The Indian Muslim Community in England - UK …webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20120919132719/... · Product Code: 08PEU05 801 ISBN: ... 12.6 Civil society capacity building needs

The Indian Muslim Community in EnglandUnderstanding Muslim Ethnic Communities

www.communities.gov.ukcommunity, opportunity, prosperity

Change InstituteApril 2009

Communities and Local Government: London

The Indian Muslim Community in EnglandUnderstanding Muslim Ethnic Communities

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Contents | 3

Contents

1 Executive Summary 51.1 Introduction and context 51.2 Migration and England’s Indian Muslim population 61.3 Identity, religion and language 61.4 Employment 71.5 Intergenerational dynamics and the role of women in the community 71.6 Cohesion and integration 81.7 Media and links with country of origin 81.8 Civil society and civic engagement 91.9 Recommendations 10

2 Introduction 122.1 Objectives of the research 122.2 Report structure 13

3 Methodology 143.1 Project phases 153.2 Analysis of data 183.3 Limitations of the research 19

4 Country Profile and History 21

5 Migration History and Trends 26

6 Community Demography and Key Locations 28

7 Socio economic situation 32

8 Key Characteristics 388.1 Identity 388.2 Ethnicity 398.3 Religion 408.4 Language 42

9 Intra-community Dynamics 439.1 Intergenerational dynamics 439.2 Young people 449.3 Women 459.4 Cohesion and integration issues 469.5 Politics 47

10 Media 4810.1 Perceptions of the UK media 4810.2 Media consumption 48

4 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England

11 Links with country of origin 5011.1 Travel 5011.2 Remittances 5011.3 Political links 5111.4 Culture and entertainment 5211.5 Other links 52

12 Civil Society 5312.1 Brief overview 5312.2 Types of organisations and services they offer 5412.3 Key organisations 5412.4 Key influencers 5612.5 Engagement with public authorities 5712.6 Civil society capacity building needs 59

13 Conclusions and recommendations 6013.1 Recommendations 61

14 Glossary 62

15 Bibliography 65

Executive Summary | 5

1 Executive Summary

1.1 Introduction and context

This report is one of thirteen reports on England’s Muslim ethnic communitiescommissioned by the Cohesion Directorate of Communities and Local Government inorder to understand the diversity of England’s Muslim population and to help enhanceits engagement and partnership with Muslim civil society.

The primary goal of the research was to detail the main population and communitylocations, identify denominations and religious practices, and identify the strengths oflinks with the country of origin. An overarching objective for the project was to identifyhow government could best engage and work in partnership with specific communities.

For many of these communities, there was little pre-existing research specific to thecommunity, although because of the way in which ethnicity is recorded in officialsurveys there is relatively more data available for the Bangladeshi, Indian and PakistaniMuslim populations than there is for the other communities included in the study.1

While there is a lot of information on the Indian population in England, unfortunatelylittle of this specifically focuses on the minority Muslim population. Whereas the vastmajority of the Bangladeshi and Pakistani populations in England are Muslim, only 13per cent of the Indian population is Muslim. The research was also expanded toinclude other areas such as identity, language use, socio economic situations, andintra-community dynamics. Since the country and migration contexts are important,these were also briefly detailed.

The relatively limited scope of this study in relation to individual communities meansthat there is still a great deal more research needed in order to establishcomprehensive knowledge and understanding about the different communities. Thisstudy provides first insights into the communities rather than offering firmconclusions, and hence should be understood as a starting rather than an endpoint ingetting to know the different communities covered by the research.

This report details the research findings for the Indian Muslim community. Individualreports for the other 12 communities covered by the study as well as a separate reportsynthesizing the overall research findings are available from Communities and LocalGovernment.

This report focuses on the Indian community in England and as such those interviewedand involved in focus groups were based in England. However, some of the existingresearch and data on the community refers to England; England and Wales; GreatBritain; and the United Kingdom. Thus the report refers to whichever of these is themost relevant in the context.

1 Whilst this report is about the Indian community in England, some data referred to in this report is UK wide and not necessarilyspecific to England. When data for UK or ‘England & Wales’ has been used this has been made clear in the text.


1.2 Migration and England’s Indian Muslim population

The migration of Indian Muslims to the UK has occurred in three main phases. The firststarted in the 1950s, with primarily Gujarati single males travelling to the UK to takeup unskilled and semi-skilled work during the post-war economic boom, who werelater joined by their families. In the late 1960s and early 70s Indians expelled fromKenya and other East African countries began to arrive in Britain, and this waveincluded a substantial number of Indian Muslims. More recently, Muslims from variousparts of India have arrived in the UK with work permits and as students, but there isno separate data available on how many of the new migrants from India are Muslims.

The Indian Muslim community is a relatively small subset of the substantial Indianpopulation in England, which was estimated to be 1.2 million in 2005 by the Office forNational Statistics. By contrast with many of the other communities in this study,‘Indian’ is included as an ethnic category in the census and therefore the statisticsavailable for the Indian population in the census and in this report refer to all thosewho identify as being ethnically Indian, including those born outside of India and inthe UK. The 2001 Census recorded 131,098 Indian Muslims in England, 13 per cent ofthe Indian population. Seventy-three per cent of the population are in London, theNorth West and East Midlands. The majority are still Gujarati Muslims, however thereis considerable diversity within the Indian Muslim diaspora population, which includesTamil Indian Muslims, Indian Muslims from Guyana, Trinidad, Kenya and Uganda, aswell as recent Muslim migrants from different parts of Northern India.

1.3 Identity, religion and language

The Indian Muslim community is one of the more ‘invisible’ Muslim communities,whose distinct identity often gets subsumed within that of the other South Asiancommunities. Whilst for many, regional and national categories are still a primaryidentification, there has been a sharper focus, especially amongst young people, onreligious identity post-9/11. There are distinct differences within the community basedon whether groups have migrated directly from India or from East and South Africa.Regional differences are also very marked across London, the Midlands and thecommunities settled in former mill towns in the North.

The two main groupings of Gujarati Muslims in the UK are the Baluchis and Surtis.Other significant groupings include the Worahs, Memons, Khojas, Ismailis, DaudiBohras and the Khalifa. Indian Muslims are thought to be predominantly Hanafi SunniMuslims who follow the Deobandi and Barelvi schools, together with smaller numbersof Shi’a and revivalist groups. Other key strands are the Khalifa Jamat. The strong Shi’apresence within the Indian Muslims population is represented mainly by the Ismailicommunity, together with its sub-sects of Daudi Bohras, Nizaris, Khojas and IthnaAsharis.


Gujarati, in a number of different dialects, is the main language spoken by the firstgeneration of Indian Muslims. British-born Indian Muslims are generally bilingual, butyoung people communicate mostly in English amongst their siblings and peer groups.Through the influence of Indian TV programmes, many people can also understandHindi, even though it is not commonly spoken in the community. There is alsoreported to be a number of small Urdu speaking Gujarati Muslim communities locatedin Lancashire, the West Midlands and London.

1.4 Employment

From early beginnings in unskilled and low paid jobs, the community has grown anddeveloped to a remarkable degree in socio economic terms. Muslims of Indian origin2

tend to be far more economically successful than their Bangladeshi and Pakistani co-religionists, and closer to their fellow Hindu Gujaratis in terms of educational andeconomic outcomes. Many run successful businesses, and increasing levels ofeducation have resulted in a growing professional class. However, the economicsuccess of the community is not evenly spread, and there are marked regionaldifferences in outcomes. There are also significant differences between those whomigrated directly from rural parts of India and those who came via East Africa. Despiteoverall educational and economic progress, employment remains a problem for many,and the community reports facing highs level of discrimination on religious grounds.Older women are also said to be disadvantaged because of a lack of fluency in English.

1.5 Intergenerational dynamics and the role of women inthe community

There is a marked difference in relationship to their country of heritage between thegenerations. The older generation has a strong link with India, but young people whoare far removed from their parent’s migration experience are more concerned abouttheir future in Britain. Family ties are still very strong but the extended family structuresare changing, with increasing numbers of young people moving out of their parents’home once they get married.

According to some older respondents in the study, British-born Indian Muslims aresuffering from an identity crisis and increasingly adopting what they see as the worstaspects of British culture, namely binge drinking, drugs, and sexual relations outsidemarriage. Young people have equally critical views of the older generation’s failure toadapt to their changing times and environment and they strongly challenge theassumption that young people are losing their Muslim identity.

2 ‘Muslims of Indian origin’ or ‘Indian Muslims’ refers to all Muslims in England of Indian descent either by country of birth orheritage. Because the census and other official data sources employ an ‘Indian’ ethnicity category, this study is not reliant oncountry of birth data.


The lack of provision and facilities for young people is seen as a critical issue and asbeing the main cause of increasing levels of drug use, a growing gang culture inrecent years and more involvement with the criminal justice system. The communityhas a lot of concerns about young people and stresses the need for concerted work toenable them to channel their energies into constructive activities that focus on localrather than international concerns.

The first generation of women who came to join their husbands in Britain remainedlargely confined to their homes and isolated from the wider community, though asignificant number are believed to have worked at home in the ‘rag trade’. However,the situation is changing for the younger generation, most of whom are getting agood education and taking up paid employment. Increasing numbers are also startingto run their own businesses and many are active in charity work. These changing rolesand responsibilities of women can often cause considerable conflicts in the family.However, as most community organisations remain male-dominated, facilities forwomen to meet socially or to get involved in community based activities outside thehome still remain limited.

1.6 Cohesion and integration

Most respondents questioned what it means to be integrated, as in the views of themajority of the community is already very integrated. Some stressed that it isimportant for there to be a common vision for the UK but one which allows for thecelebration of differences and for every community to be seen as contributing equallyto the British way of life. However, a number of others highlighted some internalreluctance within the community to integrate any further for fear of losing its distinctreligious and cultural heritage and were critical of mosques and other organisationsthat do not encourage mixing and partnerships with other communities. In somespecific geographical areas respondents talked about high levels of racial tensionsbetween the Indian Muslim community and neighbouring white communities and inother areas about anti-Muslim sentiment from non-Muslim Indian communities.

1.7 Media and links with country of origin

There is a common view amongst Indian Muslims who took part in this study that theBritish national media on the whole is extremely anti-Islamic. In addition to this, manypeople in the community also feel that they have to contend with similar anti-Muslimsentiment from within sections of the media in India. Indian Muslims in different partsof the country, however, spoke of good relations and coverage in their local media.


Large sections of the community, and young people in particular, rely on themainstream British press and broadcast media for news and entertainment. Indiannewspapers in Gujarati and English and Indian satellite channels are also popular forentertainment. There is an indication that some orthodox families rely primarily on thewritten media due to religious considerations. There are a number of local communitynewspapers which are very popular in certain communities across the country. Formany in the community, especially the elderly and housebound, radio transmissionfrom local mosques is a key source of information, community and international news.

The Indian Muslim community has a strong relationship with its country of origin andfrequent visits are made to see family in India. However, some respondents in thestudy express concerns about young men being harassed and victimised under IndianAnti-Terrorism Laws on arrival in the country. Cultural links are maintained mainlythrough Indian satellite TV, Bollywood, fashion and music. The Indian Muslimcommunity also has a tradition of regularly inviting Gujarati Imams and scholars fromIndia for talks at special events.

Many Indian Muslims living in Britain are involved in trade ventures in India and thereis an increasing level of investment in other areas, primarily in property. Remittances tohelp family and relatives are common and many families send money over a longperiod of time in order to gradually save enough money to buy plots of land for housebuilding. Growing numbers are also travelling to India for health reasons.

The community in the UK does not have many direct political links with India.However, whilst not involved in Indian politics, the community keeps a close watch onunfolding events, as well as the consequences of various pieces of anti-terrorismlegislation in both India and the UK.

1.8 Civil society and civic engagement

The Indian Muslim community has a complex structure of community groups andorganisations catering for its social, cultural and religious needs. The majority startedout primarily as faith-based organisations, but over the years many have expandedtheir remit to cater for broader community needs. Mosques, Imams and large Muslimumbrella organisations still remain key influencers among Indian Muslims in England.A number of national umbrella organisations have also developed, includingspecifically Muslim ones as well as umbrella bodies that represent all Gujaratiorganisations across the religious divide.

The community has a strong focus on charity work and charity events are regularlyorganised by community associations. Various mosques and Islamic societies also hostfamily oriented events and conferences which incorporate activities designed to attractyoung people and children to take part. Other services offered by communityorganisations include: visa surgeries, advice and information on benefits, employment,housing, immigration and financial or debt counselling. Some include activities forwomen, the elderly, mother tongue classes for children, and a range of youthactivities.


The lack of core funding is the most pressing concern for community organisations.Older and well established organisations which have good contacts with localauthorities and local strategic partnerships are seen as much better placed thansmaller grassroots organisations in getting public funding support. The tendency ofmost civil society organisations to be run and managed by men leaves womenespecially vulnerable and isolated. The need for funding and support for women’sorganisations and youth provision are highlighted as the most urgent communityneed.

On the whole there is reported to be inconsistent contact and engagement betweenpublic authorities and the Indian Muslim Community, and a considerable level ofcynicism about the value and outcomes of such engagement. The community is highlycritical of the tendency of most authorities to overlook the distinct nature of thecommunity, by either categorising it together with other Indians or linking it withPakistani or Bangladeshi Muslim communities. Whilst there are local elected membersin most parts of the country, political representation at the national level is almost non-existent. However, despite these difficulties and barriers there are many individuals andgroups that are actively involved in various public forums.

