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Research report
External Research Program
Housing Affordability and the Well-Being ofChildren: Towards a Longitudinal ResearchStrategy
CMHC—Home to Canadians
Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) hasbeen Canada’s national housing agency for more than 60 years.
Together with other housing stakeholders, we help ensurethat Canada maintains one of the best housing systems in theworld. We are committed to helping Canadians access a widechoice of quality, affordable homes, while making vibrant,healthy communities and cities a reality across the country.
For more information, visit our website at www.cmhc.ca
You can also reach us by phone at 1-800-668-2642 or by fax at 1-800-245-9274.
Outside Canada call 613-748-2003 or fax to 613-748-2016.
Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation supportsthe Government of Canada policy on access toinformation for people with disabilities. If you wish toobtain this publication in alternative formats, call 1-800-668-2642.
HOUSING AFFORDABILITY AND THE WELL‐BEING OF CHILDREN: TOWARDS A LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH STRATEGY
UZO ANUCHA HELEN LEUNG ALEXANDER LOVELL
THE APPLIED SOCIAL WELFARE RESEARCH AND EVALUATION GROUP
YORK UNIVERSITY
2
This project received funding from the Homelessness Partnering Secretariat, Human Resources and Skills
Development Canada (HRSDC); Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation; and Ministry of Municipal
Affairs and Housing. The research and recommendations are the responsibility of the authors of the report
and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Homelessness Partnering Secretariat, Human Resources and
Skills Development Canada (HRSDC); Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation; and Ministry of Municipal
Affairs and Housing.
All inside pictures were drawn by participants’ children to illustrate their perception of housing.
THE APPLIED SOCIAL WELFARE RESEARCH AND EVALUATION GROUP
YORK UNIVERSITY
WWW.YORKU.CA/ASWREG
THE APPLIED SOCIAL WELFARE RESEARCH AND EVALUATION GROUP CONDUCTS AND DISSEMINATES
COMMUNITY‐ENGAGED RESEARCH THAT INFORMS POLICIES, PROGRAMS AND PRACTICES THAT ADVANCE
SOCIAL JUSTICE, EQUITY AND ACCESS FOR VULNERABLE GROUPS.
ASWREG RESEARCH REPORTS PRESENT THE FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS OF COMPLETED RESEARCH PROJECTS
OF RESEARCHERS ASSOCIATED WITH THE RESEARCH GROUP. THE AIM IS TO DISSEMINATE PRACTICE AND
POLICY RELEVANT FINDINGS TO A BROAD AUDIENCE. THE VIEWS AND INTERPRETATIONS OFFERED BY THE
AUTHOR(S) DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THOSE OF THE FUNDERS, THE RESEARCH GROUP OR THE
UNIVERSITY.
THIS REPORT MAY BE REPRINTED OR DISTRIBUTED, INCLUDING ON THE INTERNET, WITHOUT PERMISSION,
PROVIDED IT IS NOT OFFERED FOR SALE, THE CONTENT IS NOT ALTERED, AND THE SOURCE IS PROPERLY
CREDITED.
THE APPLIED SOCIAL WELFARE RESEARCH AND EVALUATION GROUP
YORK UNIVERSITY
4700 KEELE STREET, TORONTO, ONTARIO M3J 1P3. FAX: 416‐650‐3861
[email protected] WWW.YORKU.CA/ASWREG
3
ABSTRACT
The primary purpose of this study was to develop and pilot a longitudinal research strategy that
could be used to explore how affordable housing impacts children’s development and well‐being.
Additional objectives of this study were to explore if there are differences between private rental
housing, social housing and the Affordable Housing Program on the well‐being of children and
families. Our primary data collection strategy was a three‐wave longitudinal study conducted on
the same group of participants over a period of eight months. A baseline survey was completed
with 65 adults (including 22 parents of children aged 6‐15 years old) and 13 youth (16‐21 year
olds) who were either on the social housing wait‐list and therefore in private rental housing; or
those who had recently moved into either a social housing unit or an Affordable Housing Program
subsidized unit (AHP). Qualitative in‐depth interviews were also conducted with a small cohort of
parents and youth participants to explore how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate
other outcomes such as employment, education and health. Participants who were on the waiting
list for subsidized housing described their experiences waiting for affordable housing. Analyses of
findings from the pilot data indicate that there are likely relationships between various indicators
of children’s well‐being and parents’ receipt of subsidized housing that could be uncovered
through a longitudinal research project over a sufficient period of time. Children and youth living
in unaffordable homes that were not subsidized may experience more negative outcomes than
those living in subsidized housing. One of the key methodological lessons from the pilot was that
developing and conducting a longitudinal research study needs to allow for a longer time frame as
many households remain on the wait‐list for a long time. Participants on the wait‐list were still
there by the third wave interviews. Considering that the waiting lists are not very dynamic,
recruitment and sampling will need at least one‐year.
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR Uzo Anucha, PhD – York University DATA ANALYST Alex Lovell, PhD (c) – Queen’s University RESEARCH ASSISTANTS Jackie Anucha, BA Student – York University Retha Ganaprakasam, BA, MSW Student – York University Helen Leung, MSW Liam McGuire, BA Sarah Michelle Ogden, BA Erinn Michèle Treff, BA, MSW Student – York University Nneka Nwaogu, BA Student – York University We are grateful to the 298 households who participated in our initial screening; the households and youth who completed three waves of the longitudinal survey; and the sub‐group of parents and youth who completed in‐depth interviews in addition to completing the survey. We are also grateful to the many children who contributed pictures and photos of their homes. We thank you all for trusting us enough to share your personal stories of dealing with the challenges of affordable housing. We wish to acknowledge the financial contributions of the Homelessness Partnering Secretariat, Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (HRSDC) and the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. We are grateful for the financial and in‐kind contributions of the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing and would particularly like to acknowledge the contributions of the following Ministry staff: Michelle Leung‐Elder – Manager (A), Strategic Business Services Section; Madhavi Patel – Team Lead, Housing Policy Branch; and Justin Curto – Senior Policy Advisor, Housing Policy Branch. We thank you all for working with the research team in the conceptualization and development of the study. We would not have been able to recruit participants without the assistance of Susan E. Bacque – Manager, Housing Division, City of Peterborough; Michelle A. Ogden – Affordable Housing Supervisor, Housing Programs Branch, County of Hastings Social Services Department and Bob McKnight, Manager of Social Housing Administration, Community Services Department, City of Hamilton. We are grateful for your contributions.
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES ...................................................................................................................................... 7
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................................... 7
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................. 8 RÉSUMÉ ................................................................................................................................. 11 SECTION 1 – INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW OF LITERATURE .............................................. 14
OVERVIEW OF PROJECT ....................................................................................................................... 14
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT ......................................................................................................... 15
LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................................................ 16
SECTION 2 – METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 29
SUBSIDIZED HOUSING PROGRAMS IN ONTARIO ................................................................................. 33
RECRUITMENT AND SAMPLING STRATEGY ......................................................................................... 34
LONGITUDINAL SURVEY ...................................................................................................................... 36
CHARACTERISTICS OF PAST SHELTER USERS ....................................................................................... 38 IN‐DEPTH QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS .................................................................................................. 39
SECTION 3 – QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS FROM PILOT STUDY ................................................... 41
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH .......................................................... 42
SOCIO‐ECONOMIC STATUS OF SURVEY HOUSEHOLDS ....................................................................... 43
HOUSING AND NEIGHBOURHOOD STIGMA ........................................................................................ 47 CHILD AND YOUTH WELL‐BEING AND HOUSING ................................................................................. 49
SCHOOL ATTITUDES AND PERFORMANCE ........................................................................................... 49 USE OF COMMUNITY SERVICES ........................................................................................................... 50
HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY .............................................................................................................. 52
SECTION 4 – HOUSING WAIT‐LISTS AND THE WELL‐BEING OF FAMILIES ................................. 55
CHARACTERISTICS OF WAIT‐LIST APPLICANTS .................................................................................... 56
THE WAIT‐LIST – WAITING AND WAITING FOR HOUSING................................................................... 57
WAITING FOR HOUSING: IMPACT ON CHILD AND YOUTH’S WELL‐BEING .......................................... 59
SURVIVING THE WAITING LIST ............................................................................................................ 61
MANAGING THE WAIT‐LIST: FIGURING OUT THE WAIT‐LIST MAZE .................................................... 63
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WHEN THE WAIT ENDS – MOVING INTO SUBSIDIZED SOCIAL HOUSING ............................................ 65
NOT SO GREAT THINGS ABOUT SUBSIDIZED HOUSING……. ................................................................ 67
SECTION 5 – METHODOLOGICAL LESSONS FROM PILOT STUDY.............................................. 71
WHAT INDICATORS OF CHILD WELL‐BEING SHOULD BE INCLUDED?.................................................. 72
RECRUITMENT AND SAMPLING: WHAT ARE SOME SAMPLING CONSIDERATIONS? .......................... 72
CHALLENGES OF FACE‐TO‐FACE INTERVIEWS WITH CHILDREN AND YOUTH ..................................... 73
A REVIEW OF SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES – PARENTS, CHILDREN AND YOUTH .................................. 74
TRACKING PARTICIPANTS: WHAT ARE SOME STRATEGIES TO REDUCE ATTRITION? .......................... 74
LENGTH OF TIME BETWEEN WAVE I AND II INTERVIEWS ................................................................... 75
THE ‘EXPERIENCE’ OF THE RESEARCH PROCESS BY PARTICIPANTS ..................................................... 75
FUTURE RESEARCH – BEYOND PRIMARY LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH ................................................. 76
SECTION 6 – CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................... 79 SECTION 7 – BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................... 81 APPENDICES .......................................................................................................................... 84
7
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
LIST OF TABLES Table 1: A Summary Of Subsidized Housing Programs ...................................................................... 34 Table 2: Recruitment And Participation By Households .................................................................... 35 Table 3: Housing Characteristics Of Survey Participants At Baseline ................................................ 36 Table 4: Number Of Children In Households That Sought Emergency Shelter .................................. 39 Table 5: Demographic Characteristics Of Parent/Guardian Participants .......................................... 44 Table 6: Socio‐Demographic Characteristics Of Children And Youth Participants ............................ 45 Table 7: Socio‐Economic Status ......................................................................................................... 45 Table 8: Average Monthly Household Income By Housing Subsidy Type .......................................... 46 Table 9: Proportion Of Monthly Household Income Spent On Housing‐Related Expenses .............. 46 Table 10: Sources Of Supplemental Household Income .................................................................... 47 Table 11: Child And Youth Satisfaction With Their School ................................................................ 50 Table 12: Parents’ Assessment Of Their Children’s School Performance .......................................... 50 Table 13: Participants’ Use Of Social And Community Services ........................................................ 51 Table 14: Frequency Of Receiving Needed Social And Community Services ..................................... 52 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Present Housing Situation Of Past Users Of Shelters ......................................................... 39
Figure 2: Experiences With Housing Stigma According To Housing Situation ................................... 48
Figure 3: Experience With Discrimination As A Result Of Participants’ Housing Situation ............... 48
Figure 4: Frequency Of Household Not Having Enough Food At Home ............................................ 53
Figure 5: Food Strategies Undertaken By Participants To Meet Their Household’s Food Needs ..... 54 Figure 6: Participants On Waiting List For Subsidized Housing By City Of Residence ....................... 56
Figure 7: Number Of Children Living In Households By Wait‐List Status ........................................... 57
Figure 8: Length Of Time On Waiting List For Subsidized Housing .................................................... 57
8
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
CONTEXT AND OBJECTIVES
Research undertaken in several jurisdictions, including Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom indicate that access to adequate and affordable housing has a positive impact on the well‐being of children and their families beyond the provision of mere shelter. Research also shows that the proportion of Canadian renter households with at least one child below 18 years who is in core housing need is 34.5 percent. In fact, the proportion of Canadian lone‐parent renter households with at least one child below 18 years is 48 per cent. These figures are even higher for Ontarian households – 43 percent and 58 percent respectively. The primary purpose of this study was to develop and pilot a longitudinal research strategy that could be used to explore how affordable housing impacts children’s development and well‐being. Additional objectives of this study were to explore the following:
1. If there are differences between private rental housing, social housing and the Affordable Housing Program on the well‐being of children and families.
2. The perceptions of parents and youth on how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate other outcomes such as employment, education and health using qualitative methods.
3. The impact of long wait‐lists on children’s well‐being using qualitative interviews METHODOLOGY
We developed and piloted a longitudinal research strategy in a multi‐city study that allowed us to
test the developed questionnaires. Our primary data collection strategy was a three‐wave
longitudinal study conducted on the same group of participants over a period of eight months. A
baseline survey was completed with 65 adults (including 22 parents of children aged 6‐15 years
old) and 13 youth (16‐21 year olds) who were either on the social housing wait‐list and therefore
in private rental housing; or those who had recently moved into either a social housing unit or an
Affordable Housing Program subsidized unit (AHP).
The baseline survey questionnaire for children and youth was an amalgamation of questions
drawn from several scales used in previous studies. The questions included a variety of dimensions
related to child well‐being. This included indicators related to children’s feelings towards
themselves and their lives; relationships with peers/friends; relationships with parents;
education/experiences at school; physical and socio‐emotional health; activities in which they
participate; and the level of deprivation experienced by their family.
Qualitative in‐depth interviews were also conducted with a small cohort of parents and youth
participants to explore how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate other outcomes such
9
as employment, education and health. These participants as well as their children were invited to
submit drawings and pictures of their previous and present homes. The drawings at the beginning
of each section of this report are examples of the submissions we received. Participants who were
on the waiting list for subsidized housing described their experiences waiting for affordable
housing.
KEY FINDINGS
Analyses of findings from the pilot data indicate that there are likely relationships between various
indicators of children’s well‐being and parents’ receipt of subsidized housing that could be
uncovered through a longitudinal research project over a sufficient period of time. Children and
youth living in unaffordable homes that were not subsidized may experience more negative
outcomes than those living in subsidized housing.
Housing affordability was an issue even when families were in subsidized housing.
Preliminary findings show that 36 percent of participants in both subsidized and non‐
subsidized housing spent 50 percent or more of their income on housing costs. Eleven
percent of participant households in AHP housing were paying more than 80 percent of
their monthly income on housing costs compared to approximately six percent of
participants in social housing and 15 percent in private rental housing. Fifty percent of
participants living in AHP reported spending more than 50 percent of their household
income on housing.
Qualitative findings contextualized the personal experiences of participants that led to
their need for subsidized housing within larger structural processes, illuminated the
strategies that they use to cope with the difficulties of a long wait for housing and provided
insights into the impact that this extended wait has on the well‐being of families and their
children.
Participants expressed a sense of powerlessness while on the waiting list. Participants
spoke of feeling unable to move forward in life and the frustration that accompanies
waiting for housing programs to update them on their status.
o Families on the waiting list reported experiencing financial stress
o Participants’ stories indicate that some of these children and youth whose parents
are stuck on the waiting list for housing may be at risk of underachieving
educationally.
10
o Participants’ stories were threaded with strategies that they used to cope with the
difficulties of a long wait for housing. Their survival strategies included formal and
informal supports.
Moving into affordable/social housing had a positive impact on participants’ quality of life
in many ways. In addition to reducing financial stress, participants also talked about how
getting into affordable housing was good for their health. Participants noted that they felt
safer or more secure in their current housing compared to where they lived before.
One of the key methodological lessons from the pilot was that developing and conducting a
longitudinal research study needs to allow for a longer time frame as many households
remain on the wait‐list for a long time. Participants on the wait‐list were still there by the
third wave interviews. Considering that the waiting lists are not very dynamic, recruitment
and sampling will need at least one‐year.
To fully achieve our original objectives, a study period of at least five years is
recommended. This way, recruitment and sampling can be done over a one‐year period as
the waiting lists are not very dynamic. Also, the length of time between waves needs to be
at least one year for there to be changes that are worth observing. Such a longer time
frame will show how moving into affordable housing affects households. For example, it
will allow an examination of how different elements of the household budget, such as
funds available for food and recreation, are affected by subsidized housing.
11
RÉSUMÉ
CONTEXTE ET OBJECTIFS
Des recherches menées dans plusieurs pays, dont le Canada, les États‐Unis et le Royaume‐Uni, indiquent que l’accès à un logement adéquat et abordable a un impact positif sur le bien‐être des enfants et de leur famille, et que cet effet bénéfique dépasse la seule composante logement. Nous savons par ailleurs qu’au Canada, 34,5 % des ménages locataires ayant au moins un enfant de moins de 18 ans éprouvent des besoins impérieux en matière de logement, et que la proportion de ménages locataires monoparentaux ayant au moins un enfant de moins de 18 ans est de 48 %. Et ces chiffres sont plus élevés dans la province d’Ontario : 43 et 58 % respectivement. L’objectif principal de cette étude était de concevoir et d’éprouver une stratégie de recherche longitudinale pouvant servir à étudier les impacts du logement abordable sur le développement et le bien‐être des enfants. L’étude a aussi porté sur les questions suivantes :
4. Les possibles différences entre le logement locatif privé, le logement social et le programme de logement abordable, en ce qui concerne le bien‐être des enfants et des familles.
5. La perception qu’ont les parents et les enfants de l’influence d’un logement abordable sur d’autres aspects de la vie comme l’emploi, l’éducation et la santé. Cette question a été étudiée au moyen de méthodes qualitatives.
6. L’impact des longues listes d’attente sur le bien‐être des enfants. Cette question a été étudiée au moyen d’entrevues qualitatives.
MÉTHODE
Nous avons conçu et éprouvé une stratégie de recherche longitudinale lors d’une étude réalisée
dans plusieurs villes. Nous avons recueilli des données primaires au moyen d’une étude
longitudinale en trois phases réalisée auprès du même groupe de participants sur une période de
huit mois. Au questionnaire initial ont répondu 65 adultes (dont 22 parents d’enfants âgés de 6 à
15 ans) et 13 jeunes (âgés de 16 à 21 ans), qui soit étaient en liste d’attente pour un logement
social, et donc habitaient un logement locatif dans le marché privé, soit avaient récemment
obtenu un logement social ou un logement subventionné par le Programme de logement
abordable (PLA).
