Ramazan Gunlu Postdam Paper

7/25/2019 Ramazan Gunlu Postdam Paper

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Politics, Democracy and Civil Society: Local Governance in Mugla, Turkey

Ramazan Gunlu1

!stract

Democracy and civil society relations in local politics may display signifcant dierenceswhen metropolis, big cities and small or-medium size cities are considered. In Turkey,through the years o !""#-!""$, several changes have been made in the legislationrelated to local governance within the ramework o the reconstruction o administration.The local elections which were last held in !% &arch !""$ in Turkey are to be renewed in!% &arch !""%. The implementation process o the new arrangements has createdchanges in the dynamics o local politics and democracy in Turkey, and has obligatorilyempowered and activated civil society organizations under the new legislative measures.

In this paper the interaction between local political social actors is discussed within theconte't o changing state-society relations in Turkey rom the (%%"s on. In this paper,)ithin the ramework o a study carried out in the regional city o &ugla, civil societystructure and its transormation is investigated and its eect on local politics is evaluated.&ugla is a centre which shares many o the issues also e'perienced at state level whenmanaging regional governance where local politics has a strong and powerul dynamics.

This paper aims to highlight such issues by placing emphasis on the local politicalrelationships with civil society and nongovernmental organizations *+s during thelocal election process. In order to analyze the situation o the actors created by the newlegislation, a data set is defned and coded and interviews carried out with the heads oorganizations in their relations with the local political sphere, while local political actors

are analyzed comparatively.

In this analysis, the eect o local social problems on the political actors are identifed bycomparing the characteristics o governance politics within the local political sphere toitsinstitutional results, and characteristics o the legislative measures arranging the politicalsphere in Turkey are analyzed and evaluated within a national and global conte't.

"ey#ords: Democracy, Civil Society, Local Governance, Turkey

(/ssist. 0ro. Dr. 1amazan unlu, &ugla 2niversity 3conomics and /dministrative4ciences, Dept. 0ublic /dministration, 5otekli 5ampusu, &ugla, Tel. ""%" !6! !((($7(,8a'9 ""%" !6! !!#:""$, gunlu;mu.edu.tr

(
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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Democracy has turned into being one o the most spoiled concepts.

democracy? concept to assess

civil liberty, political participation, opportunities and limitations on social

and political activists. The Democracy problemati@ue emerges in a

comparison between ancient reek democracy and representative

democracy. Aet the )estern 3uropean democracy would be incomplete

unless it is conceptualized without considering its historical aspects.

The political

weight o military? is one o the most debated issues in Turkey under the

!&achpherson *(%:$9 : points out that democracy was a bad thing or ("" years agoE ithas become a good thing or the ollowing 6" yearsE It becomes too vague within the last6" years.

#&orlino pointed out that >The inclusion o Turkey in this group o countries has alreadyprompted debate, and other analysts, especially Turkish scholars, place it amongst theminimal democracies, stressing the great and now longstanding airness o the electoralprocedure, or which 8reedom


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3uropean 2nion harmonization process. This act is interpreted as

limitation o rights and liberties in civil society.

/dvocates o a more powerul governmental capacity or assurance o

liberties, on the other hand, underline the inrastructural capacity whererights are bases upon *8ukuyama, !""69 ((:E &orlino, !""%9 !:", !%#-

!%$. Though the governmental capacity is deemed as the assurance o

rights, human rights going beyond the borders o nation-state have

become de acto-de ure reerences as global norms.

)hile rights and liberties provide an assurance in uncovering potentials o

civil society, their utilization depends on the capacity o institutions which

lay actual oundations or them. Besides the civil society is the domain o

potential and actual actors within socio-ormation o historicity through

sensitivity to religiousFcultural, ruralFurban, socioeconomic partitions, and

internalFe'ternal eects. Today, this domain continues to be shaped on a

national basis under the matri' o globalization and a range o actors

*political, technological, economic, cultural *5riesi et al., !""79 %!#.

/gainst nation-state practice, construction o 3uropean political domainhas become evident as a global act. Though the historical awareness has

been a part o 3uropean consciousness and activities, the rise o populist

right-wing can be e'plained starting rom the losers o globalization.

0artitions through national culture and economy are transerred through

the stage *darstellung o globalization onto the 3uropean political domain.

/ccordingly the political space is restructured not only with its historical

and actual aspects but also with the change o socio-spatial relations. Thisis the e'istence o a new political space, and it changes perception and

assessment o personality and identity *Gaeyrynen, !""#9 #CE 5riesi et al.,

!""79 %!$, %!%, %#C-%#:, %$%-%6(. Gariety o identitiesH being a

prere@uisite or the progress o capital in globalization process should be

interpreted rom this point o view.

