negatively associated for the Upbeat/Conventional dimension, and unas-sociated for the Reflective/Complex dimension). Although we did not follow individuals over time, reports of substance use while playing or practicing are suggestive of genre-specific social-ization effects. In particular, Intense/Rebellious musicians seeking genre credibility may use substance use as a means of solidifying their identities (e.g., rocker, punk) in the eyes of perform-ing colleagues and/or fans (see Chen et al., 2006; Ryan & Deci, 2003; Shapiro, 2003). These findings are consistent with the conclusion that selection and socialization are complementary rather than competing processes; both mechanisms may be operative in the link between perfor-mance genre and substance use outcomes.

Surprisingly, given popular cultural assumptions about hip-hop (Miranda & Claes, 2004) and rave cultures (Kavanaugh & Anderson, 2008), we did not find strong positive links between drug use and the stereotypically drug-tolerant Energetic/Rhythmic genres of rap/hip-hop or dance/electronica, a finding which would have been consistent with previous research on musical genre liking or preferences. These results may reflect the nature of our sample (profes-sional and amateur performing musicians only, with an 18–45 year old age range). They may also reflect the extent to which once-marginalized genres are becoming increasingly main-stream by dint of commercialization, reducing their unique value as badges of antisocial, risk-taking, and/or drug-tolerant identity. The leading edge of youth rebellion, as expressed through music, is not static; it changes over time and finds different musical expression in different cultures, such as the greater perceived subversiveness of electronica/dance music in parts of Europe compared to the United States (Chen et al., 2006; Forsyth et al., 1997). Where data limitations restricted our analyses to one region (United States, Western New York State) and one time period (2008), longitudinal and/or cross-cultural replications might well find differ-ent patterns. Moreover, while musicians involved in certain genres may be more likely to engage in smoking, problem drinking, and/or illicit drug use, these patterns should not be over general-ized. Many musicians, even in high-risk genres, abstain from substance use.

Finally, our third hypothesis regarding gender as a moderator of the links between musical performance genre dimensions and substance use was supported only for two of the eight out-comes; female (but not male) performers of Reflective/Complex genres smoked less and drank more frequently than non-performers in this dimension (Table 5). While gender may condition musicians’ choice of genres to perform, it does not appear to have a marked impact on problem drinking, illicit drug use, or substance use in musical contexts. Moreover, gender did not signifi-cantly interact with sensation-seeking in predicting substance use outcomes (Table 4).

Limitations of the study and directions for future research

Although these findings help to illuminate patterns of musician substance use, their interpre-tation must be qualified by the recognition of several key limitations. First, our convenience sample was not randomly selected and cannot be considered representative of all musicians or young adults; for example, the sample was regionally recruited (Western New York State area of the United States) and disproportionately skewed toward white men and minority women.





Nor were any non-musicians included in the sample, preventing us from directly comparing the substance use patterns of musical performers with those of the general population. Second, our cross-sectional data did not permit us to draw causal inferences about the relationships in question. Third, the data were drawn from self-reports with no confirmatory drug testing or cross-validation by peers or family members; some participants may have exaggerated or mini-mized their substance use in order to conform to gender- or genre-specific norms. For example, claims of “getting wasted” may be disproportionately likely in rebellious genres like heavy metal or punk that valorize drug use; they may be equally unlikely in more conventional genres like classical, gospel, or bluegrass that are less tolerant of this behavior. However, past research by one of the co-authors has demonstrated that participants given adequate assurances of ano-nymity and confidentiality, as they were in this study, provide valid and accurate estimates of substance use (Aguinis, Pierce, & Quigley, 1993, 1995). Finally, these pilot data were collected with an eye toward developing and refining new measures to assess constructs – particular genre performance dimensions and musical identities – that have previously enjoyed little research attention.

There are several other variables, not explored in the present analysis, which may prove relevant in future studies of relationships between musical performance genre and substance use outcomes. We have suggested that musicians self-select into certain genres in part as a function of personality traits (e.g., sensation-seeking) that also influence smoking, drinking, or illicit drug use. Selection may operate in other ways as well. For example, rock or jazz musicians are more likely than classical or gospel musicians to perform in bar or club settings that provide reliable opportunities to drink or gain access to illicit drugs; formal concerts differ from outdoor folk festivals in the structured opportunities for substance use that they provide to performers and audiences alike. We hope, therefore, that future researchers will be able to test for modera-tion by performance venue.

