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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

Estudios Pblicos, 106 (otoo 2007).

ESTUDIO

EL ESTADO Y LOS PARTICULARESEN LA EDUCACIN CHILENA, 1888-19201

Juan Luis Ossa Santa Cruz

El estudio que sigue intenta iluminar algunos aspectos importantesde la relacin entre el Estado y los particulares en el campo de laeducacin chilena en el perodo 1888-1920. Este lapso engloba unadiversidad de fenmenos referentes a aquella relacin tanto en suvertiente ideolgica como en su vertiente pragmtica, y una nadainsignificante lista de los actores que, da a da, buscaban el progresode la enseanza nacional. El conflicto curricular de la dcada de1890, las solicitudes y entregas de subvenciones a los establecimien-tos privados, y la lucha por la libertad de enseanza, manifestada,entre otros, en el debate sobre la Ley de Instruccin Primaria Obliga-toria de 1920, fueron los tres principales escenarios en que se expre-s dicha relacin, la cual sobrevivi incluso en los momentos msdifciles de aquella poca. Esto confirmara que el nexo entre el Esta-do y los particulares en la educacin es mucho ms antiguo de lo quecomnmente se cree, y que las transformaciones impuestas por elneoliberalismo en las ltimas tres dcadas no son ms que unacontinuacin de un largo proceso histrico, que, por lo dems, sehaba iniciado ya en los albores del siglo XIX.

JUAN LUIS OSSA SANTA CRUZ. Licenciado en historia por la Universidad Catlicade Chile. Correo electrnico: juanluisossa@yahoo.com.

1 Esta investigacin cont con la valiossima colaboracin de Mnica MarnReyes. Agradezco los comentarios y sugerencias del profesor Ivn Jaksic y la ayuda deAndrs Baeza, Joaqun Fernndez y Cristbal Garca-Huidobro.

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www.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

24 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

E

Introduccin

Una de las caractersticas del subdesarrollo es la identidad total del gobierno y el Estado. En Francia, Suecia o Inglaterra

una empresa pblica conserva cierta autonoma del poder poltico; pertenece al Estado y su administracin,

su personal y su funcionamiento estn ms o menos a salvo de abusos gubernamentales. Pero en un pas

subdesarrollado, ni ms ni menos que en un pas totalitario,el gobierno es el Estado.

Mario Vargas Llosa (El Pez en el Agua).

l inters por la historia de la educacin en Chile ha existido prc-ticamente desde los inicios de nuestra vida colonial. Cronistas, investigado-res y educadores han llenado pginas enteras sobre las caractersticas yparticularidades de la enseanza, contribuyendo con ello a la extensin yprofesionalizacin del conocimiento. Obviamente, las preguntas y respues-tas elaboradas por los intelectuales han dependido del contexto histrico decada poca. Por eso, ms de alguna vez los estudios sobre educacin hanestado subordinados a principios ideolgicos antes que a consideracionesprcticas, y, por ende, muchos debates se han eternizado en discusionespoco efectivas. No obstante, tambin se han dado casos en que la contribu-cin ha sido real y constructiva, hasta el punto de que, en ms de unaocasin, la toma de decisiones ha estado influenciada por ellos.

Teniendo esto en cuenta, parece evidente sealar que el tema requie-re nuevas miradas e interrogantes, aunque ahora iluminadas por las necesi-dades de nuestro tiempo. Economistas, socilogos, siclogos e historiado-res por nombrar slo unos pocos tienen ante s la oportunidad deenriquecer con sus diferentes perspectivas la cuestin educacional, plan-teando dudas y soluciones de inters general.

Algunas de stas fueron recientemente puestas en la palestra luegode que los estudiantes secundarios realizaran en 2006 una movilizacin na-cional, que, a juzgar por su acabada planificacin, se habra ido incubando alo largo de varios aos. Como resultado de ese movimiento, se reabrierondiferentes temas. Uno de los ms recurrentes fue la relacin entre el Estadoy la educacin particular, con especial nfasis en la subvencin fiscal y lainiciativa privada. Algunos polticos e intelectuales alzaron sus voces pi-diendo y dando explicaciones sobre esa relacin, y, en general, se lleg a laconclusin de que aqulla haba comenzado hace solamente tres dcadas,

2 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 25

es decir, cuando el neoliberalismo econmico hizo su aparicin. Cuncierta es esta afirmacin?

Un anlisis histrico ms o menos prolijo nos entrega una visin quecontradice diametralmente dicha afirmacin. En efecto, una amplia gama dedocumentos confirman que el inters del Estado republicano por la educa-cin particular haba comenzado ya en una poca tan temprana como ladcada de 1820, profundizndose ms o menos regularmente a lo largo de lacenturia.

Esto no quiere decir que la conexin entre el Estado y los particu-lares en materia educacional no haya estado sometida a vaivenes y dificul-tades durante esos aos. Quizs el conflicto ms explcito haya sido ladiscusin ideolgica sobre la libertad de enseanza, iniciada en la dcadade 1870. A la sazn, el debate gir en torno a la relacin Iglesia-Estado,simbolizada en cul autoridad deba tener la potestad de examinar a losestudiantes particulares: el ministerio o los privados. Por motivos coyuntu-rales y estratgicos, los catlicos abogaron por la libertad de la toma deexmenes y por su propia metodologa de enseanza, la que, en la mayorade los casos, se opona a la educacin que impartan los centros laicos. Losliberales, en cambio, pretendieron controlar todos los temas educacionalesdesde el Estado, ya fuera mediante decretos gubernamentales o a travs delegislacin aprobada por el Congreso.