1.9 Recommendations

Along with many of the other reports in this study, this report should be seen as astarting point in the process of understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnicminority communities in greater detail rather than the final word. The research hasprovided many insights into the Indian Muslim community in England and while areaswere highlighted as community concerns, some require further enquiry in order todraw firm conclusions.

The Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities Summary report provides detailedrecommendations for engagement with and development of Muslim civil societyorganisations.3 The specific recommendations for public authorities in relation toresponding to the Indian Muslim community include:

• Measures to encourage pro-active public authority engagement with communitiesat the local level, with a particular focus on the direct involvement of women andyoung people rather than through established community organisations andgatekeepers

• Authorities to recognise the centrality of mosques within these communities asimportant potential partners in delivering services for the community, whilst at thesame time recognising that they may not necessarily be the best placed to cater forthe needs of young people and women

• Targeting funding and a comprehensive package of capacity building supportmeasures to community facilities run by and for women and young people

3 Available from Communities and Local Government.


• In addition to direct funding support for women’s organisations, establishgateways for engagement with influential women within the community, forinstance wives of imams and male members of Mosque governing committees inorder to access a broader spectrum of Muslim women in the community

• Research into the views and experiences of young Indian Muslims to enhanceunderstanding about the ways in which the younger generation is negotiating itsreligious, gender and national identities in the context of its British identity andenvironment.


2 Introduction

The Cohesion Directorate of Department for Communities and Local Governmentrecognises that there is a need to enhance its understanding and knowledge of thediverse Muslim ethnic populations in England, particularly relating to some of thespecific smaller communities of African, Middle Eastern and other Asian countries oforigin. Hence it commissioned the Change Institute (CI) to deliver the research project‘Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities’ (UMEC), focusing on 13 ethnic Muslimcommunities in England originating from the following countries:

• Afghanistan

• Algeria

• Bangladesh

• Egypt

• India

• Iran

• Iraq

• Morocco

• Nigeria

• Pakistan

• Saudi Arabia

• Somalia

• Turkey.

Individual reports have been provided under separate covers for each diasporacommunity, along with separate synthesis and technical reports.

2.1 Objectives of the research

There were four objectives for the research:

• Mapping: Develop population maps for each ethnic community outlining thespread of the population and identification of high density clusters

• Identification of denominations and pathways: Collect information on thegrassroots institutions/key individuals working with ethnic communities and thebreakdown of these ethnic communities by denomination/sect/clan

Introduction | 13

• Identifying strength of links and capacity of ethnic communities: Collectinformation on the strength of links between each ethnic community and countryof origin (including influential institutions/individuals/media channels/religiousinfluences). Also to collect information on the relative strengths and weaknesses ofcivil society infrastructure for each ethnic community, highlighting where capacitiesneed to be developed

• Identifying how Government can best engage with ethnic communities: Developrecommendations on the ways in which Communities and Local Government canbest engage with and understand Muslim ethnic communities in England,including recommendations on avenues of communications and delivery to thesecommunities.

These objectives translated into six key questions that the study needed to address:

1. Where are the key ethnic groups of the Muslim population located?

2. What are the latest estimated sizes and demographic make-up of the key ethniccommunities?

3. Which denominations and/or other internal groupings do these ethnic groupsbelong to?

4. How can Communities and Local Government best engage with them?

5. What are the strength of links between the ethnic communities and country oforigin?

6. How developed is the level of social infrastructure for each group?

During the course of the desktop research and fieldwork, we obtained data on otherfacets of the community such as socio economic position and intra-communitydynamics. In order to provide additional context to users of the report we haveincluded this information where it was felt this would be valuable to the reader.However, it should be noted a comprehensive socio economic description or analysisof the community was outside the scope of this study. We also took the view that themigration and history of each community’s country of origin was important and oftenoffered potential explanations for the location; intra-community dynamics, includingpolitical, social and cultural characteristics; and development of the diasporacommunities in the UK.

2.2 Report structure

The report is structured to address the key research questions set out previously.Sections 6 and 7 are primarily based on quantitative secondary data. Sections 8 to 12draw primarily on the qualitative research corroborated by secondary sources wherethese are available. Finally, section 13 draws together specific recommendationsarising from the research.


3 Methodology

The research questions represented a broad area of enquiry and analysis. Whilequantitative data about the size, location and other demographic features of thepriority communities was a key research need, the study primarily focused on enablingthe Communities and Local Government to ‘know’ these communities in depth.

To fulfil these research requirements, the methodology developed needed to combinedocumentary research with processes of consultation and dialogue. Data collectionconsisted of two phases which were consistent across each community.

In addition, we conducted 15 interviews with local government and voluntary servicesstakeholders across England to discuss their existing experiences of working inpartnership with and supporting Muslim civil society organisations across all theMuslim ethnic communities that we researched.

PHASE ACTIVITY METHOD

1 Population mapping Review of: • Existing literature• National data sources• Local data sources and consultations

with Local Authority, other publicbodies and community representatives.These were conducted to cover all13 communities in this study.

2 Qualitative data collection Community interviews (205 total,21 with Egyptian community).Focus groups (30 total, two withIndian Muslim community and fourwith Muslim youth from all ethnicbackgrounds).

Methodology | 15

4 Runnymede Trust (2000), The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report, Runnymede Trust, p. 145.5 The Situation of Muslims in the UK: Monitoring the EU Accession Process, Open Society, 2002, p. 4.

3.1 Project phases

Phase 1: Population mappingThe first phase consisted of collecting mainly secondary quantitative data but alsosome primary data about locations of Muslim ethnic populations and known civilsociety organisations. The main method for data collection on populationcharacteristics was through a comprehensive review of a broad range of secondarydata sources, including the Census, Annual Population Survey, output of migrationand population think tanks and academic research centres. This initial literature reviewassisted in developing a detailed picture of data currently available in the publicdomain and in identifying key gaps in the existing knowledge base. It also helped inidentifying key locations for each diaspora to be targeted in the community researchwhich followed as well as identifying key stakeholders and community interviewees.

Robust and up-to-date population data is difficult to obtain outside of the 2001Census although the ONS has also provided population predictions by local authorityarea for 2005. The 2005 data informs some of the population figures quoted in thisstudy, but it is not disaggregated by religion, so the 2001 census figures are usedwherever statistics are used with respect to religious identity of the Indian populationin England. It should also be noted that unlike other studies in this series, the data onBangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani populations is based on ‘ethnicity’ rather thancountry of birth statistics because of the categories for ethnicity collection in officialsurveys. This means that unless stated statistics for the Indian population include all‘ethnic’ Indian irrespective of the country they were born in.

The 2001 Census question on religion has for the first time helped to delineate thedifferent religious communities that make up the Indian population in the UK, andhence to allow estimates to be made of the size of the Muslim Indian population. Priorto that, all official statistics were collected under the broad category of ‘Indian’, whichmade it impossible to take account of the smaller communities with different cultural,religious, and socio economic roots in India to those of the dominant (Punjabi) Indiangroup in the UK.4

Issues pertaining to Indian Muslims have also remained sidelined to date within theacademic and social policy fields, with the focus on Muslim issues being primarilyrelated to the Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim populations. As a result, there is verylittle research data available that focuses specifically on Indian Muslims in the UK.5

Phase 2: Qualitative data collectionQualitative data collection has been undertaken primarily through 21 one-to-oneinterviews with key respondents (‘those who might be expected to know’), and twofocus groups with individuals from the Indian community. This phase of the researchwas carried out between April and July 2008.


3.1.1 In-depth interviewsThe interviews assisted in developing an overview of national and local contexts: themake-up of diaspora communities, key issues concerning violent extremism includingperceptions, experiences and activities, current initiatives in place to counter this andexisting civil society structures and development needs. The interviews also assisted inidentification of further key contacts for the one-to-one and focus group research andcovered a range of topics including:

• Key data sources

• Denominations and pathways

• Key influencers and institutions

• Key issues and needs for the specific diaspora

• Links with countries of origin

• Civil society structures and capacity needs

• Current levels of contact and key barriers to engagement with public authorities

• Media consumption

• Appropriate communication channels for engagement and involvement.

The majority of interviews were conducted face-to-face and some by telephone wherenecessary. Respondents were chosen on the basis that they offered a range ofdifferent types of knowledge and perspectives on community issues and dynamics.

Selection of interviewees involved drawing up a ‘long list’ of key contacts in eachcommunity in consultation with community interviewers, expert advisers and contactsmade during the first phase of research. Shortlists were produced to ensure that therewas adequate female and youth representation and a regional spread that reflectedthe distribution of the community in England. Additional names were added on thebasis of subsequent recommendations made.

Interviews for the Indian community research were conducted by a researcher fromthe Indian community, who was already familiar with many individuals and civil societyorganisations in the community. This added legitimacy to the process of enquiry thatwas critical in opening up discussion and enabled us to gather rich and sometimescontroversial data.

The profile of the 21 respondents was as follows:

• 14 males and seven females

• Three were in the 20-29 age range; eight were 30-39; six were 40-49 and fourwere 50-59

Methodology | 17

• Nine were involved in community or religious-orientated roles, two were ineducational roles, one journalist, one social researcher, three in public health roles,three worked in the private sector and two worked in the public sector.

A quality control process was used by the Change Institutue (CI) to ensure consistencyand quality across each community. This involved:

• Piloting: Each community researcher was required to carry out two or three pilotinterviews in each community to refine approaches and questions where necessary.This included a detailed discussion with each researcher following the pilotinterviews, with expert adviser involvement where necessary, as well as a review ofthe interview field notes to ensure that relevant data was being used by researchers

• Each community researcher was assigned to a member of the core research teamwho reviewed field notes on an ongoing basis, and regular internal team meetingswere held to share findings and ensure consistency across the project.

3.1.2 Discussion groupsIn addition to the individual interviews, we conducted two focus groups that allowedfor collective insights to be generated on community needs and issues, includingchallenges and practical ways forward. These explored partnership issues, civil societyinfrastructure and capacity development needs, media and communications. Whilethese focus groups were limited in number, they provided a rich and often diverse setof views that complemented the data gathered in the one-to-one interviews.

Focus groups were designed to include a mix of participants from different communitynetworks and different occupational backgrounds who might be expected to hold awide range of views. Participants were recruited by the core research team throughlocal community organisations and CI networks.

One male and one female focus group was conducted and attended by individualsover 35 years of age. The focus groups were conducted in Leicester and Newham inJune 2008:

Groups were facilitated by CI directors and analysts, with additional support fromcommunity researchers.

In addition to the two focus groups for each community, four youth focus groupswere conducted in London, Birmingham and Bradford with youth from a range of

Location Born in the UK

Born outside of the UK

Age range

Group 1(Female)

London 2 4 35+

Group 2(Male)

Leicester 2 5 35+


ethnic backgrounds. The findings of these focus groups are discussed in the summaryreport.

This report uses selective quotes from the interviews and focus groups to illustrate keyrecurring themes and issues arising during the qualitative data collection. Wherenecessary they have been carefully edited for ease of reading or understanding whatwas meant.

3.2 Analysis of data

Data analysis involved generating understandable patterns by comparing whatdifferent respondents/focus groups said about specific themes or questions. Thecentral question was whether the data and information and the range of viewsexpressed led to the same conclusions. Findings were validated by triangulation of alldata and information collected in both project phases so far as possible and by criticalinternal reflection and review within the CI team.

The analytical process involved reviewing field notes to develop emerging themes inline with the analytical framework, which was done in collaboration with the fieldresearchers; regular internal meetings to discuss findings from all communities;dedicated internal workshops on the communities to finalise analysis; reviews fromexpert advisers; feedback from ‘community reviewers’ and a formal peer reviewprocess.

Intercultural understanding of responses and non-responses was also essential inconsiderations of the data generated. A set of commonly held assumptions andunderstandings in any cultural group may mean that some things are simply leftunsaid because they are commonly understood in the group and do not requirearticulation. In addition, literal translation or interpretation may simply misrepresent ormiss the significance of what is being articulated. In this context in particular there willoften be a distinction between what is said, and might be noted or recorded, andwhat is meant. In looking for meaning, silences and body language were often asimportant as what was said. A good example of potential misinterpretation that cameup many times was body language indicating discomfort and unwillingness to pursuea particular line of enquiry.

Finally, and most importantly, we were reflexive in our approach, critically reflecting onthe role and influence that our own research intervention may be having on keyrespondents and focus groups, using critical judgment and being conscious of theneed to interpret with integrity in relation to what we were seeing and hearing.

Methodology | 19

6 The topic guide is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.7 The showcard is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.