/gainst the polarizing and peripherizing eects o globalization, regional

convergences indicate socio-spatial change. This, at the same time, is the

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e'pression o politicization o the space where political elites placed

themselves on the sae side through cooperation against marketization

and degradation o world system *Gaeyrynen, !""#9 $(, $#-$6. 0olitical

organization o the space changed enlightenment sources o subects and

political activists. In spite o global inormation ow, national political

elites, political parties and non-governmental organizations still @uarrels

within national borders *5oopmans and 0etsch, !""#9 #". )hile

supranational communication oreshadows new subects and activity

potentials in supranational space, this space is reshaped under interaction

o historical conrontations.


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society is the feld where political subects transormed or re-generated

under orce and violence together with moral and intellectual leadership.

This, on the other hand, is related to building o a certain polity and

citizenship orm. This is the struggle o political subect on the base o

autonomy9 this struggle is legitimized in the process o political subectsH

evidencing their grievance or government positions through their political

ormulations with global reerences o >humanity? and >human rights?.

Thus hegemony, counter-hegemony and opposing hegemony orm modes

o e'istence o civil subects in civil society *Kentner, !""69 C#C-C#:, C$#E

0ozo, !""C9 6:-6%E 1anciere, !""C9 C(-C#.

+owadays the civil society is o prime importance in conunction withdemocratization problems. >Livil society is generally conceptualized as the

social space in which a democratic polity is enacted.? The separation

between public and private space play a crucial role in shaping the

political culture in every country. This act revealed the cultural aspects o

democracy. /n active citizen is considered as the re@uisition o a

participatory political community democracy. Democracy and civil

participation have come out to be undamental aspects o civil society andtransormative politics. Identity conte't which turned into being a matter

o participation become a part o democracy problem *Berezin, (%%C9 #-6.

The concept o civil society as the current and the potential is to become

clearer in the e'planation o Lo'. >Livil society, in ramsciHs thinking, is

the realm in which the e'isting social order is groundedE and it can also be

the realm in which a new social order can be ounded. M civil society was generating a orce within itsel thatwould ultimately destroy and change it?. /le'is de Toc@ueville observed

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this civil society orce in municipalities and in volunteer organizations as a

limitation o government and potential or reedomization. ramsci, on

the other hand, dealt with class allies within themselves. The composition

o leadership and grassroots movements would be realized as a hegemony

struggle by means o organic intellectuals *Lo', (%%%9 7-C.

Governance

lobal change process carries the set o concepts *privatization,

localization, autonomy, participation, transparency which will acilitate

e'pansion o capital. )orld Bank, 3LD and 2nited +ations have been theinstitutions which served or world-wide popularization o these policies.

)orld Trade rganization organizes the scope o this process as an

interstate organization. overnance can be e'pressed as the

>commoditization o politics? standing in the center o the set o concepts

mentioned above *uler, !""#aE &ahon and &cbride, !""%9 :$E unlu,

!""%.

3uropeanization concept comprises all-round inventor aspect o 32

*3uropean 2nion analysis. The relation between the 32 and national

authority levels has become an important agenda o country-oriented

researches. /ccordingly eects o the 32 inputs on domestic polity reveal

themselves in the rise o multi-level governance literature within the 32

system *1osamond, !""C9 !$".

Though the governance embraces the politics in *social dialog model,societal subects gain specifc political ability within the network model

through neo-corporatist positioning. It is assumed that network-type

organization with the ability o detecting the political problems and

changing its own course can acilitate >return? o political domain *1ay et

al., !""#9 #%, $(, 66.


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Transparency is one o the eatured terms in governance concept. This

term becomes attractive with actual practices. 3uropeanization? process o public administration. 4o long as the e'pertauthority moves higher up, aecting the policy at 3uropean level has

become a matter o national policy. In this respect, 32 regulations have

gained importance in national policies*


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made to include governmental process *)hitman, !""#9 !77, !7%-!C".

Though the participation o civil society actors is the most emphasized

matter, those which participate into 3uropeanized public domain are

maintaining their traditional participation structures. Thereore, decisions

made at a 3uropean level represent the consensus o party elites

*5oopmans, !""C9 !"$, !"7E 0oguntke et al., !""C9 C6"-C6(, C7$-C76.

3lectricity and gas sector is regulated at 32 level by Directive !""#.

&ember countries establish energy regulation authorities by mimetic and

normative enorcement. The liberalized energy markets e'perience, frst

introduced in 3ngland, has subse@uently e'panded into other countries,

which shows that globalization is a act that depends on politics. /cting assel-representing structures, actors and organizations connect dierent

scales *rom national civil society to global civil society, rom nation-states

to global governance. Thus macro-subects *industries, states, regions,

frms, networks introduce sel-governance, good governance and politics

dialog into global competition by means o e'port orientation. Thus,

politics remain as a local resistance, and governance comes to the ore as

a process hiding the politics *Karner and )alters, !""$9 6":-6("E0edersen, !""79 (""6-(""7.

overnance is the driving orce o reorm process all over the world.

Lonstitutional reorm proect which will govern the competitive

government surrounds multi-actors *governmental, non-governmental,

multi-level *3uropean, national, regional, local governance domain. The

public policy ocuses on a competitive economy flled with market actors.