Otro plano de discusin gir alrededor de las subvenciones guber-namentales a los colegios particulares. Sin embargo, a diferencia de lo queocurra con la examinacin y con los sistemas de enseanza, esta cuestinno sola generar divisiones entre los polticos, ya que comprendan quemuchas veces los colegios subvencionados satisfacan demandas que alEstado se le haca imposible cubrir. Esto permita que el nmero de subven-ciones fuera bastante alto. Entre ellas, habra que destacar las que, ao aao, reciban entre otras las escuelas indgenas regentadas por misio-neros en la Araucana, los liceos femeninos de educacin secundaria deSantiago y los colegios regionales, establecimientos, todos, que utilizabandiferentes estrategias para dar a conocer la calidad de la educacin queimpartan, y, por consiguiente, cunto esperaban recibir por parte del go-bierno.

Estos dos mbitos de la relacin entre el Estado y los particulares enla educacin se profundizaron a fines de la dcada de 1880, cuando el fiscocomenz a gastar cada vez ms en la educacin pblica y en la subvencio-nada. Los ingresos reportados por las salitreras ayudaron a que las condi-ciones de los colegios e institutos mejoraran, pero tambin a que los gobier-nos de turno alcanzaran una influencia nunca antes vista.

2 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

26 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

Ello trajo como resultado que los conservadores renovaran su oposi-cin a la examinacin oficial, aunque ahora criticando abiertamente el mto-do concntrico de enseanza impuesto por los polticos liberales y radicalesdurante la dcada de 1890. Al mismo tiempo, la influencia estatal provocuna polmica parlamentaria en torno a un nuevo proyecto de ley que propo-na modificar profundamente la instruccin primaria obligatoria, materia enque catlicos y radicales se enfrentaron. No obstante, en ambos casos elespritu de negociacin fue el que finalmente imper, ya que todos los sec-tores polticos lograron sortear algunas de sus diferencias y conseguir quesus propsitos se convirtieran en realidad. En ese sentido, las diferenciasentre lo pblico y lo privado no siempre eran evidentes, sino que muchasveces las aspiraciones e ideales de unos y otros se entrecruzaban y secomplementaban.

Las tres dcadas que cubren desde la creacin de la UniversidadCatlica en 1888 hasta la promulgacin de la Ley de Instruccin PrimariaObligatoria de 1920, han servido de referente y de marco temporal para elestudio que sigue a continuacin. Hemos elegido este lapso por dos razo-nes: la primera, porque muchos anlisis sobre educacin han concentradosu principal atencin en el periodo anterior o, en contraposicin, en el inme-diatamente posterior, dejando de lado algunos aspectos claves de la rela-cin forjada entre ambos sectores a fines del siglo XIX y principios del XX.La segunda, y muy ligado a la anterior, porque el estudio de estos aospermite formarse una visin ms o menos global de los distintos escenariosen que se concret dicho fenmeno, ya sea en su vertiente ideolgica comoen la prctica. Con esto, nos propusimos responder algunas preguntas so-bre la conexin entre el Estado y la instruccin privada durante esos aos,dedicndonos a cuatro aspectos importantes de ella.

Por un lado, y a modo de prembulo, revisaremos algunos aspectosbibliogrficos de la relacin entre el Estado y los particulares durante larepblica temprana, esto es, entre 1810 y 1874.

Por otro, estudiaremos los conflictos polticos ms importantes queprotagonizaron conservadores, liberales y radicales en lo tocante a la cues-tin educacional, especficamente en lo referente a los mtodos de ense-anza.

A su vez, en los apartados 3 y 4 analizaremos los sistemas de sub-venciones, tanto en la fase de solicitud como en la de otorgamiento. Enellos, confirmaremos que la ayuda econmica dependa de diversas circuns-tancias, pero que, en general, el Estado no pona mayores obstculos cuan-do constataba que los colegios subvencionados cubran una necesidad queal erario se le haca imposible subvenir por s sola. Adems, veremos que

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 27

estas subvenciones ayudaban preferentemente a la oferta educacional, perotambin a la demanda estudiantil mediante la entrega de becas.

Finalmente, fijaremos nuestra atencin en la discusin ideolgicaque surgi en el Congreso Nacional en el curso de la Ley de InstruccinPrimaria Obligatoria, en cuyos aos (1902-1920) los polticos se abocaronnuevamente a discutir la libertad de enseanza y el papel del Estado y losparticulares en la educacin.

Con estos antecedentes, intentaremos demostrar que, a pesar de serdiferentes, las tres ltimas cuestiones se dieron simultneamente, y que elvnculo entre el Estado y los privados durante 1888 y 1920, siendo muycomplejo, subsisti incluso en los momentos ms conflictivos.

1. El Estado y los particulares en el campoeducacional chileno durante la repblica temprana

(1810-1874)

Ya que el Estado no puede con sus propios recursos proveer en toda su extensin a las exigencias de la enseanza,

provechoso es que proporcione estmulos y facilidades a los establecimientos de educacin

dirigidos por particulares.

Federico Errzuriz(Memoria del Ministro de Justicia, Culto e Instruccin

Pblica, Anales de la Universidad de Chile, 1865).

Uno de los primeros objetivos de los gobiernos chilenos luego delas guerras de independencia, fue construir un sistema educacional acordecon las ideas que haban inspirado el movimiento revolucionario de 1810.Para los intelectuales y militares de aquella poca, la educacin era unaherramienta de primer orden para llevar a cabo el propsito fundamental quehaba inspirado a algunos sectores de la Ilustracin: la creacin del ciudada-no republicano. Cualquier proyecto que buscara la concretizacin de estesueo era apoyado por los referentes ms avanzados de la emancipacin,como tambin lo eran los intentos por incrementar el acceso a la educaciny mejorar la enseanza.