3.3 Limitations of the research

Data analysis represents both general and particular challenges in the current socialand political context, as well as specific challenges in relation to some of thesecommunities. These include:

• The sample sizes for each community were relatively small and respondents werenot intended to be a representative sample of the relevant communities

• Because the interviews were not based on a random sample, the study does notclaim to provide an analysis of the Indian Muslim population as a whole, nor wasthis the intention of the study. We have analysed views and comments in thecontext of existing data, knowledge of the current political and social context forthese communities and the comments of other respondents

• Many aspects of the topic guide were designed to identify the key needs andchallenges facing the community.6 Hence the research tended to generate data onproblem areas and challenges, particularly in focus group discussions whenrespondents felt they had limited time to ensure that their voices were heard. Thismay not reflect many of the positive and optimistic views of respondents. However,respondents were often aware that the discussions may come across as negative intone and were quick to try and balance this by highlighting perceived positiveaspects of both their communities and their lives in the UK. We have endeavouredto set out the ‘best’ story (in terms of explanatory power) in the context of what isalready known about why some of our respondents might express negativefeelings

• In the current context, the politicisation of the research field meant that allrespondents were conscious of being part of a community under public andgovernment scrutiny. Respondents were made aware of the purposes of theresearch through a ‘showcard’ that explained the research as well as possible usesof the research.7 They were informed that this research would potentially be usedto inform a publication that would enter the public domain and would coveraspects such as religion, intra-community dynamics and links with country oforigin. A climate of some scepticism within Muslim communities, discrimination,both real and perceived, and awareness of government interest in ‘what ishappening’ on the ground, meant that respondents were often sceptical about theuse of the information they were providing. Many will have had agendas (forpositive as well as negative reasons) when asked about issues for theircommunities, which may have influenced their responses (eg representing theircommunity as having few or no problems, or conversely, as having many or majorneeds and/or issues with public authorities)


• This also created a number of practical difficulties in research terms, includingdifficulties in getting interviews with particular types of respondents, hesitancy andcaution in some responses and a closing off of some lines of questioning in relationto religion, identity and differences

• The researchers’ analytical response to these difficulties was to be critically attunedto who was speaking, their location in the community, the interests that they mayhave and to judge their comments in the light of this context. Researchers wereaware that there are dynamic and charged debates and movement taking placewithin these communities on a whole range of issues ranging from religion, itsexpression and orientation in the context of being Muslim minorities living in anon-Muslim society, to negotiations about roles, responsibilities, duties, genderrelations and relationships with country of origin. This awareness underpinned theanalysis of the data and the conclusions drawn from responses received.

For all these reasons, the research should be viewed as a ‘snapshot’ in time rather thanreflective of the full complexity or range of issues, challenges and changes takingplace in these communities (eg intergenerational relationships, gender roles,perceptions of ethnic and religious identity, changing attitudes among the young(both in liberal and more radical directions) and the levels of integration or tensionswithin and across communities). We are conscious of the dynamism and the rapidchanges taking place in some communities, both positive and negative.

Country Profile and History | 21

4 Country Profile and History

© Crown copyright 2009 Crown copyright material reproduced with the permission of the Controller HMSO.


India is the world’s largest democracy and the second most populous country. It is oneof the oldest continuous civilisations with a long and complex history chronicled fromthe time of the Indus Valley civilisation, for which dates vary between 5000-3000 BCE.India is the birthplace of four world religions (Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism andSikhism) and home to most other major world religions. It has the largest Zoroastrian(Parsee) community, dating from the 10th century and descended from Persianimmigrants fleeing persecution in their home country. Christianity is believed to havebeen introduced to India by St Thomas, one of the apostles of Christ, with a later waveintroduced by Portuguese invaders in the 15th century.

Islam has a long presence in India with early contact through Arab traders from theseventh century onwards. The first mosque in India, the Cheraman Juma Masjid, isthought to have been built in 629AD, during the lifetime of Prophet Mohammad. TheSindh province of India came under the control of the Ummayid Caliphate in theeighth century and further invasions notably led by Mahmud of Ghazni in the 10thcentury, and by Mohammed of Ghor in the 12th century consolidated Muslim controlacross North India. The Sultanate of Delhi was established during the 13th century,and by the 14th century Islam was firmly established in the Ganges basin as far asBengal, although throughout this period Muslims remained a minority in India. Thedisintegration of the Sultanate was followed by the Mughal Empire that lasted fromthe 16th to 19th century. The empire was established by Babur in the early 1500s andended with the rule of Bahadur Shah the second, who was imprisoned and exiled bythe British following the Indian uprising of 1857.

The most significant of the Mughal rulers was Akbar (1542-1605) who expanded theEmpire across most of India. Akbar’s rule was characterised by his commitment to religiouspluralism. He abolished the jizyah tax that Shariah prescribed for dhimmis (protected non-Muslims), became a vegetarian (so as to not offend Hindus) and gave up hunting as asport.8 In 1575 he set up a ‘house of worship’ where scholars of all religions would meet forreligious discussion,9 and attempted (unsuccessfully) to create a new faith, the Din-I-Illahi,which brought together elements of all the major faiths prevalent in India at the time.

Akbar’s immediate successors, Jehangir and Shah Jahan continued many of Akbar’spolicies of religious tolerance. The latter famously built the Taj Mahal which blendedMuslim and Hindu styles of architecture. However, Shan Jahan’s successor Aurangzeb(1658-1707), a devout Muslim, reversed many of Akbar’s policies that resulted inmany military campaigns against Hindu chieftains in North India, Rajasthan and theDeccan, and against Sikhs in the Punjab. Aurangzeb’s successors were unable tomaintain the empire and the last days of the Mughal Empire was accompanied by theascension of British influence through the British East India Company (1765-1858) andthe British Raj (1858-1947).

8 Some Muslims, such as Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1625) were offended by Akbar’s religious pluralism. Sirhindi said that Unity with Godcould only be achieved when Muslims piously observed the laws of the Shariah, although few people subscribed to these views.

9 Karen Armstrong (2001), Islam – A Short History, London: Orion.

Country Profile and History | 23

The British had a presence in India from the early part of the 17th century when themerchants of the East India Company began trading. In 1757, following British victoryat Plassey, the East India Company evolved from an association of traders to exercisingpolitical sovereignty, and in 1765 the Company acquired the rights to collect revenueson behalf of the Mughal Emperor in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The rebellion by Indiansoldiers (1857-58) led to the loss of large areas of territory to the rebels. However,Delhi was recaptured by British troops in late 1857 and the last Mughal EmperorBahadur Shah was put on trial and convicted of sedition.

The East India Company was abolished in 1858 and India became a Crown colonygoverned directly by British Parliament with responsibility given to the Secretary ofState for India. In India affairs were managed by the Governor-General or Viceroy ofIndia as the position was otherwise known. From 1920 onwards, Mahatma Gandhi ledthe non-cooperation and civil disobedience movement against the British and in 1942he issued a call for the British to ‘quit India’. Following the end of World War II, BritishPrime Minister Clement Atlee announced that the British government would grantIndia its independence. This led to religious-orientated factionalism between majorpolitical parties and communities. As a result, the independence of India from Britishrule in 1947 was accompanied by the partition of country, with the creation of thenew state of Pakistan in Muslim majority areas of the country.

Fifteen million people are thought to have crossed the newly created borders on bothsides, the largest single episode of migration in history, and the lowest estimates placethe death toll during the process at around half a million. Millions more were lefthomeless as a result of the partition, with the Punjab and Bengal being the mostaffected by the mass migration. Along with the Punjab, Gujarat was the other keystate in Western India to have its boundary significantly redrawn. However, whilst themajority of Muslims in North India moved across the border to the newly createdPakistan, the majority of Gujarati Muslims chose to stay in India.

The partition of India in 1947 has had significant repercussions and its legacy is still felttoday. There have been three major wars between India and Pakistan since 1947, twoof them over the disputed territory of Kashmir. A peace process has been in motion formany years but setbacks such as the attacks on the Indian Parliament in 2001, theMumbai train network in July 2006 and the recent terrorist attack in Mumbai currentlybeing attributed by the Indian government to Pakistani militants, and a banned alliedgroup in India has hampered efforts at reconciliation.

As of 2007 there were approximately 151 million Muslims in India (13.4 per cent ofthe population) making it the third largest population of Muslims in the world,following Indonesia and Pakistan. India is also home to the second largest Shi’aMuslim population (after Iran) in the world. The largest concentrations (about 47 percent of all Muslims in India) live in the three states of Uttar Pradesh (30.7 million),West Bengal (20.2 million), and Bihar (13.7 million). In Gujarat, where the majority ofUK Indian Muslims originate from, Muslims constitute nine per cent of the population.


Hindu Gujaratis are the largest proportion of the Gujarati population in the UK, butGujarati Muslims represent the majority of the Indian Muslim community in the UK.The two communities are quite separate and distinct but the Gujarati Muslimscommunity is largely invisible in official policy and statistics, except in those areas ofthe country where different Gujarati Muslim communities are concentrated. In a fewof these, (eg North Kirklees) the community represents the majority of the local ethnicminority population. The distinctness of the community gets blurred through theassociation of Gujaratis as Hindus and of all Muslims from South Asia as being fromPakistan or Bangladesh.

Tensions between the majority Hindu population and Muslims has been a continuingfeature of post-Independence India. These came to a head following a long-runningconflict between Hindus and Muslims over a religious site, the Babri Mosque inAyodhya, which was finally destroyed by a Hindu mob in 1992. This was followed bytit for tat violence by Muslim and Hindu fundamentalists throughout the country,including the Mumbai riots and bombings in 1993. Some of the most violent eventstook place during the Gujarat riots in 2002, when it is estimated that more than onethousand people were killed, 70 per cent of these Muslim. Tensions in the State ofGujarat continue, including accusations being made of pogroms10 against Muslimcommunities from 2002 onwards.11 The riots were noted for excesses against women;many Muslim and Hindu girls and women were reported as having been brutally rapedin Gujarat before being killed.12 Additionally, more than 150,000 people weredisplaced.13 According to these reports, Sunni Indian Muslims were affected the mostby these events, and due to fear of local Hindutva groups, thousands of Muslims havestill not been able to return to their homes.

The situation in Gujarat remains tense and continues to impact deeply on the IndianMuslim community in the UK. Respondents report that before the riots there wastraditionally some sense of a shared and overarching Gujarati identity despite thereligious divide, evident in the existence of a number of pan-Gujarati organisationsthat brought together Gujarati Hindus and Muslims under a single umbrella such asthe Gujarati Sahitaya Academy of Great Britain and the UK Gujarati Teachers’Association. According to respondents in this study, the initial and immediate responsewas a greater solidarity between the Hindu and Muslims communities, however theysuggest that, since then, there has been a growing level of tension and fragmentationamongst Muslim and Hindu Gujaratis. Community and religious leaders from bothsides continue to urge calm and non-violence and to date the tensions have notspiraled into serious problems.

10 Organised killing of a civilian population, usually on ethnic or religious grounds.11 Varshney, A. (2004) ‘Understanding Gujarat Violence’, Social Science Research Council: Contemporary Conflicts

www.conconflicts.ssrc.org/archives/gujarat/varshney/ 12 Human Rights Watch (2002) ‘Attacks on Women’, State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat,

www.hrw.org/reports/2002/india/India0402-03.htm#P527_94439 13 Tom Harrison, Sam Jones, Jon Lunn, Ben Smith, Claire Taylor and Tim Youngs (2007), India a Political Introduction, House of

Commons. www.parliament.uk/commons/lib/research/rp2007/rp07-041.pdf

Migration History and Trends | 25

However, relations remain strained and tend to come to the surface when there areincidents such as the visits of leading Hindutva politicians like Narendra Modi and ofmembers of the Vishva Hindu Parisahd (VHP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),who are perceived by Gujarati Muslims as entering the UK in order to raise funds andstoke up anti-Muslim sentiment amongst Hindu communities in the UK. Key IndianMuslim organisations and leaders have repeatedly called upon the UK government toinvestigate the ‘charitable’ fundraising work of VHP and RSS affiliated organisations inthe UK as they believe the funds raised are for sectarian/political as opposed tohumanitarian purposes.


5 Migration History and Trends

The first visible Indian Muslim communities in any numbers in the UK began to arriveduring the 1950s when migrants, mostly from Gujarat in western India, started to travelto Britain to escape the economic hardships of post-Independence India, as well as tomeet the post-war labour needs of the UK.14 The vast majority of Gujarati Muslims inthe UK came from the Surat, Baroda and Bharuch districts of Gujarat. Respondents alsoreport a small but significant number of Muslims in Preston and Gloucester who havetheir origins in India, but who came to the UK or are descendants of migrants fromBurma. However, they were unsure about the numbers and the extent to which thisgroup has settled in other parts of the country.

The earliest migrants were Gujarati males who came on their own, with their familiesjoining them a year or two later.15 Indian Muslims found employment in the more poorlypaid occupations, in the textile mills of Yorkshire and Lancashire and in the NHS, wherethey were concentrated among unskilled and semi-skilled ancillary staff, although a fewwere also employed as doctors and nurses.16 Whilst most early arrivals laboured in themills and factories of Lancashire and Yorkshire, many moved and settled in other partsof the country once the textile and other heavy industries began to decline in the northin the 1970s.

In the late 1960s and early 70s, Indians from Kenya and other East African countriesbegan to arrive in Britain after being forced from their homes by the Kenyan andUgandan governments.17 Many of the East African Indian Muslims were particularlyattracted to London and Leicester.18 The British government passed the 1968Commonwealth Immigration Act to stop the influx of Indians from Kenya and then fromUganda when many were expelled by Idi Amin in 1972. However, followinginternational pressure most East African Asians were able to settle in Britain, althoughcommunities also dispersed to the USA, Canada and in smaller numbers to variousEuropean cities.19 Unlike Gujaratis who had travelled direct from India, usually as singlemales, Gujaratis who left East Africa mostly came as complete families.

14 For more information on this early immigration of Indians see: Desai, R. (1963), Indian Immigrants in Britain, London: OxfordUniversity Press for the Institute of Race Relations.

