SACRED SPACE DOCUMENT

GROUP 3Reyna Burruel (Editor)Siera KnightTim SalomonNona Patrick

Sacred Space as it pertains to Japanese religions encompasses a variety of topics such as the literal location, gender, ritual practices, societal harmony, and Japanese culture. The books selected to relate the importance of Japanese religions focus on Kurozumikyo, Zen, and Pilgrimages. The selected books offer diversity while collectively illustrating the importance of scared space within Japan. Kurozumikyo and the New Religions of Japan by Hardacre looks at the reasons people take to new religions, the importance of societal harmony, and at aspects borrowed from Buddhism and Shinto. Women Living in Zen by Paula Kane and Robinson Arai focuses on the Japanese female's perspective of scared space. Women occupy religious facilitation roles and gender expectations for them to perform female-associated domestic roles. Making Pilgrimages by Ian Reader chronicles the literal scared space of the Shikoku pilgrimage route, the commercial enterprise that has developed, and how the pilgrimage creates individual subjective experiences for every participant. The phenomenology of space is about an intimate interaction between the individual and the space. The interaction is dependent upon the individual's interpretation, experience, and mind set. The choice to be in a religious space is a part of the self-cultivation process that is prized within Japanese culture. The Japanese cultural perspective is not man verses space, but man living in harmony with space.

[Tim Salomon]Hardacre, Helen. Kurozumikyo and the New Religions of Japan. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986. Print.

Kurozumikyo and the New Religions of Japan, is written by Helen Hardacre, a professor of Japanese Religions at Harvard University. The focus of the book seeks to explain an underlying thread common to all new religions. Hardacre attempts to explain how the traits and characteristics associated with New Religions find their origin in a world view that believes that individual destiny is determined by self-cultivation. Hardacre then structures the book into six parts to explain how one can see this underlying world view through the new religion of Kurozumikyo. Hardacre begins the book by introducing and expounding upon her theory of a common world view.In Chapter 1, Hardacre claims that New Religions are characterized by threads of tradition stemming from traditional and established religions namely Buddhism and Shrine Shinto. She explains that there is an underlying world view based on kokoro and ki that are central to the doctrine of new religions. Hardacre describes kokoro as a heart-mind. Kokoro is intention based in the ego. Kokoro is a personal and private feeling or attitude one takes towards life. Having a positive or good kokoro asserts an individual's ability to control their situations and be happy. Related to Kokoro is ki which Hardacre explains is a vital force that makes everything alive including kokoro. Ki is the essence of one's being and in relation to kokoro one maintains a good attitude by fully investing themselves into their life situations. Hardacre makes a distinction between well cultivated ki and poorly cultivated ki. Yoki is the term used to describe positive cultivation of key and entails aligning oneself with the body, social relations, and the cosmos. Inki is the under cultivation of ki and also connotes keeping things to oneself. The biggest difference between the two is that inki is introspective and does not concern itself with the outside world while yoki looks to extend ki through the body to everything around it to create harmony. Hardacre identifies four patterns found in new religions that support her idea of world view. The first is that people mirror us and through them the kami reveal flaws inherent in us that we must change. The second is repayment of favor in which she uses the relationship between a parent and child to illustrate the relationship between the leader and the laity. The third is the quest for sincerity which is related to the idea of not going through the motions but wholly investing oneself in each activity. The fourth is adherence to self cultivation through various paths such as flower arranging, calligraphy and tea ceremony. To support her theory Hardacre states she will use the vehicle of Kurozumikyo to highlight points that confirm her views. However, her presentation may be limited because of the uniqueness of this particular new religion. Nonetheless, Hardacre will attempt through a two pronged approach to explain the concept of world view on the tines of historical development of Kurozumi's thoughts and the organization of the present Kurozumikyo. In Chapter 2, leading up to the time of Kurozumi, Japan was in economic distress that had caused the local populace to be discontent with their local rulers. The discontent was manifested toward the bakufu and Han authorities in the form of uprisings. The local government responded by instituting educational programs that espoused values of filial piety, obedience to authority, thrift and diligence. Also occurring during the time were pilgrimages most notably the Ise pilgrimage. The Ise pilgrimage was popular because of the commoners' ability to gain permission to travel there because of Ise's status as the Grand Shrine. This pilgrimage helped with the spread of New Religions in the creation of subsidiary shrine facilities maintained by hereditary