Quaid-e-Azam Mohommad Ali Jinnah

8/2/2019 Quaid-e-Azam Mohommad Ali Jinnah

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Jinnah was born Mahomed ali Jinnah bhai Gujarati family in Wazir Mansion Karachi. Sindh hadearlier been conquered by the British and was subsequently grouped with other conquered

territories for administrative reasons to form the Bombay Presidency of British India. Hisearliest school records state that he was born on October 20, 1875. However, Jinnah's first

biography, authored by Sarojini Naidu, as well as his official passport state the date of birth as

December 25, 1876.Jinnah was the first child born to Mithibai and Jinnahbhai Poonja. His father, Jinnahbhai (1857 1902), was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who came from the Paneli Moti a village in the state

of Gondal situated in the Kathiawar region province of Gujarat (present day India). He hadmoved to Karachi fromKathiawar, because of his business partnership with Grams Trading

Company whose regional office was set up in Karachi, then a part of the Bombay presidency.He moved to Karachi some time before Jinnah's birth. His grandfather, Poonja Gokuldas

Meghji, was a Hindu from Paneli village in Gondal state in Kathiawar. ; his grandfather hadconverted to Islam. Jinnah's family belonged to theIsmaili Khoja branch of Shi'a Islam, though

Jinnah later converted to Twelver Khoja Shi'a Islam.The first-born Jinnah was soon joined by six siblings: three brothers Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali,

and Rahmat Aliand three sisters: Maryam, Fatima and Shireen. Their mother tonguewas Gujarati; in time they also came to speak Kutchi, Sindhi and English.The proper Muslim

names of Mr. Jinnah and his siblings, unlike those of his father and grandfather, are theconsequence of the family's migration to the predominantly Muslim state of Sindh.

Jinnah was a restless student and studied at several schools: first at the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam in Karachi; then briefly at the Gokal Das Tej Primary School in Bombay; and finally at the

Christian Missionary Society High School in Karachi, where, at the age of 16, he passed thematriculation examination of the University of Bombay.


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. He moved to Karachi some time before Jinnah's birth.His grandfather, PoonjaGokuldas Meghji,was a Hindu from Paneli village in Gondal statein Kathiawar. ; his grandfather had converted to Islam.Jinnah's family

belonged to theIsmaili Khoja branch of Shi'a Islam, though Jinnah later converted to Twelver Khoja Shi'a Islam.The first-born Jinnah was soon joined by six siblings: three brothers Ahmad

Ali, Bunde Ali, and Rahmat Aliand three sisters: Maryam, Fatima andShireen. Their mother tongue was Gujarati; in time they also came to speakKutchi, Sindhi and English.The proper Muslim names of Mr. Jinnah and hissiblings, unlike those of his father and grandfather, are the consequence of the family's migration to the predominantly Muslim state of Sindh.

Jinnah was a restless student and studied at several schools: first at the Sindh-

Madrasa-tul-Islam in Karachi; then briefly at the Gokal Das Tej PrimarySchool in Bombay; and finally at the Christian Missionary Society HighSchool in Karachi,where, at the age of 16, he passed the matriculationexamination of the University of Bombay.


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Jinnah was offered an apprenticeship at the London office of Graham's Shipping and TradinCompany, a business that had extensive dealings with Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm iKarachi.Before he left for England in 1892, at his mother's urging, he married his distcousinEmibai Jinnah, who was two years his junior; she died a few months later. During hsojourn in England, his mother too would pass away. In London, Jinnah soon gave up thapprenticeship to study law instead, by joining Lincoln's Inn. It is said that the sole reasonJinnah's joining Lincoln's Inn is that the main entrance to the Lincoln's Inn had the namesthe world's all-time top-ten lawgivers, and that this list was led by Muhammad.. This stohowever, has no basis in fact. In three years, at age 19, he became the youngest Indian tobe called to the bar in England.

During his student years in England, Jinnah came under the spell of 19th-century British

liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. This education includedexposure to the idea of the democratic nation and progressive politics. He admired WilliamGladstone and John Morley British liberal statesmen. An admirer of the Indian politicalleaders Dadabhai Naoroji and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta,he worked with other Indian studentson the former's successful campaign to become the first Indian to hold a seat in the BritishParliament.By now, Jinnah had developed largely constitutionalist views on Indian self-government, andhe condemned both the arrogance of British officials in India and the discrimination practicby them against Indians. This idea of a nation legitimized by democratic principles andcultural commonalities was antithetical to the genuine diversity that had generallycharacterized the subcontinent. As an Indian intellectual and political authority, Jinnah woulfind his commitment to the Western ideal of the nation-state developed during his Englisheducation and the reality of heterogeneous Indian society to be difficult to reconcile during

his later political career.