15 Barot, R (n.d) ‘A Profile of Gujaratis in the UK’. www.ukgta.org/guratiprofile.html 16 Ansari, H (2004) The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800, p. 147.17 Barot (n.d).18 For more information on the Migration of East African Indians to the UK see: Bhachu, P. (1985), Twice Migrants: East African

Sikh settlers in Britain, London: Tavistock Publications.19 Ibid.

Migration History and Trends | 27

These East African migrants were highly skilled urban middle class professionals andentrepreneurs who tended to settle in London and the Midlands.20 Those expelled fromUganda went through a difficult process of transition in Britain as local populationsoften opposed or resented their arrival in the early 1970s. It is estimated that 20,000 ofthe group of 150,000 East African Asians were Muslims, predominantly Ismailis, withfamily roots in Pakistan or the Indian state of Gujarat.21 More recent Indian migrantsinclude large numbers of work permit holders from Northern India, including fromDelhi, who can be found working in the IT, finance, and legal sectors, as well as somesmaller groups of asylum seekers.22 It is not possible to determine the historical trends ofnew Muslim migrants from India as disaggregated statistics on immigration and asylumare not available.

20 Open Society, 2002.21 Ibid.22 Institute for Public Policy Research (2007) Britain’s Immigrants and Economic Profile: A Report for Class Films and Channel Four

Dispatches, London: IPPR.


23 This figure is based on the ONS’s 2005 estimate of the Indian Muslim population and the religious data on the population fromthe 2001 Census.

24 ONS (2006), Focus on Religion and Ethnicity.

6 Community Demography andKey Locations

Estimated Indian Muslim Population (2005): 154,00023

Census 2001: Indian Muslim population: 131,098

The Indian Muslim community is a relatively small subset of the substantial Indianpopulation in England, which was estimated to be 1.2 million in 2005 by the ONS. The2001 Census recorded 131,098 Indian Muslims residing in England of whom 72.6 percent are spread across London, the North West and East Midlands. Although Londonhas the highest number of Indian Muslims, the population is more evenly dispersedacross England’s regions than some of the other communities in this study – see Table1. Over a quarter of the population live in the North West mostly in the three LocalAuthorities of Blackburn with Darwen (10 per cent), Bolton (8 per cent) and Lancashire(5 per cent) – see Figure 1. By comparison, two per cent of Indian Sikhs and five percent of Indian Hindus live in the North West.24

The percentage of the Indian population that is Muslim varies considerably acrossdifferent Government Office regions. For example, in the North West 49 per cent ofthe Indian population is Muslim, whilst in the South East only four per cent of theIndian population is Muslim. The Indian Muslim population also varies considerably asa proportion of the total Muslim population in each region. While there are over10,000 Indian Muslims in the West Midlands, they comprise only five per cent of thetotal Muslim population in that region, compared to the 20,050 Indian Muslims in theEast Midlands who represent 29 per cent of the region’s total Muslim population.

Community Demography and Key Locations | 29

Figure 1: Distribution of Indian Muslim population in England (Source: 2001)

Table 1: Distribution of Indian Muslim population by Government OfficeRegion in England (Source: Census 2001, C104)

GO Region Indianpopulation

IndianMuslims

population

% of Indian

populationthat isMuslim

% of totalIndianMuslim

population

% of totalregionalMuslim

population

London 436,993 40,497 9 30.8 6.7

North West 72,219 34,994 49 26.6 17.1

East Midlands 122,346 20,050 16 15.2 28.6

Yorkshire andthe Humber

51,493 15,499 30 11.8 8.2

West Midlands 178,691 10,775 6 8.2 5.0

South East 89,219 3,443 4 2.6 3.2

East 51,035 3,141 6 2.4 4.0

South West 16,394 2,293 14 1.7 9.8

North East 10,154 406 4 0.3 1.5

Total 1,028,546 131,098 13% 100% 8.5%


Table 2 lists the Local Authorities in England with Indian Muslim populations above2,000. Seventy per cent of the total Indian Muslim population in England resides inthese 14 Local Authority areas. Blackburn with Darwen has the highest percentage ofIndians who are Muslim (91 per cent), followed by Kirklees (72 per cent), Preston (60per cent) and Bolton (63 per cent). The London borough with highest percentage ofIndians who are Muslim is Hackney (49.1 per cent).

According to the 2001 census there are over 40,000 Indian Muslims living in London,mainly in East and West London boroughs – see Figure 2. An Indian Muslimrespondent from London noted that patterns of residence are often linked to thedifferent religious strands and denominations. For example, in West London, includingRegent’s Park, Maida Vale, Northolt and Knightsbridge, there are well-knowncommunities of Shi’a Imami Ismailis and Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras. Both branches ofIsmailis, the Daudi Bohras and Nizaris are represented in London as well as in theMidlands and the north of Britain.25

Table 2: Local authorities in England with Indian Muslim populations above2,000 (Source: Census 2001, S104).

Local Authority

Indianpopulation

Indian Muslimpopulation

% of total Indian

population whoare Muslim

% of totalMuslim

population inlocal authority

Leicester 72,033 18,180 25.0 58.9

Blackburn withDarwen

14,654 13,260 91.0 49.7

Kirklees 15,829 11,358 72.0 28.9

Bolton 15,884 9,970 63.0 54.1

Newham 29,597 6,989 24.0 11.8

Preston 11,436 6,882 60.0 64.4

Birmingham 55,749 4,978 9.0 3.6

Hackney 7,624 3,746 49.0 13.4

Waltham Forest 7,671 3,277 43.0 10.0

Redbridge 33,304 3,093 9.0 10.9

Bradford 12,504 2,887 23.1 3.8

Brent 48,624 2,694 5.5 8.3

Ealing 49,734 2,331 4.7 7.5

Harrow 45,310 2,092 4.6 14.0

25 Barot.

Community Demography and Key Locations | 31

Figure 2: Distribution of Indian Muslim population in London(Source: Census 2001, S104)


7 Socio economic situation

From early beginnings in unskilled and low paid jobs, the community has grown anddeveloped to a remarkable degree in socio economic terms. Muslims of Indian origintend to be far more educationally and economically successful than their Bangladeshiand Pakistani co-religionists and in 2001 had the highest employment rates of anyMuslim ethnic group in England and Wales.26 However, Indian Muslims are still under-represented in the labour market and are often last on most indicators compared toIndians from other religious backgrounds. The failure to differentiate the religiousbackground of Indians in many statistical indicators and in research masks many ofthese inequalities and differentiations.

For example, according to the 2001 Census, 65 per cent of Indian Muslim males and35 per cent of Indian Muslim females were employed compared to 76 per cent and 67per cent of all males and females in England and Wales respectively.27 Figure 3 showshow the Indian Muslim employment rate in England and Wales compares to otherIndian religious groups. Indian Muslim males and females have the lowestemployment rates compared to Indian Christian, Hindu and Sikh counterparts.Similarly, 11 per cent of Indian Muslim males were unemployed in 2001, compared toseven per cent of all Indians in the England and Wales and six per cent of the totalpopulation. For females the percentages are 12 per cent, eight per cent and five percent respectively. Figure 4 shows how Indian Muslim male and female unemploymentrates compare to other Indian religious groups.

Figure 3: Employment rate28 (percentage) across different Indian religious groups in England and Wales (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Indian Muslim

Indian Sikh

Indian other religion

Indian Hindu

Indian Christian

Men

Women

26 Joy Dobbs, Hazel Green and Linda Zealey (eds.) (2006), Focus on Religion and Ethnicity, Basingstoke: Macmillan Palgrave forthe ONS.

27 Employment rate refers to the proportion of working age population (men aged 16-64, women aged 16-59) in employment.ONS, 2006.

28 Proportion of working age population (men aged 16-64, women aged 16-59) in employment.

Socio economic situation | 33

Indian Muslims are also more likely to be in semi-routine and routine occupations thanthe rest of the population and other Indian religious populations and, with theexception of Indian Sikhs, less likely to be in managerial or professional occupations –see Figure 5. In 2001, 37 per cent of Indian Muslim males were in managerial andprofessional occupations compared to 42 per cent of all males of working age inemployment in England and Wales and 33 per cent were in semi-routine or routineoccupations compared to 24 per cent of all males.29 For Indian Muslim females thepercentages were 33 per cent and 32 per cent respectively.

Figure 4: Unemployment rate (percentage) across different Indian religious groups in England and Wales (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)

0 3 6 9 12

Indian Hindu

Indian other religion

Indian Christian

Indian Sikh

Indian Muslim

Men

Women

29 ONS, 2006.


Indian Muslim households also differ in their composition from the national averageand from Indian households of other religious denominations, being more likely to belarger and to contain dependent children. In 2001, 13 per cent of Indian Muslimhouseholds were single person occupants compared to 30 per cent of all householdsin England and Wales. Figure 6 shows how Indian Muslim household size compares toother Indian religious groups. While Indian Sikh and Hindu populations have similarlylow numbers of one person households, 12 per cent and 14 per cent respectively,Indian Muslims have a significantly higher percentage of five person plus householdsthan all other Indian religious groups (33 per cent of all Indian Muslim households).

Figure 6: Household size: by main ethno-religious group in England and Wales (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Indian Christian

Indian Hindu

Indian Muslim

Indian Sikh

All ethno-religiousgroups in

England and Wales

One Personhouseholds

Two personhouseholds

Three personhouseholds

Four personhouseholds

Five personhouseholds

Figure 5: Working-age people in employment in England and Wales (Men aged 16 to 64): by selected ethno-religious group and NS-SEC2, (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Indian Christian

Indian Hindu

Indian Muslim

Indian Sikh

All people

Managerial andProfessionaloccupations

Intermediateoccupations, smallemployers, lowersupervisory andtechnicaloccupations

Semi-routineand routineoccupations


Sixty per cent of Indian Muslim households contained dependent children, a greaterproportion than for Indian Sikh (56 per cent) and Indian Hindu (49 per cent)households. More than 42 per cent of Indian Muslim households contained two ormore dependent children in 2001, also a higher proportion than among Indian Sikh(36 per cent) and Indian Hindu (28 per cent) households.30

As with other migrant communities, it is thought by some respondents in thecommunity that many Indian Muslims with no educational qualifications started theirown small businesses as the only means to gain employment and work experience. Asone respondent from Yorkshire noted:

Gujaratis are involved in all types of businesses and professions. Muslimbusinessmen import and distribute goods such as icecream, they are involved inthe rag trade distributing buttons, threads and zips, they run cash and carrybusinesses, they are fruit and vegetable importers and many run grocery shops.Amongst the second and third generation Gujaratis, there are many teachers,business advisers and accountants, as well as growing numbers in otherprofessions such as music.31

Sir Gulam Noon, the Indian food tycoon, is perhaps the most high profile example ofIndian Muslim entrepreneurs in the UK. The Ismailis have also established themselvesas a highly educated community of high level professionals and businessmen andwomen. Indeed, the success of the community has enabled many Gujarati Muslims tobecome engaged in Muslim education and other forms of philanthropy. Thecommunity is said to be responsible for much of the funding for Muslim charitablecauses in Britain that is not from the Arab states.

Respondents also noted that the economic success of the community is not evenlyspread, and there are marked regional differences in socio economic outcomes.Respondents perceived the Indian Muslim community to be doing extremely well inLondon and the Midlands, but communities in the north of the country are thought tostill face high levels of deprivation. In these areas where the community isconcentrated in small towns with few employment opportunities, young people areparticularly affected. The number of graduates is increasing but without suitable jobsavailable, most have no option but to move away from their families and communitiesto find work.

30 Ibid.31 Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 30s.

As one interviewee from Yorkshire noted:

Lots of people are starting small businesses to get experience since they don’t haveeducation. Also there are many students who are graduates but lack experienceand there are not many suitable jobs for them in the area. Their only option is tomove away but this is difficult with family commitments. Originally the communitywas based in factory jobs but now they are branching out, working as councillors,working in the health sector etc.32

There are also differences between those who migrated directly from rural parts ofIndia and those who came via East Africa. The latter are thought to be more successfulbecause of the high education levels and the capital they were able to bring with themto help them get established in the UK. These, combined with the experience of beingtwice migrant, are believed to have enabled them to settle and prosper more quicklythan the others.

Many respondents stressed that despite educational and economic progress,employment remains a problem and that the community faces a high level ofdiscrimination on religious grounds related to Muslim dress, in particular to thewearing of hijab and niqab by women, and beards by young men. For example onerespondent from London noted that:

Female Muslims often feel disadvantaged in employment areas because of thedressing and covering of the body [including the hijab]. They feel that thisappearance tends to overtake their identity rather than being looked at as whetheror not you are right for the job.33

According to another:

Islamic dressing is a central issue and Indian Muslims feel that the governmentshould consider the disadvantages Muslims are facing because of the portrayal ofcovering.34

Additionally, some women indicated that practical issues and requirements of some ofthe professions can restrict employment opportunities. One respondent gave theexample of nursing, which can conflict with religious practices concerning the needfor complete covering for women:

Females are required like any other nurses to roll up their sleeves for hygienereasons when serving a patient but these issues create conflict for the Muslimwomen and therefore it de-motivates them to take up employment as Islamrequires full covering of female body.35


32 Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.33 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.34 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 50s.35 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 30s.


Perceived increases in levels of Islamophobia are believed to have made the situationworse, with a very negative impact on people’s employment and promotion prospects.Older women are also said to be disadvantaged because of a lack of fluency in English.Some respondents spoke of the difficulties of reconciling their religious practice andprayer requirements with full time employment.


