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RUNNING HEAD: SOCIAL MOVEMENT PLURALISM: AN EXAMINATION OF STOCKTON STANDS WITH MINNEAPOLIS 1 Social Movement Pluralism: An Examination of Stockton Stands with Minneapolis

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Page 1: RUNNING HEAD: SOCIAL MOVEMENT PLURALISM: AN …

RUNNING HEAD: SOCIAL MOVEMENT PLURALISM: AN EXAMINATION

OF STOCKTON STANDS WITH MINNEAPOLIS

1

Social Movement Pluralism: An Examination of Stockton Stands with Minneapolis

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Abstract

Through in-group activism perspectives, this paper examines the media's effectiveness in

creating pluralism within a social movement. Social Movement Pluralism is a theoretical lens to

view and break down how media can create division within a social movement. Combining

elements from media identification, media framing, and priming theories to illustrate the

connections between mainstream media representations and pluralism within social movement

groups. Stockton Stands with Minneapolis, like other social movements, is given visibility

through mainstream media. SSM works within a hegemonic system whose interest might not

align with the public. This paper examines SSM members through the focus group method to

better understand the effect media has on activism groups.

Keywords: framing, priming, protest paradigm, identification, pluralism

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Social Movement Pluralism: An Examination of Stockton Stands with Minneapolis

More than 100 people gathered at Stockton's local community college (San Joaquin Delta

College) in June 2020. This gathering formed to show support for George Floyd, who was killed

by police in Minneapolis the month before (Dickman, 2020). "Participants held signs and

chanted things like "no justice, no peace, no racist police" and "Black lives matter" as they

marched peacefully from the front of Delta College on Pacific Avenue down Burke Bradley

Drive to Pershing Avenue to Robinhood Drive and then back around to where they had started."

(Dickman,2020) This first protest was the catalyst that sparked the formation of the activism

group "Stockton Stands with Minneapolis." A group devoted to making a tangible change to a

community that has faced many adversities.

"Stockton Stands with Minneapolis," like other social movements, is given visibility

through mainstream media. "SSM" works within a hegemonic system whose interest might not

align with the public. "SSM" has succeeded in gaining local media attention. However, the

media's depiction of activism continues to plague movements. Through mainstream media

framing, priming, and reaffirmation of the protest paradigm, reprograming seemingly peaceful

and non-threatening protests into riots and increasing calls of malicious actions. While

communication and political science research has focused on highlighting biases within media

coverage and the effect on viewers, research has not focused on the media effects of existing

members. Because existing members are part of the in-group, it is safe to assume these

individuals offer a unique media perspective. Through these perspectives, researchers can

examine the media's effectiveness in creating pluralism within a social movement. This article

offers the term "Social Movement Pluralism" as a theoretical lens to view and break down how

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media can create division within a social movement. This paper will combine media

identification, media framing, and priming theories to illustrate the connections between

mainstream media representations and pluralism within social movement groups.

Literature Review

Framing and Priming

Framing theory explains how media creates frames that introduce news items with

predefined and narrow contextualization (Arowolo, 2017). This contextualization has a

significant effect on audiences' consumption of media. Thus framing has an immeasurable effect

on social movement groups that transmit their intentions through mainstream media. For social

movements to gain influential power, movements must rely on mass media. Social movements

utilize mainstream media channels to project their goals and network mediated messages to

broader audiences. These mediated messages run into capitalist gatekeepers reframing.

Journalists and other media sources have routinely found little news value in demands for change

without action, so messages become increasingly focused on action compared to a social

movement's political agenda (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). These new frames enkindle the

protest paradigm; this paradigm refers to conventional media focusing on drama, violence, and

confrontation rather than details such as protest agendas, demands, and accomplishments

(Brasted, 2005). Detenber and Gotlieb (2007) found that highly critical and high conflict media

articles made participants more skeptical of protests than those exposed to noncritical coverage.

Detenber, Gotlieb, McLeod, and Malinkina (2007) found that well-established beliefs were

essential to consider when assessing media effects and attitudes toward protest. They found that

preexisting attitudes and beliefs were fundamental components of protest image interpretation.