priests. Kurozumi had a revelation by Amaterasu. His concept of divinity differs from traditional Shinto perceptions in that there is no connection between the Imperial line and Amaterasu. In Chapter 3, Preaching and Healing were central elements to the spread of Kurozumikyo. These were the two main ways in which leaders could connect with the laity. Preaching is the primary way laity are given religious education as there is no other form of formal instruction open to the laity save the few that are allowed to go to seminary. Preaching revolves around expositions of the writings and life of Kurozumi. Hardacre identifies common points of teaching emphasized in most sermons, the first being the doctrine of kokoro and an individual's ability to improve circumstances. A person that has sincere cultivation of kokoro will be in harmony with the universe and life will be blessed. Ministers explain hardship in life and sickness as a person's insincere expression of kokoro that does not allow them to be in harmony with the deity. Ministers try to show the relevancy of the Founder's teachings by using illustrations of how Kurozumi dealt with disharmony. In Chapter 4, Hardacre discusses Branch temples. Hardacre starts by laying out the Kurozumikyo's similarity to Shrine Shinto in the performance of customary practices but then shows how Kurozumikyo distinguishes itself as a new religion in the way it provides other services typically associated with new religions. Hardacre shows that Kurozumikyo is characteristically different from most new religions because of it promulgation of hereditary affiliation in the recruitment of its members. Minister's time at branch temples is occupied by performing rites such as House Purification and Grounds Purification. The performance of these rites gives the clergy the opportunity to do counseling. Hardacre points out the important role of women in Kurozumikyo by highlighting the fact that hereditary succession is not closed to males. Hardacre addresses the issue of church growth by emphasizing the organizations lack of clergy due to hereditary succession. In Chapter 5, Hardacre introduced the theory that New Religions can't be completely characterized by these worldly benefits. Critics of New religions and their simplicity in seeking solutions to present day problems think that New Religions are only concerned with the acquisition of this worldly benefits. However, Hardacre says, I believe that this contention rests on a failure to grasp what kokoro naoshi, curing the hear, a complete reorientation of self is. Hardacre suggests that this worldly benefits are the byproduct of a person's attempt to fulfill the world view she proposed earlier. Three religious services most performed by ministers of Kurozumikyo are Ground purification, House purification and Mizuko Kuyo. Mizuko Kuyo is a rite that is gaining more popularity because of women's access to abortion clinics. Mizuko Kuyo is the performance of rites to purify the soul of the unborn. In Chapter 6, a discussion of the scarcity of time and spaces in Kurozumikyo. Also the closes ties that Kurozumikyo maintains with the Ise shrine. Kurozumikyo has their own calendar which divides the year according to movements of the sun showing a tie to the worship of Amateratsu. The examples that Hardacre uses for sacred space are in relation to the Ise shrine. She brings attention to Kurozumi as he made the pilgrimage to Ise shrine six times setting a precedent for his followers to also go on pilgrimage. Along the route to Ise was the town of Okayama which also plays a role in Kurozumikyo. Although Kuromzumi set a precedent to make the pilgrimage to Ise most practitioners go in order to go to the main place of worship of Ameterasu Omikami. The worship of Amaterasu undergirds the authority of Kurozumi in saying that he was divinely inspired to teach what he did. Characteristics of Kurozumikyo followers that differentiate them from other pilgrims are that the pilgrims do not proselytize nor do they drink any alcohol. Patriarchs of Kurozumikyo assert themselves as a sect of Shinto; however this idea is not reciprocated by Shinto Practitioners. During the Procession of the Gods, Kurozumikyo takes part in the festival by sponsoring a jinko matsuri. Most people would be unaware that the Jinko is not a shrine festival. This plays into Kurozumikyo's attempt to state they are different from other new religions in that they aren't really new but really true practitioners. They are a sect that returns to the traditional forms of worship and not a novelty group. The calendar used in Kurozumikyo holds two important festivals on the shortest and longest days of the year. These days were traditionally associated with agrarian practices once again attempting to highlight the originality of Kurozumikyo in its practice. In Chapter 7, Hardacre ties all of the chapters together to focus on the main theme of the book which is the need to reexamine new religions. There is an underlying world view that influences all of their practices and that New religions should not be evaluated by traits associated with new religions but should be reexamined to see how these traits are the byproduct of practitioners attempt to self cultivate to harmonize with deities and the universe. Additionally, to examine how this world view contributes to the spread of new religions as practitioners teach more about their religion and the underlying world view to create cosmic harmony. Hardacre