8 Key characteristics

8.1 Identity

The Indian Muslim community is thought by respondents to be one of the more‘invisible’ communities whose distinct identity often gets subsumed within that of theother South Asian communities. Respondents perceived that there is a widespreadassumption in the wider community that all Indians are Hindu or Sikh, as well as apublic perception that all Muslims are Pakistani.

According to most interviewees, the majority of Indian Muslims regard Britain as theirhome, although many people identify themselves variously as Indian, Gujarati, Muslimor Asian alongside being ‘British’. However respondents from across England notedthat there has been a sharper focus on religious identity post 9/11, particularly amongyoung people. They believe that younger people are now more likely to definethemselves as Indian Muslims, British Muslims or Gujarati Muslims than the oldergeneration.

Mosques are believed to have played a critical role in supporting and reinforcing newMuslim identities. As with other Muslim communities, respondents highlighted agradual move away from particular cultural forms of religious identity and practice,and mosques are now thought to be more equipped for dealing with the complexitiesof living as a Muslim in Britain rather than as Muslims from a particular national orcultural background. As described by this respondent:

Generally speaking, the younger imams are very good at steering away fromcultural Islam, and towards a ‘purer’36 form of Islam. They are of a generation thatunderstands the differing shades of grey occurring in Britain.37

Within the Indian Muslim community in the UK there are distinct differences based onwhether groups have migrated directly from India or from East and South Africa.Regional economic differences are also very marked across London, the Midlands andthe communities settled in former mill towns in the North. According to a respondentwho is a journalist in Yorkshire:

When you look at some other communities outside of here, we feel that we arebehind in terms of where we are and other communities are moving ahead.38

Some respondents suggested that the Indian Muslim community has a marked senseof victimhood, based on being a minority in both its country of origin as well as inBritain. In some areas of the country the community is said to have experienced

36 This is likely a reference to Salafism of Deobandi teachings.37 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 30s.38 Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.

Key characteristics | 39

considerable racism from the white community, and in others there has beenadditionally hostility from other communities. For example, respondents in the EastMidlands claimed that there is a lot of anti-Muslim sentiment within the Indian Hinducommunity, and that followers of some other strands of Muslim traditions can also bequite hostile towards Gujarati Muslims. Paradoxically, coupled with the experience ofbeing twice migrant, as in the case of East African origin Indians, the minority status ofthe community is also seen by some as being one of its key strengths, due to thecommunity being used to living and thriving in such a context wherever it settles.

8.2 Ethnicity

The vast majority of the Indian Muslim population in England, whether coming directlyfrom India or from different parts of Africa, has its origins in the Indian state ofGujarat. Anecdotal evidence from respondents suggests that the remainingpopulation has migrated from various states across India including Bengal, Kerala,Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh.39

The two main groupings of Gujarati Muslims in the UK are the Baluchis and Surtis,who originate from the port cities of Baruch and Surat and their surrounding villages.Other significant groupings include the Worahs, Memons, Khojas, Ismailis, DaudiBohras and the Khalifa. These groupings are based on a complex combination ofgeography, ethnicity/caste and religious denominations, and the differences betweenthem can sometimes lead to tensions. For example, according to some interviewees,the smaller communities listed above are not perceived as ‘mainstream’ Muslims bythe majority Sunni Muslim population in England, who believe that they do not followthe five pillars of Islam. There are also reported to be considerable variations inreligious practice amongst the two main groups. For instance, according torespondents, Eid can fall on different days for the two groups according to thesighting of the moon in Arabia (Baluchis), or in Egypt and Morocco (Surtis). Mostrespondents agreed however that whilst the differing theological strands can causesome tensions, on a day-to-day basis the communities coexist in relative harmony.

As well as the complexity of different religious groupings, differences exist within thewider Indian Muslim community based on regional, linguistic and cultural lines. Afemale interviewee described what she saw as some of these differences in relation tothe two groups she was most familiar with:

Surtis originate from the rural parts of India surrounding Surat, whilst Wohrascome from urban parts of India for example Mumbai and Baroda. The languages ofthe two differ and whilst Surtis follow many of the same traditions and customs asWorahs, there are also many differences, for instance in the timing of the Nikah[religious marriage ceremony].40

39 There are few significant sources of information available on the origins of Muslims in the UK from other parts of India.Although, Bhachu (1985) predominantly focuses on Sikh East African Indian migrants, it does provide coverage of Ismailis fromEast Africa.

40 Another respondent disputed this and suggested that Nikah times are set according to convenience rather than being dictatedby different traditions.

Respondents stressed however that the differences between most of the groups arenot great and centre mainly on different Gujarati dialects and marriage customs. Thecaste system however continues to have an impact across the whole Indian Muslimcommunity in relation to marriage and family formations, and the Khalifa, who areestimated to number about 5,000 in England, are believed to be the mostdisadvantaged on caste grounds.41 The majority of the Khalifa community lives inLeicester or Bradford. In Gujarat they held a low caste position in the social hierarchydue to their traditional occupations as barbers and musicians. Most have come toBritain from East Africa where the community had established a strong economic andeducational base.

According to a Khalifa respondent, opposition to their attendance in many mosquesfrom other castes has led them to create their own societies and mosques in the UK.Within the community, there is also a revitalised connection with their traditional andfolk music forms, which can lead to conflict with purist or revivalist sentiments thathave emerged among some Muslim groups and traditions. The same respondentclaimed that:

In many Muslim countries such as Iran, Afghanistan and Iraq, music has beenbanned. The veto illustrates well the development of religion in such societies.Recently an edict was given stating that no more live music can be played in theKhalifa community. How this has influenced the community is as yet unclear.42

Whilst acknowledging the prevalence of caste hierarchy and discrimination, mostrespondents suggested that taboos surrounding the caste system have less salience inthe UK, and that consequently its significance is beginning to diminish. This isparticularly the case in relation to mosque attendance. Respondents suggest thatethnicity used to play a key role in attendance and allegiance towards specificmosques, but that this is being eroded due to the increase in overall numbers ofMuslims in Britain.

8.3 Religion

According to the 2001 Census, Muslim Indians make up nine per cent of England’sMuslim population and 13 per cent of the Indian population in England. Theremaining Indian population is predominantly Hindu (45 per cent) and Sikh (29 percent).43 As highlighted in Section 6, Indian Muslims are often concentrated in specificareas and do not reflect the distribution of Hindu and Sikh Indians.


41 Baily, 2006.42 Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 40s.43 Census 2001, S104.

Key characteristics | 41

Indian Muslims are thought to be predominantly Hanafi Sunni Muslims who follow theDeobandi and Barelvi schools, together with smaller numbers of Shi’a and revivalistgroups.44 Other key strands are the Khalifa Jamat, with a small community in EastLondon, and the majority of followers living in the north of the country. There is also acommunity of Memons in the UK, who are a small but important linguistic and socialgroup originating in Sindh that subsequently settled in Kutch and Kathiawar regionsof Gujarat. There is a strong Shi’a presence within Indian Muslim communities,represented mainly by the highly educated, professional and prosperous Ismailicommunity, together with other sub-sects of Daudi Bohras, Nizaris, Khojas and IthnaAsharis.

The Deoband School,45 to which the majority of Indian Muslims in Britain subscribe,has a large number of mosques, schools and community organisations aligned to it inthe UK. Some interviewees claimed that starting in the 1950s, the Gujaratis were thefirst Muslim community to establish mosques and madrassahs for religious instructionin Britain, and that many mosques originally set up by Gujaratis were later convertedfor use by other communities.

The Deobandi School is associated with a more ‘puritanical’ and ‘isolationist’ strandsof Islam, and it stresses the seeking of guidance in all matters of ritual, practical andsocial life in Islamic scriptures and the Sharia. It is assisted by the extensive outreachwork of the Tablighi Jamat (TJ), a separate offshoot influenced by Deobandi thoughtbut which asserts no overtly political aspirations. According to the TJ, Muslims areobliged to live as responsible citizens of the society in which they have decided tosettle.46 The first recorded meeting of the Jamaat in Britain was held in 1945 inLondon.47 There are many reasons given for TJ’s popularity amongst Gujarati Muslims.In his history of Muslims in Great Britain Humayan Ansari notes:

A historical link exists between the urbanising middle class Gujarati community andthe Deobandi school of thought, while the TJ’s detached approach to politicalengagement has suited Gujarati trading classes wishing to avoid controversy whilstthey pursue their entrepreneurial interests. Having been a minority for centuries,they realised that anything other than a politically quiescent sort of Islam of the TJvariety could cause considerable discomfort.48

In recent years, the TJ has attracted increasing controversy in the UK, particularlyfollowing the London bombings in 2005. The group has applied for planningpermission to build a large mosque in the London Borough of Newham, close towhere the London 2012 Olympic Games will be staged. With a planned capacity of40,000 worshippers to be expanded to take 70,000 if demand grows, the proposed

44 Ansari, 2004. 45 Deobandi: See glossary.46 Ansari, 2004.47 Ibid. 48 Ibid.

Abbey Mills Islamic Centre would be Britain’s largest religious building. Whilst manyMuslims welcome the idea because the planned size will allow all ethnic Muslims tocome together, the proposed mosque is generating considerable fear and resistanceamongst non-Muslim groups.49 A number of interviewees expressed concerns aboutthe negativity that the plan is encountering, feeling that the proposal is beingmisunderstood when it is essentially just about meeting a growing need:

The particular planning application currently concerning the Indian community isthe Markaz Project [West Ham Mosque]. The Muslim population is increasing andto provide the best religious education, bigger mosques are desired. Also there aretimes when limited spaces for prayers at local mosques are an immense issueparticularly during Jumma prayers on Fridays and other festive occasions, like Eid.50

There are still mosques that are dominated by different ethnic groups, eg ‘Gujarati’mosques, and mosques based on different strands of Islam such as the Ismaili Centrein Kensington. However, respondents suggested that nowadays more people tend toattend the nearest local mosque due to the inconvenience of traveland that ifparticular mosques appear to be dominated by a specific group, this is generally areflection of the population of the locality rather than it being based on ethnic or castedifferences. Additionally, on special occasions such as the month of Ramadan and Eid,Muslims of all nationalities and backgrounds get together for collective celebrations atlarger mosques, for example in London the Regents Park Mosque or the East LondonMosque were mentioned as key locations for such celebrations. In many areas acrossthe country it was noted that women are generally not welcome in most mosques butare encouraged to pray at home, assisted in some areas by CB radio transmission fromthe mosques.

8.4 Language

Amongst the older generations, Gujarati is the main language spoken, in a number ofdifferent dialects such as Kutchi and Bharuchi. British-born Indian Muslims are morebilingual and able to communicate well in English outside the home and with children,whilst using Gujarati to speak to parents and elders. There is also a small Urduspeaking Indian Muslim community spread across the North West, West Midlands andLondon. Young people communicate mostly in English amongst their siblings and peergroups. Through the influence of Indian TV programmes, many people can alsounderstand Hindi, even though it is not commonly spoken in the community.


49 Since being dubbed a ‘mega’ mosque by commentators, the plans have attracted international media attention and vociferousopposition through an online petition signed by approximately 250,000 people. ‘Debating the Abbey Mills mosque’, BBC,7.11.2007: www.bbc.co.uk/london/content/articles/2007/09/10/newham_abbeymills_mosque_video_feature.shtml

50 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.

Intra-community Dynamics | 43

51 Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.

9 Intra-community Dynamics

The analysis and description in this section is primarily based on findings from the one-to-one interviews with community respondents and focus groups with the community.This section highlights points of interest that were raised and common themes thatemerged during the research but, given the limitations of the primary research, shouldonly be seen as a starting point for those interested in researching or engaging furtherwith the Indian Muslim community in England.

9.1 Intergenerational dynamics

According to some older respondents, the generations that follow them are sufferingfrom an identity crisis. In their eyes, many young Indian Muslims are engaging inactivities such as drinking alcohol, taking drugs and having sexual relations outside ofmarriage, that are perceived to be due to an influence from their British counterparts.

Some respondents noted that part of the reason for intergenerational conflicts may bethat while families constantly exhort young people to work hard and get a goodeducation, there is no real dialogue between parents and children, hence children areleft very much to their own devices. According to a young interviewee, people have tomaintain respect for older people, but this is more an issue of good manners than ofreal understanding.51

Young people also offered some critical perspectives about the older generation.According to some of the younger respondents in this research, the older generationsees the changing roles of men and women as a loss of Muslim identity. In their view,older people think that young people are becoming less religious and losing theirMuslim identity either because of the way they dress, because they do not speak theirmother tongue or because they are not getting married in the traditional way. Britishlifestyle choices such as going on holiday are also reported to be frowned upon byolder Indian Muslims, particularly in the case of young women, and seen as anotherexample of a lack of religiosity in the young. In some areas, young respondents werecritical about the expectation for young people to live at home even when they are atuniversity. However, young respondents stressed that none of these issues arenecessarily related to being Muslim but to the culture and traditions of their parent’scountry of origin.

