Upload
others
View
5
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
2019-3038-AJHA
1
The Haj/Hagg Pilgrimage in Half a Century 1
A Sociolinguistic Exploration in Colloquial Egyptian 2
3
This paper1 attempts to cast some light on a sociolinguistic phenomenon in colloquial Egyptian 4 discourse, with particular reference to socio-religious terms. It does so through tracing the use of 5 the terms 'Hagg' (Haj- masculine) and 'Hagga' (Hajja- feminine) over fifty years, with all the 6 modifications and changes involved. The researcher aspires to link such modifications and changes 7 to socio-political factors that have developed in this last half century in Egyptian society, with an 8 eye on Islamism or political Islamist movements and trends. The research starts with an 9 introduction stating the topic, objectives and scope of the present research, followed by a short 10 review of related literature and, then, the main section of the research represented in the discussion 11 and findings. Finally, a list of the major sources and works cited is provided. 12
13
14
Introduction 15
16
To start with, asserting the close relation between linguistic behaviour on the 17
one hand and religious attitudes on the other hand can hardly be discarded as an 18
overgeneralization. There are various types of evidence that would fairly support 19
the claim of such a close relation. The first verses of the Gospel according to John 20
"In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was 21
God",2 as well as the Koranic verses describing Christ as "His Word that He 22
committed to Mary, and a Spirit from Him"3 are but two cases in point. 23
Several scholars and linguists have underlined that strong bond that ties 24
language and religion. In his book Linguistics, Language and Religion (1968), for 25
example, David Crystal refers to what he describes as "the fundamental role 26
language plays in the understanding, expression, presentation and furtherance of 27
any set of religious beliefs" (Crystal, 1966 p.1). Similarly, Gary D. Bouma and 28
Michael Clyne (1995), maintain that language is "central to the creation, expression 29
and exchange of … religious meaning" (Bouma and Clyne, 1995 p. 132). 30
It may be also fairly suggested that the "study of language use and structure 31
provides an index for detecting differences in people's attitudes and identity" 32
(Boune & Clyne, 1995, p 133). In some countries such as Lebanon, for instance, the 33
preference of one spoken dialect to another stems from the presence of certain 34
religious affinities (See: 35 .( 7002 انز، عثد خساقي،. د ذسجح ج، جشيف، تقهى انيح انهغح
1 This article is based on a research paper presented at the 6th International Conference
on Linguistics, Literature and Translation, at the Al-Zaytoonah University of Jordan. 2 King James Bible, John's Gospel, verse 1. See http://www.wsu.edu/~delahoyd/bible.doc.html. 3 As translated by A. J. Arberry in The Koran Interpreted, Sura IV, the Women,
verse 165.
2019-3038-AJHA
2
Indeed, a language variety is quite often the main vehicle employed to assert 1
a particular cultural or religious identity over others, especially within 2
communities that are subject to stress and tension at a particular time and due to 3
specific permanent or even temporal circumstances. Egyptian society in the last 4
half century may serve as a good case in point (Bassiouney, 2014) 5
The present paper is concerned with the everyday use of language with 6
religious, pseudo-religious or etymologically religious expressions involved, in an 7
attempt at exploring the religious and or ideological stance of the language user 8
as manifested in the way these expressions are used. 9
10
Statement of the Problem 11
12
Through personal observation, the researcher has noticed what seems to be a 13
notable change in the use of certain forms or terms of address or salutation in 14