La creacin del Instituto Nacional (IN) en 1813 fue un paso significa-tivo en esta cruzada, convirtindose rpidamente en el centro educacionalpor excelencia de la elite criolla. Al mismo tiempo, algunos gobiernos co-menzaron a ayudar a los particulares que mostraban inters en fortalecer la

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

28 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

enseanza privada, sin que ello significara necesariamente un conflicto conel auxilio que entregaban a los establecimientos pblicos.

Hombres como Francisco Antonio Pinto, vicepresidente del pas en-tre 1827 y 1829, fomentaron la educacin particular por medio de la asigna-cin de fondos fiscales a individuos que mostraban idoneidad y confiabili-dad. As ocurri, por ejemplo, con el espaol Jos Joaqun de Mora,avecindado en Chile desde febrero de 1828, quien cont con el explcitoapoyo de la administracin Pinto para fundar el Liceo de Chile. Este colegiose instal en un predio fiscal ubicado en el cuartel de Maestranza, cuyocanon de arrendamiento se entenda cubierto si el Liceo reciba gratuita-mente [a] diez jvenes [hombres] agraciados por el gobierno2.

Aunque es cierto que este primer intento por generar un vnculoestable entre el Estado y los privados en la educacin chilena sufri altos ybajos3, la estrategia de combinar el dinero estatal con el servicio que presta-ban los particulares funcion relativamente bien durante los decenios 1831-1861.

As, en el gobierno de Joaqun Prieto se inspeccion por primera veza los establecimientos privados, intentndose uniformar la educacin parti-cular con la pblica4. Lo que se buscaba era tener un recuento exacto desus mtodos de enseanza, rjimen interior, castigos, premios y en jeneralcuanto creyeren conducente a la mejora de la educacin5, y, de ese modo,determinar a ciencia cierta a qu establecimientos privados auxiliar. Lo msimportante de esta medida no fue un aparente afn estatal por controlar laeducacin, sino lograr que la calidad de la enseanza ofrecida por los soste-nedores privados fuera el eje articulador de la relacin entre el Estado y losparticulares.

El inters de la administracin Prieto se debi tambin a que el nme-ro de escuelas pblicas era bastante menor que el de las particulares, cues-tin que mova al gobierno a ser solcito con las necesidades econmicasque stas demostraran. En efecto, al terminarse la administracin del gene-ral Prieto, no haba en toda la repblica ms que cincuenta y seis modestsi-mas escuelas pblicas sostenidas por el Estado6. Por otra parte, en 1843,bajo el gobierno de Manuel Bulnes, un cuadro informativo sealaba que en

2 Barros Arana, Diego: Historia General de Chile, 2005, tomo XV, p. 219.3 Vase ibdem.4 Vase ibdem, p. 57.5 Citado por Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin. Chile en el Siglo XIX, 1993,

p. 57.6 Barros Arana, Diego: Un Decenio de la Historia de Chile (1841-1851), 2003,

tomo I, p. 233.

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hile

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 29

Santiago existan 78 escuelas primarias, de las cuales 60 eran absolutamenteparticulares, y el resto perteneca a municipios, conventos y parroquias7.

Estos datos comprueban que, por lo menos en cantidad, la presenciade los particulares en la educacin primaria capitalina era ms evidente quela del Estado. Quizs por esta razn, Bulnes y sus ministros se esforzaronen extender la enseanza pblica en general y, con ello, el poder del Estadodentro del sistema educacional. El paso ms significativo fue, sin dudas, lacreacin de la Universidad de Chile (UCH)8, aunque tambin se fundaronotros establecimientos fiscales, como la Escuela de Bellas Artes y la QuintaNormal de Agricultura9. Este tipo de instituciones permiti que la estructuraestatal afianzara su influencia, y que lograra un grado de intervencin bas-tante significativo. Gracias a ello, naci el denominado Estado docente, cu-yos propsitos se reflejaron, preferentemente, en la formulacin de los con-tenidos educacionales y en la obligatoriedad de la examinacin oficial de loseducandos10.

Ahora bien, contrariamente a lo que podra pensarse, esta subordi-nacin de los particulares no pareci ofender ni molestar a nadie duranteesos aos. La explicacin de este fenmeno reside, entre otras cosas, enque gobiernistas y opositores recordaron (y aceptaron) que la Constitucinde 1833 declaraba que la educacin pblica [era] una atencin preferentedel Gobierno11, y que, como dice Sol Serrano, la examinacin oficial, fijadaen una ley de 1842, era una herramienta fundamental para la racionalizacindel orden interno del sistema educacional antes que un control doctrina-rio12. En ese sentido, la supremaca del Estado fue vista como una condi-cin sine qua non de la enseanza nacional, tanto por voluntad de loshombres que [la] concibieron, como por obra de las circunstancias en quehubo de ensayar sus primeros pasos13.

7 Vase ibdem, tomo I, nota al pie, p. 233. Barros Arana separa tanto a lasescuelas municipales como a las religiosas del grupo de las particulares, aunque locierto es que, estrictamente hablando, stas deberan ser consideradas como tales. As losern de aqu en adelante en nuestro artculo.

8 Vase, entre otros, Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin..., 1993, y Jaksic,Ivn: Andrs Bello: La Pasin por el Orden, 2001, pp. 156-163.