Marriage is an apparent area of generational divide where parents’ desire for theirchildren to marry someone from India is said by respondents to be met with apreference by many to settle down with partners from the UK. However, someyounger respondents also suggested that better educated parents are increasinglymore likely to allow young people to choose their own partners – as long as they areMuslim. Family ties are still very strong but the extended family structures arechanging, with increasing numbers of young people moving out once they get


52 Indian community respondent: Female, London, 20s.53 Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 50s.

married. Some female respondents were particularly critical of the traditional views ofolder people in matters of marriage and gender roles. In the words of one youngfemale respondent:

They ask any unmarried man ‘why aren’t you married yet? – you need a woman tolook after you when you get older, or who will cook you dinner?52

Young people believe that older people are more submissive and used to being seenand treated as second class citizens, whilst the younger people are ready to challengediscrimination and stand up for their rights as citizens. Older people in turn areconcerned about the young becoming an apolitical generation. According to one firstgeneration respondent:

The young generation is not getting involved with politics. Most are not politicallymotivated, although certain parts of the young generation are becoming moreactive. Some are concerned with dilemmas around terrorism but are not interestedin getting involved.53

9.2 Young people

The majority of the community respondents have urgent concerns about youngpeople and stressed the need for concerted work with young people to enable themto channel their energies into constructive activities. Respondents involved incommunity organisations also spoke about the need to guide young people’s effortsinto local rather than international concerns such as the wars in Iraq and Afghanistanand the Israel/Palestine issue. While these issues are thought to be important, toomuch focus on them prevents real engagement with and talking about issues withinthe community in England. Members of local mosques and individual teachers are saidto be trying to reach out to young people by organising youth events, seminars andlectures at local religious institutions. Some mosques and religious institutions alsoactively involve them in organising conferences (Jalsas) and other community events byleaving them in charge of marketing, preparing the venues and by giving them theresponsibility for welcoming people and looking after people who attend the events.

The lack of provision and facilities for young people was seen as a critical issue byrespondents, particularly those involved in community organisations and is perceivedto be the main cause of increasing levels of drug use, a growing gang culture in recentyears and more involvement with the criminal justice system. Parents are equallyconcerned about the exposure of their young people to violence in the widercommunity. The murders of two young Indian Muslims, Rizwan Darbar in West HamPark in October 2007, and recently that of Amar Aslam in Dewsbury Park has led to alot of fear amongst young people who feel afraid to go to local parks to play orassociate in public. A campaign to stop knife and gun crime called ‘Enough is Enough’has been launched by Rizwan Darbar’s family.


54 Percentage of working (16-59) age Indian Muslim females in employment. (Source: Census, 2001) .

One respondent stressed that very little research has been undertaken to date on theviews and experiences of young Indian Muslims and that a study focusing specificallyon this group would be extremely valuable in enhancing understanding about theways in which the younger generation of men and women are increasinglyquestioning the received wisdom of the mosques, Imams and inherited religious ritualsand traditions. This is particularly the case in relation to practices and attitudestowards women, which are starting to be highlighted as more rooted in maleinterpretation/convenience than in Islam.

9.3 Women

The first generation of women who came to join their husbands in Britain largelyremained confined to their homes and isolated from the wider community. However,according to respondents a significant number of women of this generation worked athome in the rag trade, where the work would be delivered and collected from theirhome. Others were involved in selling fabrics and/or tailoring clothes for other womenin their immediate community. While the percentage of Indian Muslim females inemployment remains low (35 per cent)54 respondents perceived that the situation ischanging for the younger generation, most of whom are getting a good educationand taking up paid employment. Increasing numbers are also said to be starting to runtheir own businesses and many are active in charity work. However, as mostcommunity organisations are male-dominated, facilities for women to meet socially orto get involved in community-based activities outside the home remain very limited.

According to some young women, the changing roles and responsibilities of womencan cause considerable conflicts in the family. These respondents state that whilst foreconomic reasons women are more likely to be allowed to work by their husbands,there is reportedly very little recognition or support from men concerning the addedworkloads such women carry by still remaining fully responsible for all the houseworkwhilst holding down full time jobs.

According to views expressed by respondents from different parts of the country, thereappear to be some regional differences relating to the realities of women’s roles. InLondon for instance, a number of the female interviewees suggested that women areincreasingly encouraged to make choices about marriage, educational andemployment paths. They are also said to be playing a more pronounced role in leadingcivic activism, particularly around community service provision that is appropriate totheir Islamic and Muslim lifestyles. According to a respondent from the North West,women, including women from the older generation, are beginning to be less isolatedand more involved in activities outside the home. The establishment of Asian carersgroups and activities such as women only swimming/sauna days are said to haveencouraged increasing numbers of older women to attend the groups and participatein activities such as swimming. However in the views of this respondent fromYorkshire, whilst a lot of changes are taking place in women’s lives, the attitudes ofmen and older people in the community remain extremely traditional:


55 Indian community respondent: Female, London, 30s.

Men are still very traditional. At family gatherings women are still in the kitchencooking while the men sit in another room chatting and socialising. It doesn’tmatter what job a woman is doing, it doesn’t matter if she is better paid than aman. He still thinks she is inferior. [Supposedly] The Qu’ran says women should notbe given responsibility, that women are inferior, that women should be covered.That’s all bullshit. Basically it’s all about how to control women. But the frighteningthings is, even educated women believe and accept this.55

9.4 Cohesion and integration issues

Most respondents questioned what it means to be integrated, as in the views of themajority the community is already very integrated. Most believe that it is important forthere to be a common vision for the nation, but one which allows for the celebrationof differences in dress, belief, lifestyle, and for every community to be seen ascontributing equally to the British way of life. However, some respondents stressedthat more effort is needed on both sides. Some young people were critical of mosquesand felt that they do not encourage mixing and partnerships with other communities.Others suggested the need for organisations that do not ‘belong’ to any particularcommunity but which people of all ethnicities can attend and use.

According to some respondents, Muslims are all being perceived as potentialextremists. Respondents in community facing roles stressed that there are positiveinitiatives that are happening in the community and with young people but that theyare not getting any media coverage or acknowledgement by the authorities. Examplesprovided included a significant inter-faith conference on the day of the Londonbombings that went unreported by the national press. Whilst it was acknowledgedthat the bombings overshadowed all other news on the day, it was felt that such anevent should still have been given coverage.

In some areas respondents talked about high levels of racial tensions between theIndian Muslim community and neighbouring white communities and in other areasabout anti-Muslim sentiment from non-Muslim Indian communities. The problemsbetween Muslim and white communities which led to what much of the mediareported as race riots in 2001 in some of the towns in the North West stimulated theCantle Inquiry, which concluded that white and black people in Britain’s inner cities areleading “parallel lives” which never meet. Whilst there have not been similaroutbreaks of violence, respondents in Yorkshire also reported high levels of racism andBNP activity in the area. In Leicester focus group respondents suggested that there is asignificant level of anti-Muslim feeling in the majority Hindu and Sikh Indiancommunity. They suggested that this mostly stems from ongoing issues and problemsbetween Hindus and Muslims back in India. They also reported anti-Indian Muslimsentiment within the Pakistani community in the area, which they believed to be theresult of differing religious denominations/practices combined with more general anti-Indian sentiment prevalent among some sections of the Pakistani community.


9.5 Politics

Indian Muslim communities are engaged in mainstream political parties at the locallevel through active membership of respective parties across the political spectrum andthis extends to holding officer positions in order to gain influence and leverage ininternal party political debates on local issues and priorities. In most of the areas inwhich the Indian Muslim community is settled, there is some political representationthrough elected members on local councils. Women councillors, however, are rare andthere appears to be a consensus that the number of people involved at local level isstill too small. Most respondents suggested that there is a need for greaterrepresentation within councils and on associated bodies such as local strategicpartnerships, Primary Care Trusts and educational boards.

The issue of political representation is apparently a source of considerable debatewithin the community at the present time, particularly in relation to who can bestrepresent the community and whether it needs to be on ethnic or religious lines.Particular concern has been expressed about how some Muslim ethnicities, religiousdenominations and other groups dominate the mainstream political sphere, iePakistani, Bangladeshi, Hindu and Sikh communities, both at local and national levels,limiting the ability of the Indian Muslim community to make adequate representationsabout their concerns.


56 www.milligazette.com

10 Media

10.1 Perceptions of the UK media

In common with all other Muslim communities Indian Muslims believe that the Britishnational media on the whole is extremely anti-Islamic and perpetuates negativestereotypes of Muslims in the UK. In addition to this, many people in the communityalso feel that they have to contend with similar anti-Muslim sentiment from withinsections of the Indian media.

Indian Muslims in different parts of the country, however, spoke of good relations andcoverage in their local media. ITV broadcasts from Nottingham, BBC Radio Leicesterand Leicester Mercury (which has an Asian supplement), Batley News in Kirklees, andthe Recorder and Newham Magazine (free LA monthly newsletter), were cited byvarious respondents as providing good coverage of local communities and of beingmore fair and balanced than the national press.

10.2 Media consumption

It was reported by most respondents that large sections of the community and youngpeople in particular rely on the mainstream British press and broadcast media for newsand entertainment. Interviewees in East London stressed that many in the communitytake an active interest in broad local community issues, keeping abreast ofdevelopments through the local papers. Some respondents have suggested that asmall minority of orthodox families rely primarily on the written media because they donot have televisions due to religious considerations.

Indian newspapers such as the Gujarat Samachar and The Gujarat Times are popularwith many Indian Muslims and provide information on political issues as well ascelebrity/social gossip. However some respondents believe that the Gujarat Samacharis very anti-Muslim. The Milli Gazette is a twice-monthly English language newspaperfor Indian Muslims which is available online in the UK and was mentioned by somerespondents.56

There are a number of local community newspapers which are very popular in certaincommunities. Awaaz based in Batley is one of these. It has been in circulation for 25years and is a multilingual monthly printed in English, Gujarati and Urdu. The paperhas a strong community focus and works closely with the local council and voluntarysector. The newsletters of some religious institutions are also widely read. Examplesinclude Paigaam, which is published by the IMWS in Batley and the Azhar Academy’smonthly newsletter called Al Qalam (based in Forest Gate, East London).

Media | 49

Mainstream and satellite TV are the most popular medium for most people. BBC, AlJazeera and Sky News are viewed as trusted sources for news. Star News is also widelywatched by the older generation as it presents news from India in Gujarati. Zee TV,Star Plus and other Indian channels are the popular choices for entertainment.

Some communities are connected via radio to their local mosque. For example, allIndian Muslim families in Dewsbury and Batley receive a free receiver from themosque, which transmits on a specific frequency to the entire community. A similarservice is also available in neighbouring Halifax to the Pakistani community but peoplehave to subscribe and pay for the transmitters. For many in the community, especiallythe elderly and housebound, the radio transmission is a key source of information,community and international news and is also the main vehicle for fundraising.

57 The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance law was signed in 2001 and replaced the Terrorism and Disruptive Prevention Act(TADA). The act allows the police to arrest and keep in its custody for three months without filing any charges anyonesuspected of involvement in terrorist activity.

58 Home Office, Control of Immigration Statistics, 2006.59 Ibid.60 HESA: www.hesa.ac.uk/index.php/content/view/1158/161/61 World Bank (2008), Migration and Remittances Factbook.


11 Links with country of origin

There is a marked difference in relationship to their country of heritage/origin betweenthe generations. The older generation feels a strong link with India, but young peoplewho are far removed from their parents’ migration experience are more concernedabout their future in Britain. Whilst young people have some sense of attachment toIndia as the place of their parents’ birth, the attachment is limited. One indication ofthe break with their cultural past is that for the majority English is their first language.

11.1 Travel

The first generation Indian Muslim community has a strong relationship with itscountry of origin and frequent visits are made to see family in India. While thisattachment is stronger in older generations, British-born children often accompanyparents who use this as a conscious process of cementing a sense of heritage amongstthe younger generation. A number of interviewees however expressed some concernsabout young men being harassed and victimised under Indian Anti Terrorism Laws onarrival in the country.57

While the figures for Indian Muslims specifically are not available, the Home Officerecords the number of trips to the UK according to the individual’s nationality.58 Out of846,000 trips in 2006, 35 per cent were issued short-term visitor visas, 13 per centarrived for business purposes and 2.5 per cent for students.59 Thirty-six per cent ofarrivals were from Indians based in the UK and returning from India after a ‘temporaryleave of absence’. There is around one flight per Indian student paying internationalUniversity fees in the UK (23,835 in 2007).60

11.2 Remittances

Remittances to help family and relatives are common, especially on special occasionssuch as Eid and Ramadan and are said by respondents to be largely sent via WesternUnion. Many families also send sums of money over a long period of time via friendsor family members making trips to India in order to gradually save enough money tobuy plots of land for house building.

Remittances to India have increased year-on-year since 1991 with only two exceptions(1998 and 2004) – see Chart 1. These remittances are currently estimated to total over£25 billion per year.61

Links with country of origin | 51

62 Michael Blackwell and David Seddon (2004), Informal Remittances from the UK: Values, Flows and Mechanisms, London:Department for International Development.

Specific data on remittances is not available on the Indian Muslim population. Officialremittances by all Indians in the UK to India were estimated to be £643million in 2004.This is likely to be an under-estimate as it does not factor in transfers made‘informally’.62

11.3 Political links

Pre-independence, Indian Muslims were actively engaged in the Indian NationalCongress and the country’s freedom struggles. However, the community in the UKnow does not have many political links, as the State governments of Gujarat andneighbouring Maharashtra are perceived by respondents to be extremely Hindunationalist and anti-Muslim. Various community associations do however maintainclose links with the Indian High Commission in London and often invite HighCommission representatives to community-organised events.