4upranational actors impose competition conditions as the key element o

economic policy. )hile the governance renders the public policy

>democratic? with the participation o non-governmental actors, it

discredits social solidarity *Lerny and 3vans, !""$9 6%-7#. 0articipative

dialog model can be e'clusionist when it comes to characteristics o

participants and individual dierences *&ayer at al., !""69 (:7, (%", (%7.

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Civil Society, Democracy and Governance in Turkey

It is said that civil society is weak in Turkey. 5alaycioglu *!""(9 67-6C

points out, despite o three brie military interventions, >democratic

regime is perceived as unctioning though there are criticisms o itse=ciency or eectiveness by the masses. There seems some evidence

that voluntary non-governmental organizations *+s have started to

receive relatively broad support rom the masses in Turkey. &ost

specifcally, the maor earth@uake disasters o summer and all (%%%

ironically helped promote civic associations providing social services to

earth@uake stricken areas o +orthwestern /natolia.? /ccordingly the

potential o civil society is revealed with the inade@uacy o thegovernment thatmaterialized with the earth@uake.

In spite o recovery in opportunity structure *constitution, laws and

regulations as a result o democratization under the 32 harmonization

*/c@uis, citizens are still beret o courage regarding political participation.

4truggles o youth, women, public employees and other groups relived the

limitations on political participation imposed by the Lonstitution, (%:!.


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democracy, the urban middle class developed authoritarian aptitudes or

ensuring their lie standards and styles. 0ost (%:" coup dHNtat liberal

market conditions orced urban middle class to make a choice between

non-patronage democracy or authoritarianism against patronage

democracy o the urban and rural poor based on populist relations.

Thereore, good governance practice becomes the irony o the

government and a dilemma or Turkey *5alaycioglu, !""(9 7$-77.

This dilemma has become more o an issue during recent years.

overnment-military relations cause democratization and liberalization

through the 32 harmonization regulations, and ollow a course led by

>elects? *0olitical integrity? and >national independence? *in the Kausanne

negotiations are the ounding political ethos o citizenship *IPduygu and

5aygusuz, !""$9 $(, $$. 5emalist elites, the anonymous bearers o nation-

state, established the political ethos o citizenship on >will o civilization?

or which they asked or a national participation *5eyman, !"""9 !($-!(6.

Lonservative cultural nationalist movement nowadays known with their

Bergsonian views on the base o individual enterprise, liberalism andspontaneity is not positivist but has been one o the most important

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promoters o Turkish revolution as >the will o civilization? since (%!"s

*Irem, !""!9 %C, ("#-("$, (":. This ideological stream has become the

binder o liberalism and authoritarian government together with Turkish-

Islamic synthesis which is the o=cial ideology o Turkey. 0rolieration o

identities rom civil society is realized under the authoritarian government

mentality *zkazanP, (%%%9 !!-!#. Kiberalization, privatization and

competition under the new route changed the state-economy interaction

and mobilized potentials o civil society. It created the stage where neo-

liberalism, Islam, secular Turkish nationalism and ethno-religious

belongings are updated *5eyman, !"""9 !"C-!":.

>Turkish-Islamic synthesis? could not provide or fctional integrity o thecommunity but together with the socio-economic actors during (%:"s, it

turned into being the most important composition o secular and anti-

secular polarization. uiding principles o 5emalist elites *republicanism,

nationalism, etatism, secularism, populism, and revolutionism-reormism

rom above constituted the base o institutionalism and re-

institutionalization *5eyman, !"""9 !(7. The continuous base o re-

institutionalization has always been the Turkish army, the watchdog o the1epublic. This act orms the parado' o 5emalism9 relying on the army or

5emalist policy and ight rom the civil society caused the Islamic identity

to spread in civil society and thus orming an obstacle or socialization o

5emalist identity. The fctional-structural crisis between 5emalism and the

civil society as a cosmic approach turned the civil society into the source

o legitimacy under the memory o coup dHNtat. Together with overspread

o identity, drawing the >line o identity? has become an e=cient strategyo democracy. therwise, civil society >creates a space or the presence o

Islamic discourse as a pluralist mode o organization o the stateFsociety

interactions *cit. rom 4aribay, 5eyman, !"""9 !!6E 5eyman, !"""9 !(:-

!(%, !!(, !!#, !!C.

The e=cacy gained by Islamic discourse within civil society put religious

symbols orward together with increasing importance o individual

autonomy within the ramework o neoliberal governance. Thereore it is

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not incidental that neo-liberalism oered insights or Islamic policy, culture

and economy. Increasing interest o Islamic section in Turkey towards

>civil reedoms? and >human rights? under accession to the 32 can be

assumed as a result o autonomous individual concept *okariksel and

&itchell, !""69 ($:-(6!, (6C-(6%. overnance phenomenon in Turkey

engaged with privatization and elimination o government monopoly and

Islamic revival in civil society *4ezen, !""C9 #!"-#!#, ##".