9 Vase Barros Arana, Diego: Un Decenio de la Historia de Chile..., 2003,tomo II, captulo 5.

10 Un muy buen anlisis sobre la confeccin de los contenidos educacionales enChile, sobre todo lo que se refiere a la enseanza de las humanidades, se encuentra enCruz, Nicols: El Surgimiento de la Educacin Secundaria Pblica en Chile. 1843-1876 (El Plan de Estudios Humanista), 2002, captulos II y III.

11 Artculo 153 de la Constitucin Poltica de Chile de 1833, enwww.memoriachilena.cl.

12 Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin..., 1993, p. 222.13 Labarca, Amanda: Historia de la Enseanza en Chile, 1953, p. 131.

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he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

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Esta aceptacin de los particulares ayud a que el Estado continuaraapoyando a los centros privados. Ms todava, segn Amanda Labarca, enesa poca los creadores del estado docente, sobre todo [Manuel] Montt y[Antonio] Varas, dejaron a la enseanza particular una amplsima libertad;ms aun, fomentaron la venida a Chile de nuevas rdenes enseantes14,entre las cuales destacaron los jesuitas, que regresaron triunfantes luego desu expulsin en 1767. En efecto, con el beneplcito del presidente Montt, en1854 se puso la primera piedra del Colegio San Ignacio, que con el tiempollegara a ser uno de los colegios particulares ms importantes del pas.

De esta manera, durante los tres primeros decenios, la educacinparticular recibi un significativo auxilio estatal. Sin embargo, las buenasrelaciones entre el Estado y los privados no podan durar para siempre, y,ya para fines de la dcada de 1850, se vislumbraron los primeros conflictosentre ambos. El motivo? Los polticos y educadores contrarios al gobiernode Montt comenzaron a cuestionar las bases del Estado docente, y a soste-ner que la amplsima libertad educacional a la que hara mencin AmandaLabarca un siglo despus, no era tal.

Para los opositores, la libertad de enseanza no deba descansarnicamente en el permiso estatal para construir o fundar establecimientosprivados, sino que deba extenderse hasta el punto de que los particularespudieran examinar independientemente a sus estudiantes en sus respecti-vos establecimientos. Con ello, pretendan que el Estado no continuara in-terviniendo en los contenidos de la enseanza, ni que la examinacin oficialimpuesta, como decamos, en 1842 fuera el nico mecanismo de evalua-cin al finalizar el ao escolar. Qu haba sucedido? Por qu la interven-cin estatal empezaba a ser cuestionada por algunos sectores de la socie-dad chilena? Qu haba hecho cambiar el parecer de la oposicin conrespecto a la examinacin?

A nuestro entender, el cambio de mentalidad de los opositores algobierno se debi a las estructuras de la relacin Iglesia-Estado. Amboshaban convivido relativamente bien a lo largo del siglo XIX, aunque enciertas ocasiones las diferencias de opinin respecto a algunos temas espe-cficos los haban dividido. El ms importante de estos temas haca referen-cia al grado de injerencia que poda y deba tener el poder civil en lasdecisiones de la Iglesia. Los gobiernos insistan que al Estado le correspon-da ejercer el Patronato. La Iglesia, en tanto, se defenda argumentando queaquel derecho le perteneca exclusivamente al Papa y a sus delegados arzo-bispales, y que, por tanto, el poder civil no deba involucrarse en las deci-siones de Roma.

14 Ibdem.

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he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 31

Las diferencias entre estas posturas empezaron a evidenciarse luegode que el gobierno de Manuel Montt se enfrentara al arzobispo Rafael Va-lentn Valdivieso por la tan conocida cuestin del sacristn15. La principalconsecuencia de este conflicto fue la creacin de una alianza conformadapor los catlicos ultramontanos y los liberales que se oponan a Montt. LaFusin Liberal-Conservadora, fruto de esta coalicin, llev a la primera ma-gistratura a Jos Joaqun Prez en 1861, y ms tarde a Federico Errzuriz,dividindose los ministerios en partes semejantes y soportando ms o me-nos bien las dificultades polticas del periodo.

No obstante, las bases de esta alianza coyuntural eran demasiadodbiles para capear las discrepancias doctrinales, una de las cuales se refe-ra al papel del Estado y de los particulares en la educacin. El grupo liberal,encabezado por intelectuales como Diego Barros Arana y los hermanosAmuntegui, crean que la intervencin estatal en la enseanza deba sercompleta. Mediante argumentos constitucionales, sostenan que los conte-nidos de las materias y los exmenes eran responsabilidad directa de la UCHy del IN, por lo que los privados poco y nada podan intervenir en ellos.Adems, postulaban que la enseanza religiosa a nivel secundario debaser voluntaria y que los disidentes tenan derecho a fundar sus propiasescuelas16.

Los conservadores ultramontanos, en tanto, consideraban que el an-ticlericalismo de los sostenedores del sistema estatal influa negativamenteen el devenir de la sociedad chilena, y estaban dispuestos a llegar a lasltimas consecuencias para hacer prevalecer su metodologa de enseanzaen los colegios catlicos, incluso con la aspiracin de que ella se extendieraa los dems centros educacionales del pas. Por esta razn, en 1871, alasumir las carteras que le correspondan en el gobierno liberal de FedericoErrzuriz, el Partido Conservador comenz una lucha, ahora desde el senodel poder, a favor de la libertad de enseanza y de examinacin. El principalprotagonista de esta ardua cruzada fue Abdn Cifuentes, a la sazn minis-tro de Instruccin Pblica, quien, mediante un decreto de 1872, sustrajo losexmenes de los colegios particulares de la fiscalizacin del Estado17.