We have also suggested that once a musician has chosen a genre, his/her drug-related norms and behavior may be subject to socialization. Again, these processes are likely to be mod-erated by additional variables not included here. Musicians who devote more time to musical rehearsal and performance, and/or whose primary social networks are more densely packed with other musicians, are more likely to internalize the drug-related attitudes of those peers. The experience of celebrity may be a socializing influence as well. Shapiro (2003) concludes that, for music artists, fame is often accompanied by easy access to illicit drugs, as well as a pervasive belief that such substances are an effective way to offset the pressures of career suc-cess. Well-publicized examples of musicians in need of drug rehabilitation tend to be restricted to a few high-profile, high-risk genres. Thus, it would be beneficial to assess whether time spent in rehearsal or in front of an audience, social network characteristics, and/or the experience of musical celebrity/success systematically differ by performance genre.

We hope that future studies will fruitfully draw upon our exploratory findings in order to generate a more nuanced understanding of the nature and implications of substance use among musicians. Surprisingly, in light of the vast wealth of cultural imagery linking music and drug and alcohol use, research in this area is still in its infancy. Its maturation will require studies with more detailed and nuanced measures of musicianship, and especially studies that combine qualitative and quantitative methodologies to explore the meanings and identi-ties young adults attach to their musical and substance-use-related experiences. Future research would also benefit from a dual focus on both individual and genre characteristics in examining drug and alcohol abuse in musicians. In the prospective design of new substance use intervention programs, empirical identification of these characteristics may help to further





public health goals by more effectively targeting those musicians at greatest risk for health-compromising behavior.

Notes1. The term “club drug,” though now widely used in substance use research, is a category of conve-

nience based on legal rather than pharmacological consistency. Drugs are included in this classifi-cation based on the context in which they are commonly used (dance club, party, or rave settings) rather than their pharmacological properties; for example, ecstasy or MDMA primarily creates a sense of euphoria whereas ketamine’s effects are hallucinatory and/or anaesthetic. Subjects in this study were asked about their use of “club drugs (ecstasy, GHB, Special K, etc.).”

2. Given the number and (in some cases) small sample sizes for some individual genres, we have col-lapsed our 16 genres into four genre dimensions. Because these broad classifications can mask differences among genres or even subgenres (McCaughan et al., 2005; Miranda & Claes, 2004), however, we first conducted diagnostic analyses to confirm that within each dimension, significant point biserial correlations (Pett, 1997) between individual performance genres and substance use outcomes were not contradictory (i.e., effect sizes were not markedly disparate and valences were in the same direction). Full results of these analyses can be provided to readers upon request.

ReferencesAbdi, H., & Molin, P. (2007). Lilliefors test of normality. In N. J. Salkind (Ed.), Encyclopedia of measurement

and statistics (pp. 540–544). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Aguinis, H., Pierce, C. A., & Quigley, B. M. (1993). Conditions under which a bogus pipeline procedure

enhances the validity of self-reported cigarette smoking: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 23, 352–373.

Aguinis, H., Pierce, C. A., & Quigley, B. M. (1995). Enhancing the validity of self-reported alcohol and marijuana consumption using a bogus pipeline technique: A meta-analytic review. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 16, 515–527.

Arnett, J. J. (1991). Heavy metal music and reckless behavior among adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 20, 573–592.

Baker, J. R., & Yardley, J. K. (2002). Moderating effect of gender on the relationship between sensation seeking-impulsivity and substance use in adolescents. Journal of Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse, 12, 27–43.

Ball, I. L., Farnill, D., & Wangeman, J. F. (1984). Sex and age differences in sensation seeking: Some national comparisons. British Journal of Psychology, 75, 257–265.

Bardo, M. T., Williams, Y., Dwoskin, L. P., Moynahan, S. E., Perry, I. B., & Martin, C. A. (2007). The sensa-tion seeking trait and substance use: Research findings and clinical implications. Current Psychiatry Reviews, 3, 3–13.

Belli, S. (2009). A psychobiographical analysis of Brian Douglas Wilson: Creativity, drugs, and models of schizophrenic and affective disorders. Personality and Individual Differences, 46, 809–819.

Cahalan, D., Cisin, I. H., & Crossley, H. M. (1969). American drinking practices: A national study of drink-ing behavior and attitudes. Rutgers Center of Alcohol Studies Monograph No. 6. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Center for Alcohol Studies.

Capraro, R. L. (2000). Why college men drink: Alcohol, adventure, and the paradox of masculinity. Journal of American College Health, 48, 307–315.