gives historical background concerning the circumstances in which Kurozumikyo first appeared and points to the Ise pilgrimage and the establishment of subsidiary hereditary temples as key changes during the Tokugawa period as important contributors to the rise of New Religions and the eventual organizational structure of Kurozumikyo. A brief description of Kurozumi's background is given to show what influences led to the development of Kurozumi's teachings. He was the son of a low ranking priest of the Imamura shrine where Kurozumi eventually served as a priest. During Kurozumi's life Neo-Confucian ideals and teachings were very popular and he was influenced in particular by Shingaku (Learning of the Heart-Mind) focusing mostly on the social and ethical applications of these teachings. Kurozumi also studied in his youth the art of divination and Chinese medicine. Although Kurozumi was a priest he was also a samurai and he applied his understanding of Confucianism to Shinto. At a young age he set out to honor his parents by becoming a kami in his lifetime through self-cultivation. A near death experience contracting tuberculosis caused Kurozumi to begin worshiping the sun. It was during one worship experience that he felt he had become one with the sun (Tensho Daijin, Amaterasu Omikami). Kurozumi's recovery after his complete union with the sun deity Kurozumi surmised that sickness is related to disunion or harmony with the deity. The principle of mirroring is a foundational teaching of Kurozumi integral in understanding the doctrine of Kurozumikyo. This is the belief that every human soul mirrors the soul of Amaterasu Omikami. This teaching promotes the idea of equality which is best seen in Kurozumikyo in teachings about marital relationships. In the third chapter of Hardacre's book, she states that the two main way's the leaders of Kurozumikyo teach and interact with their laity is through preaching and healing. The core of each of these practices is teachings and applications related to the pursuit of harmony with the universe through the development of kokoro. Attitudes the practitioner must adopt are gratitude, sincerity, joy, and perseverance in order to successfully achieve harmony with the universe through development of kokoro. A integral ritual unique to Kurozumikyo is majinai which is a form of sun worship specifically used for healing. The act of maijinai (rubbing an injured part of the body while blowing on it) transmits yoki to the injured individual harmonizing the individual with the divinity. A key element that Hardacre focuses on that differentiates Kurozumikyo and other New Religions from older religions is the lack of difference between clergy and laity. There are no differences between what ministers and laity is called to do in order to achieve salvation. The primary difference between clergy and laity is that only clergy are able to perform majinai. Additional rites that are primarily performed by ministers are the rites of House and Ground purification. These two rites are the main ways Kurozumikyo promotes itself in the acquisition of new converts. In Chapter 4, Hardacre establishes that Branch churches of Kurozumikyo mainly propagate themselves through hereditary affiliation. The ability to perform these rites provides ministers the opportunity to do more ministry with parishioners through counseling for personal problems. Hardacre is quick to point out that unlike other New Religions Kurozumikyo is largely a rural religion following in the footsteps of Shrine Shinto; however it also differentiates itself in the respect that their ministers, including women counsel its followers. The interaction between laity and clergy is one of the prime distinctions between Kurozumikyo and older religions. Whereas in traditional religions the bulk of interactions between clergy and laity are during liturgical recitations of rites, Kurzumikyo clergy interact with individual members through counseling/healing. The main contribution of this book to the class is the understanding that the popularity of new religions doesn't wholly lie in this worldly benefits but in understanding a world view that stresses self-cultivation as a means of purification of the heart that harmonizes the soul. This inner harmony translates into societal harmony and harmony with the universe. The crux of this philosophy lies in the concept of kokoro(self/heart-mind) and one's ability to positively influence one's own health and life circumstances through the cultivation of yoki(cheerful, optimistic attitude). So although there may be tangible benefits to the practice of New Religions a practitioner may be wholly devoted to religious observance because he has an understanding that through his self-cultivation/purification he helps to make the world a better place. The understanding that every individual has the ability to self cultivates stresses personal responsibility for salvation that is characteristic of New Religions and reinforces the concept of equality. This equality and personal responsibility explains why New Religions enjoy wide participation by their laity. This also explains why there is a higher participation of women in New Religions than in traditional forms of religion. The nurturing and healing traits associated with women mesh well with the healing aspects characteristic of New Religions. The principles of self-cultivation and societal harmony encourage female participation in the propagation of New Religions.