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Mass media can use these preexisting beliefs to push a protest narrative to be more favorable to

their audience. "Mediated frames are designed to enhance understanding or as cognitive

shortcuts linking stories to a bigger picture" (Arowolo, 2017). Therefore, the media depiction of

protest is widely ranging between news networks, each asseverating their viewership's beliefs

and attitudes.

Frames that utilize cognitive short cuts derive power from past media priming. Priming

refers to the effects of media content on people's later behavior, thoughts, or judgments. Priming

theory aims to explain the short-term effects of media violence, the effects of political coverage

on evaluations of a candidate, and stereotyped portrayals of minorities (Roskos-Ewoldsen,

Klinger, & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2007). Mass media content consumption temporarily effects how

an audience member processes messages shortly after exposure (Berkowitz, 1986; Linus

Abraham & Osei Appiah, 2006). Priming theory suggests that audience members who consume

media that coincide with ideas, memories, or beliefs have activation of nodes (Higgins et al.,

1985, Berkowitz, 1994). Nodes refer to one's unconscious memories that have come from

consuming media. Connections of nodes to these related ideas are activated whether the

individual believes them or not, provided that they exist in the person's associative network. The

individual does not necessarily control the cognitive process; the connections to related ideas are

automatic (Morris, 2013). Reflecting on framing, we can see the power that media framing has.

The protest paradigm argues mainstream media's use of stereotypes on social movements as a

means of asseverating viewership's beliefs and attitudes. Thus, utilizing priming theory in

conjunction with media framing to yield a cohesive illustration of media affects audiences'

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understanding and view of social movements. Understanding the framing and priming effect on

viewership is essential in the wake of an ever-increasing polarization within media.

Nevertheless, this paper focuses on the influence or lack of within news media. Members

within a social movement share a group identification. This paper aims to highlight the unique

interpretation and reaction to media representations of social movements, uncovering

connections between individual identity and group identity in reaction to mainstream media

depictions.

Self and Group Identification

Kenneth Burke's identity theory is one of the most comprehensive understandings of

identification (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). According to Burke, there are three

overlapping sources where identification exists; Material, Idealistic, and Formal identification.

This paper will focus on idealistic identification. Idealistic identification results from member's

shared ideas, attitudes, feelings, and values. Such as being a member of the same church or

political party (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). Burke believes identification occurs when

two individuals are consubstantial, or they share substance in common. Some consubstantiality

always will be present merely by virtue of the shared humanness of any two people. Numerous

sources of identification occur when members of a group converse freely. Therefore, members

within an already established group have higher identification. Burke argues members of a group

experience consubstantiality based on material, idealistic, and formal identification.

Identification can be considerable or limited, and it can be increased or decreased by the

communicators' actions. Those within a group must feel ideologies representation (i.e., attitudes,

feelings, values, and beliefs); without representation, members experience cognitive dissonance.

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This dissonance results from consistency theory; cognitive systems are the primary tool by which

consistency among beliefs is maintained. Balance disturbance and attitude change result in

actions to restore balance (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). These actions come in many

forms; this paper highlights those actions and the threshold for cognitive dissonance.

Once members of a group have a shared identity, their elucidation becomes filtered

through a group lens. This lens shapes how members interact and interpret nongroup generated

communication from local or mainstream media channels (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017).

This understanding echos in social action media studies; audiences should not characterize as an

amorphous mass. Instead, it consists of numerous highly differentiated communities, each with

its values, ideals, and interests (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). Social action media studies

assert that groupthink changes one's understanding and perception of media due to high group

conformity. While the meaning of a program or message may vary depending on the individual.

The meaning is also a communal activity. It is part of the tradition of a group, community, or

culture. The implication of this is that when members join a community, members accept the

ongoing activities and meanings of that community or group (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017).

The interaction between media content and group member's understanding comes from social

interactions within the groups. Actions and understanding towards media and what meanings

emerge from those actions are social interactions (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). Members

within a group share a common ideology (i.e., attitudes, feelings, values, and beliefs), and

through these shared views, group identity form. Members to develop a socialized lens that

shapes how they consume and interpret media. Thus, group interpretations of media depend on

members maintaining a shared ideology.