Government re$orm and criticism on governance in Turkey

There is a long history o state ownership o industry in 3urope involvingnational and regional public corporations, state holdings in private sector

companies and operation through local and central government

departments. / maor e'pansion o state enterprises occurred in the

interwar years and especially ater (%$6. By the late (%7"s a political

consensus e'isted in )estern 3urope avoring the e'istence o a mi'ed

economy began to change ater the 25Hs privatization program *0arker,

(%%:9 ((. n the one hand, the pressures o liberalization o the 32markets and government budgetary di=culties put the governments into

the liberalization processE on the other hand construction o 3uropean

economic area orced them to develop policies at the 32 level. The

3uropean debate on competitiveness associated with advocacy o

deregulation and liberalization as the most e=cacious responses to

globalization *1osamond, !""!9 (7: In this perspective, the 32 policy

directed to shit the relationship between governments and state-ownedutilities has created an economic environment which has led member

states to review the benefts o retaining state ownership *0arker, (%%:9

!#.

The liberalization and deregulation reigning over 3urope is the source o

inuence o public reorm in Turkey. The most remarkable criticism was

made by academicians o /nkara 2niversity, 0olitical 4ciences 8aculty. The

ocus o the criticism can be summarized as ollows9 0ublic reorm is a

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part o I&8 stabilization program and aims 7,6 percent +0 *ross +ational

0roduct surplus. The policy o downsizing the state or >fnancial

deregulation? applied during the (%:"s now emerges as >state adaptation

policy? or >political-administrative deregulation?. Thereore the localist and

privatist governance is not a liberalization towards the needs o the

country and people but the needs o capital *uler, !""#b9 ##. )hile the

main target o the reorm is to circumvent /nkara, its point o support is

the e'pectation and belie that it will ensure growth in local economies.

8air distribution o country resources is essentially the duty o the

government. The main actor that sneakingly corroded Augoslavia which

appeared to be a perect harmonic integration o dierent ethnicities was

the reign o economical instability *Isikli, !""#9 !-#. The reason or

eective participation o T24I/D *Turkish IndustrialistsH and BusinessmenHs

/ssociation and TBB *Turkish 2nion o Lhambers and Lommodity

3'changes, etc. into law-making attempts regarding public reorm and

acilitation o capital movement is the e'pectation or e'tending the space

or the capital movements in accordance with >governance-state?

rationale o )orld Bank. civilization?.

>Livilization? bears such characteristics that may be interpreted as

arrangement o public domain according to private benefts. The most

remarkable e'amples o said >civilization? are Directorate o 4trategy

Development and >4trategy Development Board? acting as consultancy

authorities which are included into Basic 0ublic /dministration Kaw Drat.This Board together with the representatives o private entities and

corporates are the elements o >governance? or >civilization o public

domain? *5arasu, !""#9 7!-7!. 0rivatization and commercialization o

basic public services are intended or civil feld. 4tateHs keeping its hand

o a great many public services will result in direct or indirect privatization

o services through local governments. The unds provided by )orld Bank

or unding services that are transerred rom central government to localgovernments are signifcant indicators or this process. Together with a

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e'ible employment system, rendering services through private sector can

turn into a rule *3rdogdu, !""#9 ($-(6, !!. )ithin this ramework, the

parallelism between localization and privatization o public services is

remarkable. In this conte't, the purposes o Basic 0ublic /dministration

Kaw Drat are in act not localization and democratization but to establish

stations or privatization through the instrumentality o localization

*4onmez and DinlerE !""#9 #$-#6. This very act can be seen in the way o

depredation paved by the recommendation in the )orld Bank 1eports or

integrating the coastal regions in to the >new? economic rationale *Duru,

!""#9 C(-C!.

The integrity o administration principle stipulated in the Lonstitutioncontradicts with the >public reorm?, because the central administration is

in charge as the general supervisor, while the local administrations are in

charge o providing service and organization limited to their geographical

borders or meeting >common re@uirements? o local people. By means o

a custody structure, the Lonstitution e'cludes possibility o dissociating

the local administrations rom the general administration. The Kaw Drat,

on the other hand, does not reer to >common local re@uirements? but frstreers to duties o central administration and then assumes the local

administration as the general authority in charge. This does not include

the relations regarding locality o re@uirements but it is essentially a

general authorization or privatization o public services *5arahanogullari,

!""#9 6!-6C.

Democracy, Civil Society and Local Governance in Mugla

Today, the economic globalization restructured the community and

removed alliances resulting rom class structure. International production

shaped the workorce hierarchically as permanent core workorce

integrated with managing orces, as instable workers segmented

according to ethnicity, religion, gender and geographic characteristics, and

as the outcasts at the bottom. 2nder circumstances where alliances

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within themselves are blurred, the civil society witnesses a bottom-up

integration movement. Top civil society cooperating with global capital and

its institutions, on the one hand, and segmented bottom civil society

mobilizing the transorming potential on the other hand are the realities o

hegemony struggle *Lo', (%%%9 %-((.