Le questionnaire initial destiné aux enfants et aux jeunes comportait une série de questions tirées
de plusieurs échelles utilisées dans des études précédentes. Les questions portaient sur diverses
dimensions du bien‐être des enfants, comme les indicateurs liés au sentiment des enfants envers
eux‐mêmes et leur vie; les relations avec les pairs et les amis; les relations avec les parents;
12
l’éducation et leur expérience de l’école; la santé physique et socioémotionnelle; les activités; et le
niveau de pauvreté de la famille.
Des entrevues qualitatives poussées ont aussi été réalisées auprès d’un petit groupe de parents et
de jeunes dans le but d’étudier l’impact du logement abordable sur les autres aspects de la vie,
comme l’emploi, l’éducation et la santé. Ces participants ainsi que leurs enfants ont été invités à
produire des dessins et des images de leurs logements précédent et actuel. Les dessins reproduits
au début de chacune des sections de ce rapport sont des exemples des images créées. Enfin, les
participants qui étaient en attente d’un logement subventionné ont décrit leurs expériences.
PRINCIPALES CONSTATATIONS
L’analyse des données recueillies indique qu’il y a probablement des liens entre les divers
indicateurs de bien‐être des enfants et le fait de vivre dans un logement subventionné. Ces liens
pourraient être précisés au moyen d’un projet de recherche étalé sur une période de temps
suffisamment longue. Les enfants et les jeunes vivant dans des logements inabordables non
subventionnés pourraient subir plus d’effets négatifs que ceux vivant dans des logements
subventionnés.
L’abordabilité du logement était un problème même pour les familles vivant dans des
logements subventionnés. Les constatations préliminaires montrent en effet que 36 % des
participants, vivant dans des logements subventionnés ou non, consacrent 50 % ou plus de
leur revenu aux frais de logement. Onze pour cent des ménages vivant dans des logements
du PLA consacraient plus de 80 % de leur revenu mensuel à leurs frais de logement, contre
environ 6 % des participants vivant dans des logements sociaux et 15 % des participants
vivant dans des logements locatifs privés. Cinquante pour cent des participants vivant dans
des logements financés par le PLA ont indiqué consacrer plus de 50 % du revenu de leur
ménage aux frais de logement.
Les données qualitatives ont permis de contextualiser, dans des processus structuraux plus
larges, l’expérience personnelle des participants ayant entraîné leur besoin d’un logement
subventionné; de mettre en lumière les stratégies utilisées pour faire face aux difficultés du
long temps d’attente pour un logement subventionné; et de mieux comprendre l’impact de
cette attente prolongée sur le bien‐être des familles et de leurs enfants.
Les participants en liste d’attente ont dit éprouver un sentiment d’impuissance. Ils ont
parlé de la difficulté d’avancer dans la vie et de la frustration liée à l’attente de nouvelles
concernant leur position dans la liste.
13
o Les familles en liste d’attente ont mentionné des difficultés financières.
o Les récits des participants indiquent que certains des enfants et des jeunes dont les
parents sont en liste d’attente risquaient peut‐être de ne pas réaliser leur plein
potentiel du point de vue éducatif.
o Les récits des participants abondaient de stratégies utilisées pour se débrouiller
pendant le long temps d’attente. Les stratégies de survie comprenaient à la fois des
soutiens formels et informels.
L’obtention d’un logement abordable ou d’un logement social avait de nombreux effets
positifs sur la qualité de vie des participants. Les participants ont mentionné la réduction
du stress financier, l’amélioration de la santé et un meilleur sentiment de sécurité
comparativement à leur lieu de vie précédent.
Les chercheurs ont constaté, et c’est l’une des principales leçons méthodologiques de
l’étude pilote, que la conception et la réalisation d’une étude longitudinale doit se faire sur
une longue période de temps, puisque de nombreux ménages demeurent en liste d’attente
pendant longtemps : les participants en attente d’un logement l’étaient toujours lors de la
troisième vague d’entrevues. Comme les listes d’attente ne sont pas très dynamiques, le
recrutement et l’échantillonnage doivent se faire sur une période minimale de 12 mois.
Pour atteindre notre objectif de départ, il est recommandé de consacrer au moins cinq ans
à ce type d’étude. Ainsi, le recrutement et l’échantillonnage peuvent se faire sur une
année, puisque les listes d’attente ne progressent pas très rapidement. Quant à l’intervalle
entre les vagues d’entrevues, il doit être d’au moins 12 mois pour que des changements
puissent être observés. Une longue période de temps permettra de démontrer les effets
sur les ménages de l’obtention d’un logement abordable. On peut ainsi examiner les effets
du logement subventionné sur les divers postes budgétaires des ménages, comme ceux
consacrés à la nourriture et aux loisirs.
National Office
700 Montreal RoadOttawa ON K1A 0P7
Telephone: (613) 748-2000
Bureau national
700 chemin de MontréalOttawa ON K1A 0P7Téléphone : (613) 748-2000
Puisqu’on prévoit une demande restreinte pour ce document derecherche, seul le résumé a été traduit.
La SCHL fera traduire le document si la demande le justifie.
Pour nous aider à déterminer si la demande justifie que ce rapport soittraduit en français, veuillez remplir la partie ci-dessous et la retourner àl’adresse suivante :
Centre canadien de documentation sur l’habitationSociété canadienne d’hypothèques et de logement700, chemin Montréal, bureau C1-200Ottawa (Ontario)K1A 0P7
Titre du rapport: _______________________________________
_______________________________________
Je préférerais que ce rapport soit disponible en français.
NOM _____________________________________________
ADRESSE___________________________________________ rue App.
___________________________________________________________ ville province Code postal
No de téléphone ( ) ____________
14
SECTION 1 – INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW OF LITERATURE
OVERVIEW OF PROJECT
Though the proportion of all Canadian households – both owners and renters, who are in core housing need has declined from 15.6 percent in 1996 to 12.7 percent in 2006, the proportion of Canadian renter households with at least one child below 18 years who is in core housing need is 34.5 percent. In fact, the proportion of Canadian lone‐parent renter households with at least one child below 18 years is 48 per cent. These figures are even higher for Ontarian households – 43 percent and 58 percent respectively.1 The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (“CMHC”) defines a household to be in core housing need if its “housing falls below at least one of the adequacy, affordability or suitability, standards and it would have to spend 30 percent or more of its total before‐tax income to pay the median rent of alternative local housing that is acceptable (meets all three housing standards)” while “affordability” is “housing that costs less than 30 percent of total before‐tax household income”. “Household income” is defined by Statistics
1 Source: CMHC 2006 Census‐based housing indicators and data.
15
Canada as “all incomes reported by persons 15 years of age and older living in the household” (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2009). Research undertaken in several jurisdictions, including Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom indicates that the consequences of housing affordability problems and inadequate housing are far‐reaching and touch on different indicators of children’s well‐being including education and health (Bashir, 2002; Byrne et al., 1986; Hopton & Hunt, 1996; Smith & Mallinson, 1997). Research findings from Statistics Canada and CMHC point out that rental housing that is not affordable is much more common in Canada’s CMAs than housing that is inadequate or unsuitable. The primary purpose of this study was to develop and pilot a longitudinal research strategy that could be used to explore how affordable housing impacts children’s development and well‐being. Additional objectives of this study were to explore:
1. The different impacts of private rental housing, social housing and the affordable housing program on the well‐being of children and families.
2. The perceptions of adults and youth on how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate other outcomes such as employment, education and health using qualitative methods.
3. The impact of long wait‐lists on children’s well‐being using qualitative interviews To accomplish this objective, the study conducted a comprehensive review of literature on studies
that have examined the role of housing (and other neighbourhood effects) on the well‐being of
children. We also reviewed studies on child development to select robust indicators of child well‐
being that are grounded on well‐conceptualized empirical bases. We reviewed existing
questionnaires/measures for validity, reliability and appropriateness. The findings from this review
of literature then informed the development of a longitudinal research strategy. We pre‐tested
this research strategy in a pilot study that focused on families who were on the wait list for
subsidized housing (social housing and the Affordable Housing Program) in the Cities of
Peterborough, Hamilton and the County of Hastings.
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT
This report is organized into five sections. Section one – The Introduction and Overview of
Literature, outlines the research objective that the study set out to accomplish. This section also
provides an overview of previous work on housing, particularly literature that is related to housing
and children’s well‐being. Section two – Methodology, describes the longitudinal research
strategy. The findings are presented in Sections three and four. Section five – Methodological
Lessons from Pilot Study reviews methodological insights from the pilot study that are valuable in
refining the research strategy.
16
LITERATURE REVIEW
IMPORTANCE OF HOUSING FOR CHILDREN’S WELL‐BEING
For children, living in safe, stable, and secure housing plays a large part in their healthy growth and
development. Having supportive parenting and community environments and an adequate
income are all essential to children’s well‐being – yet, all of these conditions are influenced by and
dependent upon housing (Carter & Polevychok, 2004). For example, high housing costs mean less
money is available for other resources and poor housing is often situated in poor neighbourhoods,
which may mean lower access to other resources, like high quality after‐school programs or health
care.
Housing can also have a significant impact on children through their parents. Problems with
housing, whether it be due to high housing costs or housing that is unstable or inadequate, can all
contribute to parental stress, which in turn can negatively impact the relationship between
parents and their children and children’s development (Gagné & Ferrer, 2006; Vandivere et al.,
2006). The demands placed on parents from dealing with poor housing can lead to parental
frustration and irritability that can result in parenting that is more punitive; for families living in
poor quality housing, parents may attempt to be more restrictive and exert greater control over
their children in order to minimize problems (Evans, Saltzman & Cooperman, 2001). As Bartlett
(1998) points out, “housing is not simply a setting within which children develop their early social
relationships; it also has a significant influence on family interactions and children’s patterns of
behaviour” (p. 405).
Although children spend more time at home than anywhere else, our knowledge of how housing
quality affects children’s health and well‐being has been criticized as greatly lacking (Evans et al.,
2001; Gifford & Lacombe, 2006; Harker, 2007). While housing that is unaffordable, unsafe, or
overcrowded has been found to affect families on a “day‐to‐day basis”, there is limited research
on the effects of inadequate housing on the long‐term well‐being or development of children
(Bartlett, 1998, p. 404). Bartlett (1999) argues that policy makers involved in “housing,
infrastructure and community upgrading” lack knowledge about the needs of children and how
their work may impact on children; their interventions are generally aimed at the level of the
household or community, with the “implicit assumption that improved conditions for a community
at large will affect children in the same way that they affect everyone else” (p. 64). Thus, housing
and planning policies may not always take into consideration the specific concerns or needs of
children.
ASPECTS OF HOUSING THAT IMPACT ON PEOPLE’S WELL‐BEING
17
A variety of aspects or characteristics of housing can impact on people’s well‐being. These
include: the cost of available housing (i.e. affordability); the physical quality of one’s home
(including having enough space, housing that is in good repair and the absence of hazards or
allergens that can increase the risk of accidents and disease); tenure (whether the home is rented
or owned); residential mobility; and the quality and safety of the surrounding neighbourhood
(Bratt, 2002; Gagné & Ferrer, 2006; Vandivere et al., 2006). It should also be kept in mind that all
of these housing characteristics are often interrelated so that families with a housing problem in
one area also typically experience housing problems in others (Vandivere et al., 2006). For
example, high housing costs can limit a household’s ability to afford a home in good physical
condition and in a safe neighbourhood. As a result, children facing one housing problem may also
encounter multiple other risky housing conditions (in addition to risks stemming from poverty in
general) that can intensify the negative effects that such conditions have on their development.
The following sections will examine these various aspects of housing and the ways in which
problems in each of these areas can impact on family and child well‐being. For the purposes of
this literature review, children’s well‐being will be conceptualized along several different
dimensions. Vandivere et al. (2006) have defined children’s well‐being in three major areas:
physical, social and emotional, and cognitive. Physical well‐being means children are free from
diseases and safe from accidents and injuries; it requires adequate nutrition, sleep, exercise, and
health care. Social and emotional well‐being relate to children’s social skills and how they relate
to both others and themselves (that is, children should get along well with others and feel good
about themselves). Cognitive well‐being or development refers to children’s ability to learn in
school and acquire skills related to things like problem solving, literacy, and decision making.
Where applicable, this literature review will touch on the impact of housing on all these
dimensions of well‐being. It should also be noted that these three dimensions of well‐being can
be applied to adults as well.
AFFORDABILITY
High housing costs can impact on the well‐being of families, with the most extreme consequence
of lack of affordable housing being homelessness, including the ‘hidden homeless’. These are
people who, while not living on the streets, are nonetheless without permanent, stable housing,
and comprise the vast majority of the homeless population (Raising the Roof). Increasingly,
homelessness is a result of poverty and a lack of affordable housing, rather than mental illness or
substance abuse (Caragata, 2006; Laird, 2007). For example, the 2005 Greater Vancouver
Homeless Count found that a lack of income and the cost of housing were the most commonly
cited reasons by survey participants for being homeless (Social Planning and Research Council of
BC, 2005). In Canada, mothers with children are among the fastest‐growing groups among the
homeless (Caragata, 2006).
18
The impacts of homelessness upon families and children are far ranging and serious, and obviously
involve more than just the lack of physical shelter from the elements. Homelessness can
contribute to poorer health and chronic health problems and barriers to education and
employment opportunities (Bratt, 2002). For children, the impacts of homelessness can be
especially detrimental to their physical, educational, and emotional development. Not
surprisingly, children who are or at risk of homelessness face greater barriers to regular access to
education, healthcare, and proper nutrition, and the negative consequences of homelessness can
affect them throughout their adult lives (Caragata, 2006). Research has found that homeless
children are more likely to experience more serious medical problems, higher rates of accidents
and injuries, developmental delay, and higher rates of obesity (Grant et al., 2007). Research has
also found that children who have lived in temporary accommodations for over a year are more
likely than non‐homeless children to experience anxiety, depression, and other mental health
problems (Harker, 2007). However, it may be that mental health problems among homeless
children are related to other related risk factors, such as suffering from abuse (Harker, 2007).
Homelessness can impact negatively on children’s educational performance not only due to the
stress it creates, but because of its impact on regular school attendance. Children living in
temporary housing are often forced to change schools frequently because of moving between
temporary housing, shelters, and logistical problems of transportation to school (Bartlett, 1998;
Grant et al., 2007; Harker, 2007; Vandivere et al., 2006). Research has found that homeless
children have higher rates of absenteeism from school, are more likely to repeat a grade, score
lower on tests of academic performance, have learning difficulties, and have lower expectations
for future educational attainment (Harker, 2007; Rubin et al., 1996; Vandivere et al., 2006). A
study by Rubin et al. (1996) of 102 homeless children in New York City found that, compared with
other children with homes from the same classrooms, the homeless children did score lower in
tests of reading, spelling, and mathematics and were more likely to perform below grade level and
to repeat a grade. However, they performed equally well on tests measuring verbal and nonverbal
intelligence.
IMPACT OF HOUSING ASSISTANCE ON EXITS FROM HOMELESSNESS
There is evidence that housing assistance programs can make a difference in helping people exit
from homelessness. In a study with over 500 families either requesting shelter or receiving public
assistance in New York City, Shinn et al. (1998) found that the receipt of subsidized housing was
the most important predictor of housing stability among families that were formerly homeless.
Families were initially interviewed in 1988 and again five years later. The authors found that the
19
families who received subsidized housing during this time were 20.6 times more likely to be
considered in stable housing than those who did not receive subsidized housing. 2 Other
predictors of housing stability examined in the study included demographic variables, education
and employment history, teenage motherhood, domestic violence, and mental health status.
Using the same data but only focusing on those families who had stayed in a shelter at least three
years prior to the follow‐up interview, Stojanovic, Weitzman, Shinn, Labay, and Williams (1999)
found that a smaller proportion of those families who received subsidized housing returned to
shelters. Of those families who were able to obtain subsidized housing after leaving shelters, only
15% returned to a shelter at some point during the period between the initial and follow‐up
interview. In contrast, almost half (43%) of families who did not receive subsidized housing
returned to a shelter. Thus, Stojanovic et al. also conclude that subsidized housing plays a central
role in residential stability; the majority of families who did not obtain subsidized housing were
not able to remain stably housed in a place of their own, at least not initially. (In fact, the majority
of those who did eventually obtain their own housing after returning to a shelter ended up in a
subsidized apartment).
A study conducted by Wood, Turnham, and Mills (2008) also indicates that housing assistance
helps low‐income families become more securely housed. In a large‐scale evaluation of the effects
of housing vouchers on nearly 9,000 low‐income families across the United States, rental vouchers
were randomly assigned to program participants from 2000 through 2004. During this period,
participants were tracked to measure the effects of voucher assistance on various aspects of their
well‐being, including homelessness, crowding, household composition, housing mobility,
neighbourhood quality, employment and earnings, and aspects of child well‐being.
The study found that homelessness was nearly eliminated among the families that received
vouchers and that many of the families in the study would not have been able to afford a place of
their own without a voucher, given their very low incomes and use of public assistance. Forty‐five
percent of families that did not receive vouchers reported spending some time during the fourth
year of the study without a place of their own, compared to only 9% of families that did receive
vouchers. Families without vouchers were also three times more likely to have stayed with
families or friends and four times more likely to have stayed in a shelter or been on the streets
than families with vouchers. In‐depth interviews conducted with nearly 2,500 of the participants
found that “voucher assistance substantially reduced the anxiety among welfare recipients about
being able to pay the rent and keep a roof over their children’s heads” (Wood et al., 2008, p. 404).
2 Housing stability was defined as having one’s own residence and not having moved during the previous 12 months.
20
There are also programs that work to directly house people who are living on the streets. Under
the City of Toronto’s Streets to Homes program, over 1,500 homeless people have been housed
directly from the streets since 2005 and nearly 90% of them have remained in their housing (Raine
& Marcellin, 2007). The Streets to Homes program is based on a ‘Housing First’ approach, which
advocates for providing homeless people with housing first as the best way to end homelessness.