[Siera Knight]

Arai, Paula Kane Robinson. Women Living in Zen: Japanese Soto Buddhist Nuns. USA: Oxford University Press, 1996. Print.

Paula Kane Robinson is half white, half Japanese. She can speak both English and Japanese. She has a Christian background. She went to Waseda University and Kalamazoo College in Tokyo Japan, where she received her B.A. on Japanese religion. She then went to Harvard and received up to her Ph.D. on Study of Religion. She has been an associate researcher at the Nanzan Institute for Religion & Culture at Nagoya, Japan, and an Assistant Professor in Humanities at Hong Kong University of Science & Technology. Besides publishing Women Living Zen: Japanese Soto Buddhist Nuns, she is also working on other books such as Healing Zen: Japanese Buddhist Womens Rituals of Transformation, and Painting Emptiness: Buddhist Scripture for the Modern World. Today, she is an associate professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies (Buddhism), Asian Studies, and Women & Gender Studies at Louisiana State University.In this book Women Living in Zen: Japanese Soto Buddhist Nuns, by Paula Kane Robinson Arai, tries to challenge mainstream scholars and societys view of Buddhist nuns as weak, powerless, and in a state of suffering to strong, powerful, and as those having a feeling of liberation. She relies on participant-observation by, only after Aoyama Shundo (the abbess) approval, living in and around a Soto nun monastery for over a year. This was to help reveal nuns daily lives and routines. Through time and physical labor in the monastery (immersing herself with the others) was she able to receive their trust, and was able to distribute nation-wide surveys and interviews to Soto nuns in order to reveal their ideals. The book relies a lot on ethnographic data (issues that pertain to ones culture, personal, and daily interactions) on a nuns perspective, which textual and historical data lack. Unlike all the articles and book reviews we have looked at in the class, this author and book is unique since Arai expresses her personal devotion and liking towards Soto nuns. This book not only focuses on her scholarly work, but also on personal memories and precious moments the author has shared and felt by being alongside them. In Chapter 1, Arai defines her book as focusing primarily on early, mid, and late 20th century Soto nuns. For years, many scholars and people have portrayed nuns within only a narrow perspective. The history of Soto Zen and its interpretations has been taken from a monks perspective. Scholars have taken this limited amount of information, producing insufficient and misinterpreted findings on Soto Zens doctrine, history, and the nuns. The book begins challenging mainstream societys view on Buddhist nuns and their motives for joining the monastery. Many believe it was a way to escape gender roles of marriage, or for those not having anywhere else to go (such and abandoned concubines or prostitutes). Though this is true for a portion of the nuns throughout history, there are in fact nuns who have become a nun out of will in order to search for personal enlightenment, and to help others reach enlightenment. Up to the 20th century, the Buddhist communitys ideal is to live in accordance with the original Dharma (doctrine/teaching of the Buddha), and to have no gender discrimination. The original Dharma, founded by a man named Dogen Zenji, who stressed gender equality. In reality, however, Buddhist teachings are constantly changing since the monks want to modernize. For example, they want to get married, have children, drink alcohol, and become more materialistic. Also, up to now, there exists gender discrimination. The author then talks about her difficulty in living in the monastery at first. There are many rules due to rank, much readings, prayers, and meditation, minimum privacy, and endless tasks. In Chapter 2, Arai focuses on the gender inequalities in the Tokugawa and Meiji era, and how it affected the Buddhist nuns. During the Tokugawa era, women under forty were expected to submit to their gender duties of being a wife and mother. Some places opened their doors for women trying to escape these duties, and in search of education. At this time, many of the women becoming nuns already had a family member (primarily their aunts) who was already a nun. By this time, women had already learned how to be strong, yet flexible, during times of gender discrimination. Nevertheless, they remained devoted to the original teachings of Dogen. The Meiji period marked the beginning of nuns strive for education and equality. It was a conflicting time when government wanted to maintain tradition and monarchial rule, yet accepted Westernization. The government influenced women to be educated, tolerated their questions, and allowed them to develop independent views. In Chapter 3, the three generations (early, mid, and late 20th centuries) of Soto nuns, their biographies, and their significant contribution to nuns historical push for gender equality. The first generation discusses the four nuns (Mizono Jorin, Hori Mitsujo, Ando Dokai, and Yamaguchi Kokan) who founded the first training monastery in Nagoya in 1904. They stressed education, for it led to freedom. The second generation is about Kojima Kindo, whose bold personality and defense of gender