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The Western world not only inspired Jinnah in hispolitical life. England had greatly influenced his

personal preferences, particularly when it came todress. Jinnah donned Western style clothing and hepursued the fashion with fervor. It is said he ownedover 200 hand-tailored suits which he wore withheavily starched shirts with detachable collars. It isalso alleged that he never wore the same silk tietwice. Although in his later years he was mostcommonly seen wearing Sherwani and Karakul hatwhich subsequently came to be known as "Jinnahcap".


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In 1906, Jinnah joined the Indian NationalCongress, which was the largest Indianpolitical organization. Like most of theCongress at the time, Jinnah did notfavour outright independence, consideringBritish influences on education, law,culture and industry as beneficial to India.Jinnah became a member on the 60-member Imperial Legislative Council. Thecouncil had no real power, and included alarge number of un-elected pro-Rajloyalists and Europeans. Nevertheless,Jinnah was instrumental in the passing of theChild Marriages Restraint Act , thelegitimization of the Muslim waqf (religiousendowments) and was appointed to the

Sandhurst committee, which helpedestablish theIndian Military Academy in Dehra Dun. During World War I, Jinnah joined other Indian moderates insupporting the British war effort, hopingthat Indians would be rewarded with

political freedoms.


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Jinnah had initially avoided joining the All India Muslim League, founded in 1906, regarding it as tooMuslim oriented. However, he decided to provide leadership to the Muslim minority. Eventually, he joined the League in 1913 and became the president at the 1916 session in Lucknow. Jinnah wasthe architect of the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the League, bringing themtogether on most issues regarding self-government and presenting a united front to the British.Jinnah also played an important role in the founding of the All India Home Rule League in 1916. Along with political leaders Annie Besant and Tilak, Jinnah demanded "home rule" for Indiathestatus of a self-governing dominion in the Empire similar to Canada, New Zealand and Australia.He headed the League's Bombay Presidency chapter.

In 1918, Jinnah married his second wife Rattanbai Petit ("Ruttie"), 24 years his junior. She was the

fashionable young daughter of his personal friend Sir Dinshaw Petit, of an elite Parsi family of Bombay. Unexpectedly, there was great opposition to the marriage from Rattanbai's family and theParsi community, as well as orthodox Muslim leaders. Rattanbai defied her family and nominallyconverted toIslam, adopting (though never using) the name Maryam Jinnah, resulting in apermanent estrangement from her family and Parsi society. The couple resided in Bombay, andfrequently travelled across India and Europe. In 1919 she bore Jinnah his only child, daughter Dina

Jinnah.In 1924, Jinnah reorganized the Muslim League, of which he had been president since 1916, and

devoted the next seven years attempting to bring about unity among the disparate ranks of Muslims and to develop a rational formula to effect a Hindu-Muslim settlement, which heconsidered the pre condition for Indian freedom. He attended several unity conferences, wrote theDelhi Muslim Proposals in 1927, pleaded for the incorporation of the basic Muslim demands in theNehru report, and formulated the Fourteen Points


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Jinnah broke with the Congress in 1920 when the Congress leader, Mohandas Gandhi,launched a Non-Cooperation Movement against the British, which Jinnah disapprovedof. Unlike most Congress leaders, Gandhi did not wear western-style clothing, did hisbest to use an Indian language instead of English, and was deeply rooted in Indianculture. Gandhi's local style of leadership gained great popularity with the Indian people.Jinnah criticized Gandhi's support of the Khilafat Movement which he saw as anendorsement of religious zealotry. Jinnah quit the Congress, with a prophetic warningthat Gandhi's method of mass struggle would lead to divisions between Hindus andMuslims and within the two communities.Becoming president of the Muslim League,Jinnah was drawn into a conflict between a pro-Congress faction and a pro-Britishfaction.

In September 1923, Jinnah was elected as Muslim member for Bombay in the new CentralLegislative Assembly. He showed great gifts as a parliamentarian, organized manyIndian members to work with the Swaraj Party, and continued to press demands for fullresponsible government. He was so active on a wide range of subjects that in 1925 hewas offered a knighthood by Lord Reading when he retired as Viceroy and Governor General. Jinnah replied: "I prefer to be plain Mr. Jinnah".