A survey conducted between November 2006 and April 2007 of 88 people housed through the
program found that the vast majority of participants (88%) were satisfied with their housing and
saw improvements in most indicators of well‐being, including improvements in health, personal
security, and level of stress (Raine & Marcellin, 2007). Although not without challenges (e.g. 66%
of participants reported running out of money for basic needs like food every month), overall, the
vast majority of participants (91%) stated their life had improved since moving into housing and
82% said that their outlook on their future was more positive. The survey also concludes that
programs like this provide support for the idea that housing people directly off the street – and
keeping them in housing – is possible with the appropriate supports in place.
BEYOND HOMELESSNESS – OTHER WAYS AFFORDABILITY AFFECTS WELL‐BEING
Unaffordable housing can also affect family and child well‐being in ways that go beyond
homelessness. It is not difficult to see that shelter is a basic requirement for not only basic
survival, but also for one’s well‐being and ability to participate in society. When housing is more
affordable, people are obviously able to spend more of their income on other essential needs that
benefit them, including food, health care, and education. In Wood et al.’s (2008) evaluation of
housing vouchers in the U.S., the receipt of housing vouchers “freed up an average of $211 per
month in disposable income” as a result of lower housing and utilities expenses (p. 405). This extra
income was used on food, their children, and other basic household needs.
Although research on the impact of unaffordable housing is still limited, some studies have found
that difficulties in meeting housing costs has been linked to reported poorer health and higher
levels of stress (Bratt, 2002). According to a 2007 study released by the U.S. Center for Housing
Policy and Enterprise Community Partnerships, families who live in affordable housing are
healthier because they have more money to spend on health care and food (City of Toronto,
2007).
Using data from the 1997 National Survey of America’s Families, Harkness and Newman (2005)
examined whether children and adolescents from families living below the poverty line living in
areas with more affordable housing face better outcomes than children living in less affordable
areas. They found that unaffordable housing was associated with lower health ratings (as rated by
parents) and being held back a grade more often. They also found that the link between
21
affordability and well‐being were stronger for older children (aged 12‐17) than younger children
(aged 6‐11), suggesting that the impact of unaffordable housing is cumulative. Similarly, a study
conducted by Dunn and Hayes (2000) in two Vancouver neighbourhoods found that participants
who had greater difficulty in meeting their housing and shelter related costs were more likely to
report poorer health statuses.
In addition to reducing consumption of other goods and services, high housing costs can also mean
that families are forced to live in housing that is inadequate, either in terms of its physical quality
or space (Harkness & Newman, 2005). As the following section will examine, poor quality housing
can have a wide‐ranging negative impact on both adults and children. High housing costs can also
lead families to work more. While this can help maintain their standard of living, increased
employment can also increase stress for parents, which can impact on their children’s well‐being
(Harkness & Newman, 2005).
Having access to affordable housing is important because of the way affordability is so intricately
linked to other aspects of housing that impact on the well‐being of families. For instance, the
evaluation of the receipt of housing vouchers in the U.S. conducted by Wood et al. (2008) also
found that in addition to reducing homelessness and housing insecurity, vouchers also reduced
overcrowding. They found that twice as many families without vouchers lived in crowded housing
(defined as having less than one room per household member) than families who did receive
vouchers. Interviews conducted with a smaller sample of participants found that for many of
them, receiving the vouchers allowed them to move out on their own, for the first time for some.
Many of those who were able to move out from crowded or extended family households were
happy and relieved to gain such independence. For them, it meant that they could escape from
abusive situations and other unhealthy interactions with previous household members, as well as
a greater sense of control and independence and reduced stress for themselves and their children.
As noted earlier, housing can indirectly affect children’s well‐being through its impact on their
parents’ well‐being. In terms of children’s well‐being, the study by Wood et al. did not provide
statistically significant evidence that vouchers improved the well‐being of children in families that
did receive vouchers. However, the authors point out that many of the women they interviewed
reported a reduction in stress for themselves and their children and in some cases, allowed
parents to better focus on their children’s needs or spend more time with their children as they
were able to work less and were less worried about their housing situation. The interviews also
revealed that the vouchers seemed to have a positive effect on some children’s educational
outcomes. For instance, some women were able to move to areas they felt had better schools as
a result of the voucher assistance. In a more concrete way, some participants also stated that the
22
housing assistance enabled them to spend more money on clothing and school supplies for their
children, which helped them to feel more accepted and confident at school.
PHYSICAL QUALITY OF HOUSING
Given the large proportion of time people spend within their home, it is arguable that housing is
both a “key environmental influence upon health and a key health resource” (Marsh, Gordon,
Heslop & Pantazis, 2000, p. 411). Thus, not only can poor quality housing impact negatively on
health, but housing can also be viewed as a source of good health. It is also likely that growing up
in poor quality housing has a long‐term impact on children’s health and life chances (Harker,
2007). Marsh et al. (2000)’s longitudinal analysis in the UK found that both current and past poor
housing is strongly linked to experiencing ill health across the life course and that experiencing
greater housing deprivation during childhood or early adulthood increased the housing‐related risk
to health.
There is increasing evidence linking housing to people’s physical and mental health and that poorly
built and maintained housing is linked to lower health outcomes. Physical aspects of housing, such
as its structural conditions, ventilation system, and the presence of toxic substances like lead and
asbestos, can all lead to accidents, injuries, diseases, and even death (Bratt, 2002; Campbell &
McFadden, 2006; City of Toronto, 2007; Vandivere et al., 2006). For instance, poor electrical
wiring increases the risk of fire and poorly constructed floors, stairs, and windows and poorly lit
stairwells can all lead to falls and other injuries (Harker, 2007; Vandivere et al., 2006). Poor
ventilation systems contribute to the growth of mould and bacteria, which can exacerbate
respiratory diseases like asthma, while inadequate heating can contribute to chronic colds,
respiratory infections, and other health problems (Harker, 2007; Vandivere et al., 2006). In the
U.S., residential injuries continue to be the leading cause of death for children and adolescents
(Campbell & McFadden, 2006).
There is a substantial body of literature on the effects of lead and mercury poisoning on children’s
development. Lead exposure from paint and soil in older and poorly maintained homes can
negatively affect brain and central nervous system development, putting children’s cognitive
development at risk (Vandivere et al., 2006). Younger children are especially vulnerable to lead
exposure as their brains and central nervous systems are still developing and early childhood lead
exposure has been linked to lower reading and mathematics scores and reduced IQs (Evans, 2006;
Harker, 2007; Vandivere et al., 2006).
Housing quality can also impact upon children’s cognitive development. Studies have found that
standardized test scores and teachers’ ratings of children’s social and academic competency are
significantly linked to housing quality (Evans, 2006). Children living in poor quality housing also get
23
sick more often (primarily through respiratory infections and physical injuries), which limits their
daily activities and school attendance, which then has long‐term implications for their personal
development (Evans, 2006; Harker, 2007).
HOUSING & SOCIAL/EMOTIONAL/PSYCHOLOGICAL HEALTH
The physical quality of housing can also impact on people’s social, emotional, or psychological
well‐being and not just their physical health. Research has found that better quality housing is
associated with lower levels of psychological distress (Bratt, 2002). Out of all the spaces and
environments that we move through, housing is the most closely associated with our identity and
as such, has a significant impact on how we feel about ourselves (Bratt, 2002). As Ridgway et al.
(1994) put it: “Empowerment is often found in the details of the mundane world. It comes from
controlling access to personal space, from being able to alter one’s environment…and from having
personal space that reflects and upholds one’s identity and interests” (as cited in Bratt, 2002, p.
19).
Housing can thus provide us with a sense of control and security and when housing quality is
comprised, so is our sense of autonomy. In Kearns, Hiscock, Ellaway, and MacIntyre’s (2000)
survey of 6,500 adults in West Central Scotland to measure the psycho‐social benefits of housing,
problems with the home (such as it being too crowded and noisy and in a poor state of repair)
were found to be more important than any other factor (including homeownership and the
neighbourhood) in reducing the psycho‐social benefits people derived from their home. These
psycho‐social benefits included perceiving one’s home as a place of autonomy, safety, and
security.
Housing quality can similarly impact on children’s emotional and psychological well‐being. In the
first study to ever observe a relationship between housing quality and children’s psychological
health, Evans et al. (2001) found that, independent of household income, children who lived in
poorer quality housing displayed “greater symptoms of psychological distress” and behavioural
problems (p. 394). The study was based on 277 children in grades three to five living in low to
middle‐income families in rural upstate New York. Housing quality was measured by an
independent observer on 88 different items that looked at child resources, cleanliness/clutter,
indoor climatic conditions, privacy, hazards, and structural quality. Children’s socio‐emotional
well‐being was measured by a questionnaire that asked parents to rate their child on various
behaviours and symptoms of depression and anxiety.
Furthermore, the study also found that housing quality may affect motivation in children: children
living in higher quality housing displayed higher levels of persistence on solving a challenging
puzzle. The authors point out that this finding is important for it shows that housing quality can
24
influence “overt behavior indicative of socio‐emotional well‐being”, rather than only measures
that are self‐reported (p. 395). It also suggests that lower quality housing can lead to greater
helplessness as chronic exposure to poor quality housing conditions that one has little power to
change may result in a belief that one is unable to change one’s surroundings.
In one of the few Canadian studies on this topic, Gifford and Lacombe (2006) also studied whether
the socio‐emotional health of children is related to the physical quality of their residence and
neighbourhood. The study was completed with 95 children aged 9‐12 from different income levels
and housing forms in Quebec City and Victoria. The residences and neighbourhoods were
comprehensively rated on over 200 items, such as the general physical exterior and interior
condition of the home, adequate space, and the safety of the neighbourhood. Children’s socio‐
emotional health was measured by a questionnaire completed by their parent, who rated their
child on such behaviours as anxiety, distress, and obedience. Overall, the study found a
“significant association” between children’s socio‐emotional health and the physical quality of
their residential environment, especially the interior of their homes. Children living in residences
and neighbourhoods with more physical problems displayed more behavioural problems, even
after controlling for other factors like gender, household income, and parental education and
mental health status. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth in
Canada, Gagné & Ferrer (2006) also found that boys and girls living in housing that required major
repairs displayed worse behavioural outcomes
OVERCROWDING
Adequate space is another important dimension of housing that affects the well‐being of families
and children. Overcrowding or high residential density can impact negatively upon the physical
and psychological health of adults and children alike. In terms of physical health, people living in
overcrowded conditions have been found to be sick more often and are at greater risk of
infectious and respiratory diseases and other problems linked to poor ventilation and hygiene
conditions, possibly because the close proximity of household members means infections are
transmitted more easily (Goux & Maurin, 2005, Marsh et al., 2000). Respiratory problems in
children have been linked to overcrowded housing conditions in several studies, perhaps as a
result of increased exposure to infectious diseases and tobacco smoke (Harker, 2006).
Living in overcrowded housing can also obviously be a source of stress. Overcrowding has been
linked with higher levels of psychological distress in adults (Evans, Lercher & Kofler, 2002;
Vandivere et al., 2006) and a “decreased capacity to cope with social tensions” (Bartlett, 1998, p.
412), though the evidence is sometimes mixed and the association between overcrowding and
behaviour is possibly coincidental, rather than causal (Bratt, 2002). One of the major reasons for
the negative effects of crowding is likely the loss of control that people experience in crowded
25
conditions over their level of privacy and interactions with others (Evans et al., 2002; Goux &
Maurin, 2005). Studies have found that when spaces are designed to better control interpersonal
contact and allow for more privacy, the negative impact of crowding seems to be reduced (Evans
et al., 2002). Overcrowding can also contribute to less and/or irregular sleep, which can result in
concentration problems at home and at school (Conley, 2001).
Overcrowding can also mean children do not have adequate space for themselves, for either study
or play. For younger children, research has long found the importance of an easily accessible and
safe outdoor play space for their social and cognitive development and decreasing parental stress
(Bartlett, 1998). Having a quiet, and private space to do schoolwork obviously contributes to
children’s learning and homes that are overcrowded often lack a suitable space for children to
study (Harker, 2007). A study conducted by Goux and Maurin (2005) evaluated the impact of
overcrowding on children’s educational performance in France. They found that even after
controlling for family size and socioeconomic status, “the probability of being held back a grade
increases very significantly with the number of children per room” (p. 809). Other studies have
linked residential crowding with lower IQ and reading scores (see Evans, 2006).
There is also research linking overcrowding with children’s mental health. Elementary school
children living in more crowded homes have demonstrated higher psychological distress, poorer
behavioural adjustment at school, and lower motivation in task performance (Evans, 2006). More
crowded conditions have been linked with greater social withdrawal among preschool children
and greater aggression and conflict and diminished cooperation among children and adolescents
(Evans, 2006). One possible reason for the impact of overcrowding on children is that like adults,
children living in crowded conditions have less control over their interactions and what they can
do, which can then lead to a “loss of self‐efficacy and a feeling of helplessness” (Vandivere et al.,
2006, p. 14).
Finally, overcrowding can influence the way members of a household relate to one another. A
number of studies have found that overcrowding is associated with greater conflict and negative
interactions between parents and children (Conley, 2001; Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2002;
Vandivere, et al., 2006). Living in overcrowded conditions can obviously contribute to stress
among parents and cause them to be more irritable or withdrawn (Conley, 2001; Harker, 2007).
Many studies have linked overcrowding to more punitive parenting (Bartlett, 1999, 71). On the
other hand, studies have also found that parents are less responsive to their children and monitor
them less in more crowded homes (Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2002)
HOUSING STABILITY, HOUSING TENURE AND THE MEANINGS OF HOME
26
One of the consequences of living in inadequate housing may be frequent relocation, either
because of forced eviction, problems with neighbours, or a desire to improve living conditions
(Bartlett, 1998). However, residential stability can benefit families and children as families who
stay in one place for longer periods of time are more likely to be aware of and have knowledge of
available social support networks and community resources (Vandivere et al., 2006). However,
when a family moves frequently, it is difficult for them to establish and maintain social
connections and as a result, families may “tend to turn inward” and stop attempting to form
connections with their community (Bartlett, 1998, p. 415). It is also not difficult to see how
frequent moves can negatively impact on children’s education, as with each move, children must
adapt to new schools, teachers, and peers (Vandivere et al., 2006).
There is a substantial body of research examining the difference between homeowners and
renters. Research indicates that homeownership can benefit the well‐being of families and
children (Gagné & Ferrer, 2006; Vandivere et al., 2006). In terms of housing quality, the
maintenance and cleanliness of homes that are owned are often better than in homes that are
rented because homeowners are more likely to be more invested in their home and personally
benefit over the long term from maintenance efforts. Homeowners may also be more financially
able to make improvements to and maintain their home and tend to move less frequently than
renters. Consequently, homeowners may be more invested in their surrounding neighbourhood
and community (in order to maintain the property value of their home), which can result in
greater support for community resources like parks and libraries and more pressure to reduce
crime. Such an investment in the neighbourhood and community can also help promote school
engagement and civic participation among children and youth.
On an individual level, research has also found that homeowners generally report being healthier
than those who rent, including in such areas as stress, depression, and inadequate nutrition.
Potential factors contributing to this gap include the physical quality of the housing itself and the
quality of the surrounding neighbourhood (Canadian Institute for Health Information [CIHI], 2006).
In terms of educational outcomes, homeownership has been linked to higher reading and math
scores among elementary school‐aged children and high completion rates (Vandivere et al., 2006).
The association between homeownership and financial stability also means that families who own
their homes may be better able to afford activities and post‐secondary education that enrich their
child’s learning (Conley, 2001; Vandivere et al., 2006). Finally, the greater stability among
homeowners reduces the number of times children have to change schools (Vandivere et al.,
2006).
27
Last but not least, it is not just the physical quality of housing that matters, but also the meanings
that people invest into their homes. In this sense, one can make a distinction between a house
and a home (CIHI, 2006). While a house can be seen as the actual physical structure that, in its
most basic form, provides people shelter from the elements, a home encompasses the different
social meanings that people attach to their house. Kearns et al. (2000) argue that while housing is
often considered as meeting families’ immediate needs of shelter and as a financial asset, less
often considered are the non‐material and non‐financial benefits of housing. They identify three
social and psychological aspects of housing that are also important to people’s well‐being. These
include the home as a safe and secure haven; as a place of autonomy; and as providing a certain
level of social status.
While researchers are beginning to study the meanings people attach to their homes, research
linking this with physical health is still limited (CIHI, 2006). As housing is so tied up in people’s
physical and socio‐emotional well‐being though, it likely that the way people feel towards their
home also has a great impact upon their health. In their study with residents in two Vancouver
neighbourhoods, Dunn and Hayes (2000) found that residents who expressed more satisfaction
with and pride in their housing were more likely to report better health status, including mental
health.
HOUSING AND WELL‐BEING ‐ SUMMARY OF KEY LESSONS FROM THE REVIEW OF LITERATURE
The review of literature indicates that housing plays an important role in the well‐being of families
and children. Housing in its most basic form – as a physical space that shelters us from the
elements – is one of our most basic needs. However, housing also provides people with much
more than just shelter. Having housing that is secure, adequate, and affordable can also enable
people to improve their health and economic status, through for instance, going back to school or
entering the labour force (Carter & Polevychok, 2004). Moreover, without housing, it is arguable
that people are effectively excluded from participating in society. As Bratt (2002) puts it: “Housing
is the foundation of family life, without which all other activities are severely challenged or
rendered impossible to carry out” (p. 14).
The review found that housing is the foundation upon which people can access other resources
and support networks and without it, people will likely face greater barriers in becoming more
economically and socially secure. Dunn and Hayes (2000) point out how housing plays a central
role in our everyday lives and is fundamentally tied up in the sense of control we feel over our life
circumstances. In addition, they argue that housing and the housing market play a significant role
in how wealth and power are distributed in society and help to produce and reproduce our social
identity and status. Thus, inequalities that stem from one’s position in the housing market can
also generate inequalities in other realms, such as health.