everyday social discourse over half a century or so. The two terms in question 15
here are 'Hagg' (Haj- masculine) and 'Hagga' (hajja- feminine), with a variation of 16
Hegiga (Hejiga) sometimes used to address younger people. The basic change is 17
manifested in the fact that such terms or forms are now extremely fashionable 18
and much more used than they were in the fifties or sixties of the twentieth 19
century. The type of people addressed as 'Hagg' (masculine) or 'Hagga' (feminine) 20
has significantly broadened and the situation types where such terms are used 21
have also notably changed. Examples are to be discussed in the Discussions and 22
Findings section of this article. 23
The following question arises: does that new tendency in the linguistic 24
behaviour of the language users in question reflect a serious corresponding 25
change in their religious and/or ideological stance? Alternatively, is it simply a 26
matter of a new linguistic fashion that is gaining prevalence? 27
28
Scope of the Research 29
30
For a detailed study of the phenomenon in question, an exhaustive list of all 31
relevant expressions together with all notable changes should be provided. A 32
comprehensive analysis of such changes and their possible relation to the 33
religious and/or ideological attitudes of the language users concerned also need 34
to be conducted. These two requirements, however, exceed the scope of the 35
present research. 36
Thus, for the purpose of the present paper, the focus will fall on the two 37
terms or forms of address above mentioned, as typically characteristic of 38
contemporary social discourse in Egypt. 39
40
41
2019-3038-AJHA
3
Data 1
2
Two expressions and one derivative are chosen for the tracing of the Hagg or 3
Haj Pilgrimage over fifty years. 4
5
1- Hagg or Haj (Masculine- Singular) 6
2- Hagga or Hajja (Feminine- Singular) 7
3- Hegiga (Hejiga) (a variation of the masculine singular indicating some 8
kind of familiarity and usually used to address younger people. 9
10
11
Theoretical Background 12
13
According to a study of the etymological history of the term Haj or Hajj, Dr. 14
Adel Farid Tobia, professor of Ancient Egyptian Language, Faculty of 15
Archaeology, maintains that the far origin of the term goes back to the ancient 16
Egyptian word ‚HD‛ which means white, a color that symbolizes purity. 17
According to Tobia, the word was used as a verb, a noun, and an adjective. In 18
brief, it employed to account for all types of white substances, including milk, 19
cream, fat, and honey, as well as stones such as limestone and sandstone and 20
different kinds of wood and fruit; metals such as white gold and silver, plants 21
known to have a positive medical effect such as onions and linen, clothes, sandals, 22
white bread, white buildings, sunlight, the moon, the sky, the day, morning, and 23
dawn. It was also used to describe a smiling face, and a ‚white heart‛ which 24
meant a happy or joyful heart. The feminine form of this word was used as a title 25
for the goddesses Nekhbet and Hathor, and the masculine form was used for the 26
god Osiris and for the white crown that shines and glows. This word became 27
‚agios‛ in Coptic, αγιος in Greek, and ‚Hajj‛ in both standard and colloquial 28
Arabic. It means the one who wears white, the pure or the holy, the sacred, or the 29
saintly. It refers to someone who has been on pilgrimage to the holy lands. (Adel 30
Farid Tobia, 2008)4. 31
Apart from the historical origin of the term, we need to examine the 32
denotations and connotations of the term in question as used in contemporary 33
colloquial Egyptian Arabic in the following section. 34
35
36
4 Abgadiyat, Volume 3, Issue 1, pp. 56–69. Publication Year: 2008. DOI:
10.1163/2213860908X00047. ISSN: 1687-8280 E-ISSN: 2213-8609. Subjects: Middle East &
Islamic Studies.