Las conversaciones entre Cifuentes y Errzuriz para que ste decre-tara la libertad de enseanza comenzaron en 1871, al momento de iniciarse la

15 Vase, entre otros, Collier, Simon: Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830-1865. Politics and Ideas, 2003, pp. 199-205, y Moscoso, Pablo: La Cuestin delSacristn: Historia en Diez Actos, 2006, pp. 131-160.

16 Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin ..., 1993, p. 221.17 Ibdem.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

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nueva presidencia. Al respecto, Cifuentes cuenta en sus Memorias cmonegoci su designacin para el ministerio y cules fueron sus exigenciaspara aceptar el cargo. En un dilogo con Errzuriz, le dijo:

Yo, seor, quiero la libertad de la enseanza, repruebo sumonopolio y, sobre todo, el monopolio minucioso de los ex-menes de cada ramo de estudio que tiene el Instituto Nacio-nal, monopolio que no existe ni en Francia, que ha sido lamoderna inventora del monopolio del Estado en la enseanza.Hace aos que en la prensa y en privado vengo pidiendosiquiera la libertad de esos exmenes como en Francia; que sereduzca el monopolio siquiera a los exmenes de los gradosuniversitarios, es decir, de Bachiller y Licenciado; y siemprehe encontrado en los liberales del Consejo de Instruccin,como Barros Arana y Amuntegui, y en los profesores delInstituto, que son los usufructuarios de ese monopolio queconstituye la vaca lechera de su prestigio y de sus granjeraspecuniarias, la ms tenaz oposicin a toda libertad. [...]

Errzuriz le habra replicado de la siguiente forma: Est salvada ladificultad. [...] Algunos me han hablado de separar a Diego Barros del Insti-tuto. Qu piensa usted?:

Creo que sera una medida odiosa; yo no quiero hostilizar anadie. Para m la cuestin de personas es muy insignificante;lo que me interesa es la libertad, son los principios; denme lalibertad y qudense con sus empleos. Barros se ha hechoodioso, no tanto por sus ideas irreligiosas, como por el poderabsoluto e irresponsable que tiene en la enseanza, gracias almonopolio de que dispone y a la manera desptica con queejercita su poder. Suprima ese poder y se calmarn los odios.Que quede Barros en su rectorado; pero deme la libertad y laigualdad en los exmenes. Eso es lo que importa al pas y alas ciencias18.

Para los conservadores, la educacin de la juventud era responsabi-lidad exclusiva de los padres de familia19. Segn el arzobispado, los catli-cos tenan el deber y el derecho de elegir para sus hijos la enseanza quems les acomodara, sin estar sometidos a la regulacin de un Estado que,para ellos, era cada vez ms laico e irreligioso. Si los establecimientos catli-cos dependan de ese Estado, entonces los padres creyentes no estaban

18 Cifuentes, Abdn: Memorias, 1936, tomo I, pp. 405-406.19 Vase Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin..., 1993, p. 233.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 33

siendo respetados en sus derechos. Por eso, para hombres como Cifuentes,el Estado docente era ilegal en su esencia, ya que, al igual que cualquiermonopolio, no aseguraba el principio bsico de una sociedad que se decademocrtica: la libertad.

Pero haba algo que an no estaba del todo claro: por qu a losdenominados liberales, como Barros Arana y Amuntegui, se les conside-raba los paladines del estatismo y del monopolismo educacional? Por qurazn los conservadores se autoproclamaban los sostenedores del ver-dadero liberalismo chileno?

La razn estriba en que la discusin sobre liberalismo y conser-vadurismo en esa poca responda, antes que todo, a un trasfondo religio-so, en el que las definiciones ideolgicas estaban teidas por el proceso desecularizacin de la sociedad. Los liberales de 1870 crean en la libertad decultos y en el matrimonio civil, pero eran contrarios a la libertad de ensean-za. Los conservadores, por otro lado, podan estar a favor de la libertadde enseanza, aunque eran reticentes a la libertad de cultos. Es decir, ambosgrupos utilizaban el liberalismo para sus propios fines, confirmando que suprincipal objetivo era hacer prevalecer sus respectivas ideas sobre el tipo desociedad que pretendan construir.

Ahora bien, y a pesar de esta suerte de utilizacin pragmtica oinstrumental de las doctrinas liberales, no cabe duda que la discusin ideo-lgica de la dcada de 1870 trajo como resultado una mayor apertura en laeducacin nacional. Es cierto que el decreto de 1872 fue suspendido dosaos despus por el nuevo ministro de Instruccin Pblica, el liberal JosMara Barcel, y que, ms an, la Fusin Liberal-Conservadora dej deexistir. Pero, paradojalmente, tambin es efectivo que, el 13 de agosto de1874, se agreg un inciso a la Constitucin de 1833 en el que se declaraba lalibertad de enseanza20.

Adems, ese mismo ao se acept que aquellos establecimientosque impartan el programa secundario completo [...] podan tomar los exme-nes en sus establecimientos por una comisin formada por dos miembrosnombrados por el Consejo Universitario y un tercero por el colegio21,cuestin que nos hace pensar que el liberalismo del Partido Conservador nofue del todo rechazado por los polticos de entonces. De una u otra forma,toleraron las aspiraciones conservadoras en pos de la libertad de ense-anza.

Cunto perdurara esta tolerancia?