28
Finally, a note of caution about drawing a causal connection between housing and people’s
psychological health. Both Evans et al. (2001) and Gifford and Lacombe (2006) caution against
declaring that poor quality housing directly causes socio‐emotional health problems in children.
Causality cannot be definitively established as the random assignment of children to different
quality housing is clearly not possible. Instead, Gifford and Lacombe (2006) point out that other
external factors not measured in their study may cause both poor housing quality and
socioeconomic health, such as parental neglect of both the home and their children. Another
explanation may be that children who live in poor quality housing or neighbourhoods experience
rejection or marginalization from their peers because of their housing and it is these social
problems that contribute to their poorer socio‐emotional health.
Marsh et al. (2000) also point out two alternative explanations for the relationship between
housing and health. Rather than housing quality affecting health, it may be that households in
poorer health find themselves in poorer housing circumstances, because those with poorer health
and greater medical needs are less likely to earn as much income or participate in the labour
market. Consequently, the housing they are able to afford tends to be in the lower end of the
private market. Secondly, households in poorer housing circumstances may tend to have a more
“negative ‘world view’” than other households and are thus more likely to report poorer health (p.
424).
However, Marsh et al (2000) find these two explanations unlikely, the former due to little
empirical evidence and the latter because there is health data available (and used in their study)
that goes beyond self‐reporting. Although more research to support existing findings linking
housing to health and to determine precisely the mechanisms involved in this relationship is
always desirable, Marsh et al. (2000) conclude that based on the existing empirical evidence, “the
impact of housing deprivation upon the risk of ill health is indicative of a causal relationship” (p.
424).
29
“We all live in a 2‐bedroom apt and there is 4 of us (single mother and three teenage children). We
pay $800 a month. It is complicated to live in such a small space for our household”
SECTION 2 – METHODOLOGY
METHODOLOGY OVERVIEW:
Our primary data collection strategy for the pilot study was a three‐wave longitudinal design
conducted on the same group of participants over a period of eight months. The selection of
participants was through a multi‐stage sampling strategy that targeted households who were on
the wait‐list for social housing or had recently moved into either a social housing unit or an
Affordable Housing Program unit.
SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES FOR WAVES I AND II
The baseline instrument used for parents, children and youth was an amalgamation of questions
drawn from several scales used in previous studies (please see Appendix six for Adult’s
Questionnaire, Appendix seven for Children’s Questionnaire and Appendix eight for Youth
Questionnaire). The questions included a variety of dimensions related to child well‐being. This
30
included indicators related to children’s feelings towards themselves and their lives; relationships
with peers/friends; relationships with parents; education/experiences at school; physical and
socio‐emotional health; activities in which they participate; and the level of deprivation
experienced by their family. Questions were gathered from the following sources:
o Statistics Canada’s National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY), which
measures a wide variety of children’s outcomes, including relationships with family and peers,
health, education, and feelings and behaviour. (The Cycle 7 (2005/2006) version of the survey
was used.)
o The OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), which includes a
questionnaire for students on various dimensions of their education. (Both the 2000 and 2003
editions were used.)
o The WHO’s Health Behaviour in School‐Aged Children (HBSC) study, which measures various
dimensions of children’s physical and socio‐emotional health. (The 2005/2006 edition of the
survey was used ‐ note that questions were only adapted from this study).
The questionnaires are divided into several sections, beginning with questions on demographics
(e.g. age, family situation). Each section is based on a specific ‘domain’ or area of a child’s life and
includes the following:
SELF/INTERACTIONS WITH OTHERS: Questions regarding ‘self’ are meant to capture the feelings
that children have towards themselves and their life. The questions on ‘self’ measure the extent
to which children feel good about themselves (i.e. their self‐esteem/self‐worth) and how satisfied
they are with their life at the moment. Other questions focus on more potentially ‘negative’ or
problematic behaviours, such as their inability to pay attention, getting upset or angry easily, and
levels of anxiety. Finally, a couple of questions measure the feelings that children have towards
their future, including their level of optimism about how their life will progress. Questions such as
these that capture subjective elements of well‐being are obviously important in getting a complete
picture of a child’s overall well‐being. Answers to these questions can indicate whether a change
in housing (and/or the neighbourhood) has an impact on children’s feelings about themselves and
their level of life satisfaction/enjoyment.
FAMILY: This section looks at the nature of children’s relationships with their families, particularly
their parents. Questions measure such indicators as the time children spend with their parents;
how much support they feel they receive (or don’t receive) from their parents; and how close they
feel to their parents. There are also questions on conflict between different family members and
how conflicts are usually resolved. Finally, there is a section measuring how much responsibility
children have in the home (e.g. taking care of younger siblings).
31
The receipt of affordable housing is likely to impact children’s well‐being indirectly through their
parents. By receiving affordable housing, parents may become less stressed (as they are no longer
as worried about meeting housing costs) and may even have more free time as they are not
working as much. All this would clearly impact on the ability of parents to spend time with their
children and the quality of the parent‐child relationship. It may also impact the relationship
between parents or the adults within the family as financial stress often causes strains on
relationships.
SCHOOL: Questions in this section capture a variety of children’s educational outcomes, including:
their academic performance (e.g. how well they think they are doing; completing assignments on
time); attendance; participation in extra‐curricular activities at school; and their access to
educational resources and supports at home (e.g. having a place to study).
In addition, questions capture more subjective elements of education, such as how children feel
about school (whether they like it or not); their sense of belonging at school; and how important
school and doing well in school is to them. Finally, there is a section on children’s future
educational/occupational aspirations and questions related to changing schools that may be
applicable if they had to move because of receiving affordable housing.
HEALTH: This section has questions that ask children to describe and rate their physical and socio‐
emotional health. Children are asked the extent to which they experience various physical
symptoms (e.g. headaches, difficulty sleeping) and certain ‘feelings’ (e.g. depression, lack of
appetite, anxiety). Children are also asked about various health‐related behaviours, such as their
diet and level of physical activity (including time spent watching TV or on the computer).
Poor quality housing can certainly impact children’s physical health (e.g. problems related to mold)
but it can also impact children’s social and emotional well‐being (through perhaps housing that is
not overcrowded and that is stable).
ACTIVITIES: Questions in this section measure the activities that children participate in outside of
school. This can include sports, arts, community clubs/groups, hobbies, and community
involvement through volunteering. Children are also asked how often they participate in activities
which may have more of an educational component, like reading for pleasure or visiting museums
and galleries.
Answers to these questions can indicate whether receiving affordable housing has an impact on
children’s ability to participate in activities, through for example having more free time to
32
participate in activities (perhaps by having to work less) – or indirectly, as their parents now have
more money to pay for their participation in such activities.
DEPRIVATION: This section measures various dimensions of family affluence and deprivation. The
Family Affluence Scale from the WHO’s international Health Behaviour in School‐aged Children
survey uses such items as whether the family owns a vehicle and computers and how many times
children go away on holiday with their family to measure the level of family affluence. Deprivation
measures include whether the family experiences hunger and the use of food banks. Families on
the waiting list for subsidized housing obviously tend to have lower incomes and it is likely that the
receipt of housing will impact positively on their ability to spend money on other items that while
maybe not absolutely necessary, certainly go towards enriching the quality of one’s life.
HOUSING/NEIGHBOURHOOD QUALITY: These questions measure various aspects of housing
quality (e.g. plumbing and heating issues) and whether there is adequate space. Questions also
capture the level of satisfaction participants have towards their housing (and if they received
affordable housing, in comparison to previous residences). Finally, neighbourhood quality is also
assessed through such dimensions as safety, level of noise, and the distance of various amenities,
like schools and transportation.
In addition, questions measuring housing and neighbourhood quality were included from the
housing checklist in Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation’s report “Housing quality and
children’s socio‐emotional health” by Robert Gifford. A few questions were also taken from the
questionnaire that was used in the study: “Understanding Rural Homelessness” conducted by the
Applied Social Welfare Research and Evaluation Group. In the child survey, these scales were
adapted so that parents could provide the information based on their child’s behaviour. Youth‐
aged participants answered questions on their own behalf.
The baseline Parent Questionnaire contained questions about participants’ socio‐demographics,
current housing characteristics, housing history, education and employment history, social service
support, quality of life and social stigma. The questionnaire also included three opened ended
questions where participants had the opportunity to share their opinion about housing and add
any additional comments they felt were important.
To ensure that our draft questionnaires (child, youth and parent) had face validity, the research
team reviewed the surveys together and then the draft questionnaires were pilot tested with two
households in the County of Hastings. The two families were selected based on their family
composition (one family had a young child and the other had a youth‐aged child). The varying
family compositions allowed for the testing of all three of the surveys (assessing the impact of
33
housing on adults, children and youth). Participants in the pilot test were given the survey to
complete (at only one time point). In addition to completing the questionnaire, they were asked
questions pertaining to strategies to increase the likelihood that they would agree to complete the
survey twice and the best ways to contact them in the future. The pilot test also provided an
opportunity for the interviewer to become aware of any problems with the questionnaire and
provide feedback and suggestions to the research team. The piloting of the questionnaires
allowed us to determine the appropriateness of the survey content (e.g. question wording,
question order, survey length, areas covered), gaps in content, and the best strategies to reduce
attrition between Wave I and II. Minor changes were made to the parent, child and youth surveys
based on the suggestions provided by the pilot participants and interviewer.
The Wave III questionnaire (appendices 9, 10 and 11) was slightly revised to better understand the
experience of being on a wait‐list for subsidized housing as qualitative findings from Wave I and II
indicated that this was a key issue for participants. Questions were also added to better calculate
the proportion of household income that participants were paying for housing‐related costs.
SUBSIDIZED HOUSING PROGRAMS IN ONTARIO
Table 1 summarizes the subsidized housing programs available in the province of Ontario for low‐
income families. There are different forms of housing assistance for low‐income households. In
Ontario, the two primary forms of housing assistance are social housing and affordable housing.
Under social housing, most tenants receive rent geared‐to‐income (RGI) assistance, which is thirty
percent (30 percent) of tenant’s income. The proportion of Canadian renter households with at
least one child below 18 years who is in core housing need is 34.5 percent. In fact, the proportion
of Canadian lone‐parent renter households with at least one child below 18 years is 48 per cent.
These figures are even higher for Ontarian households – 43 percent and 58 percent respectively
(Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2009). In response to such severe housing
affordability problems, the governments of Canada and Ontario signed an Affordable Housing
Program Agreement on April 29, 2005.
Under this commitment, the federal government, the Province and municipalities across the
province are investing at least $734 million through the Canada‐Ontario Affordable Housing
Program (AHP). The AHP is administered by the province’s 47 Consolidated Municipal Service
Managers (CMSMs). The CMSMs provide coverage to all municipalities across the province. In
total, the program is estimated to help 20,000 Ontario households by 2010. In 2009, the
governments of Canada and Ontario signed an amendment to the Affordable Housing Program
Agreement, resulting in a joint investment of more than $1.2 billion for affordable housing over
the next two years.
34
Table 1 indicates the different components of the AHP. For the Rental and Supportive component
of the AHP, rents charged cannot exceed eighty percent (80%) of local market rent. This is different
from how Statistics Canada and the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (“CMHC”) define
“affordability” as “housing that costs less than 30 percent of total before‐tax household income”.
TABLE 1: A SUMMARY OF SUBSIDIZED HOUSING PROGRAMS
Social Housing
Subsidized rental housing for people with low to moderate incomes provided in a public, non‐profit or co‐operative housing development, or in private rental units through a rent supplement agreement. Most social housing tenants receive rent geared‐to‐income (RGI) assistance, which is thirty percent (30%) of tenant’s income*.
Canada‐Ontario Affordable Housing Program (AHP)
Rental & Supportive
Funding to create new affordable housing for low and moderate income households, persons living with mental illness, and victims of domestic violence. Rents charged cannot exceed eighty percent (80%) of local market rent*.
Northern Housing Renovation and development of affordable housing units for low‐income households in Northern Ontario.
Homeownership Assists rental households to purchase affordable homes.
Housing Allowance / Rent Supplement
Temporary housing allowances to make rental housing more affordable to low‐income tenants in markets with high vacancy rates. Assistance is provided for up to five years.
Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing. Retrieved 07/20/09 from www.mah.gov.on.ca/page6458.aspx. *Sentences in italics added for clarification.
RECRUITMENT AND SAMPLING STRATEGY
Our original recruitment plan was to sample families with children who are on the social housing
waiting list. Half of the selected households would have been families who had been selected to
receive affordable housing units through the AHP while the other half would have been families
who are likely to remain on the waiting list during the period the study is undertaken. These
families would have acted as a natural comparison group. The service managers at three
participating sites, The City of Hamilton, the City of Peterborough and the County of Hastings, had
agreed to participate in the study. Two things made this original plan unfeasible:
1. Only one of the cities, City of Peterborough, had new units under the AHP that tenants would be moving into during the study period.
2. Because the AHP does not use the rent‐geared‐to‐income criteria but only reduces rents by 20 percent below market rent, many families on the social housing wait‐list, especially those on welfare (or other government transfer payments) cannot afford the new units under the AHP, so there is no wait‐list for the AHP.
35
We therefore decided to recruit our samples from three samples: 1) participants from the regular
social housing wait‐list who were currently in private rental housing; 2) participants who were in
the process of moving into social housing from the wait‐list tenants or had moved into social
housing within the last three months; 3) a cohort of participants who had just moved into AHP
units in Peterborough.
The first phase of the project was a mail‐out of a recruitment letter that was sent to all households
on the wait‐list of the social housing programs in the City of Hamilton and County of Hastings
inviting interested participants to call a toll‐free number and express their interest to participate in
the study (with the exception of seniors who are unlikely to have young children). In the City of
Peterborough, the letter was sent to all households who had just moved into two AHP buildings.
Table 2 shows the number of households that received the recruitment letter and the number that
called the toll‐free number.
TABLE 2: RECRUITMENT AND PARTICIPATION BY HOUSEHOLDS
City Received letter*
Responded by calling
Successfully Screened ***
Interviewed at Wave I
Interviewed at Wave II
Interviewed at Wave III
Hastings 603 32 26 (25 with children)
17A**; 6C; 3Y 17A; 6C; 3Y 17A; 6C; 3Y
Peterborough 110 34 32 (5 with children)
19A; 1C; 3Y 17A; 1C; 3Y 19A; 0C; 3Y
Hamilton 3264 320 240 (104 with children)
27A; 13C; 7Y 23A; 11C; 7Y 19A; 10A; 5Y
TOTALS 3977 386 298 (134 with children)
63A; 22C; 13Y (n=100)
57A; 18C; 13Y (n=88)
55A; 17C; 13Y (n=84)
A = Adults; C = Children; Y = Youth *Adjusted for letters that were returned to sender
**Two additional households with two children participated in pilot interviews *** Numbers in brackets are the number of screened households with children
Participants that called the toll‐free number were screened in a short telephone interview using a
screening tool that included questions on household type, a brief housing history and the current
housing situation (please see appendix three for Screening Tool). The screening tool allowed us to
select participants that met one or more of the following sampling criteria:
36
o Currently living in a precarious housing situation (including living in doubled up housing, with relatives or friends or in a temporary shelter) or was in such a situation before recently moving into an AHP unit.
o Because of the long‐wait‐list and the short‐term nature of the pilot, we were particularly interested in recruiting households who had had been offered social housing units or had just moved in.
o Households should have at least one child (aged 6‐21 years old) living with them, for whom they are the guardian or parent
LONGITUDINAL SURVEY
Households that were selected after the screening phase and who provided informed consent
completed wave I (baseline) interviews. TABLE 2 shows a breakdown of the number of screened
households and selected participants by city, their household composition for the three study
waves while Table 3 shows the type of housing participants were in. The smaller communities of
Hastings and Peterborough presented some challenges. There were fewer households from which
to recruit and even fewer households with children especially in Peterborough (see TABLE 2).
However, Peterborough was the only City that had new units under the AHP that tenants would be
moving into during the study period. We decided to include a cohort from the City of
Peterborough though only three households had children as we were interested in exploring the
differences between households in social housing and the AHP – a newer form of subsidized
housing.
TABLE 3: HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS OF SURVEY PARTICIPANTS AT BASELINE
County of Hastings Hamilton Peterborough Total
Presence of Subsidy N % N % N % N %
Private Rental Housing (social housing wait-list) 10 52.6 19 70.4 0 0 29 44.6
Affordable Housing Program 0 0 2 7.4 19 100 21 32.3
Social Housing 9 47.4 6 22.2 0 0 6 22.2
Total 19 29.2 27 41.5 19 29.2 65 100
BASELINE/WAVE I SURVEY: Individuals selected to take part in the interviews were contacted by a research assistant and invited to participate in an interview. Families with youth aged children (16‐21 years old) were notified that their son or daughter would be invited to participate in an interview as well. Parents or guardians with children (6‐15 years old) were informed that they would be asked to complete a questionnaire about themselves and their experiences in addition to a questionnaire about their child’s behaviour and experience.