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Social Movement Pluralism

This paper introduced social movement pluralism to illustrate the connection between the

media depiction of social movements and the splintering and diversity within a group. Social

movement pluralism asserts three premises: (1) Media depictions of social movements influence

members' views of the group. (2) Media coverage creates splintering between self-identity and

group identity. (3) Negative media coverage creates pluralism and diminished retention within a

social movement.

First, media depictions of social movements influence member's views of the group. This

paper theorizes that media framing and priming significantly impacts understanding and

interpreting of media messages about social movements. Media framing illustrates the media's

ability to reprogram messages to create a narrative favoring profit. These messages energize

nodes (i.e., memories, stereotypes, and biases); through this energization, social movement

pluralism theorizes members gradually start to believe media depictions. This understanding

contrasts with social action media studies, which believes that messages about a group filter

through a community lens (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel, 2017). Social pluralism does not

disagree with social action media studies but argues that media framing and priming can slowly

alter a member's ability to view outsider messages about the group. For example, imagine Jane,

Jane, is part of an activist group fighting to protect animal rights. Jane watches a video that

depicts group members keeping animals as pets, and some of them even participating in animal

activities (i.e., horse and dog racing). Jane talks to members within the activism group; they help

her come to terms with the message and break down what is real and false. Social action studies

assert that Jane would view this media depiction through a communal lens. By communicating

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about media interactions, Jane would learn to view media collectively. Social movement

pluralism asserts that every interaction with media creates new nodes. Node creation happens

whether the receiver believes them or not. Over time, members of a group become more

influenced by media depictions because they have significantly more energizable nodes. That is

not to say, social action studies premise is incorrect, but group thinking may only last for so long.

Second, media coverage creates splintering between self-identity and group identity.

Social movements pluralism theorizes the media influences self and group identity. Theorized

previously in the first premise, members overtime develop nodes that effect how they see media

depicting a social movement. As discussed previously, Idealistic identification is key to

maintaining group identity. Identification occurs when two individuals are consubstantial; they

share substance in common. Some consubstantiality always will be present merely by virtue of

the shared humanness of any two people. Considerable sources of identification occur when

members of a group converse freely. Therefore, members within an already established group

have higher identification. Social movement pluralism argues that members within a group will

begin to have their values challenged after consuming media. Because members of the group no

longer feel represented within their values, conversations cease to flow freely. This conflict

undermines communal interpretations because members start to feel their identity no longer

mixes with the group's identity. This paper theorizes these shifts happen on a scale; ideological

factors (i.e., memories, stereotypes, and biases) that conflict with the group generate dissonance.

Previously stated, members are likely to take actions to create consistency within their

ideological frame. This paper offers the term Group dissonance pluralism influencers (GPDI) to

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define this phenomenon. GDPI defines factors that create a subdivision of groups, resulting from

media influence in creating cognitive dissonance within self and group identification.

Third, media coverage creates pluralism and diminished retention within a social

movement. Previously defined GDPI explains the phenomenon between shifts within self-

identity and group identity. Social movement pluralism suggests that GDPI factors create

cognitive dissonance within group members. Thus, theorized members with high GDPI take

increased actions to resolve this dissonance. Formerly discussed consistency theory asserts that

individuals take actions when the ideological balance is disrupted (Littlejohn, Foss, and Oetzel,

2017). Social movement pluralism theorizes these actions create subdivisions within a group and

negatively effect the groups' ability to retain members. This paper utilizes organizational

socialization theory to explain this negative retention effect better.

Organizational socialization theory defines the learning and adjustment process that

enables an individual to assume an organizational role that fits both organizational and individual

needs. It is a dynamic process that occurs when an individual assumes a new or changing role

within an organization. This socialization process breaks down into three main parts; Pre-Arrival

Stage, Encounter Stage, and Metamorphosis stage (McDonald & Mitra, p.100, 2019). The Pre-

Arrival Stage consists of anything a potential organization member has learned about the

organization before joining (McDonald & Mitra, p.100, 2019). The Encounter Stage is where the

new organization members' expectations meet the group's reality (McDonald & Mitra, p.100,

2019). The metamorphosis stage is where new members change themselves to adjust to the

group (McDonald & Mitra, p.100, 2019).