The hegemony struggle within the civil society takes an important place in

the feld o interest o theoretical approaches and current pluralism coming

to the oreront within local democracy and civil society connection.

0luralist, managerial *)eber and class *&ar' paradigms related to

government assume the change process as a civil society phenomenon.

0luralistic paradigm ocuses on the eect o individuals and individual-based groups on decision-making process o the government. &anagerial

paradigm *)eber ocuses on the eect o bureaucratic structures and

corporate domain on decision-making process o the government. Llass

paradigm criticizes the pluralist and managerial paradigm or neglecting

class aspect, and ocuses on capital accumulationFclass conict. The eect

o private sector e'panded on the feld vacated by the government or

liberalization and marketization purposes puts institutional approachesapplied in )estern welare-states into new contact points *4engul, !""(9

$6-6(.

&anagerial paradigm fnds its e'planation in public choice theory. The

plurality and dierent polity e'pectations o local choices bring about new

income groups, thus re@uiring the government to oer alternative

serviceFta' packages to dierent groups. This means that the government

is re@uired to supply or local demands with numerous local administration

units. )hile said numerous local units will compete or getting the local

people to their side, the local people beneft rom such competition by

means o less ta'es and better service. 0luralist paradigm points out the

necessity o a participative model under the regime theory in incorporation

o current segmented and dissolved urban structures. The role o the

government is no more to act as an arbitrator assumed by classic pluralist

approach but to activate and coordinate the resources under increasingly

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complicated relations. ne o the most important eatures o this

approach is to accept the autonomy attributed to municipal authorities by

managerial paradigm together with considering limitations o macro-level

power relations and economical structures asserted by &ar'ist approach.

In this conte't, while paying attention to structures and relations, the key

decisiveness is implemented by multi-actors o the city. Thus, regimes

advocating stabilization would predominate under power balance,

alliances and e'tensive spatial division o labour. Llass paradigm has

ocused on the concern o winning actual letist structures ater withdrawal

o class conict in the )est and disintegration o the 4oviet system. Lircles

which drited away rom &ar'ist structure are inspired rom pluralist

approach which is based on radicalization and reinorcement o civil

society against central government. 1adicalization o the democracy is not

only the duty o working class but also belongs to non-governmental

organizations which are assumed as the key elements o this process.

&otivating the civil society, on the other hand, is under the responsibility

o the *local government. The most important @uestion arising rom this

method is >why the government should organize such a civil society?. This

can be seen as a new democratic corporatism model. 2ne@ual

development theory, on the other hand, remains in &ar'ist paradigm, and

asserts that the capitalism does not only bring orth economic ine@ualities

but also spatial ine@ualities. 1endering the une@ual development

manageable is an obligation or nation-state. It is not possible or a

homogenous state structure to cope with a non-homogenous spatial

pattern. Thereore local government is not an e'tension o nation-state but

a historical response which is une@ually developed against it with its own

specifcities. It both undertakes regulative roles to get through socio-

spatial ine@ualities and acts as spokesman o local powers. Thus each local

unit is a stratifed socio-spatial ormation within the historicity o the

positions in spatial division o labour held in dierent periods. This

ormation has brought out a local *political culture. Kocal administration

practices represent the centre, on the one hand, and become the

representative o local powers on the other hand *4engul, !""(9 6!-6C.

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Turkish Lonstitution o (%7( did not only provide udicial assurance or

local administration but also commissioned the government with the duty

o providing income sources to local administrations pro rata to their

obligations. Turkish Lonstitution o (%:!, on the other hand, was drated

on an environment where some circles, which have no aith in local

administrations, were present. Thereore, it reects disbelie in local

administration bodies *5eles, (%%#9 (6-(C. The importance o a

constitutional ground supporting peopleHs rights on a participative basis is

evident. /nother phenomenon that has e@ual importance is adoption o

democracy as a lie style. 2ntil @uite recently, an approach which did not

include any political ground or participation was predominant. 4tate and

nation were assumed to be identical concepts. 1egimes where governed

people do not participate into political processes are not deemed to be a

part o democracy concept anymore. 0articipative processes that gained

weight in political science re@uire making a distinction between political

civil organizations and non-governmental organizations. Today, the

regimes where non-governmental organizations are not represented in

participation processes are not deemed to be democratic. /s long as the

ine=ciency o the centre in providing public services necessitates in-site

production and provision o services, e'isting traditional institutions or

municipal administration remain incapable. Thereore, it aims to ensure

e=cacy o participation services together with democracy training, and to

reinorce local democracy. 8or realizing this aim, the actors such as the

willingness o participants, promotersH aith in participation, non-deterrent

eect o the size o community which is interested in the participation are

important with regard to participation *5eles, (%%#9 !"-!!.