In 1927, Jinnah entered negotiations with Muslim and Hindu leaders on the issue of a futureconstitution, during the struggle against the all-British Simon Commission. The Leaguewanted separate electorates while the Nehru Report favoured joint electorates. Jinnahpersonally opposed separate electorates, but then drafted compromises and put forthdemands that he thought would satisfy both. These became known as the 14 points of Mr. Jinnah. However, they were rejected by the Congress and other political parties.


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Jinnah's personal life and especially his marriage suffered during this period due to hispolitical work. Although they worked to save their marriage by travelling together toEurope when he was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, the couple separatedin 1927. Jinnah was deeply saddened when Rattanbai died in 1929, after a seriousillness.

Also in 1929, Jinnah defended Ilm-ud-din, a carpenter who murdered a Hindu bookpublisher for publishing the book "Rangeela Rasool" which was alleged to beoffensive towards the Prophet Muhammad. Jinnah's involvement in this controversyshowed a greater inclination towards Islamic politics and a shift away from being anadvocate for Hindu-Muslim unity.

At the Round Table Conferences in London, Jinnah was disillusioned by the breakdown

of talks. After the failure of the Round Table Conferences, Jinnah returned toLondon for a few years. In 1936, he returned to India to reorganize Muslim Leagueand contest elections held under the provisions of the 1935 Act.

Jinnah would receive personal care and support as he became more ill during this timefrom his sister Fatima Jinnah. She lived and travelled with him, as well as becominga close advisor. She helped raise his daughter, who was educated in England and

India. Jinnah later became estranged from his daughter, Dina Jinnah, after shedecided to marry Christian businessman, Neville Wadia (even though he had facedthe same issues when he married Rattanbai in 1918). Jinnah continued tocorrespond cordially with his daughter, but their personal relationship was strained.Dina continued to live in India with her family.


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Leader of the Muslim League


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A. R. Dard, an Ahmadi missionary in London, helped convince Jinnah to returnfromLondon (where he had moved to in 1931 and planned on permanentlyrelocating in order to practice in the Privy Council Bar) to India andpolitically lead Muslims of India. In 1934 Jinnah returned and began toreorganize the party, being closely assisted by Liaquat Ali Khan, who wouldact as his right-hand man. In the 1937 elections to the Central Legislative Assembly, the League emerged as a competent party, capturing asignificant number of seats under the system of separate electorates, butlost in the Muslim-majority Punjab, Sindh and the North-West Frontier Province. Jinnah offered an alliance with the Congressboth bodies wouldface the British together, but the Congress had to share power, acceptseparate electorates and the League as the representative of India'sMuslims. The latter two terms were unacceptable to the Congress, whichhad its own national Muslim leaders and membership and adhered tosecularism. Even as Jinnah held talks with Congress president RajendraPrasad, Congress leaders suspected that Jinnah would use his position asa lever for exaggerated demands and obstruct government, and demandedthat the League merge with the Congress. The talks failed, and while Jinnahdeclared the resignation of all Congressmen from provincial and centraloffices in 1939 as a "Day of Deliverance" from Hindu domination, somehistorians assert that he remained hopeful about an agreement.


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In a speech to the League in 1930, Sir Muhammad Iqbal came up with an idea of astate for Muslims in "northwest India." Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphletin 1933 advocating a state called "Pakistan". Following the failure to work with theCongress, Jinnah, who had embraced separate electorates and the exclusive rightof the League to represent Muslims, was converted to the idea that Muslimsneeded a separate state to protect their rights. Jinnah came to believe that Muslimsand Hindus were distinct nations, with unbridgeable differencesa view later known as theTwo Nation Theory . Jinnah declared that a united India would lead tothe marginalization of Muslims, and eventually civil war between Hindus andMuslims. This change of view may have occurred through his correspondence withIqbal, who was close to Jinnah. In the session in Lahore in 1940, the Pakistanresolution was adopted as the main goal of the party. The resolution was rejectedoutright by the Congress, and criticized by some Muslim leaders like Maulana AbulKalam Azad,Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Syed Ab'ul Ala Maududi.

In 1941, Muhammad Ali Jinnah foundedDawn, a major newspaper that helped himpropagate the League's point of views. During the mission of Britishminister Stafford Cripps, Jinnah demanded parity between the number of Congressand League ministers, the League's exclusive right to appoint Muslims and a rightfor Muslim-majority provinces to secede, leading to the breakdown of talks. Jinnahsupported the British effort in World War II, and opposed the Quit India movement.During this period, the League formed provincial governments and entered thecentral government. The League's influence increased in the Punjab after the deathof Unionist leader Sikander Hyat Khan in 1942. Gandhi held talks 14 times withJinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united frontwhile talks failed, Gandhi'sovertures to Jinnah increased the latter's standing with Muslims.