20 Inciso 6 del artculo 12 de la Constitucin Poltica de Chile de 1833, enwww.memoriachilena.cl.

21 Serrano, Sol: Universidad y Nacin..., 1993, p. 238.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

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2. Cmo educar?El sistema concntrico y la propuesta catlica

(1879-1913)

A la[s] Escuela[s] fiscal[es] [...]las salvan sus mtodos de enseanza. El buen

sentido popular ha comprendido la incomparable superioridad de stos sobre los empleados

en las escuelas catlicas.

Revista de Instruccin Primaria(Ao XV, nmero 11, noviembre de 1901).

Es indispensable, pues, so pena de que desaparezca la fe religiosa adquirida en los primeros aos, que el joven estudie los fundamentos

racionales de su fe, los motivos de credibilidad; queadquiera la conviccin ntima de que la fe no slo no es adversaria ni antagonista de la razn, sino su mejor aliada; que sepa repeler

los ataques y disipar las prevenciones y desvanecer los sofismasque se presentan en nombre de la ciencia. Y he aqu lo que encontrar

en el estudio serio y razonado de los Fundamentos de la Fe.

La Revista Catlica (nmero 122, 18 de agosto de 1906)

En 1879 se promulg una nueva ley de educacin, que daba espacioa que los particulares fundaran colegios primarios y secundarios22. No obs-tante, al mismo tiempo dispona que se controlara la examinacin y el conte-nido curricular de la enseanza, favorecindose la educacin cientfica porsobre la filosfica-religiosa23 que haba guiado, hasta entonces, a la ense-anza en general. Adems, esta ley decretaba que la instruccin de la reli-gin catlica no sera obligatoria en los colegios secundarios estatales, yque el examen de esos ramos o el certificado de haberlos rendido, no eraobligatorio para obtener grados universitarios24. Todo esto produjo unnuevo y explcito campo de enfrentamiento entre los particulares catlicos ylos representantes del Estado laico, el cual, con altos y bajos, se prolongarahasta la segunda dcada del siglo XX.

22 Vase ibdem, pp. 247-250.23 Vase Jaksic, Ivn: Academic Rebels in Chile. The Role of Philosophy in

Higher Education and Politics, 1989, p. 46, y Campos Harriet, Fernando: DesarrolloEducacional, 1810-1960, Santiago, 1960, pp. 80-82.

24 Campos Harriet, Fernando: Desarrollo Educacional..., 1960, p. 83.

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he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 35

Los catlicos crean que de poco y nada serva que la reforma cons-titucional de 1874 garantizara la libertad de enseanza, si slo cinco aosdespus se confirmaba la obligatoriedad de la examinacin oficial25. Su pos-tura, empero, no descansaba nicamente en una cuestin constitucional,sino tambin en una razn curricular. Cualquier anlisis que hiciera la Iglesiasobre el futuro de la educacin pblica llegaba a una misma conclusin:quien tuviera en sus manos la examinacin, podra formular y reformular asu antojo los contenidos acadmicos. As, pues, si el nuevo currculo eracientificista, entonces los exmenes de fin de ao tendran una connota-cin cientfica, y la enseanza de la religin y de la filosofa escolstica nosera ms que un mero adorno. Ahora bien, a qu tipo de ciencia serefera la ley de 1879?, estaba la Iglesia necesariamente en contra de laciencia?

Los creadores de la ley de 1879, liderados por Miguel Luis Amunte-gui, pertenecan a un grupo de intelectuales que, desde mediados del sigloXIX, haban dedicado su tiempo a combatir la influencia de la Iglesia, tantoen la sociedad civil como en la enseanza. Para ello, haban tomado comoreferencia la obra acadmica de Auguste Comte, padre del positivismo fran-cs, cuyo trabajo, aseguraban los positivistas chilenos, era una amenazapara los catlicos de todo el mundo. Segn Jos Victorino Lastarria, elpositivismo demostraba que las creencias religiosas no eran ya dominantes,y que la tradicin del Antiguo Rgimen era contraria a la justicia social,porque obstrua las leyes de la humanidad, esto es, la libertad y el pro-greso26.

Diego Barros Arana tambin formaba parte de este crculo de polti-cos e intelectuales liberales que reuna a los positivistas chilenos, conocidocomo la Academia de Bellas Letras27. Su presencia no slo enriqueca lasdiscusiones sobre la influencia del positivismo en Chile, sino tambin dabapie a que los crticos de aquella filosofa, entre ellos Abdn Cifuentes, vie-ran en la Academia un centro de preparacin irreligiosa, que poda influirnegativamente en la enseanza de la juventud chilena28.

25 Como dice Campos Harriet, la ley de 1879 propici dos principios alparecer contradictorios, pero estatuidos legalmente. Por un lado, la Constitucin de1833, como las anteriores y la Ley Orgnica de la Universidad de Chile [de 1842],establecan entre nosotros el principio del Estado docente. Es decir, expresan bien claroque el Estado tiene la obligacin de ensear. [...] Por otra parte, la reforma constitucio-nal de 13 de agosto de 1874, aseguraba a todos los habitantes de la repblica la libertadde enseanza, en ibdem, p. 81.

26 Vase Jaksic, Ivn: Academic Rebels in Chile..., 1989, p. 43.27 Vase ibdem.28 Para no quedarse atrs, Cifuentes cre la Sociedad de Amigos, una suerte de

contraparte de la Academia de Bellas Letras. Vase ibdem, p. 42.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

36 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

Las aprensiones de Cifuentes podan ser exageradas, aunque nocabe duda que nuestros positivistas pretendan llegar a tener el completocontrol de la educacin nacional. Como acertadamente anota Ivn Jaksic:

La razn de la reaccin catlica descansa tanto en el creci-miento sustancial de la influencia del positivismo en el pascomo en el hecho de que los positivistas hicieron un esfuerzopor transformar el currculo de los colegios chilenos. La edu-cacin fue el rea donde mayormente se concentraron lospositivistas, porque, por un lado, muchos de sus ms distin-guidos seguidores ocupaban posiciones de influencia en elsistema educacional, y, por otro, compartan con los catlicosla creencia de que quien controlara el sistema educacionaltena mucho que decir en la formacin de los valores y delcarcter de la sociedad chilena29.