Chart 1: Worldwide official remittances to India 1991 to 2006 (Source: World Bank)

0

5,000

10,000

15,000

20,000

25,000

30,000

2006200119961991


Whilst not directly involved in Indian politics, the community keeps a close watch onunfolding events as well as the consequences of various pieces of anti-terrorismlegislation in both India and the UK. A key recent concern for the community in thisrespect was the proposed increase of detention without charge from 28 days to 42days in the UK. Respondents suggested that this had a direct and negative impact onMuslims in both India and Britain, with people feeling that it sent a strong signal toIndia that the British are really worried about Muslim extremists and that India shouldalso be worried about the Indian Muslims who are travelling from the UK to India.Many believed that as a consequence they would be subjected to increased suspicionand harassment when they travel to India.

11.4 Culture and entertainment

Cultural links are maintained mostly through the Indian TV channels, Bollywood andmusic. Whilst most young people wear Western clothes on a day-to-day basis, Indiandress is still preferred for special occasions and women in particular tend to keepabreast of changing fashions and styles in India. Many also go to India to do theirwedding shopping.

11.5 Other Links

Regular contact with family and friends is also maintained by telephone (internationalcalling cards), letters and the internet. The Indian Muslim community also regularlyinvites Gujarati imams and scholars from India to come and give talks at special events.Some respondents noted that growing numbers are also going back for health reasons– for medical treatment or a change of climate.

There is also an increasing level of investment in other areas, primarily in propertyinvestment. The level of interest and investment is evident in the annual internationalproperty exhibitions arranged each year by Al Falah Properties Ltd in London.

Civil Society | 53

63 Barot.

12 Civil Society

12.1 Brief overview

The motivation for travelling to Britain for the vast majority of Indian Muslims was toescape financial hardship and to create a better life for themselves and their families.Soon after their arrival, the distinct religious and cultural needs of the communityprovided the focus for the establishment of the early community associations.Community organisations are said by respondents to have made a vital contribution tokeeping a Gujarati way of life and identity alive as well as and in meeting their social,cultural and religious needs.63

Many organisations have rich histories. For example, in commemorating 50 years of itsestablishment, an IMWS publication outlined the arrival and establishment of theIndian Muslim community in Batley and Dewsbury. In 1957, when the communitynumbered 40 males, it established the Yorkshire Muslim Association (the first Muslimorganisation in the north of England) with the prime objective of creating appropriateburial facilities in the areas. One of the first actions of the organisation was to buy fourburial plots in Dewsbury community.

The nascent community across different parts of the country also developed smallenterprises to cater for the dietary needs and preferences of the community. As menwere joined by their wives and children, the need to provide religious instruction forthem led to the development of the first madrassahs. Community members pooledsmall donations to pay the salary of a religious teacher and classes were initially held inprivate homes. Gradually, a network of small shops, businesses, mosques and schoolsin differing geographical locations became important places for contact andcommunication in the community.

One strategy for the early migrants in the face of hostility from the host communitywas to keep a low political profile while establishing itself and developingentrepreneurially. It had a strong focus on the education of children in order to enabletheir entry into professional occupations. From this position many diverse interestgroups ranging from business associations, religious organisations, student groups,education associations and music organisations have been established.

Over time a number of national umbrella organisations have also developed, bothspecifically Muslim ones such as the Indian Muslim Federation UK as well as umbrellabodies that represent all Gujarati organisations across the religious divide. Theseinclude the National Congress of Gujarati Associations of UK, Gujarati SahitayaAcademy of Great Britain and the United Kingdom Gujarati Teachers Association.


12.2 Types of organisations and services they offer

Mosques and other religious institutions remain the focal point for the Indian Muslimcommunity. Whilst their primary purpose is as places of worship and to providemadrassah classes for children, they also cater for a growing range of personal andsocial needs. The work of some mosques with young people has been highlightedearlier. Whilst women do not by and large attend the mosques for prayer, many seekguidance and advice on personal matters from the Imams, or more commonly throughthe wives of Imams who are seen as significant influencers by other women due totheir proximity to the mosques and religious leaders. Whilst these institutions offerspiritual and personal guidance for women in this form, other types of facilities forwomen and children remain limited.

The community has a strong focus on charity work and charity events organised bycommunity associations are a regular occurrence. Funds are raised mainly foreducation and poverty reduction projects in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. A numberof organisations have recently held events to raise funds for the Burma cyclone victims.Many of these events are organised jointly with other Muslim communities. Religiousorganisations are also active in developing relationships and activities with other faithcommunities. Various mosques and Islamic societies also host regular family-orientedevents and conferences in which activities such as fashion shows and face painting areoften included in order to attract young people and children to take part.

Other services offered by community organisations include visa surgeries (outsideLondon) so that people do not have to travel to London for visas. Many offer adviceand information on benefits, employment, homelessness and housing rights,immigration and financial or debt counselling. Some include activities for women, theelderly, mother tongue classes for children and a range of youth activities.

12.3 Key organisations

The following organisations were identified by respondents as being relevant andimportant to Indian Muslims in the UK.

Indian Muslim Federation UK is a key national organisation which has been inoperation for about 50 years. It has a large membership among the Indian Muslimcommunities across the country and is affiliated to localised branches. Most regionshave a large number of small organisations affiliated to strong umbrella organisations.

Federation of Muslim Organisations (FMO) was established 20 years ago inLeicester, the FMO is an umbrella body for local mosques and other religiousinstitutions. FMO is the primary organisation through which Indian Muslims organiseand engage with the local authorities and services in the Leicestershire area.

Civil Society | 55

Indian Muslim Welfare Society (IMWS) started life as the Yorkshire MuslimAssociation in Batley in 1957. It is the umbrella organisation for local mosques and hasa large centre with prayer, conferences, sports and a range of other facilities.Approximately 250,000 people from all local communities use the centre every year. Itruns groups for young people, women and the elderly and has a strong focus oneducation projects and getting people into work and paid employment.

Azhar Academy, Forest Gate, was established in 1996 with the aim of advancingIslamic education and promoting an awareness of Islam amongst both Muslim andnon-Muslim communities. Its activities have included the establishment and running ofthe Azhar Academy Girls’ School; the setting up and running of numerous Madrassahsacross South London and the city; organising conferences and lectures; fundraisingand a variety of other activities.

Ansaar Organisations is a voluntary community organisation set up in 2001 byvolunteers from Dewsbury and Batley to tackle issues of health, education andrecreation for youth people in North Kirklees. It works closely with schools andstatutory services to offer a wide range of activities and events aimed at developingskills and empowering young people. The organisation has a specific focus onwomen’s issues and holds annual ‘fun days’ and sports events for women whichattract up to 2,000 participants.

The Gujarat Muslim Welfare Association64 is based in Preston and serves theLancashire area. It delivers a range of services to the community and has run a rangeof projects to enhance cohesion and inter-ethnic and inter-religious understandingamong the community.

Markaz ud Dawat wal Irshad Islamic Centre is a deobandi mosque and Islamiccentre run by Gujaratis in Newham.

Indian Muslim Association, Leicester, was established in 1984-85 in response toIndian Muslims feeling marginalised and excluded due to local politicians andauthorities assuming that all Muslims were Pakistanis and Indians only Hindu. Theyalso wanted to break down the barrier and participate in public forums with high-ranking visitors from India which were dominated by Hindus. The IMA encourages andsupports the community, especially the youth, to make informed choices in regards topolitics. They also support mosques and education groups such as Masjid Al Falah andMadressah Falahe Darian.

Masjid Al Falah & Islamic Educational Trust in Leicester work closely with theIndian Muslim Association. A deobandi mosque which also offers Islamic educationservices.

64 www.gmws.org.uk (15.2.2009)


65 Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 20s.66 Indian community respondent: Female, London, 30s.

Nurul Islam Madrasah in Seven Kings has been running for over 15 years. It providesQuranic and Islamic studies classes for young Muslims every evening with a capacityfor about 70 children. Most of the pupils are from South Asian backgrounds (Indian,Pakistani and Bengali) but there are also Eastern Europeans and Somalians using theirservices.

Ismaili Centre, Kensington, is the central cultural, religious and social centre for theIsmaili community in the UK.

12.4 Key influencers

The main influencers in the community are the mosques, Imams and large Muslimumbrella organisations. These following comments from some of the youngrespondents are typical of views expressed about the influence of mosques andImams:

My mum and dad live in Leicester – they won’t listen to anyone except themosque. If a young person came along with different ideas, they would say thathe’s talking nonsense. It’s the same at the national and local level. On theinternational level again I would say the Imam and the mosque.65

Or

The mosques rules the roost, they don’t let anyone else come in. What the mosqueleaders don’t know about they won’t endorse, but they also won’t go out to seewhat others are achieving. The committee members are from the older generationbut when they move on they pass on positions to those with similar ideas.However there are new mosques that don’t have any hang-ups. They are moreopen and they attract a different type of Muslim. They have young Imams who areborn in the UK.66

Some respondents mentioned the recent emergence of the sheikh system, withparticular imams developing personal followings among practicing Muslims and beinginvited from abroad to address community gatherings. As a general rule, the keycommunity organisations are controlled by influential male gatekeepers and have few,if any, women involved in the governance or running of these organisations. It isunclear how much of this relates to a cultural trait of ‘respect’ for male elders, thoughanecdotal evidence from respondents suggests that respect for male elders is aparticular cultural characteristic. Despite this, there are clear signs that shifts arebeginning to occur, with women being encouraged to actively get involved in thegovernance of mosques.

Civil Society | 57

Local councillors and wealthy established businessmen are seen by respondents asincreasingly influential people in the community. Additionally, the wives of imams andmale members of mosque governing committees are important interlocutors forwomen in the community and are frequently approached and called on for guidanceand support. Some women commented on their ease in accessing imams whom theycan speak to about religious issues but also about issues relating to marriages, familiesand homes. However, whilst having a strong influence within the community itself, allthese key influencers are thought to have only a marginal voice or presence in thewider public life of the local areas in which they operate.

12.5 Engagement with public authorities

Most interviewees noted that on the whole there is variable contact and engagementbetween public authorities and the Indian Muslim Community. Engagement is said tobe good in some parts of the country and not in others and between some wellestablished organisations but not others. For many people the only contact with publicauthorities is said to be with local councillors and political leaders around electiontimes. Whilst there are local elected members in most parts of the country, politicalrepresentation at the national level is thought to be non-existent.

People have differing views about the relative lack of political engagement by IndianMuslims, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the lack of representation in Britishpolitics is largely linked to the challenges of penetrating a system that is dominated byother ethnic Muslim and/or other faith/community groups. Respondents said thatthere is also a general lack of interest in mainstream politics, with Indian Muslims likemany of their white British counterparts desiring to just get on with life and vote withtheir feet.

Alongside this is a historic and cultural reason for non-involvement in politics,stemming from the minority position of Muslims in India, where the chances of beingsuccessful in politics were thought to be limited. In contrast, Indian Muslims see therelatively greater involvement of Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities as beinglinked not only to their larger size and potential support base, but also to a strongtradition of political activism in their countries of origin.

Respondents highlighted a number of key barriers to engagement, one of which is thelanguage of mainstream politicians which is felt to be extremely off-putting. In thewords of one respondent: We don’t need a tolerant society but a respectful one, andthe use of terms such as jihad and extremists by politicians needs to change.67 As withother Muslim communities, the Iraq war is believed to have done a lot of damage togovernment and community relations which will be difficult to repair.

67 Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 40s.


68 Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.

In addition to political language and foreign policy, individuals perceived asgatekeepers both within the authorities and in the community, are also seen as a keybarrier to engagement by grassroots individuals, groups and women. This is coupledwith a level of cynicism and lack of trust of Local Authorities as exemplified by thisquote from a respondent relaying their experiences of engagement on public servicedelivery with their local council: They don’t do what they promise – and always fail todeliver.68

Respondents also complained about a tendency for the distinct nature of thecommunity to be overlooked by most authorities. In policy terms, they believe that thecommunity is either lumped together with other Indians or is perceived as PakistaniMuslims. Due to the size and influence of these two communities, centres funded bylocal authorities for ‘Asians’ are often dominated by them in terms of attendance andservices. Additionally, some Indian Muslims in focus groups highlighted a general anti-Muslim sentiment from Hindu and Sikh communities and anti-Indian feelings fromPakistan communities which limits political representation and voice. Denominationaldifferences among Muslim communities also exacerbate the situation. For instance,Indian Muslims in Leicester, who predominately follow the Deobandi tradition, feelthat tensions and differences driven by their Barelvi counterparts hinders their ability toengage effectively on the political front.

However, despite these difficulties and barriers there are many individuals and groupsthat are actively involved in various public forums, including police liaison committees,as school governors, and in consultations and negotiations on specific issues such asplanning permission for community institutions, halal meat provision and burial needs.There is also some involvement through pan Muslim organisations such as the MuslimCouncil of Britain. Functions held by the Indian Muslim Federation include invitationsto local and national political leaders such as councillors and MPs to enable peoplefrom the community to put forward their concerns relating to crime, gangs, mediaand political issues. Individuals are also quite happy to take personal and communityissues and concerns to surgeries run by their local councillors and MPs.

Community associations maintain close links with the Indian High Commission,particularly in relation to the high levels of anti-Muslim sentiment being currentlyexpressed in India, as they see this as critical not only for the community in the UK butalso for the Muslim community back in India. Respondents highlighted the need formore members of the community to play a greater role in the wider society outsidethe home and community associations and to be represented in public leadershippositions. The IMF has been quite proactive in promoting debate in the issue andencouraging the community to get more involved in politics.