37
Administration of the baseline survey was face‐to‐face and usually took one hour to complete. At the beginning of the survey, the interviewer would explain the purpose of the study, what the participant would be asked to do, would read the letter of information in detail to the participant, paying particular attention to issues of confidentiality and the right to refuse to answer questions, or the right to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Both adults and youth completed two consent forms – the first giving consent to participate in the research and the second providing us with collaterals (friend, family and service providers) and consenting for us to contact these contacts if we had difficulty locating participants for the second wave interviews (please see Appendix two for interview consent form). The participants (adults and youth) were each paid an honorarium of $30 and provided with a toll‐free number to call and report any housing moves or changes in contact information. WAVE II AND WAVE III SURVEYS: The participants that completed Wave I interviews (baseline) were contacted by interviewers to participate in a follow‐up interview approximately four months after their initial interview and another four months after the Wave II interviews. Wave II interviews took place from April‐June 2009 while Wave III interviews took place November, 2009 to January, 2010. The majority of Wave III interviews were conducted over the phone but some were done face to face. For interviews completed over the phone, interviewers were mailed participants consent forms, honoraria and a pre‐addressed and postmarked envelope. Once the signed consent form was received, an interview was then scheduled. ANALYSIS OF SURVEY DATA: Data from Wave I, II and III were matched through a unique survey identification number given to each of the participants at baseline and entered into a quantitative data analysis software package (SPSS). Data analysis took two forms. First, descriptive statistics were used to explore participants’ socio‐demographic characteristics, household composition and housing characteristics. Descriptive statistics were also used to assess if there were changes in the composition of the sample over the two waves. Second, bivariate statistical analyses (cross‐tabulations) were used to determine if there were significant differences in the samples across the first two waves of the survey. There was very little movement and change in participants’ housing status at the time of Wave II interviews. In Peterborough, two participants had moved out of the AHP and in County of Hastings, three participants had moved into subsidized housing. There had been no change in Hamilton where majority of participants were still on the wait‐list for subsidized housing. The lack of change in participants’ housing status meant that there were very little discernible differences between Wave I and II findings. Because of the little movement, we focused the pilot study on trying to explore the different experiences within the three housing types – private rental, Social Housing and AHP. We also explored the well‐being of families and children while on a housing wait‐list.
38
TRACKING OF BASELINE LONGITUDINAL PARTICIPANTS During baseline interviews, interviewers reminded participants to be sure to call the toll free
number or email us if their address or contact information changed before the next interview.
Between baseline and Wave II and III interviews, several participants contacted us, both by phone
and email and provided us with updated contact information. This information was updated on
the participant contact list. In some cases, participants did not inform us of changes in their
contact information. We used the collateral information provided with consent by participants at
baseline in order to contact participants through friends, family members or social services. Often,
these contacts helped us to locate participants for Wave II interviews.
Of the 65 households (including the two pilot participants) that participated in wave I interviews,
57 were successfully located and participated in wave II interviews while 55 participated in wave III
interviews. For those who could not be tracked, collaterals were either not provided or could not
be reached. Two participants whom we could not locate had been living in precarious housing (in
a shelter and in doubled‐up housing) during the baseline interview stage and had moved without
notifying us prior to wave II interviews. Two other adult participants had moved and although we
were able to contact them, they did not complete the Wave II survey for logistic reasons. The final
participant had left the country and was not returning until the end of June.
CHARACTERISTICS OF PAST SHELTER USERS Participants’ past shelter use was examined according to whether they are in subsidized housing
or not (FIGURE 1) and the number of children in the household (TABLE 4). More than one in four
households had sought emergency shelter in the past one year. Forty percent of participants
currently in social housing indicated that they had sought emergency shelters in the past while a
smaller percentage of those in non‐subsidized housing (28.6%) and those currently living in AHP
housing (9.5%) had done so. The majority of participants who had sought emergency shelter (13
out of 16) indicated they went to a shelter.
39
9.5%
40.0%
28.6%
A HP S H No S ubs idy
FIGURE 1: PRESENT HOUSING SITUATION OF PAST USERS OF SHELTERS
Three participants did not go to a shelter but sought emergency shelter with family and friends.
One of the three participants noted that they had wanted to go to a shelter but was told there was
no space. One in four households with children or youth said that they had used emergency
shelters in the past.
TABLE 4: NUMBER OF CHILDREN IN HOUSEHOLDS THAT SOUGHT EMERGENCY SHELTER
Used Shelter Total
N % N %
None 1 6.3 9 14.1
One 4 25.0 16 25
Two 4 25.0 18 28.1
Three 6 37.5 14 21.9
Four Or More 1 6.3 7 10.9
Total 16 100 64 100
The majority of households who had sought emergency shelter housing in the past had two or
more children with the highest percent found among families with three children.
IN‐DEPTH QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS
Fourteen adult participants and five youth participants – a subset from the 65 adult and 13 youth
participants that took part in the baseline survey were selected for in‐depth interviews. The 19
participants were selected using purposive sampling techniques that ensured that they were those
whose rich experiences could provide a “thick” description. Adult and youth interview guides were
developed for participants based on the emerging themes informed by participants’ baseline
questionnaires and insights provided by the interviewers (the In‐depth Interview guides are
attached as appendix four and appendix five). The interviews lasted for about one and half hours
on the average and were taped with the consent of the participants. The interviews were
40
transcribed verbatim and analyzed using the process outlined by McCracken (1988). All necessary
precautions were taken to ensure the trustworthiness and credibility (Lincoln, 1995; Seale, 1999)
of the data such as detailed notes, audit trails and thick descriptions to ensure transferability.
Quotes and descriptions to guarantee conformability and dependability are used to support all
findings (Lincoln, 1995).
41
“I really like living here, like, I love living here; I tell my mom this all the time, that this is my favourite place that we ever lived” (a youth participant in an AHP unit) .
SECTION 3 – QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS FROM PILOT STUDY
This section presents descriptive findings from the pilot survey of adults, children and youth on
how families and their children experience subsidized housing programs such as social housing and
the AHP as well as non‐subsidized programs such as private rental housing. These findings must be
interpreted very cautiously and should be taken as preliminary rather than a conclusive indication
of the findings due to the very small sample. The pilot survey was mainly an opportunity to pilot
the developed tools and the longitudinal strategy. As expected, the very short‐time between Wave
I, II and III means there was very little change in the housing status of participants. The analysis
focuses mainly on trends that occurred between Waves I and III of the survey.
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PARTICIPANTS:
Selected demographic characteristics of adults from Waves I and III are summarized in
42
TABLE 5. Of the 65 adults that took part in the Wave I survey (each parent reporting on one
household), the majority (over 73.9%) were females. About 66 percent of participants were above
40 years of age while only 20 percent of the households were headed by a married or common law
couple. The majority of households is headed by lone adults – single adults (27.5%), divorced
(17.4%), widowed (4.3%), or separated (24.6%) adults. More than three quarters of the
participants identified as “White” (77%), followed by Asian (8.7%) and Black (4.3%). Roughly 25%
of the survey participants were born outside of Canada. The numbers of participants who are
immigrants contrast sharply between Hamilton, where more than 50 percent of the survey
participants were born abroad and County of Hastings where only about 11 percent identified as
immigrants. In Peterborough, the number was even lower at five percent. The households
included a diversity of educational qualifications.
In Wave I, about 1 in 5 participants reported high school as their highest completed level of
education. Another 1 in 5 reported having no high school diploma. Slightly over 30 percent
reported having a diploma from a college (15.4%), or private post‐secondary institution (15.4%)
and roughly 12 percent of participants had a university degree or higher. In Wave III, the numbers
of participants with higher levels of education increased slightly, most likely due to attrition. In the
12 months prior to the first wave of interviews, 27.7 percent of the participants were either
working at a job or self‐employed.
The vast majority of participants, 72.3 percent, did not work for money, but over 1 in 5 reported
doing unpaid work as caregivers, either caring for their children (16.9%) or for other family
members (4.6%). A further 23 percent reported also not having paid work due to a long‐term
illness. By the end of the third wave of interviews, the numbers of employed participants
increased slightly along with those going to school and those who are retired, while the numbers
of participants with a long‐term illness fell. These changes are likely due to attrition.
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH
Table 5
The majority of participants’ primary source of household income came from social assistance
(32.8%) or ODSP or worker’s compensation (20.3%). Over 28 percent of the households reported
that their primary source of household income came from employment. At the end of the third
wave, the numbers of participants whose main source of household income came from both social
assistance and disability fell.
TABLE 6 shows selected characteristics of the children and youth involved in the questionnaire. At
Wave I, the survey included 35 children and youth and at Wave III, 28 children and youth. The
majority, roughly 60 percent were children less than 16 years of age. By Wave III, the number of
children under 16 years of age, most of who were in elementary school, dropped increasing the
43
proportion of youth, and high school students. Nevertheless, at the end of study, more than 80
percent of the children and youth participants remained in either elementary or intermediate
school grades. A slightly higher majority of children and youth participants were male (55%) for
both wave I and III.
SOCIO‐ECONOMIC STATUS OF SURVEY HOUSEHOLDS
The survey also tracked changes in the labour market and other economic activities of the
participants (TABLE 7). Sixty percent of the participants in Wave I reported a household income of
less than $20,000 (over 13% reported a household income less than $10,000). Only five percent of
the surveyed households reported incomes over $40,000 per year.
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TABLE 5: DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF ADULT PARTICIPANTS
Demographic Characteristics
Wave I Wave III
n % n %
Age 20‐39 19 27.5 15 27.3
40‐49 24 34.8 20 36.4
50‐59 20 28.9 18 32.7
60 And Over 2 2.9 2 3.6
Gender Female 51 73.9 46 83.6
Male 14 20.3 9 16.4
Marital Status Single 19 27.5 15 27.3
Married 12 17.4 10 18.2
Common Law 2 2.9 2 3.6
Divorced 12 17.4 11 20
Widowed 3 4.3 3 5.5
Separated 17 24.6 14 25.5
Race White 50 76.9 42 76.4
Asian 6 8.7 5 9.1
Black 3 4.3 2 3.6
Aboriginal 1 1.4 1 1.8
Other 5 7.2 5 9.1
Country of Birth Born In Canada 48 69.6 41 74.5
Born Outside Of Canada 17 24.6 14 25.5
Education No High School Diploma 13 20 12 21.8
High School Diploma 14 21.5 11 20
Partially Completed Trade Or College Training/Education 9 13.9 7 12.8
Diploma Or Certificate From Trade, Technical, Vocational School Or
Business College 10 15.4 8 14.5
Diploma From College, CEGEP Or Nursing 10 15.4 9 16.4
Undergraduate University Degree Or Higher 8 12.3 8 14.5
Other 1 1.5 1 1.8
Employment
Status (last 12
months)
Working At A Job Or Self‐Employed 18 27.7 17 30.9
Unemployed 47 72.3 38 69.1
Looking For Paid Work 1 1.5 0 0
Going To School 4 6.2 4 7.3
Caring For Own Children (Unpaid) 11 16.9 9 16.4
Caring For Other Family Members (Unpaid) 3 4.6 3 5.5
Household Work 1 1.5 1 1.8
Retired 3 4.6 3 5.5
Maternity/Paternity Leave 2 3.1 2 3.6
Long‐Term Illness 15 23.1 12 21.8
45
The majority of participants’ primary source of household income came from social assistance
(32.8%) or ODSP or worker’s compensation (20.3%). Over 28 percent of the households reported
that their primary source of household income came from employment. At the end of the third
wave, the numbers of participants whose main source of household income came from both social
assistance and disability fell.
TABLE 6: SOCIO‐DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH PARTICIPANTS
Wave I Wave III
Age Status N % N %
Child (>16 Years) 22 62.9 16 57.1
Youth (16‐24 Years) 13 37.1 12 42.9
Gender Of Child N % N %
Female 16 45.7 12 44.4
Male 19 54.3 15 55.6
School Level N % N %
Too Young For School 1 2.9 1 3.6
Kindergarten‐Grade 4 21 61.7 14 50
Grade 5‐8 9 26.4 9 32.1
High School 4 10.8 4 14.2
Total 35 100 28 100
TABLE 7: SOCIO‐ECONOMIC STATUS
Wave I Wave III
N % N %
Household Income
Less Than 10,000 Or No Income 8 13.3 5 9.4
10,000 to 19,999 28 46.7 27 50.9
20,000 to 29,999 17 28.3 15 28.3
30,000 to 39,999 4 6.7 3 5.7
40,000 to 49,999 1 1.7 1 1.9
50,000 to 59,999 2 3.3 2 3.8
Primary Source of Income 18 28.1 18 33.3
Social Assistance/Welfare 21 32.8 16 29.6
Disability Or Workers' Compensation 13 20.3 10 18.5
Alimony 1 1.6 0 0
Other 11 17.2 10 18.5
Total 64 100 55 100
Other 7 10.8 4 7.3
Total 65 100 55 100
46
TABLE 8: AVERAGE MONTHLY HOUSEHOLD INCOME BY HOUSING STATUS(WAVE III) Subsidy Type Mean N Std. Deviation Median Minimum Maximum Range
Affordable Housing Program $1,791.76 17 $1,145.172 $1,750.00 $1,000 $6,000 $5,000
Private Market $1,697.58 19 $703.392 $1,600.00 $980 $4,000 $3,020
Social Housing $1,516.71 17 $1,010.320 $1,115.00 $155 $3,860 $3,705
Total $1,669.77 55 $949.557 $1,500.00 $155 $6,000 $5,845
Participants in social housing had the lowest mean income at $1,516.71 per month though there
was considerable variation in the range of reported income. Participants in AHP had the highest
mean household income at $1,791.76 but there was also considerable variation in the range of
reported income.
TABLE 9: PROPORTION OF MONTHLY HOUSEHOLD INCOME SPENT ON HOUSING‐RELATED EXPENSES (WAVE III)
Proportion of
Monthly Income
AHP Social Housing Private Market Total
N % N % N % N %
Less than 30 Percent 2 11.1 6 35.3 1 5.0 9 16.4
30 ‐ 49 Percent 6 33.3 8 47.1 9 45.0 23 41.8
50 ‐ 80 Percent 7 38.9 1 5.9 6 30.0 14 25.5
More than 80
percent 2 11.1 1 5.9 3 15.0 6 10.9
Not Available 1 5.6 1 5.9 1 5.0 3 5.5
Total 18 100 17 100 20 100 55 100
During the Wave III interviews, participants were asked to estimate their housing‐related costs as
well as their monthly household income3 (TABLE 9). Regardless of housing subsidy type, the
majority of participants paid more than 30 percent of their income on housing‐related costs.
Ninety percent of households currently in private market housing and on the waiting list for
subsidized housing and roughly 85 percent of participants in AHP housing were spending more
than 30 percent of their monthly income on housing‐costs. Furthermore, over 50 percent of
participants in AHP housing were spending more than 50 percent of their monthly income on
housing, a slightly higher proportion than found in the private market. Participants in social
3 Housing‐related expenses such as rent, mortgage (principal + interest + including property taxes) or lease; parking; electricity and water; coin laundry; fuel for heating / cooking; insurance; and maintenance / repairs
47
housing spent the lowest proportion of their household income on housing‐related costs though
roughly 59 percent of these participants still reported spending over 30 percent of their income.
The proportion of household income spent on housing‐related costs has different consequences
for a household. For example, households with higher incomes can pay a higher proportion of
their monthly income on housing and still have a sufficient amount left over for other expenses.
Households with lower incomes may pay a lower proportion of their income on housing‐related
expenses and yet have very little money left over.
So how do low‐income families make ends meet when they pay such a high proportion of their
income on housing‐related costs? We asked participants to report sources of extra income for
their households. TABLE 10 summarizes the supplemental sources of income that participants
reported at Wave III. These include family loans, credit cards and food banks. Participants who
were still on the waiting list for housing had the highest food bank usage at 47 percent though
nearly a third of participants in AHP and social housing also reported using food banks.
TABLE 10: SOURCES OF SUPPLEMENTAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME (WAVE III)
AHP Social Housing Private Market Total
N % N % N % N %
Family Loans 9 50 8 47.1 9 45 26 47.3
Pay Day Loans 3 16.7 2 10 0 0 5 9.1
Trading Favours with Landlord 1 5.6 4 20 0 0 5 9.1
Credit Card 6 33.3 5 25 7 41.2 18 32.7
Under the Table Employment 3 16.7 1 5 1 5.9 5 9.1
Food Banks 6 33.3 7 35 8 47.1 21 38.2
Children's Wages 2 11.1 2 10 4 23.5 8 14.5
Other 5 27.8 7 35 2 11.8 14 25.5
HOUSING AND NEIGHBOURHOOD STIGMA
Participants were asked during wave I if they had experienced social stigma because of their
housing situation (FIGURE 2). The findings indicate that participants in social housing are more
likely to feel stigmatized and ashamed because of their housing compared to participants in
private rental housing and AHP. AHP was the least stigmatizing housing though there were a few
exceptions. More than two‐thirds of participants in private rental housing felt that there was not
adequate support for housing in their municipality. Two‐thirds of participants on the waiting list
for housing also reported feeling uncomfortable discussing their housing situation with others, and
roughly 44 percent felt uncomfortable seeking help for their housing situation.
48
66.7
66.7
44.4
33.3
33.3
22.2
53.3
53.3
31.3
6.3
17.6
6.3
46.7
46.7
53.3
50
40
25
F elt unc omfortable dis cuss ing hous ing s i tuation
F elt there was no s upport for hous ing need
F elt unc omfortable s eek ing help for hous ing problems
Had benefits or opportunities denied bec ause of hous ing s ituation
As hamed to hav e fr iends and family ov er to hous e bec aus e of the qual i ty of hous ing
Hav e had family members ex c lude them from s oc ial ev ent bec aus e of hous ing s ituation
Soc ial Hous ing % AHP % Priv ate Mark et %
FIGURE 2: EXPERIENCES WITH HOUSING STIGMA ACCORDING TO HOUSING SITUATION (WAVE I)
Findings also indicate that 50 percent of participants living in social housing felt that they had had
benefits or opportunities denied to them because of their housing situation while 40 percent of
participants in social housing reported feeling ashamed having their friends or families visit their
home. This figure was substantially lower among those in AHP housing and slightly lower for
participants in private market housing. The survey also found that a sizable majority of participants
in social housing have tried to hide their housing situation from others to avoid being judged
negatively.
27.8
16.7
16.7
5.6
5 .9
16.7
18.8
25
31.3
18.8
31.3
6.3
38.5
30.8
86.7
25
25
0
H av e been r id ic u led, ins u lted or haras sed bec aus e o f hous ing s i tua tion
H av e been th reatened by phy s ic a l v iolence bec aus e o f hous ing s i tua tion
H av e tr ied to h ide y our hous ing problem from c om m uni ty in fear o f be ing judged
Ex per ienc ed haras sm ent o r d is com fort on the job bec aus e of hous ing s i tua tion
H av e los t job bec aus e of hous ing s i tua tion
H av e been c harged, s ued or b rought to c our t on an o ffenc e or an ac t bec aus e o f hous ing
s i tua tion
Soc ia l H ous ing % AH P % Pr iv a te M ark et %
FIGURE 3: EXPERIENCE WITH DISCRIMINATION AS A RESULT OF PARTICIPANTS’ HOUSING
SITUATION (WAVE I)
49
Figure 3 shows participants’ experiences with discrimination. Participants in social housing were
found to be more likely to have been ridiculed, insulted or harassed because of their housing than
those in AHP or private market housing. One in every four participant (25%) in social housing
reported having lost a job because of their housing situation. The number was even higher among
those in AHP (30%). More participants in social housing reported having felt threatened with
physical violence because of their housing situation.