16/27Founding of Pakistan


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In the 1946 elections for the Constituent Assembly of India, the Congress won most of the elected seats, while the League won a large majority of Muslim electorateseats. The 1946 British Cabinet Mission to India released a plan on May 16, callingfor a united Indian state comprising considerably autonomous provinces, and calledfor "groups" of provinces formed on the basis of religion. A second plan released onJune 16, called for the separation of India along religious lines, with princelystates to choose between accession to the dominion of their choice or independence. The Congress, fearing India's fragmentation, criticised the May 16proposal and rejected the June 16 plan. Jinnah gave the League's assent to bothplans, knowing that power would go only to the party that had supported a plan. After much debate and against Gandhi's advice that both plans were divisive, theCongress accepted the May 16 plan while condemning the groupingprinciple. Jinnah decried this acceptance as "dishonesty", accused the Britishnegotiators of "treachery", and withdrew the League's approval of both plans. TheLeague boycotted the assembly, leaving the Congress in charge of the governmentbut denying it legitimacy in the eyes of many Muslims.

Jinnah gave a precise definition of the term 'Pakistan' in 1941 at Lahore in which hestated:

Some confusion prevails in the minds of some individuals in regard to the use of theword 'Pakistan'. This word has become synonymous with the Lahore resolutionowing to the fact that it is a convenient and compendious method of describing it.For this reason the British and Indian newspapers generally have adopted theword 'Pakistan' to describe the Moslem demand as embodied in the Lahoreresolution.


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Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch "Direct Action" on August 16 to"achieve Pakistan".Strikes and protests were planned, but violencebroke out all over India, especially in Calcutta and the districtof Noakhali in Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar.

Although viceroy Lord Wavell asserted that there was "no satisfactoryevidence to that effect", League politicians were blamed by theCongress and the media for orchestrating the violence. InterimGovernment portfolios were announced on October 25, 1946. MuslimLeaguers were sworn in on October 26, 1946. The League entered theinterim government, but Jinnah refrained from accepting office for

himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the Leagueentered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed toappoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party.The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a rising feeling within theCongress that independence of Pakistan was the only way of avoidingpolitical chaos and possible civil war. The Congress agreed to thedivision of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The newviceroy Lord Mountbatten of Burma and Indian civil servant V. P.Menon proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in WestPunjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh. After heated and emotionaldebate, the Congress approved the plan.The North-West Frontier

Province voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnahasserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947 that the League


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A letterby Jinnah

toWinston

Churchill
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Jinnahletterchurchill.jpg


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Muhammad AliJinnah's

will,

excerpt
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Quaid-i-Azam's_Will.JPG


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Governor-General


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Along with Liaquat Ali Khan and Abdur Rab Nishtar, Muhammad Ali Jinnahrepresented the League in the Division Council to appropriately divide publicassets between India and Pakistan. The assembly members from theprovinces that would comprise Pakistan formed the new state's constituentassembly, and the Military of British India was divided between Muslim andnon-Muslim units and officers. Indian leaders were angered at Jinnah'scourting the princes of Jodhpur, Bhopal and Indore to accede to Pakistan these princely states were not geographically aligned with Pakistan, andeach had a Hindu-majority population.

Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan and president of its

constituent assembly. Inaugurating the assembly on August 11, 1947,Jinnah spoke of an inclusive and pluralist democracy promising equal rightsfor all citizens regardless of religion,caste or creed. This address is a causeof much debate in Pakistan as, on its basis, many claim that Jinnah wanteda secular state while supporters of Islamic Pakistan assert that this speechis being taken out of context when compared to other speeches by him.

On October 11, 1947, in an address to Civil, Naval, Military and Air ForceOfficers of Pakistan Government in Karachi, he said:

We should have a State in which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play.

On February 21, 1948, in an address to the officers and men of the 5th Heavyand 6th Light Regiments in Malir, Karachi, he said:


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The office of governor general was ceremonial, but Jinnah also assumed thelead of government. The first months of Pakistan's independence wereabsorbed in ending the intense violence that had arisen in the wake ofacrimony between Hindus and Muslims. Jinnah agreed with Indian leadersto organize a swift and secure exchange of populations in Punjab andBengal. He visited the border regions with Indian leaders to calm peopleand encourage peace, and organised large-scale refugee camps. Despitethese efforts, estimates on the death toll vary from around 200,000 , to overa million people. The estimated number of refugees in both countriesexceeds 15 million. The then capital city of Karachi saw an explosive

increase in its population owing to the large encampments In his first visitto East Pakistan, under the advice of local party leaders, Jinnah stressedthat Urdu alone should be the national language; a policy that was stronglyopposed by the Bengali people of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Thisopposition grew after he controversially described Bengali as the languageof Hindus.

