The health of the democratic system in India

When India gained independence in 1947, Nehru firmly believed in the creation of a

free, democratic and secular country. Such a task was not an easy one, since India did

not meet the conventional requirements for a stable democracy. Khilnani described it as

‘huge, impoverished and crowded with cultural and religious distinctions with a

hierarchical social order almost deliberately designed to resist the idea of political

equality’ (1997, p19). Nonetheless, a liberal constitution was drafted in order to provide

the people with freedom and enshrined rights. However, some have criticised the fact

that the members of the Constituent Assembly charged with producing the constitution,

mostly members of the upper classes, had conservative biases and this, along with the

lack of an existing civil society, made the likelihood of a democratic India somewhat

constrained (Corbridge and Harriss 2000, p25).

Over sixty years later the country remains democratic, holding free elections at least

every five years. Furthermore, democracy has deepened, with members of the lower

castes, women and those living in rural areas now making up a larger percentage of

voters (House of Commons 2007, p29). There is more to democracy than elections.

Khilnani criticises how for the state and Indian society, the meaning of democracy has

come to signify elections alone (1997, p48). Moreover, many believe that those in

power only work towards benefitting the lives of the minority elites. Radical reforms

needed for long-term growth are bound to have short-term negative consequences on the

masses. As such, in fear of antagonising the majority of voters, such reforms remain

weak and the ones undertaken continue to be elite orientated (Varshney 2007).

There is no doubt that representing all Indians politically is a monumental charge. With

over one billion citizens, the country encompasses an incredibly pluralist society. This is

the reason why Nehru believed in the creation of a secular state. However, religious

tensions remain rife in India, not exclusively, but notably between Hindu nationalists

and Muslim separatists. Both groups feel underrepresented. Muslims claim the state

fails to protect them from Hindu attacks of their mosques and violence against

themselves, and Hindu nationalists refer to the ‘pseudo-secular’ state that favours

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Muslims and other minorities (Brass 1994, p229). These tensions are likely to rise with

the victory of the Hindu Nationalist Bhatiya Janata Party (BJP) in this year’s elections.

Another area affecting India’s democracy is violence against women and inequality. In

spite of the fact that the gender gap is closing and more women have employment,

India’s patriarchal system, which regards them as inferiors, persists on negating their

rights (Kabeer 2014). Sexual violence continues to be a major issue, and even though

rape laws were amended in 2013 after a high profile gang rape in Delhi, perceptions still

need to change. Of the many cases that take place, around ninety percent of accused

attackers are acquitted, and often the women are blamed for the violence perpetuated

against them (Keni 2014). When it comes to elections, a study suggested only one third

of female voters make their own decisions, since their voting is influenced by male

family members (Ibid). Additionally, in this year’s elections only seven and a half

percent of candidates were female, an extremely low figure considering ten percent of

male candidates had serious criminal records for charges such as attempted murder and

bribery (Ibid).

This comes as no surprise, as the Indian state’s corruption is extensive. Out of 523

members of parliament, 120 face criminal charges, not just for financial crimes, but also

for rape (Miklian and Carney 2013). Bribery is commonplace amongst politicians, with

Jenkins declaring that ‘the bribe taking politician has become the preeminent symbol of

India’s democratic malaise’ (2007, p56). Resulting from such corruption, a growing

civil society has emerged, and the poor and middle classes are forging alliances to fight

it together (Ibid, p62). Nationwide freedom of information legislations have been passed

in 2003 and 2005, though their success has been questioned (Ibid, p61). Another source

of corruption and violence that needs to be tackled is that of the authorities. The police

and the army use their positions of power, perpetrating acts of sexual violence against

women, and violence against the lower classes. Ensuing from these practices, the state

presents itself as a brutalising police force and corrupt administration, therefore

becoming something to be resisted or avoided (Corbridge and Harriss 2000, p205).

The caste system in India is yet another issue which directly impacts on the level of

democracy. Whilst the state declares all caste-based discrimination illegal, and has

introduced measures such as positive discrimination and reservations of parliamentary

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seats, government jobs and places in higher education for Dalits or Untouchables

(member of the lower castes), laws are not always enforced and discrimination still

prevails, particularly in rural areas (House of Commons 2007, p45). In addition, the

reservations system is criticised for benefitting the more affluent amongst the lower

castes, and also for securing mostly lower end jobs such as sweeping of government

buildings (Ibid). Furthermore, Dalits continue to be excluded from education, due to

their poverty and through the discrimination of other students and teachers (who tend to

be members of upper castes), therefore their literacy rates remain lower than the rest of

the population (Ibid, p46). Such issues need to be corrected if the equality that

democracy supposedly promises is to be fulfilled.

All the abovementioned issues are negatively affecting India’s democracy. They need to

be addressed by the recently elected BJP government and its Prime Minister Narendra

Modi. For the first time in thirty years a party has won with an absolute majority,

clearly showing the Indian electorate believe in Modi and his ‘development for all’

promise (Burke 2014). However, the new leader has a tainted past which includes

accusations of condoning Hindu nationalist violence against over 1000 Muslims in

Gujarat, the state he was chief minister of (Ibid). Moreover, his campaign has had the

support of far right Hindu organisations such as the RSS. In addition, he has been

accused of running Gujarat as an autocrat, lacking transparency, and even though his

state experienced an economic boom in urban areas, it lagged behind with issues such as

infant mortality, poverty and illiteracy (Chakrabort 2014). If Modi runs the country in

the same way he did his state, India’s GDP might grow, but the future of religious

minorities and the poor majorities appears to be rather bleak, and in turn so do the

prospects of a healthier democratic system.

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