CHILD AND YOUTH WELL‐BEING AND HOUSING
The survey examined possible relationships between various indicators of children’s well‐being
and parents’ receipt of subsidized housing or not. Parents rated their children while the youth
rated themselves.
SCHOOL ATTITUDES AND PERFORMANCE
Participants were to assess their children’s feelings about school and their school performance at
waves I and III (TABLE 11 and TABLE 12). At Wave I, findings indicate that children and youth in
subsidized housing4 were less likely to have strong positive feelings about their school than those
in non‐subsidized housing but by wave III these scores had substantially improved. This difference
might have to do with the fact that many of the households that were in subsidized housing were
just settling into new homes and schools during wave I. The same might be true for parents’
assessment of their children’s school performance. Low scores at wave I were followed by higher
grades at wave III.
4 Subsidized housing includes social housing units and AHP units while non‐subsidized housing is private rental housing.
50
TABLE 11: CHILD AND YOUTH SATISFACTION WITH THEIR SCHOOL
Wave I Wave III
No Subsidy Subsidized Total No Subsidy Subsidized Total
N % N % N % N % N % N %
Likes School Very Much 10 55.6 5 31.3 15 44.1 5 38.5 10 66.7 15 53.6
Likes School Somewhat 7 38.9 7 43.8 14 51.2 6 46.2 4 26.7 10 35.7
Does Not Like School 1 5.6 2 12.5 3 8.8 1 7.7 0 0 1 3.6
Hates School 0 0 2 12.5 2 5.9 1 7.7 1 6.7 2 7.1
Total 18 100 16 100 34 100 13 100 15 100 28 100
TABLE 12: PARENTS’ ASSESSMENT OF THEIR CHILDREN’S SCHOOL PERFORMANCE
Wave I Wave III
No Subsidy Subsidized Total No Subsidy Subsidized Total
N % N % N % N % N % N %
Excellent or Above Average 9 50.0 4 25.0 13 38.2 3 23.1 9 60 12 42.9
Satisfactory or Average 8 44.5 11 68.8 19 55.8 7 53.8 6 40 13 46.4
Poor or Below Average 1 5.6 1 6.3 2 5.9 2 23.1 0 0 3 10.7
Total 18 100 16 100 34 100 13 100 15 100 28 100
USE OF COMMUNITY SERVICES
TABLE 13 reports the social and community services used by participants in subsidized and non‐
subsidized housing at waves I and III. The most frequently used social and community service by
participants in both subsidized and non‐subsidized housing are food banks. Other important
services include legal services (30.6%), crisis counseling services (24.2%) and resource/health
centres (24.2%). There were some differences for participants in subsidized vs. non‐subsidized
housing. For example, more participants in subsidized housing reported using crisis counselling
services (31.4%) than participants in non‐subsidized housing (14.8%) while more participants in
non‐subsidized housing used housing services (55.6%) than those in subsidized housing (42.9%).
The questionnaire also found that very few participants used addiction services
51
TABLE 13: PARTICIPANTS USE OF SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY SERVICES
Wave I Wave III
No Subsidy Subsidized Total No Subsidy Subsidized Total
N % N % N % N % N % N %
Shelters 4 14.8 7 20.0 11 17.7 5 25 3 9.7 8 15.4
Community Resource
And Health Centres 7 25.9 8 22.9 15 24.2 5 25 7 22.6 12 23.1
Addiction Programs
(Self Help) 2 7.4 1 2.9 3 4.9 1 5 1 3.3 2 3.9
Addiction Programs
(Organized) 2 7.7 1 3.1 3 5.2 1 5.6 1 3.4 2 4.2
Crisis Counseling 4 14.8 11 31.4 15 24.2 5 25 8 25.8 13 25
Religious
Organizations 3 11.1 4 11.4 7 11.3 3 15 3 9.7 6 11.5
Housing Services 15 55.6 15 42.9 30 48.4 12 60 11 35.5 24 46.2
Drop‐Ins 5 18.5 5 14.3 10 16.1 1 5 5 16.1 6 11.5
Supportive Housing
Services 2 7.4 2 5.7 4 6.5 0 0 3 9.7 3 5.8
Legal Services 10 37.0 9 25.7 19 30.6 6 30 10 32.3 16 30.8
Disability
Organizations 6 22.2 2 5.7 8 12.9 1 5 3 9.7 4 7.7
Food Banks Or Food
Cupboards 14 51.9 19 54.3 33 53.2 11 55 12 38.7 23 44.2
Total 27 100 35 100 62 100 20 100 31 100 52 100
Participants were asked to rate how often they received the social and community services they
needed (TABLE 14). A slightly higher number of participants in subsidized housing indicated that
they received services they needed most or all of the time (55.9%) than those in non‐subsidized
housing (51.8%). On the other hand, one third of participants (33.3%) in non‐subsidized housing
indicated they almost never receive the services they need compared with 21 percent of
participants in subsidized housing. Thus, access to subsidized housing may open up access to other
needed services.
Participants were asked an open‐ended question: “What are the most important services to you?”
The most important services for participants were accessing shelter, food and health care. The top
three services cited by participants were: food banks (mentioned by 21 participants), housing
services, including shelters (20 participants), and health‐related services, including services for
52
mental health (20 participants). A few participants noted that they relied on food banks as they did
not have enough money left over to buy food after paying for other costs, such as housing and
transportation. Other participants noted the importance of housing as a foundation for all other
aspects of their lives: “Without housing, it is hard to fulfill other needs”; “If you are safe and warm,
the other stuff you can deal with. The most important thing is to have a roof over your head.”
TABLE 14: FREQUENCY OF RECEIVING NEEDED SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY SERVICES
Wave I Wave III
No Subsidy Subsidized Total No Subsidy Subsidized Total
N % N % N % N % N % N %
All Of The Time 8 29.6 9 26.5 17 27.9 4 21.1 9 29 0 0
Most Of The Time 6 22.2 10 29.4 16 26.2 4 21.1 10 32.3 0 0
Half Of The Time 4 14.8 5 14.7 9 14.8 4 21.1 2 6.5 0 0
Almost Never 9 33.3 7 20.6 16 26.2 6 31.6 8 25.8 1 100
Total 27 100 34 100 61 100 19 100 31 100 51 100
HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY
One of the ways that housing affordability issues may affect the well‐being of children and youth is
by forcing families to cut down on expenditures for other items such as food. The wave III survey
asked a few questions to understand families’ experiences with food security. Findings (FIGURE 4)
indicate that households in both social housing and AHP housing had a greater level of food
security than those in private rental housing.
53
20.0%
40.0%
35.0%
16.7%
33.3%
50.0%
17.6%
29.4%
52.9%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%
Often
Sometimes
Never
Often
Sometimes
Never
Often
Sometimes
Never
Private Market
AHP
Social
Housing
FIGURE 4: FREQUENCY OF HOUSEHOLD NOT HAVING ENOUGH FOOD AT HOME
The majority of households living in social housing (52.9%) and AHP (50%) did not report having a
food security problem unlike households in private rental housing where only 35 percent did not
report a food security problem.
Households used different strategies to address their food insecurity (FIGURE 5). The majority of
participants either used food banks or deprived themselves of amenities in order to meet their
families’ food needs, especially among those in social housing. The survey identified some other
important supports including help from relatives, delaying the payment of bills besides rent and
food vouchers.
54
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%
Food Bank
School Food Program
Food Vouchers
Help from Relatives
Delay Paying Rent
Delay Paying Other Bills
Give Up Amenities
Social Housing AHP Private Market
FIGURE 5: FOOD STRATEGIES UNDERTAKEN BY PARTICIPANTS TO MEET THEIR HOUSEHOLD’S FOOD NEEDS
55
“Waiting was – you know you’re on the list…..[you’re] calling and they tell you you’re 200, tell you you’re 175, tell you this, and you don’t know when you’re going to get that phone call…it’s just a waiting game, it’s like: ‘Are we going to move?’…I was living in such substandard conditions that I was hoping that the phone would ring and it would be housing” (A participant describes her wait‐list experience).
SECTION 4 – HOUSING WAITLISTS AND THE WELLBEING OF FAMILIES
Open ended questions at the end of Wave I and II surveys and in‐depth interviews with a small cohort of survey participants during Wave I and II surveys (fourteen adult participants and five youth participants – a subset from the 65 adult and 13 youth participants that took part in the baseline survey) indicated that one of the major themes for participants was their experience on the wait‐list for an extended period. This was an important experience both for participants who were now in subsidized housing and those who were still on the wait‐list. In order to better understand this experience, a new set of questions on ‘waiting for subsidized housing’ were added to the Wave III survey. The Ontario Non Profit Housing Association’s 2009 Report on Waiting List Statistics for Ontario underscores the magnitude of this challenge for Ontarians. The association reported that the number of active households registered on municipal waiting lists at the
56
beginning of 2009 was 129,253, a significant increase from the 124,032 active households in early 2008. The report also cautions that this active waiting list underestimates the absolute affordable housing needs in Ontario as it does not include households who do not maintain their wait list status through the annual confirmations that are required by most municipalities. CHARACTERISTICS OF WAIT‐LIST APPLICANTS Findings from the wave III survey indicate that approximately 42 percent of the households in the study were on a wait‐list for subsidized housing. FIGURE 6 shows the proportions of participants on the waiting list for housing by their city of residence. Slightly more than half of the participants from Hamilton (52.6%) were on a waiting list for housing followed by roughly 37 percent and 35 percent of participants from Peterborough and County of Hastings, respectively. Of the 23 participants who identified being on a waiting list for housing, 21 reported that they were waiting for social housing while only 2 participants, both living in Peterborough, reported being on the waiting list for an alternate AHP unit.
FIGURE 6: PARTICIPANTS ON WAITING LIST FOR SUBSIDIZED HOUSING BY CITY OF RESIDENCE
FIGURE 7 below indicates that families on the waiting list for subsidized housing tended to have larger numbers of children than those not currently on the waiting list. Over 45 percent households on the waiting list for housing reported having three or more children, while over 30 percent reported having one child living at home.
35.3%
52.6%
36.8%
Hastings Hamilton Peterborough
57
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
O n W ait ing L is t N ot O n W ait ing L is t
N one
O ne
T w o
T hree
F our o r M ore
FIGURE 7: NUMBER OF CHILDREN LIVING IN HOUSEHOLDS BY WAIT‐LIST STATUS
The Wave III survey found some differences between the lengths of time that participants in each city had been on the wait‐list for subsidized housing (FIGURE 8). The majority of households in Hamilton (60%) had been on the wait‐list for one to two years and 30 percent had been on for three to four years.
FIGURE 8: LENGTH OF TIME ON WAITING LIST FOR SUBSIDIZED HOUSING
THE WAIT‐LIST – WAITING AND WAITING FOR HOUSING
In in‐depth interviews, participants expressed a sense of powerlessness while on the waiting list.
Participants spoke of feeling unable to move forward in life and the frustration that accompanies
waiting for housing programs to update them on their status.
I can’t move forward. I can’t do anything. I can’t do anything! You don’t know when you
are going to get a place, you, I just go to work and come back…I want[ed] to move forward,
the kids have to settle, they are not settled, so many things you have to do, you don’t, I
can’t do it. I’m like when am I going to start to move ahead? I just come back from work,
sit here and wait forever?
16.7%
60.0%
42.9%
50.0%
30.0% 28.6%33.3%
10.0%
0.0%0.0% 0.0%
28.6%
Hastings Hamilton Peterborough
1 -2 Years 3-4 Years 5-6 Years 6 or More Years
58
Several participants spoke of a feeling of ‘temporariness’ while on the waiting list and how they
literally have to put life on hold till they can get subsidized housing:
Waiting was – you know you’re on the list…[you’re] calling and they tell you you’re 200, tell
you you’re 175, tell you this, and you don’t know when you’re going to get that phone
call…it’s just a waiting game, it’s like: ‘Are we going to move?’…I was living in such
substandard conditions that I was hoping that phone would ring and it would be housing.
Another participant noted:
Moving from place to place while looking for affordable safe housing and being on a long
waiting list are very stressful, especially on the children. It gives them a feeling of being
unsettled. While on a long waiting list for rent‐geared‐to‐income, my daughter loves the
school she goes to and does not want to move now.
One woman spoke of the strain of trying to maintain a strong appearance for her child:
I don’t really want to deal with anything, like emotionally speaking, while she’s around me
because I don’t want her to see me basically have a breakdown
Some applicants were not necessarily passive in this dialogue, as illustrated by one participant:
The hardest part was living in the apartment and not moving because you’re waiting for
housing to call, and a couple of times I had some rude people on the other end of the
phone…but other times I had some nice people, but sometimes you just phone them and
they’re like: ‘you’re still 175, don’t keep on calling’ and my mom told me to keep on calling
and bug them, because the more you bug them the more they’re going to get sick and tired
of hearing your voice and eventually they will give you the answers that you need
A challenge mentioned by multiple participants was that lease and tenancy agreements were not
compatible with social and affordable housing waiting lists:
You can’t really move anywhere without signing a lease these days and it’s difficult to do
that if you’re on the housing list because what if housing calls you six months into your
lease elsewhere and then what are you going to do? …What are you going to do? You
either have to break your lease and pay for that so you can get into low‐income housing or
tell them no and then you’re right back at the bottom of the list again.
For those persons who chose to break their lease and are on social assistance, they are not
reimbursed for this cost. Thus, applicants will either continue to pay market rent or they can move
into subsidized housing and pay a fee to their previous landlord. As one participant noted,
however, being able to pay the penalty is a privilege some persons do not have:
59
People on…Ontario Works and disability don’t have the money to come up with that [fee].
Participants spoke of feeling stressed about their housing situation. One participant talked about
having a very high stress level, including having high blood pressure, while another talked about
being frustrated at not moving up at all on the waiting list. A few participants spoke about being
stressed over how they would be able to afford their housing and other needs. One participant
noted that they feel “insecure all the time” as after paying rent at the beginning of the month,
they have little money left over for the rest of the month. Another participant was worried if she
would be able to maintain her housing as her ODSP payments was recently reduced after her son
turned 18. She talked about potentially having to use a food bank and maybe even having to go to
a shelter. Finally, two participants talked about being stressed in terms of the uncertainty they
faced about their housing situation. One participant framed it as being in a “constant state of
limbo” while another described the difficulty of not knowing what would happen and felt
uncomfortable and hesitant to make any housing decisions.
Participants’ responses conveyed a sense of hopelessness about their housing circumstances.
They talked about feeling that they were powerless to improve their situation and that there was
nothing else they could do but wait. One participant stated that she was “losing hope” and feeling
very discouraged and depressed over her situation. She had been initially told that it would take
seven months to four years to get into affordable housing but now she is being told it will take five
years. This participant has fibromyalgia and felt like housing staff was “not taking [her] illness
seriously.” Another participant expressed her anger and frustration at being on the waiting list for
so long. The situation has made her want to “give up” and she is now looking for private housing
because she is tired of waiting for affordable housing.
WAITING FOR HOUSING: IMPACT ON CHILD AND YOUTH’S WELL‐BEING
Participants, including youth participants described the various ways that waiting for subsidized
housing impacted them and their families. One youth noted:
“[I was] mostly just scared and nervous, like, I didn’t know where we were going to end up, I
didn’t know if I was going to have to switch schools… I was scared because I was so used to
growing up in that neighbourhood... everything seemed like it was perfect and then all of a
sudden it all just got screwed up”
This sense of fear and vulnerability is echoed by another youth who spoke of how the uncertainty
of waiting for housing impacted him:
Now I know…how poor people that live out on the streets feel, except we have a roof over
our heads.
60
Another youth talked about having a difficult time being able to study at home, because they have
no desk or space to do so. Children too experience stress regarding their housing conditions. A
mother expressed that she felt her 10 year old son felt some insecurity and stress pertaining to
their housing situation:
I'm pretty sure he had some worries on where he was going to sleep some nights
Some families reported not having enough money or resources to get groceries:
I'd go three, four months without food
I do go to the food bank once in a while, but they don’t give you a whole lot…[a] lot of times
he’s had to go without food.
Many participants said they relied on food banks and dollar stores for their grocery shopping.
Inexpensive and nutritionally deficient foods are most accessible:
[We ate] mostly sandwiches, soups and kraft dinner…that was a lot for [my
granddaughter], “we’re having kraft dinner again tonight?” or “we’re having alphaghetti
tonight?”
[My child] don’t really get the proper food that he should be getting and I just can’t do
nothing about it
This food is lacking in essential nutrition and harmful to not only children and youth’s physical
health, but their mental development as well.
Families on the waiting list reported experiencing financial stress, and had difficulty sending their
children on school field trips:
One parent noted that her child missed multiple school days as result of living on the waiting list.
Many children and youth were said to have witnessed high levels of continual stress among adults,
arguments, and in some cases, hostility in the home. The effect of a stressful home environment
on a youth’s intellectual development is illustrated by one youth who said:
[I was] unprepared for school a lot of the time, just ‘cause it was really hectic at the house
and like, I’d always be misplacing stuff and…if you’re really stressed out at home, it seems
to…carry out throughout the day.
Thus, some children on the waiting list for affordable or social housing reported school absences,
difficulty attending field trips, and stress which may hinder their ability to focus at school.
Participants’ stories indicate that some of these children and youth whose parents are stuck on
the waiting list for housing may be at risk of underachieving educationally.