Carman, R. S., & Holmgren, C. (1986). Gender differences in the relationship of drinking motivations and outcomes. Journal of Psychology, 120, 375–378.

Chen, M. -J., Miller, B. A., Grube, J. W., & Waiters, E. D. (2006). Music, substance use, and aggression. Journal of Studies in Alcohol, 67, 373–381.

Chesky, K. S., & Hipple, J. (1999). Musicians’ perceptions of widespread drug use among musicians. Medical Problems of Performing Artists, 14(4), 187–195.





Colley, A. (2008). Young people’s musical taste: Relationship with gender and gender-related traits. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 38, 2039–2055.

Comeau, N., Stewart, S. H., & Loba, P. (2001). The relations of trait anxiety, anxiety sensitivity, and sensa-tion seeking to adolescents’ motivations for alcohol, cigarette, and marijuana use. Addictive Behaviors, 26, 803–825.

Crawford, A. M., Pentz, M. A., Chou, C. -P., Li, C., & Dwyer, J. H. (2003) Parallel developmental trajectories of sensation seeking and regular substance use in adolescents. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 17, 179–192.

Dibben, N. (2002). Gender identity and music. In R. A. R. MacDonald, D. J. Hargreaves, & D. Miell (Eds.), Musical identities (pp. 117–133). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dishion, T. J., & Owen, L. D. (2002). A longitudinal analysis of friendships and substance use: Bidirectional influence from adolescence to adulthood. Developmental Psychology, 38(4), 480–491.

Dishion, T. J., Spracklen, K. M., Andrews, D. W., & Patterson, G. R. (1996). Deviancy training in male adolescent friendships. Behavior Therapy, 27, 373–390.

Donohew, L., Hoyle, R. H., Clayton, R., Skinner, W. F., Colon, S.E., & Rice, R. E. (1999). Sensation seeking and drug use by adolescents and their friends: Models for marijuana and alcohol. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 60, 622–631.

DuRant, R. H., Rome, E. S., Rich, M., Allred, E., Emans, S. J., & Woods, E. R. (1997). Tobacco and alcohol use behaviors portrayed in music videos: A content analysis. American Journal of Public Health, 87, 1131–1135.

Fendrich, M., & Rosenbaum, D. P. (2003). Recanting of substance use reports in a longitudinal prevention study. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 70, 241–253.

Fishbein, M., Middlestadt, S. E., Ottati, V., Strauss, S., & Ellis, A. (1988). Medical problems among ISCOM musicians: Overview of a national survey. Medical Problems of Performing Artists, 3, 1–8.

Forsyth, A. J. M., Barnard, M., & McKeganey, N. P. (1997). Musical preference as an indicator of adoles-cent drug use. Addiction, 92, 1317–1325.

Groce, S. B. (1991). What’s the buzz? Rethinking the meanings and uses of alcohol and other drugs among small-time rock ‘n’ roll musicians. Deviant Behavior, 12, 361–384.

Grønnerød, J. S. (2002). The use of alcohol and cannabis in non-professional rock bands in Finland. Contemporary Drug Problems, 29, 417–443.

Harrell, Z. A. T., & Karim, N. M. (2008). Is gender relevant only for problem alcohol behaviors? An exami-nation of correlates of alcohol use among college students. Addictive Behaviors, 33, 359–365.

Harrison, L. D., Martin, S. S., Enev, T., & Harrington, D. (2007). Comparing drug testing and self-report of drug use among youths and young adults in the general population. DHHS Publication No. SMA 07-4249, Methodological Series M7. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, SAMHSA, Office of Applied Studies.

Herd, D. (2005). Changes in the prevalence of alcohol use in rap song lyrics, 1979–1997. Addiction, 100, 1258–1269.

Hittner, J. B., & Swickert, R. (2005). Sensation seeking and alcohol use: A meta-analytic review. Addictive Behavior, 31, 1383–1401.

Johnston, L. D., & O’Malley, P. M. (1997). The recanting of earlier reported drug use by young adults. NIDA Research Monograph, 167, 59–80.

Johnston, L. D., O’Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., & Schulenberg, J. E. (2009). Monitoring the future national survey results on drug use, 1975–2008: Volume II, college students and adults ages 19–50. NIH Publication No. 09-7403. Bethesda, MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse.

Kandel, D. B. (1978). Homophily, selection, and socialization in adolescent friendships. American Journal of Sociology, 84(2), 427–436.

Kavanaugh, P. R., & Anderson, T. L. (2008). Solidarity and drug use in the electronic dance music scene. Sociological Quarterly, 49, 181–208.