/s in >the city ambient sets people ree? phrase, we can say that city lie

orms a proper environment or democracy. In terms o e'perimental

felds, local administrations have an important eect on tendencies o

leaders and politicians that would govern the nation. Kocal administrations

have played an important role not only or politicians but in development

o contemporary participative aspects o democracy by encouraging publicparticipation. /s a ground where political activity eeling is rooted, local

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administrations have played role in promoting the development o political

culture based on participation *ormez, (%%(9 6$-7".

It is evident that the disbelie against local administration should be

overcome or ensuring them to have their real place in democraticdevelopment process *5eles, (%%#9 $:. 0articipative municipality practices

do not date long back to old times. The municipal organization which is

based on common beneft on local scale dates back to (:6$ when Istanbul

4ehremaneti *the local administration acting as municipal constabulary

which dealt with sanitary and landscaping works o the city during

ttoman reign was established. Kocal administration system beore said

date was @uite aint and ambiguous *rtayli, (%%"9 C"-C(. Themunicipality heritage inherited by the 1epublic was restructured by

&unicipal Kaw (6:" enacted in (%#". >3ach city is a matter o state? said

4ukru 5aya, then the minister o interior. This approach has played an

important role on systemizing the central custody, and putting down roots

o custodian mentality until now */lada, (%%"9 (!(. /doption o multi-

party system in (%$7 resulted in political revival. 1uralQurban migration

period, poverty and classifcation under wartime conditions turned citiesinto important political-social phenomena. The rural migration directed

into cities and metropolitans resulted in the collapse o urban services and

rendered the municipalities incapable o producing services *eray, (%%"9

!(C-!!#.

2rban problems coming to the oreront in parallel with the welare state in

the )est caused urban-social movements to be the new actors o the

participation. Thereore, urban movements have been taking an important

place in social movements. &ovements similar to those in 3uropean

countries were observed to take place in Turkey in the (%C"s, as well. The

phenomena observed in Turkish metropolitan and rural areas were

gecekondu *shantytown movements, land and house occupations, radical

local participation e'amples *&unicipality o 8atsa and direct democracy

practices. /s o (%:"s, solidarity-based movements were observed to

become widespread within the ramework o social and spatial bounds.

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Beginning rom the end o (%:"s, these movements emerged as protests

against urban regeneration proects and ine=ciency o urban services.

Beginning rom the (%%"s, the civil society gained importance day by day,

and opened the organization o civil domain into a serious competition

feld. )e can say that political ideologies were rapidly polarized in civil

organization feld. Livil society repositioned itsel against hegemony and

counter-hegemony. 0olitical participation o non-governmental

organizations under urban practices entered into a parallel or contrary

split-up period under ethno-religious, socio-spatial and cultural manners

*unlu, !""(9 $7%-$C#.

/s a result o migration, citizentry associations become more importantollowing the new aspects attributed to network-type organizations. The

network-type lie which introverted people into specifc identities and

relations in abyss o public domain collapsed by liberalization and

privatization turned the citizentry associations into a oothold strategy. /s

a balancing element, they entered into the segmented chaotic urban

spaces where dierent conicts o power relations were staged *5urtoglu,

!"""9 #($-#(C. Thus citizentry associations placed themselves amongmulti-actors o urban lie.

Livil society and participation has entered into Turkish lie as a practical

matter ater the earth@uakes suered in (%%% */ugust (C and +ovember

(! earth@uakes. Incapability o the government triggered intervention o

non-governmental organizations, and promoted oundation o new non-

governmental organizations. /cting as social actors o participation, non-

governmental organizations participate into policy development process

together with political actors. 1evised legislations in Turkey describe the

participation thereo and recommend that such participations should be

promoted. /rticle C7 to &unicipal Kaw 6#%# includes the provision that city

councils will be established by the help and support o municipalities.

2nder said law, the ministry o interior structured the participation by

issuing >Lity Louncils uidelines?. /ccording to /rticle : o said

uidelines, representatives o local administrations *municipality, general

(%


20/27

provincial assembly, &embers o 0arliament o the relevant province,

representatives rom political parties, representatives rom public

vocational institutes, and representatives o civil society will participate

into the Lity Louncil under certain ratios *Loskun, !""C9 ("C-((".

Lonsidering &ugla Lity Louncil, which is active since (%%%, as an e'ample,

it is observed that there has been no will to participate into this council,

and what is more, those who call or participation do not have aith in such

a council. 0olitical cultureHs not being promoting has a negative eect on

unwillingness or participation. The participation is interrupted by certain

reasons such as the weakness o local democracy, ine=ciency o

participation consciousness and its education, novelty o participationphenomenon, absence o conditions which promote and encourage

utilization o rights *okturk and 5avili, @uot. rom !""!, LoRkun, !""C9 ((-

((!. 8urthermore, the provision included in the uidelines stating that

decisions made in the city council will be negotiated in the frst meeting o

municipal assembly assumes that all public services in the city are

produced by the municipality. This practice results in decreasing the

e=ciency, thus participation. Institutionalization and changing localconsciousness would avourably contribute to participation *Loskun, !""C9

((#.