2019-3038-AJHA
4
Definitions and Denotations 1
2
The two basic terms in question are both MSA terms and colloquial Egyptian 3
Arabic ones. The difference lies in the use of a longer vowel in the MSA 4
pronunciation. Thus, it is /ha:g/ and /hagga/ in MSA, while it is /hag/ and /hagga/ 5
in Egyptian colloquial Arabic. It is worth mentioning in this respect that 6
Egyptians in particular pronounce the letter ج as /g/ rather than /dz/ as almost all 7
other Arab countries do. 8
A third term sometimes used in contemporary colloquial Egyptian Arabic to 9
address a middle-age man is /Hegi:ga/, which is a derivation of /hag/ and /hagga/. 10
This relatively new term does not have a proper equivalent in MSA. It is also not 11
as common as /hag/ and /hagga/, and, hence, shall not be included in further 12
discussions. 13
The literal or dictionary meanings of the terms may be listed as follows: 14
15
1- /ha:g/ Noun-Singular- Masculine) = A man who has made the pilgrimage 16
to Mecca. 17
2- /ha:gga/ (Noun- Singular- Feminine)= A woman or a girl who has made 18
the pilgrimage to Mecca. 19
20
If we try to see what these terms usually mean to non-native speakers of Arabic, 21
we may have a look at the following definitions provided by WordWebPro (2015): 22
23
Noun: hajj 24
1. An Arabic term of respect for someone who has made the pilgrimage to 25
Mecca 26
[WordWeb.info] 27
1. The fifth pillar of Islam is a pilgrimage to Mecca during the month of Dhu 28
al-Hijja; at least once in a lifetime a Muslim is expected to make a religious 29
journey to Mecca and the Kaaba 30
Noun: hajji 31
1. A general term used by foreign soldiers to refer to the Iraqi people 32
2. An Arabic term of respect for someone who has made the pilgrimage to 33
Mecca 34
[WordWeb.info] 35
Noun: haji 36
[WordWeb.info] 37
38
There is also the term American term hajji or hadji as a synonym of haj. 39
According to Merriam-Webster's 11th Collegiate Dictionary (2004), 40
41
2019-3038-AJHA
5
Main Entry:hajji 1
Variant:also hadji \*ha-j*\ 2
Function: noun 3
Etymology: Arabic 6ajj*, from 6ajj- hædʒ 4
Date:1609 5
: one who has made a pilgrimage to Mecca — often used as a title. 6
hajj plural hajjes, haj plural hajes, hadj plural hadjes /hædʒ/ noun [C] 7
The religious journey to Mecca which all Muslims try to make at least once in 8
their life 9
10
On the other hand, the term Hajja (rendered as Hajja in Modern Standard 11
Arabic and Hagga in Egyptian colloquial Arabic) literally means "a woman who 12
has performed the pilgrimage to Mecca (the hajj or hagg), but it is also used in 13
Egyptian colloquial Arabic to respectfully address an older woman" (Page 40- 14
Politics of Piety: The Islamic revival And the Feminist Subject- by Saba Mahmood)5. 15
16
17
Discussion and Findings 18
19
The Haj/Hagg and Hajja/Hagga in the 50s and 60 of the Twentieth Century 20
21
It is worth noting, to start with, that the data discussed in this section are 22
based on personal observations, personal memories, random interviews with 23
elderly people (Now in their 60s or 70s) as well as Egyptian movies produced in 24
the fifties and sixties of the twentieth century. Consequently, it is practically 25
impossible to claim absolute accuracy in the data collection or documentation. 26
This article is simply an exploration into the colloquial Egyptian discourse with 27
reference to Haj/Hagg and Hajja/Hagga, along with their derivative Hegiga, 28
across different periods of time rather than a statistical investigation of the 29
lexemes in question and their use in the periods of time under study. There is, 30
indeed, a good possibility of collecting data and examining them when it comes 31
to the way these terms are used nowadays, but the problem lies in the 32
impracticality of doing exactly the same with the other end of the comparison or 33
rather contrast, i.e. the fifties and sixties. 34
Back in the sixties of the last century, the term Haj/Hagg was mainly used in 35
two main situations. The first is when a Muslim man who has just been to Mecca 36
is addressed, and hence, has literally earned the title of Haj/Hagg. Among the 37
westernized middle-class members of Egyptian society, to which the researcher 38
believes he belongs, the term was used for a couple of months or so and then the 39
gentleman in question was addressed again in the way he usually was before his 40
5 http://www.bibalex.com/calligraphycenter/abgadiyat/Attachments/Issues/Articles/hagg.pdf