equality through Dogens teachings led to the establishment of egalitarian regulations. The third generation focuses on Aoyama Shundo (the abbess at the monastery Arai lived and researched in), and how life and education is now a matter of choice and personal will. In Chapter 4, Arai revolves around the religious practices amongst Soto Zen nuns. By living in close perimeters with other nuns, and bearing the many rules and hierarchal system in the monastery, the nuns motives are to awaken their Buddha hood. However, it is very difficult since living with many other women in close range easily produces tension. Nevertheless, experiencing challenging situations is considered a positive opportunity for them to practice on improving their tolerance, integrity, and behavior. At the same time, they are discouraged from judging others imperfections. In their aesthetics of discipline, they consider beauty as being affiliated with Buddha activity and true to the nature of reality, such as respect and efficient. They consider ugliness to be actions that are not Dharma-inspired, such as disrespect, laziness, and arrogance. In Chapter 5, meticulously investigates the nuns interpretations of their own lives through their motivations, commitments, and self-perceptions. At the same time, the author uses this chapter to discuss the results from her participant-observations, interviews, and questions asked in her scholarly research and a look into modern Japanese societys ignorance about Buddhist nuns. Through her stay in the monastery as a participant-observant, she learned that the most challenging obstacle for the novices and nuns is human relations, yet they did not provide details. Arai believed this was because it was simply seen as a way to practice their imperfections in order to achieve the goal of living meaningful lives. Arai also realized that the nuns did not talk about their accomplishments because it was against Buddhist practice. This shows why it has been even more difficult for scholars to find such information, and for outsiders to view them as insignificant. Despite the fact they do not have to shave their heads, or take an oath to celibacy, the nuns still continue these traditions. Hair can be distracting, and my easily tempt them into fashion and cosmetics, and being celibate allows a nun without a husband and children to focus more time in their religion. This helps refute the belief in Japanese society that nuns do not marry because of social discrimination, and regulations that discriminate towards women. Also, this shows how the Soto nuns ability to maintain tradition, unlike the monks, makes them appear more respected and thus they were able win over monks on gender equality.Arai shows that despite the fact social structure and cultural values have changed over time, ordination, training, and temple life have remained unchanged for the nuns. She shows this by comparing the first and second half of the 20th century nuns with each other. The nuns born in the first half century came from large families who already had connections with a temple, and considered it reasonable to have one daughter enter a monastery in her mid-teens. Despite parental decision, many were already attracted to its certain aspects, such as the flowing robes and mystery. Over time, they decided to remain a nun because of their personal faith, and because of their desire to help those affected by World War II. Many of the few nuns of today who were born in the second half of the 20th century entered monastery are around forty-three years of age, with diverse backgrounds, having attained more life experiences, and in search of enlightenment and the meaning of life. Despite the fact the earlier and later-century nuns initial entrance into the monastery differed by age and reasons, they both coincided by their desire to understand the meaning of life and achieve Buddha hood. Todays nuns believe there is a decrease in nuns due to families having fewer children, and the comforts of the modern world and home. In one of Arais interviews with a nun born in the second half 20th century named Nagawa, she mentioned how she used to be a successful businesswoman, but decided to be a nun since it felt more natural. Despite the fact that she realized how physically and emotionally exhausting it was to be a nun, she continued to go to Zen retreats for the next eight years until finally Aoyama Shundo was confident enough about her to accept her into the monastery. This shows not only Nagawas willing and determined decision to be nun, and that she was not trying to escape any tragedies, but it also shows how the Soto nun monasteries are not willing to lower their standards in hopes of recruiting more women. Concerning on-going discrimination, the only signs that are obvious to the nuns are how the monks still treat them like servants through their actions and attitudes. By the way nuns describe their knowledge and frustrations on this matter, they are aware that they deserve better in terms of gender equality, and that they are conscious of their contribution and role in society. Overall, however, the nuns to not feel like they experience gender discrimination, and that they believe that they are treated much better than their female ancestors. As for the surveys, a group of nuns representing a certain age, region, and