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Social movement pluralism theorizes that media framing, priming, and GDPI factors

negatively alter group members' ability to effectively assimilate into a social movement. This

paper argues that media framing and priming create nodes (these nodes are created even if they

do not believe the media framing). These nodes and ways of understanding are part of the pre-

arrival stage. Due to the previously discussed protest paradigm, audiences' bombardment with

media framing results in node creation. These nodes alter the view of the social movement,

making it harder for new members to assimilate. This paper theorizes these nodes' strong effect

on the encounter stage. If malicious nodes are present within this stage, members will find it

harder to adapt to group identity. Social movement pluralism asserts that GDPI factors cause this

tension within the encounter stage. If members have high GDPI factors, they will fail to

assimilate within the metamorphosis stage fully. The Metamorphosis Stage, if successful, allows

a worker to become connected to the organization and start to develop in-group relationships

(McDonald & Mitra, p.100, 2019). The second premise argues, these in-group relations are

critical to nonrestrictive conversations. Through conversation, the formulation of group identity

occurs. Organizational socialization theory suggests that any failure within these processes

decreases member retention (Fang, Duffy, and Shaw, 2010).

By analyzing Stockton Stands with Minneapolis's interaction with mainstream media

channels, this paper aims to offer a unique perspective of media effect on a social movement's

interworking. Through these examinations, this paper aims to gauge the validity of social

movement pluralism. Therefore, this paper offers the following research questions and method.

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Research Questions and Hypothesis

How has the media use of the protest paradigm effect social movement engagement

and retention?

Under the lens of social movement pluralism, audiences who consume protest paradigm

media, members will have increased priming factors that effect their GDPI. GDPI factors will

create a disconnect within identity and group identity. Decreasing member's engagement and

reducing retention.

What GDPI factors affect ideological identification within a group?

Based on the burke's ideological identification, individuals create an identity by

identifying with characters or people representing their likeness. This paper, theorizes values,

beliefs, and attitudes are key identification factors. This paper utilizes burke's identification lens

to examine and identify GDPI factors.

How has the media depiction of the "SSM" social movement actualized in positive and

negative community interactions?

Media framing and priming can cause nonmembers to interpret the negative aspects of an

activist group. Therefore, this paper believes that members who are not part of the in-group will

gain an unfavorable perception of activism—resulting in negative interactions with members

within an in-group due to contradictory belief systems.

Method

To best analyze media effect on social movements and the validity of social movement

pluralism. This paper utilizes a focus group to gain a unique perspective of in-group

communication. The research utilized Zoom to hold an online focus group, zoom calls were

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recorded, and meetings were transcribed. The researcher then organizes transcription into

categories to best examine focus group participant's perspectives.

Justification

Utilizing a focus group provides the best illumination of multiple perspectives on media

channels. Utilizing a focus group allows the researcher to analyze the group dynamic within the

social movement and generate numerous perspectives, methods of consumption, and media

messages interpretations. Focus groups will also allow the researcher to uncover the main GDPI

factors members have encountered.

Participants

This paper utilizes a focus group containing six members of an activism group named

Stockton Stands with Minneapolis. Members ages ranged from 19-25 years old; members knew

each other from school and interactions within the SSM Facebook group.

Data collection

The researcher gained access to members through personal relationships with the group

leader and group influencers. Members all have a strong connection with SSM. Members

participated in a focus group discussion for 45-80 mins. The researcher utilized zoom to hold the

meeting. The zoom call was recorded, and transcripts were automatically generated through the

zoom platform. The researcher then organized raw notes into fieldnotes, later organizing

fieldnotes into categories for better analysis.