2019-3038-AJHA
6
pilgrimage to the holy lands. In other words, if he was a school teacher or a public 1
clerk, he was usually addressed as Effendi,6 or sometimes (ʾustāḏ) 7 أسراذ meaning 2
‚Mr.‛ or ‚professor‛. In case the Haj/Hagg is a lower-class member and is quite 3
an elderly person, especially in the countryside or poorer areas in major cities, the 4
title was sustained and the person in question was referred to as Haj/Hagg so and 5
so for as long as he lived. 6
The second type of situation when the term Haj/Hagg was used as a term of 7
respect during the sixties in the twentieth century was not related to a real 8
pilgrimage to the holy Muslim lands or to any particular religious status. It was 9
mainly used as a respectful way of addressing elderly people who either did not 10
belong to the main stream of the middle class or were clearly of a rural origin and 11
looked like typical Egyptian peasants. Using terms such as Effendi or ‘ustad’ to 12
address these people may be offensive to them and could sound even satirical. 13
It is worth noting in this respect that there was also an equivalent Christian 14
or Coptic term frequently used in the same period of time where Copts are 15
concerned. The term is /me?addes/ which literally means a Christian pilgrim who 16
journeys to a sacred place as an act of religious devotion, usually Jerusalem. The 17
term was used with similar religious and social connotations to the Islamic term 18
Haj/Hagg and employed in very much the same social context. Tracing the use of 19
this term, however, is beyond the scope of this paper for two main reasons. The 20
first is that the present research focuses on the possible impact of political 21
Islamism on the use of certain Muslim religious terms. The second is that despite 22
the fact that Egyptian Christians have been forbidden to visit Jerusalem by Coptic 23
Church, the researcher has not noted any significant changes in the the use of the 24
term /me?addes/ in the last half century. 25
26
The Haj/Hagg in the First Two Decades of the Third Millennium 27
28
On the other hand, the terms are still much in use, and even more than ever. 29
Yet, the point here is how similar or different has their use become within the first 30
two decades of the third millennium? If their uses in the two periods of time 31
under study are more or less similar with varying degrees of frequency, we 32
would not be required to pursue further examination of the issue in depth. 33
Nevertheless, if the uses are clearly different, a second question then arises: Why 34
is there such a difference and what could it indicate on the social and/or religious 35
level? 36
6 A former Turkish term of respect; especially for government officials 7 عر، ال ذج ح: كهح فازسيح غيس عستيح: ذدل عه اناس تص عج د ر انكهح في كهح أسراذ تضى انصج انرال ان
األدب، يطق أسرا ت ى، فكأ أسراذ في حس يؤدت ذحد يد غها انرسكيح انشعس انجاهي، أصم األسراذ انصائغ أل زتا كا
د شيس، األنفاظ انفازسيح انعستح أل 28، ص:9494 -9834انعسب نهجانيقي ذح أحد شاكس ، يظ. داز انكرة، اظس: انكسديح
90و، ص:9403داز انعسب نهثسراي، انظ.انكاثنيكيح تيسخ:
2019-3038-AJHA
7
Firstly, this paper attempts to examine how the term Haj/Hagg has been used 1
in the period from 2000 till now, in 2016. The use of the term Haj/Hagg is no 2
longer confined to addressing Muslim males who have actually visited the holy 3
lands of Islam, Mecca. It is not even associated with religious people who are 4
known for their piety and devotion to the faith of Islam. Such people are usually 5
addressed by the majority of people as Sheikh not Haj/Hagg, regardless of their 6
age or social rank. Sometimes a car mechanic who has only completed his 7
elementary education may be addressed as Sheikh simply because he has a long 8
beard and wears a short Gallabeyya, which is characteristic of the way Salafis8 are 9
usually dressed. It does not really matter how much that Sheikh actually knows 10
about Islam; it is appearance that matters. 11
However, what about Haj/Hagg then? With a community, that has such an 12
interest in religious appearances or in short, religiosity, one would expect the 13
pilgrimage to the holy lands of Mecca to have more significance than it had in the 14
fifties and sixties of the last century. Is that then the case? The answer is both a 15
Yes and a No. 16
The answer is fairly 'yes', where it comes to the growing interest of Egyptian 17