En efecto, catlicos y positivistas estos ltimos, agrupados enliberales y radicales compartan la aspiracin de dominar la formacinvalrica de la sociedad, para lo cual era indispensable intervenir significati-vamente en los contenidos de la enseanza.

El ejemplo del radical Valentn Letelier es uno de los ms relevantesal momento de estudiar la puesta en prctica del cientificismo en Chile.Letelier haba sido discpulo de Barros Arana en el IN, y a travs de l habaconocido las ideas de Comte y de otros intelectuales positivistas. Entre1872 y 1875 haba destacado como estudiante de leyes en la UCH30. En1882, cuando el pas se encontraba en medio de la Guerra del Pacfico, seembarc en un viaje a Prusia, donde conoci el sistema educacional alemn.De l, sac dos importantes conclusiones: en primer lugar, que los colegiosprusianos disfrutaban de una amplia libertad religiosa, y, en segundo, queaquel sistema estaba compuesto por una educacin integral, esto es, unacombinacin de elementos intelectuales y prcticos en todos los niveleseducacionales31.

29 Ibdem, p. 45. El original en el ingls dice: The reason for the Catholicreaction lies as much in the substantial growth of positivistic influence in the countryas in the fact that positivists mad an effort to transform the curriculum in Chileanschools. Education was the one area that positivists concentrated on the most because,on the one hand, many of their most distinguished followers occupied positions ofinfluence in the educational system, and, on the other, they shared with Catholics thebelief that whoever controlled the educational system had a significant say in shapingthe values and character of Chilean society.

30 Vase ibdem, p. 50.31 Ibdem, p. 51. El original en ingls dice: an integral education, that is, a

combination of intellectual and practical elements at all educational levels.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 37

Su pensamiento qued plasmado definitivamente en su Filosofa dela Educacin, obra que public en 1891, aunque sus ideas podan vislum-brarse ya en la dcada anterior32. Letelier intent extrapolar a Chile la teoracomteana de los tres estados sociales. Recordemos que Comte entenda elprogreso de la humanidad como una sucesin de etapas, comenzando en unestado teolgico, continuando en un estado metafsico y concluyendo enun estado cientfico, el cual era la culminacin perfecta a la que debanaspirar las sociedades contemporneas. Como intelectual, Letelier adhiri aeste modelo, y lo utiliz con el fin de explicar la evolucin histrica y lasfalencias de la educacin nacional. Segn l, el estado cientfico, en contra-posicin al resto, era el nico que poda rescatar a sus conciudadanos de laignorancia. En palabras de Ivn Jaksic, Letelier

Apunt que las verdades teolgicas haban fallado en su in-tento por atraer a todos los hombres y que, adems, habanintroducido conflictos irresolubles en la sociedad. La metaf-sica, el segundo estado en el esquema de Comte, era igual-mente falible para la realidad chilena, en la forma en que laaplicaba Letelier. [...] Slo la ciencia, sugiri, poda traer la tannecesaria unidad para la sociedad y proveer la base para elprogreso ordenado de la humanidad33.

A tal punto lleg el convencimiento de Letelier de que el trabajo deComte poda ser transferible a la realidad del pas, que, en 1889, present undetallado informe al gobierno de Jos Manuel Balmaceda, en el que seala-ba cules eran, para l, las reformas que necesitaba la enseanza. Su pro-puesta, denominada sistema concntrico, tena por objeto reemplazar elanterior sistema de estudiar asignaturas completas y sucesivas por el deagrupar los ramos que pertenecan a un mismo orden de conocimiento, demanera que su estudio empezara en el primer ao y continuara en un desa-rrollo progresivo hasta el sexto34. O, en otras palabras, que la enseanzasiguiera un proceso de aprendizaje ascendente, yendo de las ciencias mssimples hasta las ciencias ms complejas35.

32 Vase ibdem, p. 53.33 Ibdem, pp. 54-55. El original en ingls dice: He [Letelier] pointed out that

theological truths had failed to appeal to all men and, in addition, that they introducedconflicts of an unresolvable nature in society. Metaphysics, the second stage inComtes scheme, was equally fallible in Leteliers application to Chile. [...] Only scien-ce, he suggested, could bring about much-needed unity to society and provide the basisfor the orderly progress of humanity.

34 Campos Harriet, Fernando: Desarrollo Educacional..., 1960, p. 84.35 Vase Jaksic, Ivn: Academic Rebels in Chile..., 1989, p. 55.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

38 ESTUDIOS PBLICOS

El mtodo concntrico sugerido por Letelier se ensay en el Liceo deChile, y ya para 1893 se hizo extensivo al resto de los colegios secundariosdel Estado. Su plan de estudios, de seis aos, era el siguiente: Castellano yMatemticas eran ramos fundamentales, y Francs e Ingls (o Alemn) seestudiaban paralelamente durante esos seis aos; la Zoologa y la Botnica,de primero a cuarto ao; Higiene, Biologa, Qumica y Fsica, en quinto ysexto ao; el Canto, la Gimnasia y el Dibujo, de primero a sexto ao; laFilosofa tena una ctedra y la religin se enseaba dos veces a la semana,de primero a cuarto ao36. Todo esto, segn Letelier, levantara

gradualmente el edificio del saber, creando en el primer aouna base de conocimientos que se ensancha y desarrolla enlos siguientes. El educando as no va estudiando cienciasnuevas medida que va adelantando en su carrera, sino queva desarrollando sus conocimientos en aquellas ciencias enque se inici al principio del curso37.