Kelly, T. H., Robbins, G., Martin, C. A., Fillmore, M. T., Lane, S. D., Harrington, N. G. et al. (2006). Individual differences in drug abuse vulnerability: d-Amphetamine and sensation-seeking status. Psychopharmacology, 189, 17–25.

Kenny, D. T. (2010). The role of negative emotions in performance anxiety. In P. N. Juslin & J. A. Sloboda(Eds.), Handbook of music and emotion: Theory, research, applications (pp. 425–451). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Keyes, K. M., Grant, B. F., & Hasin, D. S. (2008). Evidence for a closing gender gap in alcohol use, abuse, and dependence in the United States population. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 93, 21–29.

Kuntsche, E., Knibbe, R., Gmel, G., & Engels, R. (2006). Who drinks and why? A review of socio-demographic, personality, and contextual issues behind the drinking motives in young people. Addictive Behaviors, 31, 1844–1857.

Litle, P., & Zuckerman, M. (1986). Sensation seeking and music preferences. Personality and Individual Differences, 7, 575–577.

Ludwig, A. M. (1995). The price of greatness: Resolving the creativity and madness controversy. New York: Guilford Press.

McCabe, S. E., Schulenberg, J. E., Johnston, L. D., O’Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., & Kloska, D. D. (2005). Selection and socialization effects of fraternities and sororities on US college student substance use: A multi-cohort national longitudinal study. Addiction, 100, 512–524.

McCaughan, J. A., Carlson, R. G., Falck, R. S., & Siegal, H. A. (2005). From “candy kids” to “chemi-kids”: A typology of young adults who attend raves in the midwestern United States. Substance Use & Misuse, 40, 1503–1523.

Miranda, D., & Claes, M. (2004). Rap music genres and deviant behaviors in French-Canadian adoles-cents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 33(2), 113–122.

Miranda, D., & Claes, M. (2009). Music listening, coping, peer affiliation and depression in adolescence. Psychology of Music, 37(2), 215–233.

Mulder, J., Ter Bogt, T. F. M., Raaijmakers, Q. A. W., Nic Gabhainn, S., Monshouwer, K., & Vollebergh, W. A. M. (2010). Is it the music? Peer substance use as a mediator of the link between music preferences and adolescent substance use. Journal of Adolescence, 33, 387–394.

National Center for Health Statistics. (2009). Health, United States, 2008. Hyattsville, MD: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Newcomb, M. D., Chou, C. -P., Bentler, P. M., & Huba, G. J. (1988). Cognitive motivations for drug use among adolescents: Longitudinal tests of gender differences and predictors of change in drug use. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 35, 426–438.

Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2004). Gender differences in risk factors and consequences for alcohol use and prob-lems. Clinical Psychology Review, 24, 981–1010.

North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2007a). Lifestyle correlates of musical preference: 1. Relationships, living arrangements, beliefs, and crime. Psychology of Music, 35, 58–87.

North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2007b). Lifestyle correlates of musical preference: 3. Travel, money, education, employment and health. Psychology of Music, 35, 473–497.

North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2008). The social and applied psychology of music. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Percy, A., McAlister, S., Higgins, K., McCrystal, P., & Thornton, M. (2005). Response consistency in young adolescents’ drug use self-reports: A recanting rate analysis. Addiction, 100(2), 189–196.

Pett, M. A. (1997) Nonparametric statistics for health care research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Raeburn, S. D., Hipple, J., Delaney, W., & Chesky, K. (2003). Surveying popular musicians’ health status

using convenience samples. Medical Problems of Performing Artists, 18, 113–119. Rentfrow, P. J., & Gosling, S. D. (2003). The do re mi’s of everyday life: The structure and personality

correlates of music preferences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 1236–1256.Rentfrow, P. J., & Gosling, S. D. (2007). The content and validity of music-genre stereotypes among college

students. Psychology of Music, 35, 306–326.





Roberts, D. F., Henriksen, L., Christenson, P. G., Kelly, M., Carbone, S., & Wilson, A. B. (1999). Substance use in popular movies and music. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.

Romer, D., & Hennessy, M. (2007). A biosocial-affect model of adolescent sensation seeking: The role of affect evaluation and peer-group influence in adolescent drug use. Prevention Science, 8, 89–101.

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2003). On assimilating identities to the self: A self-determination theory perspec-tive on internalization and integrity within cultures. In M. R. Leary & J. P. Tangney (Eds.), Handbook of Self and Identity (pp. 253–274). New York: Guilford.