Civil Society | 59

69 Indian community respondent: Male, North East, 50s.

12.6 Civil society capacity building needs

The difficulty in obtaining core funding is the most pressing concern for communityorganisations according to respondents. A number of interviewees suggested thatfunding has become a tick box exercise to satisfy local and central governmentagendas, hence there is little, if any, scope for innovation. They point to goodgrassroots projects that are trying to meet community needs but struggling to accessany new funding.

The older and well established organisations which have good contacts with localauthorities and local strategic partnerships are seen as being reasonably successful ingetting public funding support. A respondent explained the relative funding securityof a large community association in the following words:

It has the academic and well-educated people who are involved with mainstreamstakeholders and who understand the funding criteria and creativity needed inapplying for funds under the various priorities set by funders. It is all about whoyou know and not what you know.69

Sources of public money for smaller and newer organisations is limited and most relyprimarily on voluntary donations and self financing activities such as letting outpremises to other groups and events. Some organisations also rely on sponsorship bybusinesses, but it is important that such businesses are ethical and acceptable onreligious grounds. For this reason, respondents believe that many organisations choosenot to apply for National Lottery money as it is unacceptable on religious grounds toprofit from gambling related money. The lottery funding stream is also thought bysome respondents to impact on other aspects of life, for instance the five-fruits-a-daypolicy for school children is seen to stop young Muslims from participating as the fruitsare deemed non-halal because of them being funded through lottery money.

The tendency of most civil society organisations to be run and managed by men leaveswomen especially vulnerable and isolated. The need for funding and support forwomen’s organisations and youth provision are highlighted by many respondents incommunity-focused roles as the most urgent community need.

13 Conclusions and recommendations

The Indian Muslim community is a significant community in terms of its size, which isestimated to be around 150,000 in England. However, it is perceived by respondents inthis research as remaining largely invisible in public policy and the political arenabecause of its relatively small size in comparison with the broader Indian and SouthAsian Muslim communities. Respondents from the community stress its historic traditionof co-existence with other communities through its experience as a minority in itscountry of origin. However, at a broad level, specific issues and needs get lost in thepublic policy focus and engagement with Pakistani and other Indian communities.

The community has also remained marginalised from mainstream politics both in Indiaand in Britain, hence there is less of a culture of civic participation and engagement thansome of the other established ethnic minority communities. This is an issue that isreadily acknowledged within the community and there is currently considerable debateand encouragement for the community to be more politically engaged.

Additionally, the primary strategy of the community to date appears to have been topursue entrepreneurial opportunities and focus on the educational and professionalachievement of its young people, rather than to get as involved in public and politicallife than the other South Asian diaspora communities.

The Indian Muslim community is relatively better off in terms of education and othersocio economic indicators than Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslims but lags behind otherIndian religious groups in many areas. Opportunities for women are also increasing interms of education and employment and along with this, there is a gradual change intheir roles within the home, as well as in the expectations the community has about itswomen. However, they continue to play a very marginal role in public life and civilsociety organisations run by women are few and far between.

Religious institutions continue to constitute the main civil society organisations and inaddition to religious services, also cater for most of the communities’ social and welfareneeds.

There is concern that increasing numbers of young Indian Muslims are adopting whatthe community sees as the worst elements of mainstream British culture: drug use,gangs and petty crime. Much of the blame for this is placed on the lack of youthfacilities and provision, and there is a heightened fear in the community about theexposure of young people to knife and gun crime in the local areas where people live.


Conclusions and recommendations | 61

13.1 Recommendations

This research has provided many insights into the Indian Muslim community in England,however while many areas were highlighted as community concerns they require furtherenquiry to draw firm conclusions. The UMEC reports should be seen as a starting pointin the process of understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnic minoritycommunities in greater detail.

The UMEC Overview report provides detailed recommendations for engagement withand development of Muslim civil society organisations. The following specificrecommendations for public authorities are in relation to responding to the IndianMuslim community.

Specific community recommendations include:

• Measures to encourage pro-active public authority engagement with communities atthe local level, with a particular focus on the direct involvement of women andyoung people rather than through established community organisations andgatekeepers

• Authorities to recognise the centrality of mosques within these communities asimportant potential partners in delivering services for youth, women and the elderly

• Targeting funding and a comprehensive package of capacity building supportmeasures to community facilities run by and for women and young people

• In addition to direct funding support for women’s organisations, establish gatewaysfor engagement with influential women within the community, for instance wives ofimams and male members of mosque governing committees in order to access abroader spectrum of Muslim women in the community

• Research into the views and experiences of young Indian Muslims to enhanceunderstanding about the ways in which the younger generation is negotiating itsreligious, gender and national identities in the context of its British identity andenvironment.


14 Glossary

Baluchis: A traditionally nomadic Muslim people from Baluchistan.

Barelvi/Barelwi: Founded in northern India in 1880s, based on the writings ofMawlana Ahmad Reza Khan Barelvi. Barelvis believe themselves to be South Asia’sheirs and representatives of the earliest Muslim community. The movement wastriggered by the failure of the Indian revolt of 1857 and the subsequent formalcolonisation of India by the British, which led to the final dissolution of the MughalEmpire. (Esposito, 2008).

CI: The Change Institute.

Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras: Bohra refers to any Shi’a Ismaili Muslim of the Mustalisect, which originated in Egypt, from Gujarat. Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras formed in1588 following a split in the Bohra community between followers of Daud ibn QutbShah (d. 1612), and Sulayman who both claimed leadership of the communtiy. Thecurrent form of the community has also been shaped by two later da’i (vicegerent)Tahir Sayf al-Din (1915-1965) and Muhammad Burhanuddin (b. 1915).

Deobandi: a Sunni Sufi Islamic revivalist movement which developed in India in the19th Century. Its name derives from the small Indian town of Deoband, located northeast of Delhi, where the school Darul Uloom Deoband is situated. Founded in 1867 byscholars associated with the thought of Sayyid Ahmed Reza Khan Barelwi to preservethe teachings of the faith during non-Muslim (British colonial) rule, the schoolreflected Deoband’s prominence as a centre of Muslim culture and religion. Deobandiseducated Muslims in ‘correct practice’ and emphasised individual responsibility forcorrect belief. Deobandis place an overriding emphasis on encouraging a range ofritual and personal behavioral practices linked to worship, dress, and everydaybehavior. The school emphasised hadith and the Hanafi legal tradition andencouraged spiritual transformation through “sober” Sufism. By 1967 Deobandis hadfounded 8,934 schools throughout India and Pakistan. Originally quiescent politically,the majority of Deobandis opposed the partition of India and saw Pakistan as thecreation of Western forces. Since the 1920s the Deobandi apolitical stance has takenshape in the transnational movement Tablighi Jamaat but trends such as those ofPakistan’s Jamiatul Ulama-i Islam and Afghanistan’s Taliban have also emerged fromthe ranks of the Deobandis. In 2007, an article published by The Times causedcontroversy when it claimed that about 600 of Britain’s nearly 1,400 mosques are runby Deobandi affiliated clerics, and 17 of the country’s 26 Islamic seminaries followDeobandi teachings, producing about 80 per cent of all domestically trained Muslimclerics. In February 2008, an ‘Anti-terrorism Conference’ organised by the DarulUloom Deoband seminary denounced all forms of terrorism. The conference alsodenounced widespread attempts to blame religious Muslims for terrorist incidents.(Sources: Barbara Metcalf (1982), Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900,Princeton University Press; Barbara Metcalf (2001) ‘Traditionalist Islamic Activism:

Glossary | 63

Deoband, Tablighis, and Talibs’, University of California; Social Science ResearchCouncil. Online: www.ssrc.org/sept11/essays/metcalf.htm; ‘Deobandis’ in John L.Esposito (ed) (2008), The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, online; ‘Hardline takeover ofBritish mosques’, The Times, 7th September 2007.)

Hanafi School: Major Sunni Islamic school of law which emphasises analogousreasoning of jurists over literal interpretation of hadith. Predominate in the Arab worldand South Asia. It is the oldest of the four schools of thought (jurisprudence or Fiqh)within Sunni Islam. Named after its founder, Abu Hanifa an Nu’man ibn Thait (699-767), the Hanafi school is the oldest but it is generally regarded as the most liberal andas the one which puts the most emphasis on human reason. The Hanafi school alsohas the most followers among the four major Sunni and is predominant among theSunnis of Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the most of the IndianSubcontinent, China as well as in Iraq, Turkey, Albania, the Balkans and the Caucasus.(Esposito, 2008)

Ismailis (also ‘Seveners’): A Shi’a sect which emerged in 765 over a disagreementover the successor to the Sixth Imam. In common with other Shi’as, the Ismailis affirmthat after the Prophet’s death, Ali, the Prophet Mohammad’s cousin and son-in-law,became the first Imam (spiritual leader) of the Muslim community and that thisspiritual leadership (known as Imamate) continues thereafter by hereditary successionthrough Ali and his wife Fatima, the Prophet’s daughter. The point of difference with‘Twelver’ Shi’as is the acceptance of Ismaili ibn Ja’far as a divinely appointed successorand seventh Imam, rather than Musa al-Kazim.

Ithna Asharis (twelvers): Twelver is a branch of Shi’a Islam that refers to Muslimswho adhere to the 12 succeeding imams ending with the Prophet Muhammad al-Mahdi in the 10th Century. The majority of Shi’as are twelvers. Also known as Ja’farior Ithna Ashari. (Esposito, 2008).

Khalifa: Muslim community/caste originating from Gujarat. Traditionally held lowpositions in the social hierarchy.

Khojas (Nizaris): Caste of Indian Muslims in Gujarat converted from Hinduism toIslam in the 14th Century by the Persian Pir Sadr-ur-Din. Khojas mainly follow a distinctform of Ismaili Shi’ism (Nizaris), however Khoja is not a religious designation and thereare also Sunni Hanafi Khojas and Ithna Ashari Khojas. (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2008).See also ‘Ismailis’, ‘Nizaris’, ‘Ithna Asharis’, ‘Hanafi School’.

Memons: An ethnic and linguistic group that originated from lower Sindh near theIndus delta region.


Nizaris: Ismaili (sevener) Shi’a sect and division of the Khoja originating in Gujaratwho recognise Aga Khan IV as the 49th hereditary Imam.

Pir: Religious leader.

Shi’a: Muslims who believe that succession to the political and religious leadership ofthe Muslim community should be hereditary through Muhammad’s daughter Fatimahand her husband, Muhammad’s cousin, Ali. Although Shi’as do not believe that thesesuccessors (imams) are prophets, they do believe that they are divinely inspired andinfallible. Approximately 15 per cent of all Muslims are Shi’as. (Esposito, 2008).

Sunni: Muslims who emphasise the importance of the actions and customs ofMuhammad and the first generations of Muslims, viewing as legitimate theestablishment of the caliphate, in contrast to Shi’a beliefs. About 85 per cent of allMuslims are Sunnis.

Surtis: Ethnic group originating from the Surat district in Gujarat.

Worahs: Ethnic group originating from Mumbai and Baroda.

Glossary | 65

15 Bibliography

Ansari, H. (2004) The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800, London: C Hurst &Co Ltd

Armstrong, K. (2001) Islam – A Short History, London: Orion

Baily, J. (2006) ‘Music Is In Our Blood: Gujarati Muslim Musicians in the UK’, Journal ofEthnic and Migration Studies, Volume 32, No. 2, March 2006

Barot, R. (n.d) ‘A Profile of Gujaratis in the UK’, United Kingdom Gujarati Teachers’Association

Bhachu, P. (1985) Twice Migrants: East African Sikh settlers in Britain, London:Tavistock Publications

Blackwell M. & D. Seddon (2004) Informal Remittances from the UK: Values, Flowsand Mechanisms, London: Department for International Development

Desai, R. (1963) Indian Immigrants in Britain, London: Oxford University Press for theInstitute of Race Relations

Dobbs, J., H. Green & L. Zealey (eds.) (2006), Focus on Religion and Ethnicity,Basingstoke: Macmillan Palgrave for the ONS

Encyclopedia Britannica (2008), online: www.britannica.com

Esposito, J.L. (ed) (2008), The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, online edition.www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/

Harrison, T., S. Jones, J. Lunn, B. Smith, C. Taylor & T. Youngs (2007) India a PoliticalIntroduction, London: House of Commons

Institute for Public Policy Research (2007) Britain’s Immigrants and Economic Profile: AReport for Class Films and Channel Four Dispatches, London: IPPR

Metcalf, M. (1982) Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900, PrincetonUniversity Press

Metcalf, M. (2001) ‘Traditionalist Islamic Activism: Deoband, Tablighis, and Talibs’,University of California; Social Science Research Council. Online:www.ssrc.org/sept11/essays/metcalf.htm

Open Society (2002) The Situation of Muslims in the UK: Monitoring the EU AccessionProcess, online. www.eurac.edu/Library/5_200407_Monitoring_EU_accession_process.htm


Runnymede Trust (2000) The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report,London: Runnymede Trust

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Price: £25

ISBN 978-1-4098-1271-5

This report presents a picture of the Indian Muslim community in England. It is one of aseries of thirteen reports on different Muslim communities in England.

It has been commissioned by the Department for Communities and Local Governmentto enhance the understanding of the diversity of England’s Muslim population and as aneffective route to engagement.

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