61
One family spoke of having to store away their child’s belongings – toys and books – for several
months while they were in temporary housing while waiting for subsidized housing:
We packed everything up…so a lot of his toys were, you know, a lot of his familiar
belongings, were stashed away and he couldn’t access them. We left, you know, some toys
and books [but] a good majority of it was put away and I guess kids they can only play with
one thing for some long and the imagination runs out
While living apart from other children can be a problem, participants explain that so too can living
with children in a stressful environment. For one child, whose parents moved in with another
family as a temporary situation while they were waiting for subsidized housing, his friendship with
other children was damaged by the tension between the children’s parents. As the tension grew,
the adult’s relationship, as well as that between the children, was damaged:
Moving in with [our] friend he got really close to their two children, and then when the
falling out [between the adults] came, it was hard because he saw them at school and... [it]
was tense because they knew that the mommies and daddies weren't talking... so he kind of
lost... [his] friendship wasn't like before).
Participants described how material deprivation can have a detrimental effect on the social
development of children waiting for social housing. Tightening their budget was one of the
strategies that families used for family survival and the parent of a youth suggested that the
inability to provide certain items for their children had a negative effect:
Kids nowadays, they got to have certain clothing, you know, they just have to have this
certain type of clothing – and [it is] expensive… When… waiting for housing, the parents
can’t afford that [clothing] so they just get them what they can afford, and the poor little
things – they get teased at school.
SURVIVING THE WAITING LIST
Participants’ stories were threaded with strategies that they used to cope with the difficulties of a
long wait for housing. Their survival strategies included formal and informal supports. Informal
supports included receiving financial assistance and goods from friends and family, as well as
moving in with them temporarily while waiting for housing. Formal supports included food banks
and shelters. A mother, who left her emotionally abusive husband, resided in a shelter for several
months while she was on the priority list waiting for housing:
The staff at the shelter were very helpful…and the accommodation is not bad, I see [it] as
an emergency thing, but if you [live] like that for four months, [like] myself and my three
kids…all in one room – even though it’s called a ‘family room’ – [it is uncomfortable]
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While she was grateful for the support received at the shelter, she addressed the tensions within
the shelter system that may in fact hinder persons’ ability to transcend from homelessness:
They are not telling you to leave, but they are reviewing your stay every week or every two
weeks or so, I can’t remember. So they are kind of like: ‘what are you still doing [here]?’ …
They shouldn’t be encouraging us to go get [a] place, rent an apartment, even though I
understand they have policies [that] you can only stay there for three weeks or at worst six
weeks, [but] if you don’t have the money to rent a place, where would you go?
Shelters are not always accessible or supportive to families, as one family discusses. It appeared
that they had to decide between separating their pet from their family, or keeping their dog and
going without temporary shelter:
We were thinking because we had a big dog…do we have to get rid of him, are we going to
have to, you know… A lot of people didn’t’ want it staying there or…didn’t want to take in a
four person family with a dog, and I honestly thought we would have to stay in the van for a
couple of days or weeks… I know before social assistance would set you up in a Motel if
there was an emergency, [but] there was no help with that, no nothing. It was kind of
unbelievable that there’s no emergency arrangements…that can be done for situations like
that.
A common survival strategy while waiting was escape and distraction. For example, although on a
tight budget, one family chose to go on vacation as a survival strategy:
My husband's family has a cottage and we actually rented it for a couple of weeks and it
felt more like home than staying with a friend [for temporary housing]
Participants spoke of ways that they tried to make a ‘home’ for themselves and their children in
the absence of affordable housing that could provide them with a sense of security:
I just convinced myself that at [this] point in time, where I am is home for now. So that’s
the way I, you know, handled that situation at that time, so this is home, this is home for
now
A home is what you make it…and I’ve always made our apartments or house a home to the
best I can and familiarity makes a big difference I believe, like you know bringing all the
same stuff with you…no matter what the circumstances, where it was or whatever, we
always made it feel like home.
A common strategy that participants described that they used to make temporary substandard
housing more bearable was cleaning and decorating:
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I did the best I could to make that place feel like home…I had pictures on the wall…you had
to see the place…it was really hard to make it home…basically, I made a home by keeping it
clean, putting pictures on the wall…but it was hard…when things started not working and
not getting fixed, how can you make that home?
I always made sure [my son’s] room was the one that was furnished first and putting up
posters and really personalizing it for him, try to make it really special and at – even
though it was like, it was gross, musty and stuff, I hadn’t really figured that out yet…the
first time we got to see it, like we went in, had McDonalds and it’s really had like a little
party, like “this is our new place” and kind of visualize it, where would [you] like a
picture, you know a picture of Kung Fu Panda or you know. So really kind of make it,
letting him have the choice in to, I guess to make his home and also just to, you know, try
to put plans in it, try to personalize it if you can.
MANAGING THE WAIT‐LIST: FIGURING OUT THE WAIT‐LIST MAZE
Participants expressed several concerns with housing staff and spoke of how unhelpful they were
with regard to updating them where they are on the wait‐list. The majority of participants spoke of
the need for increased communication between housing staff and applicants. A participant noted:
People on the waiting list need to be kept informed about what’s going on with the
waiting list. It helps a lot more if you know where you are on the list, if you can see
yourself moving up, no matter how slowly.
Participants had concerns with housing staff, with the major issue being a perceived lack of
communication from staff. All of these participants were frustrated by the lack of contact from
housing staff, including letting them know about their status on the waiting list. A participant
from Hamilton fears that their application is not taken seriously by staff and commented that “I
feel like I’m not a person to them.” Another participant from Hamilton felt “forgotten by housing”
as they never receive any calls or letters from them. One participant from County of Hastings
commented that it would be nice if housing staff would call and inform her of her status on the
list, as it is stressful not knowing. Even an email or a website where she could check her status
would be helpful. Another participant from Hamilton found that staff are never “forthcoming with
information [on] what to do to help you find housing.”
Participants wished that people on wait lists could be viewed as individuals rather than as
“numbers on a waiting list”. They suggested that housing staff should spend more time with
people when they apply for housing. Others cited the desire to be better informed by staff on
issues such as why it takes so long to get into housing and detailed information on available units
and any problems within them. Participants also suggested that there should be more education
so that people are better informed about their rights as tenants.
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Several participants noted the need for more information and support in finding housing and other
services. A participant commented on the fact that information about social housing and how to
access it is neither easily accessible nor well promoted. Another participant suggested that a case
manager be assigned to each family, whose role would be to “check in” with each family and
actively search for suitable housing for them as “caregivers don’t have time or resources to
actively search [for housing themselves].” Another participant noted that just finding out about
available social services is a “full time job” in itself.
Numerous participants expressed specific interest in an on‐line list that would allow applicants to see their approximate wait time. One participant notes a similar system is used by Immigration Canada and is very useful: “They should publicize the list so that applicants can know their position”. Another participant noted: [It] could be easier to see place in line... Would be better if you could track your progress without having to call the housing office, which can be demoralizing.
The majority of participants repeatedly expressed their concerns around the application process
and the lack of clarity and transparency in the selection process that determines who gets into
subsidized housing. The majority of participants on the wait‐list expressed concerns over who
received priority in getting into housing, the potential of fraud and people they felt were abusing
the system. Several participants felt it was unfair that certain applicants (such as families with
children) received greater priority on wait lists. As a participant put it, “some people are getting
into better housing ahead of others.” Another participant was concerned that case workers
favoured certain applicants over others and felt that “people should not need special connections
to have access to housing.” A couple of the participants commented on knowing of others in
similar situations who got into housing quickly, while they themselves are still on the list. Another
participant noted that housing seems to “have their minds made up already” about who will get
into housing. These concerns indicate a perceived lack of transparency and accountability within
the housing system. Three of the participants were also concerned about the issue of fraud and
people “cheating the system”, such as those with high incomes applying for housing. One of the
participants felt that “honesty does not seem to pay off” and another wished for more
investigations into fraud committed by people applying for housing.
Other participants wanted better screening and background checks of applicants for safety
reasons (so that they are not a “threat” to other residents), as well as ensuring people’s eligibility
and need for subsidized housing (for example, by verifying their income). There were numerous
concerns that there are people living in subsidized housing who do not need and therefore are
taking space away from those who truly need it. As one participant noted: “if people can afford to
move out of social housing, they should free up units for people who need them”. One participant
even advocated for “surprise visits” to be conducted to ensure that people are not “abusing” their
housing (for example, by renting out rooms or lying about having children), while another
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participant suggested setting up a hotline for reporting housing fraud, similar to the one that was
set up for welfare investigations.
WHEN THE WAIT ENDS – MOVING INTO SUBSIDIZED SOCIAL HOUSING
THE GREAT THINGS….. Overall, participants who moved into AHP or social housing spoke positively about this experience.
Every single participant who had moved into affordable or social housing had something positive
to say about it and many expressed satisfaction with their new housing and commented on the
different ways it had improved their lives. The most common response from participants was that
they felt safer or more secure in their current housing compared to where they lived before.
Participants, especially those from Peterborough were pleased with such security measures as
cameras and locks and several mentioned the reduced presence of crime and drugs as positive
changes. One participant from Peterborough noted that in her previous housing, a lot of the long‐
term tenants had moved and her building had become less safe. However, in her current housing,
she finds that the residents have started to get to know one another, building friendships, and
forming a community to ensure that the building is safe and well kept. She sees this forming of a
community as a big difference between her current and previous housing. Indeed, nine
participants from Peterborough and County of Hastings cited a sense of community or their
relationships with their neighbour as a positive thing about being in affordable/social housing.
Participants mentioned things like people being friendlier, forming friendships with other tenants,
and people getting together for social events. One participant from Peterborough stated that she
felt “closer” to the people in her building and that there was a greater “feeling of community.”
The second major area of improvement noted by participants was the quality of the housing itself.
Eleven participants commented on how their new housing was in better condition (e.g. cleaner) or
better maintained (e.g. repairs were done more quickly). For instance, a participant from
Peterborough noted how “everything in AHP is brand new and well‐kept" while another
participant from County of Hastings noted that her apartment was “very disgusting” before she
moved in but housing staff did a great job in cleaning it up and her building is kept very clean.
Participants were also happy with other aspects of their housing, including it being in a better
location (9 participants); having more space (9 participants); better amenities (8 participants);
more privacy (7 participants); and less noise (6 participants).
Eleven participants from County of Hastings and Peterborough also discussed their satisfaction
with the superintendents or management of their building. Many were pleased with the work
done by their superintendents in making improvements to their building and doing any necessary
repairs. Several participants also commented on their improved relationships with the building’s
management, with a few participants noting that their new landlord is “nicer” than their previous
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one. One participant from Peterborough found that the managers at her new building are more
“accessible” and “human” than the ones at her previous residence, while another participant from
County of Hastings stated that her superintendent was great when they moved in and checks in on
them to make sure they are doing okay. Another participant from County of Hastings was told to
make their new housing their “home”, which meant a lot to their family.
Affordability was another area of positive change. Ten participants (including 6 from County of
Hastings) noted that their current affordable/social housing was more affordable than their
previous housing. For some participants, this resulted in less stress and more disposable income
for the entire family. As a participant from County of Hastings put it, "we are all happy to be
settled and in a place we can afford. I love not having to worry about the high price of rent each
month." Participants living in social housing generally state that their families experienced less
financial strain when in social housing:
When you’re in low rent income homes it’s easier because you [have more money]. You
don’ have to [live] from cheque to cheque to be able to do stuff
Participants explained that one of the benefits of subsidized rent is that children are fully, or
partially, subsidized when participating in activities like summer camp and sports. Parents spoke
about being able to send their children on school field trips, and child‐specific outings (like
concerts). Parents also spoke about being able to celebrate holidays and special occasions, most
often mentioned were Christmas, Easter, and birthday parties.
Moving into affordable/social housing had a positive impact on participants’ quality of life in many
ways. In addition to reducing financial stress, participants also talked about how getting into
affordable housing being good for their health. One participant from County of Hastings simply
stated that they now have “peace of mind.” Another participant who got into affordable housing
in Peterborough noted that the quietness and privacy it provided him has been helpful in coping
with his mental illness. Another participant, also from Peterborough, also commented on the
positive impact AHP housing has had on both her physical and mental health by providing a
“stress‐free environment” for her to recover and get ready to work full‐time again. This
participant even noted that if she had not gotten into AHP, she could have become addicted to
drugs or alcohol and stated that AHP “has been a life saver for me.”
A positive impact on their children and family life was noted by seven of the participants. One
participant from County of Hastings stated that "living in affordable housing has drastically
improved the quality of life for myself and children” while another participant, also from County of
Hastings, noted that her children are a lot happier at their current house because they now have
their own rooms and more space for themselves. A youth from Peterborough noted that her
school performance has improved since moving into AHP as she now has her own space to do her
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schoolwork. For one participant in Peterborough, getting into AHP has offered her and her family
more stability and an opportunity to start saving for their own home. Affordable and better
quality housing can also benefit children by reducing parents’ stress. For example, a participant
from County of Hastings felt like she could better care for her son and be “better there
emotionally and mentally” for her family because she was no longer as stressed about paying her
bills. Her son also loved their new home and even told her that “we should’ve moved here a long
time ago.” Another youth, who lives in affordable housing, enthusiastically shared her
appreciation for her new home:
I really like living here, like, I love living here; I tell my mom this all the time, that this is my
favourite place that we ever lived
A participant who moved into a subsidized housing unit emailed the research team with one more
thing that was great about her new social housing:
“Just a note from our last interview. As I open the windows to enjoy the spring air I
forgot to tell you that I could not open any windows in the house in Tweed. I could only
open the back patio doors and so the house could not be aired properly, which I'm sure
contributed to the black mould problem. I had waited four years and they still were not
replaced. It is such a pleasure to open all the windows”
Finally, a few participants talked about feeling a greater sense of ownership over their home or a
greater sense of independence or freedom as a result of moving into affordable/social housing. A
participant from Peterborough who was previously living with her daughter appreciated that she
now had her own place and could “come and go as [she] please[s].” Three participants also
brought up the issue of stigma of living in their previous housing and how that has been reduced
by moving. A participant from Peterborough stated that she now feels “proud” and “not
embarrassed” of where she lives. A youth from Peterborough had a different take on how moving
into AHP has affected her experiences of acceptance. She notes that people in general have less
material wealth in AHP, which for her means that she does not have to “compete with anyone.”
While before, her mom was the only person on their street who did not have their own car, now
“everyone feels on the same level here.”
NOT SO GREAT THINGS ABOUT SUBSIDIZED HOUSING…….
Although positive comments about affordable/social housing outweighed any negative ones, many
participants also brought up aspects of living in affordable/social housing that they disliked and
concerns about affordable and social housing in general.
The most common concern participants had with moving into affordable/social housing was a lack
of space or privacy. One participant from Peterborough who had moved into AHP missed having
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her own space to herself and being able to do gardening while another participant missed having a
front or back yard. A youth from Peterborough who moved into AHP with his dad noted that living
in a smaller environment means that some sacrifices have to be made and everyone needs to be
more aware of sharing a smaller space.
A few participants also commented on various aspects of their new housing that they disliked,
such as it being too noisy; having inadequate amenities, such as laundry facilities and parking; and
feeling uncomfortable with other tenants. One participant expressed concern that her building
was turning into an “institution” and felt less like a home. While she loves her building and was
overall very happy with her experience in AHP, she would like to see less involvement or
supervision from the management at her building, such as being constantly sent letters.
Participants expressed a desire for mixed, integrated housing: I would think that the best case scenario is to mix rent‐geared‐to‐income housing in with already established neighbourhoods... to congregate all of subsidized housing... is like a compound of desperation, and desperation breeds desperation; it’s not an atmosphere of change. The other major concern that participants had with AHP was the rent. Five participants from Peterborough commented that AHP was still too expensive for them. For example, one participant stated that they were happy in AHP but still found it difficult to afford rent while living on their pension and disability and wished that rent could be $100 cheaper. Another participant noted that rent in AHP is too high for a single income. She also feared that her building will become more and more “gentrified” and that she will eventually be forced out due to rising rent prices. Several participants in the AHP program spoke of continued financial strain:
I haven’t noticed a huge financial difference
I find that I don’t have that much money since I moved in here
Coming to live in a place that’s affordable housing, it was a great relief, although I question
the word ‘affordable’ now because I don’t think that the rent…is very much better than
market rates… You should be only paying 1/3 of your income towards rent and I am paying
almost half of my monthly income to rent, so that’s not affordable because I’m not saving a
dime and that’s scary
One youth in affordable housing expressed that it was “even less likely” that she and her sister will
be able to go on field trips.
Lastly, a couple of participants brought up the issue of stigma associated with living in subsidized
housing. One participant from County of Hastings who had moved into social housing noted that
she felt the stigma of living in social housing, something that she did not experience at her
previous residence. Another participant from Peterborough pointed out the stigma associated
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with affordable housing is very real and how important it is to maintain affordable housing so that
it is seen as clean and well kept and not seen as a “run down delinquent slum.” She also pointed
to the need for more public awareness about who needs affordable housing and the importance
of “putting a face to people using AHP.”
That characteristic of the housing neighbourhood was discussed by participants as having an
impact on children and youth’s health and social development. Social housing tended to be
described as more ‘rough’ style housing:
Some of (my) neighbours are a little shady; they really don't care and don't try to make
things better... It feels like the ghetto in that aspect... not good to raise your kids in.
You get people that are in [social housing] the same reasons I am…but I find that’s when
the people, especially in this town, they take advantage of that extra money and they
[make housing] a crack house, a crack place.
One woman gives the example of her granddaughter, a young teen, being influenced by their new
neighbourhood:
Her behaviour has totally changed…she’s gotten so much more mouthier down here
because of the [other] kids…she started getting herself in trouble…and started
smoking…she’s kind of following everybody else…she went down the bad road
For one family in social housing, their 10 year old son began being bullied by the neighbourhood
children:
They chase him home from school, they’ve thrown things at him, they’ve called him names
that aren’t really appropriate for their ages… They pick on him…he’s not an aggressive
child so he doesn’t stand up for himself, not to the point I think he should anyway…he’s a
very emotional child
While some participants expressed concern that their children might be influenced to do drugs,
smoke, or drink, a youth participant shared that moving into his present social housing ended his
drug usage, removing him from the drug ‘culture’:
I got into drugs and all that [in my old neighbourhood], that’s the reason why I was happy
that we moved up here.