Muslims in the religious rite of Haj and the consistently increasing numbers of 18
Egyptian number pilgrims going on Haj or even Umra/Umrah9. Yet, 'no' is also 19
alikely answer when we transcend appearances into reality, dresses into 20
behaviour and ritual ceremonies into every conduct or simply deal with ethics as 21
representative of human virtues and values in general rather than individual rites 22
associated with a particular religion. The reasons why the researcher believes the 23
answer to be 'No' when we consider the above-cited factors may be divided into 24
two major ones. 25
The first is that if the growing and expanding use of Hagg and Hagga is truly 26
religious, we would expect the very same to happen with regard to other Islamic 27
terms that are equally associated with the major Islamic duties, usually referred to 28
as 'the pillars of Islam". But this is not at all the case. Egyptians never address 29
each other as "Muzzaky" (Alms giver) or "Musally"(Performer of prayers), 30
although the latter is the only Islamic duty performed five times a day. 31
Furthermore, even during the month of Ramadan, when adult Muslims are 32
supposed to be fasting, Egyptians do not address each other as Saayem (Fasting). 33
Therefore, there is somehow some kind of evidence that explanation of the 34
linguistic phenomenon with regard to the use of the terms under study may not 35
be simply attributed to a given community becoming more pious or religious. 36
8 A Salafi is a member of an ultra-conservative heteorodox movement within Sunni
Islam. WordWeb Pro 8.02a, 2016 9 ‚Minor pilgrimage‛, when Muslims perform the pilgrimage to Mecca during a time
of the year other than the Hajj season. It literally means ‚overhaul‛ or ‚restoration‛.
2019-3038-AJHA
8
What could be the significant or rather relevant difference or differences 1
between the Islamic duty of Hajj/Hagg on the one hand and all the other Islamic 2
duties or pillars? To start with, Hagg is the only one that is not necessarily 3
imposed on ALL Muslims, but only on those who can afford it. So why should it 4
be more commonly used as a respectful term of address? This last question may 5
sound quite legitimate, but, in fact, the justification may as well reside in the 6
explanation of the 'can afford it' phrase. It is common knowledge to the average 7
Muslim in Egypt that 'afford' here refers to physical abilities (health wise) as well 8
as financial resources. Those who are both healthy and rich can afford Hajj/Hagg 9
and, hence, should perform their religious duty as indicated. However, those who 10
are unhealthy or healthy, yet poor are not required to perform the same duty. In 11
other words, Hagg is the only Islamic duty that is associated with wealth as such 12
and, hence, may be also related to social prestige. That is, having performed that 13
religious duty in particular is enough to indicate the person in question, i.e. the 14
Hagg, must be at least quite well off if not downright rich. 15
On another level, however, we also have to examine the way the use of the 16
religious terms of Hagg and Hagga has expanded over the last two decades 17
rather than witnessed only a notable increase in the frequency of use. Are they 18
still used particularly to address "a Muslim man who has just been to Mecca and, 19
hence, has literally earned the title of Haj/Hagg, or are they still used with elderly 20
people who do not belong to the main stream of the middle class? The answer 21
this time is definitely No. It is true the terms Hagg and Hagga are still used to 22
address real Haggs/Haggas or Muslim pilgrims, but the term Hagg is also used 23
now to address almost all elderly people indiscriminatingly, regardless of social 24
rank, official status or sometimes even religion. Even elderly Egyptian Christian 25
men are often addressed as Hagg when the addressor is not aware of their 26
religious faith, as if the norm is that all Egyptians are Muslims unless proved 27
otherwise! The term Hagga is naturally more restricted in use as elderly Egyptian 28
Muslim ladies are often veiled while Christian ladies, especially in urban 29
communities, are usually not. Another feature that was hardly common if at all 30
present in the fifties or sixties of last century, is that nowadays the two terms are 31
even quite frequently used to address gentlemen and ladies who are not elderly 32