involvement in particular activities around the nation were given Arais questionnaires. A significant forty percent responded. Despite the fact many believe that the nuns have abandoned the world, the nuns feel that they have made significant contributions in society, and that the meaning of their lives are being misinterpreted. Arai concludes the nuns views since a survey conducted by the Sect Administration shows that only eight percent of Japanese people go to a temple to seek spiritual matters. Already, it is obvious that not many people in the society even bother to seek spiritual aid. Arais conducted a research on sixty eight laypeople who had some form of contact with the nuns were through activities, and that most of these scarce people went to the nuns with their personal problems because they are considered better listeners than the monks; they are like a mother figure. And so, Arai is trying to show how useful, needed, and wanted the nuns really are, and blames the general societys views of nuns of being useless for not making effort to interact with them.In Chapter 6, Arai explains that participant-observation helped reveal the nuns daily lives, and that the surveys and interviews helped reveal the nuns ideals. Participant-observation stresses that participant-observations was so important that people would only see positive end results without it. At the same time, if only the participant-observation was used, then people would not be able to see and understand the resources used to help the nuns grow. Arai by now feels that she has proved mainstream societys wrongful impressions of nuns as being oppressed, weak, and unable to contribute to todays society due to small numbers.

[Nona Patrick]Reader, Ian. Making Pilgrimages. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 2006. Print.

In the book, Making Pilgrimages: Meaning and Practice in Shikoku, Ian Reader states that contemporary pilgrimages at Shikoku are more individual than linear. He argues that the pilgrimage may be viewed and understood as a continuing process of meaning that are made and remade with every act of every one of its participates (271). Reader supports this thesis by highlighting what he thinks are key elements that lead to the individualism of the pilgrimages. There reasons include 1) economics, 2) impact of mass transportation and 3) roll of mass media. Reader also supports his thesis by means of historical texts, first hand experiences, second hand stories, historical guidebooks and observations of the overall attitude of modern day pilgrimages.Ian Reader is a well known scholar in the field of Japanese Religious studies. He has written numerous articles and books on Japanese religion, rituals and society. Reader is also a professor of Japanese Religious Studies at The University of Manchester, England. The 88 pilgrimage around the island of Shikoku is a Buddhist pilgrimage focused on the holy figure Kb Daishi, who in the pilgrimage lore watches over and protects each pilgrim (1). The route is 1,400 kilometers long and travels counterclockwise around the island to visit all 88 temples. The pilgrimage was founded in c.815 BC and a pilgrim may start their pilgrimage from any temple, not just at Temple 1. Vocabulary regularly used in the book is henro: referring to 88 stage pilgrimages associated with Kb Daishi and also refers to pilgrims.In the book, Reader discusses how the henro is an important factor in Shikokus economy, supporting various businesses from around many of the temples (162). The economic boost from pilgrimages shaped the way in which the community caters to pilgrims through connivance for pilgrims, alms giving and an overall welcoming of pilgrims to the island. The travel boom in the 1920s was the beginning of the individualized experience of the Shikoku pilgrimage because the economic dependencies on pilgrims lead temple authorities to make changes to pilgrim norms for the purpose of meeting the desires of modern-day pilgrims. This is shown through the progression of mass transportation and the mass media depiction of the pilgrimage.Reader continues by stating that [a]s Japan built up its industrial and technological capacities, it developed an efficient transport infrastructure that, aligned with the countrys growing economic wealth, gave pilgrims increasing choice in how they made their pilgrimages and brought increasing numbers of pilgrims with money to Shikoku (143). The mass transportation began with new roads, horse and cart services as well as ferry and boat services along the coast (143). This allowed pilgrims to come to the island in the most convenient methods possible as well as make short, consecutive visits instead of having to spend 50 days, nonstop around the island by foot. The people of Shikoku were also so willing to make mass transportation available to the temples that in 1921, Temple 62 (Hjji) was demolished and rebuild a short distance away because it stood in the way of a planned new railway line (143). The introduction of mass transportation created a lack of obligation to walk the pilgrimage (145), thus allowing the pilgrim to make their pilgrimage individually based on their desires/needs. Reader refers to a contemporary study conducted by the Waseda University that showed 27.7% of pilgrims perform henro in one trip (77). Seventy