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Results

Selective Media Consumption and Community interactions

Members within the SSM group had many similarities in media consumption. Group

members discussed how they transitioned from consuming mainstream media to more digestible

social media platforms (i.e., Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram). Those who did not have

significant interaction with social media got their news from podcasts (i.e., NPR and Pod save

America). A common factor that went into media choice was digestibility. Members looked for

media that was not dramatic, and that focused on information. Participant one: "I like podcasts

because they are convenient and easy to listen to. I can put one on in the background and still do

other things. I feel the same way about social media; it is like a 2 in 1 for me; I can keep up with

my friends and family and still follow other accounts for news and updates." This member's

answer is a reflective example of the group, members within the focus group are aged from ages

19-25 and have found that they got more use from internet-centered media than conventional

television mediums. Participant two: "Convenience and digestibility are the main factors for me;

when you read or watch a news story, it can be overly complex and hard to understand. they

require much prior knowledge that can be hard to sift through." The focus group members valued

easily understandable media, media that did not overcomplicate a situation. Members of the

group even preferred satire news from political late-night televisions shows. Participant three: "I

find myself looking to late-night television more often because they make it funny. They make it

easier for me to understand, and they put it in terms that everyone could understand." The SSM

group members find themselves drawn to the convenient, digestible, and not overly dramatic

media.

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When asking the members what type of media they avoid, the consensus was clear.

Members avoided media that they felt did not represent their values. Participant four: 'I avoid fox

news and others like it because they always show the negative and never the positive. One of the

first protests I participated in, the "enough" protest, was trying to bring attention to the shooting

that happened at Edison high school. The local, new station Edlusion not only gave the wrong

school information, they gave the wrong schools address, but they also made it seem like we

were chaotic. My parent freaked out and asked me, have I been doing what type of protest have I

been leading? After this, I stopped watching the local news because I knew nothing they said

could be trusted.' This member got a firsthand account of the protest paradigm; the media values

dramatic narratives over nonbiased news coverage. Participant four: "I feel that I had to stop

watching the type of media because it would always sensationalize things. I did not like it, and I

did not like how they depicted us." The members found that they had more negative interactions

with the community after local news channels depicted their protest. One member even talked

about their interaction with the mayor of Stockton. Participant one: "After we started getting a lot

more members, I had run into the mayor, and he asked me to cool it with all the protesting

because it would make it harder for him to get reelected." Members of the SSM group have to

deal with the individual effects of the media and the community reactions to the negative and or

false news depictions.

Member Splintering

The focus group discussed how different opinions within the group had caused conflict.

Participant five: "I had a few run-ins with people who wanted different things. One lady called

me out because I was too light-skinned and could never understand what black people go

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through, so I should not have put this group together. I find that we have many problems with

people who think this group is just black lives matter in Stockton; we are working to fight

problems all around Stockton. We just wanted to show our support, but our whole movement is

not to replicate black lives matter." The members shared similar stories; the members argued that

new members do not truly understand what SSM is fighting for and when they find out that it

was not what they wanted, they get mad and quit. This group's misunderstanding has caused

many potential members to turn away because of ideological and methodological differences.

The focus group members not only had challenges with new members but also existing

members. A few members discussed an altercation with a group member. Participant six: "we

were working on setting up a protest, one of the first we have done. Things were going smoothly

until this one lady started asking us to cancel the protest because she saw on the news that much

violence was happing at these protests. We talked to her and told her that we were not a violent

group, but it was still worth fighting for change even if things got violent. This lady did not want

to listen to our reasoning and tried to convince members not to protest. We started to fight, and

later she left with some of her friends." This past member gained some inaccurate knowledge

from the news media and tried to convince everyone that they were on the wrong side of the

protest. She wanted to make sure that her views were understood even if they did not match the

groups as a whole. This lady later left and brought some members with her. This exchange was a

great example of how conflicting ideologies can cause conflict within a group.

Nevertheless, these conflicts do not only come from in-person group settings. The focus

group discussed the conflicts that have come from the online side of the group. Participant five:

"I had someone contact me asking if I would post their protest in the Facebook group; I told her

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that I did not feel comfortable doing that because we are dealing with a large amount of Covid

cases in the county. We have been protesting every week for the last few months, and I believed

it was best to make sure everyone stayed safe. I did not want to put our members in harm's way.

Like, look at the data minorities are largely affected by this. I value my member's Safety over

everything else. She did not understand and ended up leaving and forming her group." This

altercation highlighted a shift in values. The SSM group valued members' health, whereas the

former member did not.