He controversially accepted the accession of Junagadh a Hindu-majority statewith a Muslim ruler located in the Saurashtra peninsula, some 400kilometres (250 mi) southeast of Pakistan but this was annulled by Indianintervention. It is unclear if Jinnah planned or knew of the tribalinvasion from Pakistan into the kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir in October1947, but he did send his private secretary K.H. Khurshid to observedevelopments in Kashmir. When informed of Kashmir's accession to India,Jinnah deemed the accession ille itimate and ordered the Pakistani arm to


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Illness and death
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Jinnah_funeral2.jpg


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Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis, only his sister and a fewothers close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948, Jinnah's healthbegan to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had put uponhim following Pakistan's creation. Attempting to recuperate, he spent manymonths at his official retreat in Ziarat. According to his sister, he suffereda hemorrhage on September 1, 1948; doctors said the altitude was notgood for him and that he should be taken to Karachi. Jinnah was flown backto Karachi from Quetta.

Jinnah died at 10:20 p.m. at the Governor-General's House in Karachi onSeptember 11, 1948, just over a year after Pakistan's creation.

It is said that when the viceroy of India at that point of time, Lord LouisMountbatten, learned of Jinnah's ailment he said 'had they known thatJinnah was about to die, they'd have postponed India's independence by afew months as he was being inflexible on Pakistan'.(Collins, L; Lapierra, D,1975, Freedom at Midnight, Preface p. xvii)

Jinnah was buried in Karachi. [68] His funeral was followed by the construction ofa massivemausoleum, Mazar-e-Quaid, in Karachi to honour him; official andmilitary ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions.

He had two separate funeral prayers: one was held privately at Mohatta

Palace in a room of the Governor-General's House at which Yusuf Haroon,Hashim Raza and Aftab Hatim Alvi were present at the namaz-e-janaza heldaccording to Shia rituals and was led by Syed Aneesul Husnain, whileLiaquat Ali Khan waited outside. After the Shia prayers, the major publicfuneral prayers were led by Allamah Shabbir Ahmad Usmani a renownedDeobandi Muslim scholar, and attended by the masses from all overPakistan.

Dina Wadia remained in India after independence, before ultimately settlingin New York City. Jinnah's grandson, Nusli Wadia, is a prominentindustrialist in Mumbai. In the 1964-65 elections Jinnah's sister Fatima


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The Jinnah House in Malabar Hill, Bombay, is in the possessionof the Government of India but the issue of its ownership hasbeen disputed by the Government of Pakistan. Jinnah hadpersonally requested Indian Prime Minister JawaharlalNehru to preserve the house and that one day he could returnto Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered tothe government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in thecity, as a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wadia has also laid claimto the property, claiming that Hindu law is applicable to Jinnahas he was a Khoja Shia.

After Jinnah died, Fatima Jinnah had asked the court to executeJinnah's will under Shia law. Jinnah's family belonged tothe Ismaili Khoja branch of Shi'a Islam, but Jinnah left thatbranch in 1901. Vali Nasr says Jinnah "was an Ismaili by birthand a Twelver Shia by confession, though not a religiouslyobservant man." In a 1970 legal challenge, Hussain Ali GanjiWalji claimed Jinnah had converted to Sunni Islam, but theHigh court rejected this claim in 1976, effectively acceptingthe Jinnah family as Shia. Publicly, Jinnah had a non-sectarian stance and "was at pains to gather the Muslims ofIndia under the banner of a general Muslim faith and notunder a divisive sectarian identity." In 1970, a court decisionstated that Jinnah's "secular Muslim faith made him neither

" "


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Pakistanis view Jinnah astheir revered foundingfather, a man that wasdedicated to safeguardingMuslim interests duringthe dying days ofthe British Raj. Despite

any of a range of biases,it almost impossible todoubt, despite motive andmanner, that there is anyfigure that had moreinfluence and role in thecreation of Pakistan thanJinnah.

Jinnah is popularly andofficially known in

Documents

Quaid-e-Azam Mohommad Ali Jinnah