one point one percent do it in a series of shorter journeys, with the majority (76%) spending less than 10 days on the road in any one visit (77). This shows that the motivation for making the pilgrimage as accessible and convenient for visitors has only increased in modern times and shows no evidence that hiking the pilgrimage solely by foot as a normative nor popular form of completing the 88 temple pilgrimage. The attitude of making the pilgrimage as convenient as possible continues in contemporary times. This is seen in the construction of temple lodges (shukub) for pilgrims with funds to pay (144) as well as temple authorities catering to the pilgrimages experience in modern and contemporary times. Reader retells his experience of a pathway stone (to help walkers know which trail to take to get to the temple) had been moved because temple authorities considered it to be an important historical object of interest to pilgrims who, traveling by bus, would not otherwise have seen in (71).Reader discusses the roll of the media in changing the attitudes of the pilgrims motivated for an individualized experience of the pilgrimage. Reader cites that the first instance of mass Medias influence occurred in March 1927, when a Tokyo newspaper editor originally from Shikoku, made a series of radio broadcasts about the pilgrimage and his experiences (144). What followed was a series of media publicity events including magazine articles highlighting the islands scenic and historical attractions, guide books filled with colorful photos of scenery and pilgrimage routes, and newspaper articles written about how to make the pilgrimage more convenient and comfortable for travelers (145). The author highlights how the media and successful publicity campaigns portrayed the pilgrimage as a symbol and image of Japanese cultural tradition (7). Reader makes his point by writing that publicity invariably focuses on images of white- clothes pilgrims walking amidst trees along mountain paths flanked with moss-covered Buddha statues, as if to emphasis through the henro one can escape modern society and get back in touch with nature and the rhythms of tradition Japan (180). This idealism leads to the increase of pilgrimage that travelled Shikoku to learn about Japanese culture, heritage and history instead of religiously driven reasons. Reader continues to state that such publicity material and the images they conjure up tap into the oft-noted vein of nostalgia and cultural longing prevalent in modern Japaneses cultural discourse that has created an imaginative visions of the pilgrimage as a journey to and through Japans spiritual homeland (kokoro no furusato) (181).Reader uses personal stories to explain and support his idea of individualized pilgrimages in contemporary times. He states that each pilgrim I spoke to had a personalized set of motives and expressed the view that their pilgrimages were individual and personal affairs (219) This, Reader states, is true for foot pilgrims as well as for those on organized tours. While groups may travel as a unit, they consist of individuals each centered in his or her own personal journey and intentions, in which each has his or her individuals experiences within the framework of group travel, but always relevant to them as individuals (248). The author highlights his point of individual and secular reasons for pilgrims to go to Shikoku through the story of Koyama-san, a retired insurance broker from Osaka in his late sixties. Koyama-san made it clear that his main interest was not in praying but his main focus was the natural scenery of Shikoku and the surroundings of the old temples, which presented him an ideal opportunity for engaging in his hobby of photography (100). Although retires, he still felt constricted by social and cultural pressures into feeling that taking a holiday (vacation) is a rather selfish and indulgent practice. Thus the pilgrimage was ideal for his purpose: he could essentially make a brief escape from home, have a holiday, experience the scenery, engage in his hobby, and yet swathe the escape in the veneer of respectability by emphasizing that he was going on a pilgrimage to pray for his family (101).

Reader uses historical texts for research but mostly relies on his personal experiences to support his ideas. Although his personal stories of taking the pilgrimages and the stories of the people he met during his multiple trips are interesting and funny (at times), I would have preferred him to use other sources to support his thesis and his explanations for the individual reasons for going to Shikoku. I question how reliable his research is because it is, in my opinion, more second-hand information instead of primary sources of the individual. I overall enjoyed the book and found it to be an enlightening source of information on the Shikoku pilgrimage, its history and the people who make the pilgrimage. Reader jumps from chapter to chapter with details of information. I found this frustrating at times but eventually became used to his style of writing. There is no questioning Readers deep passion and experience with the Shikoku pilgrimage. His individual stories make the read feel more like a memoir more than a scholarly text. In the end, I recommend this book to anyone interested in or who is studying the Shikoku pilgrimage