and have only one major characteristic in common; they are clearly rich. 33
34
Findings and Conclusions 35
36
In this respect, we may re-consider all the above-cited remarks in an attempt 37
at reaching a plausible conclusion. 38
Given the financial and social associations of the Islamic pilgrimage or Hagg, 39
and the fact that it is now used as a term of respect while addressing Muslim 40
gentlemen or ladies whose appearance shows they are rich or at least well off, one 41
2019-3038-AJHA
9
may fairly conclude that the expansion in the use of the terms under study could 1
be more associated with social and/or economic considerations rather than purely 2
religious ones. 3
Out of direct personal experience and/or second-hand accounts recounted by 4
friends, relatives and acquaintances', it may be possible to claim that the terms 5
Hagg and Hagga could even be used to address unveiled women who happen to 6
be wearing clearly expensive jewelry or men who are not known to practice the 7
common rites of Islam including praying and fasting during Ramadan. The 8
researcher himself has, indeed, witnessed one case at least where the masculine 9
term Hagg was used to address an extremely rich man in a lower middle class 10
environment in Alexandria, even though the addressors, in fact, used to regard 11
the addressee as a corrupt smuggler of Hashish who had managed to get away 12
with his criminal practices to become the owner of various buildings and stores in 13
the area. Naturally, such observations cannot and certainly should not be 14
generalized, but their significance remains valid. 15
Yet the question remains: How can we link all the above to the spreading 16
influence of Islamism or political Islamist movements in Egyptian society? In this 17
respect, we may need to investigate other related social and linguistic phenomena 18
to come up with a possible answer. Within the very same chronological scope of 19
this research, several religious signs and terms have also notably become 20
widespread in Egypt, including but not limited to the wearing of veils or Hijab 21
among Egyptian women and girls, the wearing of short Gallabeyyas typical of the 22
way Salafis10 are usually dressed, the excessive use of religious terms out of 23
context such as the use of ‚Salamu Aleko‛ in answering a phone call instead of 24
simply Hello or in colloquial Egyptian "Alo", and ‚Inshaa Allah‛ with a past time 25
reference while it is linguistically restricted to the future. All the above-cited are 26
signs and slogans whose use has been openly, insistently and persistently 27
advocated by the members of Islamist movements and trends over the last fifty 28
years. 29
The researcher believes there are two main objectives underlying the 30
endeavours of political Islamists to spread such practices among Egyptians. These 31
objectives are mainly political rather than moralistic or religious. The first is to 32
create a false impression that they enjoy high popularity among Egyptians, since 33
many sectors of Egyptian society seem to positively respond to their teachings 34
and instructions. The deception resides in the fact that most of those who follow 35
the footsteps of political Islamists, where dresses and slogans are concerned, do 36
not share the political ideology of Islamist organizations or groups, but would 37
readily adopt their practices on the assumption that this would guarantee them 38
some religious advantages. The second main objective is also political rather than 39
10 A Salafi is a member of an ultra-conservative heterodox movement within Sunni
Islam. WordWeb Pro 8.02a, 2016.
2019-3038-AJHA
10
religious or even truly ethical. It lies in the fact that the more Muslim Egyptians 1
adopt the use of the so-called Islamic dresses and/or styles of talking, the more 2
they may be automatically distinguished from their Christian fellow Egyptian 3
citizens. Setting Muslims apart from Christian Copts helps give rise to sectarian 4
disturbances. Any everyday argument between two Egyptian drivers on the road, 5
for instance, could easily then turn into a major conflict between Muslims and 6
Christians. 7
It remains to be noted in this respect that despite the notable growth of such 8
seemingly religious practices, dresses and verbosity, we do not seem to have a 9
more religious society than in the fifties or sixties of the twentieth century. Even 10
according to some official statements, though not necessarily accurate statistics, 11