A few participants expressed frustration over the lack of accountability within the entire housing
system, especially when there were problems with their building. For instance, one participant
had originally signed a lease with xxxx Housing but her unit was switched over to a private owner
and now xxxx Housing has told her that they cannot do anything about the rent because the unit is
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now privately owned. This participant also had problems with not getting the type of unit she was
told she would get and neither xxxx Housing nor the owner of the building have been able to do
anything about it. Overall, this participant found the entire process and lack of information
inconvenient and frustrating.
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“The ‘Call Susan’ stickers were very effective, participants were glad to have them and every participant I interviewed took a sticker. This is a great way to ensure people keep us informed on their whereabouts if they do move” (A Research Assistant).
SECTION 5 – METHODOLOGICAL LESSONS FROM PILOT STUDY
The primary purpose of this study was to develop and pilot a longitudinal research strategy that could be used to explore how affordable housing impacts children’s development and well‐being. Additional objectives of this study were to explore the following:
1. If there are differences between private rental housing, social housing and the affordable housing program on the well‐being of children and families.
2. The perceptions of parents and youth on how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate other outcomes such as employment, education and health using qualitative methods.
3. The impact of long wait‐lists on children’s well‐being using qualitative interviews We developed and piloted a longitudinal research strategy in a multi‐city study that allowed us to test the developed questionnaires. Our primary data collection strategy was a three‐wave longitudinal study conducted on the same group of participants over a period of eight months. A baseline survey was completed with 65 adults, 22 children (6‐15 year old) and 13 youth (16‐21
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year old) who were either on the social housing wait‐list and in private rental housing or who had recently moved into either a social housing or affordable housing program subsidized unit (AHP). Qualitative in‐depth interviews were also conducted with a small cohort of parents and youth participants to explore how the receipt of affordable housing might mediate other outcomes such as employment, education and health. Participants who were on the waiting list for subsidized housing described their experiences waiting for affordable housing. Examples of specific questions that the development of the research strategy considered include: what indicators of child well‐being in addition to education should be included? What are the pros and cons of face‐to‐face interviewing compared to telephone interviewing? What are some strategies to reduce attrition and what is the drawback of these? What are some methodological and ethical challenges of interviewing chidren and how can these be resolved? What are the advantages and disadvantages of sampling different age groups of children (i.e. pre‐school, elementary, or high school)? What are some sampling considerations that need to be considered in developing a sampling frame? What other factors that affect educational outcomes that should be considered, for example, parental employment status, neighbourhood effects? This section of the report summarizes the reflections of everyone who was involved in the development of the research strategy and the implementation of the pilot – the project team, research assistants as well as research participants on lessons learned from the pilot especially the challenges and opportunities of conducting a similar study on a larger scale. WHAT INDICATORS OF CHILD WELL‐BEING SHOULD BE INCLUDED? The first task in the development of the research strategy was the selection of indicators of children’s well‐being. The comprehensive review of literature that informed this selection process is summarized in section one. Based on findings from the review of literature, we adopted a holistic understanding of child well‐being that acknowledging the role of factors such as neighbourhood effects and social experiences such as social stigma play in well‐being. The challenge is in devising analytical designs that can incorporate such holistic indicators. Our reflections on such analytic challenges are discussed under ‘Sample Size and Other Analysis Considerations’. RECRUITMENT AND SAMPLING: WHAT ARE SOME SAMPLING CONSIDERATIONS? The project experienced pragmatic challenges in conducting the study as originally planned. As described in the section on methodology, we were unable to follow our original plan which was to sample families with children who are on the social housing waiting list – half of the selected households would have been families who had been selected to receive affordable housing units through the AHP while the other half would have been families who are likely to remain on the waiting list during the period the study is undertaken. These families would have acted as a natural comparison group. We could not follow through with this plan because two of the three cities who had signed on to participate in the study did not have new AHP units that were being rented,
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neither does the AHP have a waiting list. We had to recruit from the regular social housing wait‐list. The main problem of recruiting from this wait‐list was that it is not a dynamic wait list and has very little turn over. To allow enough movement to happen on most cities’ wait‐list, at least a year needs to be set aside for recruitment and the establishment of a sampling frame. Coupled with the need to allow sufficient time between waves, this means that the ideal time frame to conduct such a longitudinal research study is a minimum of five years. The multi‐stage sampling strategy included mail‐out of letters to waiting‐list applicants, screening of interested participants to set up sampling frame and then sampling participants according to the study criteria. This process worked very well. A research assistant had this to say: “The screening tools were very helpful. I really appreciated the script and eventually had it memorized. Having it in my mind allowed me to represent the project in a professional and engaging way. No uncertainty over what to say or pausing trying to look for information. The screening survey itself was very effective. The only problem I encountered a few times was people did not know what type of housing they resided in. One solution to this would be to set up a time or day to call the person back and tell them to call their housing landlord/authority/property supervisor in the interim and confirm the type of housing, and then when the screener calls back they will have the info”. CHALLENGES OF FACE‐TO‐FACE INTERVIEWS WITH CHILDREN AND YOUTH Most of the interviews were conducted in a face‐to‐face format and a few via telephone for Waves I and II while majority of wave III were over the phone. The phone interviews took more time to set up. Participants were mailed an envelope with their honoraria, honoraria receipt, contact form, consent form, and a return envelope with postage. This was successful for most phone interviews though there a few cases where participants did not receive their original package (including honorarium) and then had to be mailed a second package. While this process was an effective method to set up phone interviews, how fast interviews would be completed was dependent on when participants returned the packages. Face‐to‐face interview made it easier to engage participants and develop a rapport with them. For wave I interviews, this was important in keeping participants interested in the study over the two waves. One of the research assistants involved in the interviews had this to say about the two modes of interviewing: “The screening interviews went well and the in person interviews went well too. The main differences were that people seemed to feel more informal during in person interviews than on the phone interviews (i.e. normally with the screening interviews, people just answered the questions without digressions, whereas during in person interviews, they would ask their own questions, and also change the subject and discuss something different from the question being asked)”.
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Allowing participants the option of having the interview in their home made them feel more comfortable and literally, "at home." There were no challenges with interviewing youth 16 years and above. The interviews with children 15 and under were completed by their parents. Interviewing children would have increased the time needed to conduct the study as obtaining ethics approval for research with children requires more time. A REVIEW OF SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES – PARENTS, CHILDREN AND YOUTH
Some reflections from the research assistants on the questionnaire: “The questionnaires for the most part were very effective in engaging the participants. At the end of the questionnaires, I would ask participants if there was anything else they wanted to add, and most would say they felt the questionnaire covered it all”. “A few participants felt that there should have been another option in addition to yes or no to the questions: "Do you feel there is support from your community as you experience housing problems"? This is from the section on Social Stigma. Some people felt there should have been a "sometimes" answer option. Also, some participants felt that an additional answer option of: ", "child not permitted out after dark" option should be included to the question "does your child feel safe walking around his/her neighbourhood alone at night”. They noted that for some young children, walking around outside after dark is not permitted”. “I found the structure of the questionnaire to be very effective and each topic flowed well into the next (type of housing, info on housing, housing history, social supports sought while in housing, etc). I found the questionnaire easy to fill out as I went along which allowed me to better focus and listen to the participant (just checking off the selected answer as I went along was very convenient). The "concluding remarks" section was a very important part as it allowed people to present in their own words what they have experienced or what they felt was important for the project to know. The interviews themselves went very well”. “I really felt the questionnaires should have listed "subsidized child care" as a social service. I think it's a really, really important one that we missed; especially since we are looking into the well‐being of children. I tried to remember during the interviews to offer it as an option but sometimes I forgot.. but that's ok, it was a pilot study, right? :)” TRACKING PARTICIPANTS: WHAT ARE SOME STRATEGIES TO REDUCE ATTRITION? Some of the strategies that were successful in engaging participants over the two waves include providing honoraria, having a toll‐free number that participants could call, having a tracking form, having research assistants invest the time to develop a rapport with the participants during wave I
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interviews, collecting collateral information from clients and providing stickers with the toll‐free numbers. Below are some reflections from research assistants on some of these strategies: “Before the interview, I would give the individual the honorarium first and then they would sign the receipt. I would then read the consent form to the person and then ask if they would like to read it as well. They sometimes would. I would then show them where to sign and where to fill in the information. Many asked questions about why they had to provide their doctors, families and friends’ names and numbers. I explained (as the form does), that it was for tracking in the instance that someone moved or we lost contact with them, being able to contact someone who would know their new information so we could make contact was important. No one had a problem providing the information”. Participants were given a ‘Call Susan’ sticker with the toll‐free number and advised them to call that number if they moved again. They said they would. One woman moved and provided York with her new information” “The interview participants seemed impressed with the tracking process/stickers. The tracking form was great, very helpful I thought. For the second wave, I (gently) pushed people to fill it out. Many participants I had interviewed the first time were hesitant (it looks a little intimidating), but now that I have some stories to tell them about how difficult it can be to get a hold of someone, and since most participants are eager to share their stories, it's been much easier having them fill it out”. “Susan stickers were a great idea. I had printed off slips of paper with the information but it was much, much easier to put the stickers in the envelopes. “The ‘Call Susan’ stickers were very effective, participants were glad to have them and every participant I interviewed took a sticker. This is a great way to ensure people keep us informed on their whereabouts if they do move”. LENGTH OF TIME BETWEEN WAVE I AND II INTERVIEWS Developing and conducting such a study within the limited frame of just 18 months was a very big challenge. This curtailed how much we could extend the recruitment process to focus on understanding how affordable housing facilitates exits from homelessness. Participants on the wait‐list were still there by the second wave interviews. To fully achieve our original objectives, a study period of at least 5 years is recommended. This way, recruitment and sampling can be done over a one‐year period as the waiting lists are not very dynamic. Also, the length of time between waves needs to be at least one year for there to be changes that are worth observing. THE ‘EXPERIENCE’ OF THE RESEARCH PROCESS BY PARTICIPANTS
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Participants seemed to both understand and appreciate the study. Participants seemed very interested in knowing about the process and seeing the final product and were happy to be involved and part of the research process. Participants were asked at the end of their Wave I interviews if there were other questions that we should be asking people with housing problems to try to discover what helps them and what doesn’t. Several participants said that they were very pleased about the study and suggested that the study could be improved by more accessible interview locations. They suggested that we should ask about:
o The application process for housing (e.g. experiences when applying, how long people have waited, discrimination in who gets into housing/why do some people have priority over others)
o If people know what their rights are o Accessing services/resources (e.g. if people know how to access, where people have tried to
get help and what their experiences were with that) o If people have issues with accessibility o Government funding o “Housing as a determinant of social class” o Issues with building management or other residents o Quality of housing, issues with cleanliness/maintenance o What people consider to be “affordable housing” FUTURE RESEARCH – BEYOND PRIMARY LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH Longitudinal research on housing is critical in developing an understanding of the impact of different forms of housing on households especially children’s well‐being over time. From our experience developing and conducting the pilot, longitudinal research needs to allow for a longer time frame (we recommend a minimum of five years) as many households remain on the wait‐list for a long time. Such a longer time frame will show how moving into affordable housing affects households. For example, it will allow an examination of how different elements of the household budget such as funds available for food and recreation are affected by subsidized housing. Our pilot has pointed out some of the pragmatic challenges of primary research. It is therefore worthwhile to explore if the research objectives for the pilot study could have been achieved using secondary data. The most relevant longitudinal data is The National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY). This is a longitudinal survey that gathers information on critical factors affecting the development of children in Canada conducted by Statistics Canada, in co‐operation with the federal department of Human Resources and Skills Development Canada. The NLSCY is a large micro data resource that covers a range of child and youth indicators of well‐being as well as a host of socio‐economic and demographic variables. The NLSCY includes nine components: household record; general component; parent component; child component; self‐administered questionnaire for children aged ten and above; teacher's questionnaire; principal's questionnaire; mathematics achievement test; and test of receptive vocabulary. The Child Component is designed
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to provide detailed information on subject areas most relevant to each age, for example, health; family history and custody arrangements; child care; medical/biological factors; temperament; behaviour; motor and social development ; parenting style; activities/time use; literacy activities; education; and relationships. While not explicitly meant to examine housing‐related issues, the freely available public use sample includes several housing indicators including housing tenure, shelter costs, and household composition. Furthermore, other measures, such as presence of crowding and proportion of income spent on housing might be derived from other variables in the survey. The main limitation is that the NLSCY dataset does not include a measure of housing affordability. Another limitation of this data set is that the public use file would not likely estimate conditions very accurately for smaller cities. An alternative is to link data from the NLSCY with individual (or family) level data on housing‐related variables from the Census. We understand from a private communication with a Statistics Canada employee that this needs special permission from the policy committee and that it is almost impossible to get such permission for one single study conducted by non‐Stats Can employees (because of costs and confidentiality). The person suggested that alternatively, one can link NLSCY with census small area characteristics (e.g., a few blocks). So instead of examining the effect of family housing conditions, one can look into the effect of neighbourhood housing conditions. An example of the potential use of secondary data sets for understanding the impact of housing on children’s well‐being is a recently funded study by MacArthur Foundation (www.macfound.org/housingmatters) under their How Housing Matters to Families and Communities Research Competition. The qualitative component of our pilot was very useful in contextualizing participants’ housing experiences. Longitudinal ethnographic research on the role of housing in child and youth well‐being is another possible future direction that needs to be explored. Biographical accounts of households would locate their housing careers within a deeper context as children/youth in the household grow and mature. Family ethnographies would also help to delve into the complexity of housing issues in a way that surveys simply cannot. We believe that what we have learned in our study would help to assist future ethnographic work because our experience helps to identify important ‘case types’ for study. Ethnographic work on the topic could compare the detailed experiences of families according to their household composition, social and ethnic backgrounds, city of residence, and lengths of time in Canada and/or and in core housing need. The findings from the qualitative component of our study suggest the need for research to focus attention on the role of friendships and family relationships in children and youth’s well‐being and housing satisfaction. Several comments from the in‐depth interviews suggest that youth are more satisfied with their homes and neighbourhoods when they have friends living close‐by. This suggests the need to acknowledging how data on housing satisfaction may relate to more than the
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actual quality of housing. Thus, housing experiences are both a socio‐economic and psycho‐social phenomena.
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“People on the waiting list need to be kept informed about what’s going on with the waiting list. It helps a lot more if you know where you are on the list, if you can see yourself moving up, no matter how slowly”.
SECTION 6 – CONCLUSIONS
This study developed a longitudinal research strategy that could be used to conduct a multi‐city
study to understand how the receipt of affordable housing among households with children
impacts the well‐being of children. The second objective was to pre‐test the developed research
strategy by conducting a small‐scale multi‐city pilot study. Our primary data collection strategy
was a three‐wave longitudinal conducted on the same group of participants over a period of eight
months. A baseline survey was completed with 65 adults, 22 children (6‐15 year old) and 13 youth
(16‐21 year old) who were either on a social housing wait‐list and were living in private market
housing or had recently moved into either a social housing unit or Affordable Housing Program
subsidized unit (AHP). The baseline survey questionnaire for children and youth was an
amalgamation of questions drawn from several scales used in previous studies.
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Analysis of findings from the pilot data indicate possible relationships between various indicators
of children’s well‐being and parents’ receipt of subsidized housing and that children and youth
living in homes that were not subsidized may experience more negative outcomes than those
living in subsidized housing. For example, findings indicate that AHP was the least stigmatizing
form of housing – even when compared with private market housing. Preliminary findings also
show that 36 percent of participants in both subsidized and non‐subsidized housing spent 50
percent or more of their income on housing costs. Eleven percent of participant households in AHP
housing were paying more than 80 percent of their monthly income on housing costs compared to
approximately six percent of participants in social housing and 15 percent in private rental
housing. Fifty percent of participants living in AHP reported spending more than 50 percent of
their household income on housing.
Findings also indicate that food security was an issue for families, whether on the waiting list for housing or living in subsidized housing. The survey generally found that households in both social housing and AHP housing had a greater level of food security than those on the waiting list for housing, although many were still dependent on food banks. Some of the strategies that participants use to address their limited budget for food may have important implications for housing stability. For example, about one in five participants reported delaying payment of their rent in order to ensure that they have enough food in the house. An even higher number reported delaying other bills in order to afford enough food. The qualitative interviews provided participants with the opportunity to provide a personalized, rich description of their housing experiences and highlight issues and experiences important to them especially on how being on a wait‐list for an extended time affects their families well‐being. Developing and conducting such a study within the limited frame of just 18 months was a very big challenge. This curtailed how much the study could extend the recruitment process to focus on understanding how affordable housing facilitates exits from homelessness. Participants on the wait‐list were still there by the second and third wave interviews. To fully achieve our original objectives, a study period of at least five years is recommended. This way, recruitment and sampling can be done over a one‐year period as the waiting lists are not very dynamic. Also, the length of time between waves needs to be at least one year for there to be changes that are worth observing. From our experience developing and conducting the pilot, longitudinal research needs to allow for a longer time frame (we recommend a minimum of five years) as many households remain on the wait‐list for a long time. Such a longer time frame will show how moving into affordable housing affects households. For example, it will allow an examination of how different elements of the household budget such as funds available for food and recreation are affected by subsidized housing.
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APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Letter from housing providers to waiting‐list tenants
Appendix 2: Consent form to participate in research
Appendix 3: Screening tool
Appendix 4: In‐depth interview guide – adults
Appendix 5: In‐depth interview guide – youth
Appendix 6: Parent questionnaire (wave 1)
Appendix 7: Children’s questionnaire (wave 1)
Appendix 8: Youth questionnaire (wave 1)
Appendix 9: Children’s questionnaire: 6 years to 15 years (additional questions for wave III)
Appendix 10: Youth questionnaire (additional questions for wave III)
Appendix 11: Parent questionnaire (wave III)
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