/s a feld o participation and activity, 0rovincial


21/27

dominance o public authority, ailing to ensure participation o non-

governmental organizations which adopt a human rights-sensitive

approach, lack o institutionalization and ailure to promote participation

*4ahin, !""C9 $6"-$6!, $6$-$7(.

The act observed in Lity Louncils and


22/27

public policy. &odern-secular middle class and traditional-conservative

sections conront in socio-spatial domain and politicize the separation o

the society among rural policies */50 and environmentalFtourism policies

*L0olitics and Lulture9 / Kess 8issured Terrain?, /nnual1eview o 4ociology v!# p#7(-:# H%C

Lerny, 0. . and 3vans, &. *!""$, >lobalisation and 0ublic 0olicy 2nder

+ew Kabour? 0olicy 4tudies, Gol. !6, +o (, !""$

Loskun, B. *!""C, >5ent Aonetimine 5atilim ve 5ent 5onseyleri?, /. Bozkurt

and A. Bozkurt *3d. Turk 5amu Aonetimi, /nkara9 azi 5atabevi

6In news-report by V


23/27

Lo', 1. ). *(%%%, >Livil society at the turn o the millenium9 prospects or

an alternative world order? 1eview o International 4tudies, !6, #-!:

De Gries, &. 4. *!""6, >Lhanging policy views at the local level9 The eect

o age, generations and policy-periods in fve 3uropean countries?,3uropean Sournal o 0olitical 1esearch $$9 (Q(6, !""6

Dikmen, /. /. *!""#, >4ermaye Kehinde 1eorm? /.2. 4B8 3T/ Tartisma

&etinleri, zel 4ayU *!, +o.7", 5asUm !""#, s. 6-%

Duru, B. *!""#, >5amu AWnetimi 1eormunda Xevresel Deerler9 rmanlar

ve 5UyUlar? 4ermaye Kehinde 1eorm? /.2. 4B8 3T/ Tartisma

&etinleri, zel 4ayi *!, +o.7", 5asim !""#, s. 7C-C!

3nyedi, J. *!""6, >The role o agency in cleavage ormation?, 3uropean

Sournal o 0olitical 1esearch $$9 7%CQC!", !""6

3rdogdu, 4. *!""#, >5amu 0ersonel 1eiminde 2yarlanma? /.2. 4B8 3T/

Tartisma &etinleri, zel 4ayi *!, +o.7", 5asim !""#, s. ("-!#

8ukuyama, 8. *!""6, Devlet Insasi, Pev. Devrim Letinkasap, Istanbul9

1emzi.

eray, L. *(%%", Belediyelerin Geiling, secularism, and the

neoliberal subect9 national narratives and supranational desires in

Turkey and 8rance?, lobal +etworks 6, ! *!""6 ($CQ(76. I44+

($C"Q!!77ormez, 5. *(%%(, Aerel Demokrasi ve Turk Belediyeciligi, /nkara9 Aonetisim9 Tum Iktidar 4ermayeye?, 0raksis, % 5is-

Bahar !""#, s. %#-((7.

uler, B. /. *!""#b, >Ikinci Dalga9 4iyasal ve Aonetsel Kiberalizasyon

*5amu Aonetimi Temel 5anunu? /.2. 4B8 3T/ TartURma &etinleri,

zel 4ayU *!, +o.6%, 5asUm !""#, s. (-#$

!#


24/27

unlu, 1. *!""(, >5entsel 4iyaset ve yonetisim9 Tarihsel bir bakis? &Ylkiye Dergisi,

uzF!""%, L. ZZZIII, 4. !7$

The Sustice and Development 0arty overnment and

the &ilitary in Turkey?, Turkish 4tudies, 79 !, !(6 [ !#(

&arket integration and social cohesion9 the politics o

public services in 3uropean regulation?, Sournal o 3uropean 0ublic0olicy :96 ctober !""(9 :!6Q:6!

Isikli, /. *!""#, >Aerellesme? /.2. 4B8 3T/ TartURma &etinleri, zel 4ayi

*!, +o.7", 5asim !""#, s. (-$

Icduygu, /. and 5aygusuz, . *!""$, >The 0olitics o Litizenship by

Drawing Borders9 8oreign 0olicy and the Lonstruction o +ational

Litizenship Identity in Turkey?, &iddle 3astern 4tudies, Gol.$", +o.7,

+ovember !""$, pp.!7 Q 6"

Irem, +. *!""!, >Turkish Lonservative &odernism9 Birth o a +ationalist

]uest or Lultural 1enewal?, International Sournal o &iddle 3ast

4tudies, Gol. #$, +o. ( *8eb., !""!, pp. :C-((!

5alaycioglu, 3. *!""(, >Turkish Democracy9 0atronage versus overnance?

Turkish 4tudies, Gol. !, +o. (, pp.6$-C".