Selfhout, M. H. W., Branje, S. J. T., Ter Bogt, T. F. M., & Meeus, W. H. J. (2009). The role of music preferences in early adolescents’ best friendship formation and stability. Journal of Adolescence, 32, 95–107.

Selfhout, M. H. W., Delsing, M. J. M. H., Ter Bogt, T. F. M., & Meeus, W. H. J. (2008). Heavy metal and hip-hop style preferences and externalizing problem behavior: A two-wave longitudinal study. Youth & Society, 39, 435–452.

Shapiro, H. (2003). Waiting for the man: The story of drugs and popular music. London: Helter Skelter.Singer, M., & Mirhej, G. (2006). High notes: The role of drugs in the making of jazz. Journal of Ethnicity in

Substance Use, 5(4), 1–38.Sobell, L. C., Kwan, E., & Sobell, M. B. (1995). Reliability of a drug history questionnaire (DHQ). Addictive

Behaviors, 20, 233–241.Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. (2009). Results from the 2008 national

survey on drug use and health: National findings (Office of Applied Studies, NSDUH Series H-36, DHHS Publication No. SMA 09-4434). Rockville, MD: SAMHSA.

Tabachnick, B. G., & Fidell, L.S. (2007). Using multivariate statistics (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.Tanner, J., Asbridge, M., & Wortley, S. (2008). Our favourite melodies: Musical consumption and teenage

lifestyles. British Journal of Sociology, 59, 117–144.Tunnell, K. D., & Groce, S. B. (1998). The social world of semiprofessional bluegrass musicians. Popular

Music and Society, 22(4), 55–77.Waldeck, T. L., & Miller, L. S. (1997). Gender and impulsivity differences in licit substance use. Journal of

Substance Abuse, 9, 269–275.Wechsler, H., & Nelson, T. F. (2001). Binge drinking and the American college student: What’s five drinks?

Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 15(4), 287–291.Weisskirch, R. S., & Murphy, L. C. (2004). Friends, porn, and punk: Sensation seeking in personal rela-

tionships, Internet activities, and music preference among college students. Adolescence, 39(154), 189–201.

Wills, G. (2003). Forty lives in the bebop business: Mental health in a group of eminent jazz musicians. British Journal of Psychiatry, 183, 255–259.

Wilson, G. D. (1997). Performance anxiety. In D. J. Hargreaves and A. C. North (Eds.), The social psychology of music (pp. 229–245). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Winstock, A. R., Griffiths, P., & Stewart, D. (2001). Drugs and the dance music scene: A survey of current drug use patterns among a sample of dance music enthusiasts in the UK. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 64, 9–17.

Woody, R. H., & McPherson, G. E. (2010). Emotion and motivation in the lives of performers. In P. N. Juslin & J. A. Sloboda(Eds.), Handbook of music and emotion: Theory, research, applications (pp. 401–424). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Yanovitzky, I. (2005). Sensation seeking and adolescent drug use by college students: The mediating role of association with deviant peers and pro-drug discussions. Health Communication, 17, 67–89.

Yanovitzky, I. (2006). Sensation seeking and alcohol use by college students: Examining multiple path-ways of effects. Journal of Health Communication, 11, 269–280.

Zuckerman, M. (1994). Behavioral expressions and biosocial bases of sensation seeking. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Zuckerman, M., Kuhlman, D. M., Joireman, J., Teta, P., & Kraft, M. (1993). A comparison of three struc-tural models for personality: The big three, the big five, and the alternative five. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(4), 757–768.





Kathleen Miller is a sociologist and Research Scientist at the University at Buffalo’s Research Institute on Addictions. Her research focuses primarily on the antecedents of problem behav-iors in adolescents and young adults, most notably problem drinking, illicit drug use, risky sexual behavior, suicidality, interpersonal violence, and risk-taking in general. She has exam-ined health-risk behaviors and risk-tolerant social identities in several niche populations includ-ing college students, athletes, musicians, and caffeinated energy drink users.

Brian M. Quigley is a social psychologist and Research Scientist at the University at Buffalo’s Research Institute on Addictions. His research program broadly examines the impact of self and interpersonal factors on substance use and behaviors related to substance use. Along with studying the psychosocial predictors of substance use among numerous populations, he also researches the social cognitive mechanisms by which alcohol use can be a risk factor for inter-personal violence.




Documents

Psychology of Music …staticssl.sagepub.com/sites/default/files/Miller and Quigley (2012... · Psychology of Music 2012 40: 389 originally published online 16 March 2011 ... Sensation-seeking,