Shared values

The researcher asked what values the group believed would be a deal-breaker if not

upheld for being part of the group. They listed four values that they shared among members.

Safety, factual, political agreement, and not money orientated. Participant five: "it sounds mean,

but we do not have the time or energy to deal with people who do not value the same things. We

are trying to change and cannot hold everyone's hand and walk them through everything. I do not

think it is too much to ask that members know and value the same things." The focus group

seemed to share the same values and did not want to work with other group members who did

not value the same things. Participant four, "I have seen too many groups fall apart because

leaders were more interested in gaining money from donations. When groups only care about the

money, they stop fighting for change. They start to follow the money." These members have

watched other groups fail, and they are determined not to repeat the same failures that they have

seen in other activism groups.

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Discussion

Looking back at the research questions, the researcher found significant media influence

on engagement and retention. The focus group illustrated the connection between distorted

images of one's group and influences on gaining and retaining members. Social movement

pluralism shows some validity in this aspect. Social movement pluralism theorized media

viewership would alter the new member's view on the group before joining. This sediment was

echoed in the focus group. The focus group found that new members learned what the group was

from media and almost always got the wrong understanding of the group. This understanding led

new members to have a conflict of interest, resulting in limited engagement and a low retention

rate. The focus group also uncovered that members who watched new media had a distorted

image of the group; some believe that they would engage in violent actions. This member no

longer felt that their values aligned and later left the group taking some members with them.

The focus group established a set of values and beliefs. The members believe that these

values and beliefs were core to the group; those who did not align would not last. This paper

believes that these values and beliefs should be known as GDPI factors. Social movement

pluralism proposes Safety, factual, political agreement, and not money orientated as GDPI

factors.

The media's depiction of the "SSM" social movement has actualized into negative

interactions within the community. Media framing and priming have caused nonmembers to

understand SSM as a hostile group. The focus group found numerous examples of negativity

from the community. All of these negative interactions had a commonality. Nongroup members

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consumed negatively charged depictions of the group. Members had negative interactions with

family members and even political leaders.

Implications

This paper found that the media holds a significant amount of power to alter a group's

view from within and outside. Members who watch news media about their group have a higher

chance of losing group identification. This group identification is needed to maintain retention

within groups. Social movement pluralism shows that group identity can be altered through

interactions with biased and politically charged media. This has a few implications; first, media

has the power to hinder a movement's success from the inside. This indicates that money can be

an unlimited decider if a movement is successful. News media companies have shareholders, and

if shareholders do not believe in a group, they can create news campaigns to discredited and

destroy an activist group from the inside. Second, the increased bias and politically shared media

members within activism groups are starting to discredit all news. This decrease can significantly

impact the validity of news; journalism is one of the most valued aspects of democracy and when

people stop trusting journalism, democracy also begins to be challenged.

Limitations/ Further Studies

The focus group uncovered information about activist groups' interworking, while the

media influences activist group members. This study was limited because of covid-19; the study

was limited to zoom calls and no face-to-face focus groups. This paper only utilized one focus

group, making the sample size small. Members engagement were also limited because of a focus

group's nature. Because focus groups include many members interview simultaneously, some

group members might not feel comfortable disclosing information about other group members or

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the group's inner workings. To get past these limitations, this paper proposes having multiple

focus groups with as many different chapters of an activism group. Second, this paper proposes

having individual interviews with members of the activism group.

Conclusion

Stockton Stands with Minneapolis, like other social movements, is given visibility

through mainstream media. SSM works within a hegemonic system whose interest might not

align with the public. Whereas communication and political science research have focused on

highlighting biases within media coverage and effect on viewers. This paper focused on the

media effects of existing members. Through in-group perspectives, this paper highlighted the

media's effectiveness in creating pluralism within a social movement. Social Movement

Pluralism was introduced as a theoretical lens to view and break down how media can create

division within a social movement. This paper found a significant connection between media

depiction and group success. These finding show that activism groups shouldn’t disregard news

media. These groups must learn and adapt to an ever-growing capitalist media age.

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