5arahanogullarU, . *!""#, >5amu AWnetimi Temel 5anunu Taslagindaki/nayasaya /ykiriliklar? /.2. 4B8 3T/ Tartisma &etinleri, zel 4ayi

*!, +o.6%, 5asim !""#, s. $C-7C

5arasu, 5. *!""#, >5amu rgutlenmesi Boyutuyla 5amu Aonetimi Temel

5anunu Tasarisi? /.2. 4B8 3T/ Tartisma &etinleri, zel 4ayi *!,

+o.7", 5asim !""#, 66-77

5eles, 1. *(%%#, 5ent ve 4iyaset 2zerine Aazilar *(%C6-(%%!, Istanbul9

I2K/-3&&3

!$


25/27

5eyman, 3. 8. *!""", >lobalization, Livil 4ociety and Islam9 The @uestion

o Democracy in Turkey?, in S. Senson and B. De 4ousa 4antos *eds

lobalizing Institutions, /shgate, /ldershot, !""".

5riesi, lobalization and the transormation o the national

political space9 4i' 3uropean countries compared? 3uropean Sournal

o 0olitical 1esearch $69 %!(Q%67, !""7

5oopmans, 1. and 0etsch, B. *!""# >Towards a 3uropeanised 0ublic

4phere^ Lomparing 0olitical /ctors and the &edia in ermany?,

/13+/ )orking 0aper !#F"#

5oopmans, 1. *!""C, >)ho inhabits the 3uropean public sphere^ )inners

and losers, supporters and opponents in 3uropeanised political

debates?, 3uropean Sournal o 0olitical 1esearch $79 (:#Q!(", !""C

5urtoglu, /. *!""", >


26/27

&utman, &. *(%%: >4iyasete iris?, 5ent, Aerel 4iyaset ve Demokrasi,

Vstanbul9 )/KD

rtayli, I. *(%%", >Aerel Aonetim9 Devraldigimiz &iras? Turk

Belediyeciliginde 7" AUl, /nkara9 &etropol Imar /.4.-I2K/-3&&3

zgur, . *!6th &arch !"":, >&uglaHda Dernek 3nasyonu?

http9FFwww.bodrumhabermerkezi.comF^saya_editorler`yaziID_($$

zkazanc, /. *(%%%, >toriter yonetim zihniyeti? &urekkep, 4ayU. (#

0arker, D. *(%%:, >0rivatisation in the 3uropean 2nion? in 0rivtisation in

the in the 3uropean 2nion, 3dited by D. 0arker, Kondon and +ew

Aork9 1outledge0edersen, K. Transer and transormation in processes o

3uropeanization? 3uropean Sournal o 0olitical 1esearch $69 %:6Q

("!(, !""7

0oguntke, T., /ylott, +., Kadrech, 1. and Kuther, 5. 1. *!""C, >The

3uropeanisation o national party organisations9 / conceptual

analysis?, 3uropean Sournal o 0olitical 1esearch $79 C$CQCC(, !""C

0ozo, K. &. *!""C, >The roots o hegemony9 The mecanisms o clas

accomadation and the emergence o the nation-people?

Lapital`Llass, 4pring !""CE %(, p. 66-::.

1anciere, S. *!""C, 4iyasalUn 5UyUsUnda, Trans. /ziz 2uk 5UlUP, Vstanbul9

&etis.

1ay, 5., 4avage, &., Tampubolon, ., )arde, /., Konghurst, B. and

Tomlinson, &. *!""#, >The 3'clusiveness o the 0olitical 8ield9networks and political mobilization?, 4ocial &ovement 4tudies, Gol.

!, +o. (, !""#

1osamond, B. *!""!, >Imagining the 3uropean 3conomy9

LompetitivenessH and the 4ocial Lonstruction o 3uropeH as an

3conomic 4pace? +ew 0olitical 3conomy, Gol. C, +o. !, p.(6C-(CC

!7
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1osamond, B. *!""C >3uropean integration and the social science o 32

studies9 the disciplinary politics o a subfeld? International /airs

:#9 ( *!""C !#(Q!6!

4ezen, 4. *!""C, >Independent 1egulatory /gencies in Turkey in Turkey9/re They 1eally /utonomous^?, 0ublic /dministration and

Development !C, p. #(%-##!

4onmez, 2. and Dinler, D. *!""# >5amu Aonetimi Temel 5anunu Tasarisi9

4ermaye Kehinde 1eorm? /.2. 4B8 3T/

Tartisma &etinleri, zel 4ayi *!, +o.7", 5asim !""#, #!-$#

4ahin, . *!""C, >Demokratiklesme ve Insan lobal Dynamics and the Kimits o lobal

overnance? lobal 4ociety, Gol. (C, +o. #, Suly, !""#, !6#-!C!

Jizek, 4lavo *!""C, idiklanan zne, politik ontoloinin yok merkezi *The

Ticklish 4ubect, the absent centre o political ontology, trans. 4amil

Lan, /nkara9 3pos.

%ntervie#s and &!servations

Interviews with &embers o Lounty Louncil and &unicipality Louncil, and

Documents

Ramazan Gunlu Postdam Paper