Como era de esperarse, los catlicos consideraron que el sistemaconcntrico atentaba contra el estudio de la religin, poniendo nuevamenteen el tapete la discusin sobre la relacin Iglesia-Estado y el consecuenteproceso de secularizacin. La contraofensiva de los catlicos estuvo enca-bezada por La Revista Catlica (RC), rgano oficial del arzobispado y vo-cero oficioso del Partido Conservador, y apoyada constantemente por losprofesores y estudiantes de la Universidad Catlica de Chile, fundada en1888.

El 18 de agosto de 1894, la RC dedic un extenso espacio a analizarlos alcances del nuevo plan. El artculo comenzaba diciendo que los peda-gogos modernos (como Letelier) estaban equivocados al pensar que laverdadera doctrina sobre la clasificacin y dependencia de las cienciashaba sido un invento de los ltimos aos, y que, por tanto, afirmar que laIglesia no apoyaba el trabajo cientfico era una falacia. Segn el autor,

Los antiguos filsofos investigaron con admirable sagacidadla comunidad de principios que algunas ciencias tienen entres y el auxilio que se prestan mutuamente. [...] La escolsticacontinu esta obra y tomando la palabra ciencia en su verda-dera acepcin, esto es, en cuanto designa el conjunto de ver-dades obtenidas por medio de la demostracin, examin laconexin de los principios, las distintas series de objetos 36 Vase Campos Harriet, Fernando: Desarrollo Educacional..., 1960, p. 85.37 Citado por La Revista Catlica (RC), nmero 1387, Santiago, 18 de agosto

de 1894, p. 42.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event that is, as theproduct of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it isimpossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion thatthe Concertacin may well dissolve before Chiles next election, but not forthe reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on thestructure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricablywith Chiles unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertacins demise point out that the Chileaneconomy has slowed somewhat since the coalitions early years ingovernment during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initiallygalvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivationmight naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertacin, and even its componentparties most notably the Christian Democrats are internally dividedover social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birthcontrol. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertacin will have held thepresidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative houseelected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multipartycoalitions anywhere, much less among Latin Americas presidentialsystems, the Concertacin is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneouscorruption charges against members, including the stripping ofparliamentary rights from five of the coalitions deputies in 2002, and thegeneral disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for solong. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeedundermine the Concertacin, but we do not regard these factors asnecessarily devastating to the coalitions survival for a number of reasons.In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five yearsin far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, andemployment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. TheConcertacin may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for goodeconomic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non-democratic legacy of the Pinochet era including the renowned

JUAN LUIS OSSA 39

que se aplican, el diverso modo como pueden considerarseestos mismos objetos, y despus de abarcar la ciencia entera,la dividi en cinco [sic] grupos, que comprendan la fsica ciencias naturales, las matemticas, la lgica metafsica, la l-gica moral. [...]

Sin embargo, y a pesar del importante papel que los catlicos asigna-ban a la escolstica, Letelier la haba dejado de lado en su esquema. La RCcontinuaba:

El positivismo moderno [...] reclama para s la gloria de haberl descubierto la verdadera clasificacin de las ciencias. [...]Basta exponer el sistema de Compte [sic] para estimarlo en loque vale. La esfera de los conocimientos humanos compren-de, segn este filsofo, slo seis rdenes de ciencias funda-mentales: las matemticas, la astronoma, la fsica, la qumica,la biologa y la sociologa. La teologa, la moral, la lgica y lametafsica, quedan relegadas en este sistema la categora deaquellos poticos ensueos que por tantos siglos acarici lahumanidad. [...] Desgraciadamente, en los mtodos concntri-cos [...] ha sido definitivamente desterrada la enseanza delas lenguas sabias y de la filosofa, reemplazndose sta poruna estril metodologa positiva que ni da leyes al raciocinio,ni analiza los criterios, ni se extiende ms all del orden pura-mente sensible. La enseanza de la historia sagrada, delcatecismo y de los Fundamentos de la Fe, est condenadatambin la misma suerte; y aunque todava queda en loscolegios del Estado un simulacro de aquellos estudios, yalas pruebas finales de esos ramos han sido suprimidas comointiles; maa hipcrita la vez que certera de que se valenpara extirparlos cautelosamente38.

Con este tipo de ofensivas, la RC pretenda que la comunidad cristia-na se resistiera a la enseanza de las nuevas doctrinas, y que hiciera loposible por educar a sus hijos en los colegios que garantizaran la enseanzade la filosofa escolstica, de la Historia Sagrada y del Catecismo. De esemodo, crea, se podran enfrentar las amenazas provenientes del Estadodocente y afianzar el poder de los particulares catlicos.

La posicin de la Iglesia se mantuvo durante los aos siguientes. En1902, los agentes estatales llevaron a cabo un importante Congreso deEnseanza Pblica, en el cual, entre otras cosas, se resolvi que la educa-

38 RC, nmero 1387, Santiago, 18 de agosto de 1894, pp. 42-45. Las cursivasson nuestras.

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TIntroduction

he demise of Chiles Concertacin coalition has been predictedoften over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even thecoalitions leaders have issued premature announcements of its death(Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers ofChilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertacinas both a fo