bribery, crimes, violence and corruption in general have widely increased over 12
the last thirty-five years, not only in number, but also in their proportion to total 13
members of Egyptian society. Thus, we seem to have more reason to link the 14
linguistic phenomenon under study to political Islamism as well as fairly assume 15
the underlying causes of such a phenomenon to be political rather than 16
theological. 17
18
19
The End of a Holy Trip that is no Longer Holy 20
21
The present paper has explored some ideas regarding a sociolinguistic 22
phenomenon in colloquial Egyptian discourse, with particular reference to socio-23
religious terms. It does so through tracing the use of the terms 'Hagg' (Haj- 24
masculine) and 'Hagga' (Hajja- feminine) over fifty years, with all the 25
modifications and changes involved. The researcher has attempted to examine the 26
possible causes of all the modifications and changes related to the frequency and 27
range of use of the terms under study within the period of time selected as the 28
chronological scope of this research, as well as possible associations with other 29
sociopolitical factors. The research ends with some tentative conclusions linking 30
the phenomenon under study to the growing influence of the movements of 31
political Islam within the Egyptian society in this last half century. The 32
conclusions are by no means conclusive, but as shown within the discussion, they 33
may be fairly supported by strong logical evidence. The researcher hopes this 34
paper may induce other researchers to conduct further academic research of the 35
subject in question and, thus, come up with more reliable findings and/or 36
conclusions based on statistical analyses rather than mainly ambitious reflections 37
and speculations. 38
39
40
41
2019-3038-AJHA
11
Works Cited 1
2
Primary Sources 3 4 Arberry, A. J. (1964), The Koran Interpreted, Oxford, OUP. 5 King James Bible, John's Gospel. 6 7
Secondary Sources 8
9 Abruzzi, Ray and J Michael. (ed) McGandy (2003), "Time: Religious and Philosophical 10
Aspects." Encyclopedia of Science and Religion, Macmillan-Thomson Gale. eNotes.com. 11 2006. http://www.enotes.com/science-religionencyclopedia/time-religious-philosophical-12 aspects (Retrieved 9 April 2016) 13
Bassiouney, Reem, (2014). Language and Identity in Modern Egypt. Edinburgh University 14 Press Ltd. 15
Bouma, Gary D; Clyne, Michael (1995). "Articulating Religious Meaning in Conversation: 16 Variations in Linguistic Style by Subdenominational Religious Group" Review of 17 Religious Research, Vol. 37, No. 2. (Dec. 1995), pp. 132-146. 18
Brown, Gillian and Yule, George (1983). Discourse Analysis. Cambridge, Cambridge 19 University Press. 20
Cohen, Andrew D (1998), "Contrastive Analysis of Speech Acts: What Do We Do with the 21 Research Findings?" Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: International Review of English 22 Studies, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. 23
Connerton, Paul. (1989). How Societies Remember. UK: CUP. 24 Crystal, David (1966), "Language and Religion" In L. Sheppard (ed) Twentieth Century 25
Catholicism (New York: Hawthorn Books), 11-28 26 ____________ (1968), Linguistics, Language and Religion. Burns & Oates/New York: 27
Hawthorn Books 28 Grundy, Peter (2nd ED) (2000). Doing Pragmatics, USA, OUP. 29 Lewis, Anthony. (2016). WordWeb Pro 8.02a. 30 Holes, Clive (2004). Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties. Washington, DC: 31
Georgetown University Press, Revised edition. 32 Mahmood, Saba (2011). Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject, 33
Princeton University Press. 34 Tobia, Adel F. (2008). Abgadiyat, Volume 3, Issue 1, pages 56–69. 35
http://www.bibalex.com/calligraphycenter/abgadiyat/Attachments/Issues/Articles/hagg.pdf. 36 Ward, Nigel and Al Bayyari, Yaffa (2008), "A Prosodic Feature that Invites Back-Channels in 37
Egyptian Arabic" Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics, Volume XX. 38 http://www.cs.utep.edu/nigel/papers/arabic.pdf (Retrieved 14 May 2016). 39
40
Arabic Sources 41
42 43 انطي انجهس انعسفح، عانى سهسهح انكيد، دييح، -إثيح -قييح: انيح انهغح ،(7002) انز عثد خساقي،. د ذسجح ج، جشيف،
اآلداب انف نهثقافح 44 28:ص ،9494 -9834 انكرة، داز. يظ شاكس، أحد ذحقيق نهجانيقي انعسب 45
2019-3038-AJHA
12
1 90: ص و،9403: تيسخ انكاثنيكيح انطثعح نهثسراي، انعسب داز شيس، ألد انعستح انفازسيح األنفاظ