The Information Structure of the Chinese DP Chak-Lam Colum Yip University of Washington [email protected]

The Information Structure The Information Structure of the Chinese DPof the Chinese DP

Chak-Lam Colum YipChak-Lam Colum Yip

University of WashingtonUniversity of Washington

[email protected]@u.washington.edu

Roadmap Roadmap

Section 1:Section 1:

- - Tang’s (1996) analysis of CP topicalization and Tang’s (1996) analysis of CP topicalization and the NP-Num-Cl Structure. the NP-Num-Cl Structure.

Roadmap Roadmap


- - Tang’s (1996) analysis of CP topicalization and Tang’s (1996) analysis of CP topicalization and the NP-Num-Cl Structure. the NP-Num-Cl Structure.

Section 2: Section 2:

- Information structure analysis of NP-Num-Cl. - Information structure analysis of NP-Num-Cl.

- A review of Lin (2008) which argues that DP t- A review of Lin (2008) which argues that DP topicalization licenses CP topicalization.opicalization licenses CP topicalization.

RoadmapRoadmap


- Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP - Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP

RoadmapRoadmap


- Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP- Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP Section 4:Section 4:

- Review of den Dikken’s (2004) analysis of Chi- Review of den Dikken’s (2004) analysis of Chinese modifying clausenese modifying clause

RoadmapRoadmap


- Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP- Evidence of DP-topic: Topic-drop in DP Section 4:Section 4:

- Review of den Dikken’s (2004) analysis of Chi- Review of den Dikken’s (2004) analysis of Chinese modifying clausenese modifying clause


- a novel proposal of an information structure ap- a novel proposal of an information structure approach to Chinese modifying clause.proach to Chinese modifying clause.

Main argumentMain argument

The existence of split-DP projections suggest tThe existence of split-DP projections suggest that determiner-less languages like Chinese can hat determiner-less languages like Chinese can still have DPs.still have DPs.

1. Background1. Background

(1)(1) a. a. ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhi bishi zhi bi. .

HeHe buy-ASPbuy-ASP ten CL penten CL pen

‘‘He bought ten pens.’ He bought ten pens.’

NUM-CL-NP (CANONICAL)NUM-CL-NP (CANONICAL)

1. Background1. Background

(1)(1) a. a. ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhi bishi zhi bi. . HeHe buy-ASPbuy-ASP ten CL penten CL pen‘‘He bought ten pens.’ He bought ten pens.’

NUM-CL-NP (CANONICAL)NUM-CL-NP (CANONICAL)b.b. ta ta mai-le mai-le bi bi shi zhishi zhi..

HeHe buy-ASP penbuy-ASP pen ten CLten CL‘‘He bought ten pens.’He bought ten pens.’NP-NUM-CLNP-NUM-CL

BackgroundBackground

c.c. bibi, , ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhishi zhi..

PenPen hehe buy-ASPbuy-ASP ten CLten CL

‘‘As for pens, he bought ten.’As for pens, he bought ten.’

TopicalizationTopicalization in CPin CP

Tang 1996’s non-movement analysisTang 1996’s non-movement analysis

(1)(1) b.b. ta ta mai-le mai-le bi bi shi zhishi zhi..

HeHe buy-ASP penbuy-ASP pen ten CLten CL

‘‘He bought ten pens.’He bought ten pens.’

NP-NUM-CLNP-NUM-CL


(2)

•NP adjoined to V’ as the verb’s higher argument.

•The verb takes the QP shizhi as its lowest argument.

•The lowest argument QP is predicated of the higher argument NP.

ProblemsProblems

Arguments are DPs under the current assumptiArguments are DPs under the current assumptions. The adjunct argument of the verb ons. The adjunct argument of the verb bibi will h will have to be a DP, not NP. ave to be a DP, not NP.

ProblemsProblems

Arguments are DPs under the current assumptioArguments are DPs under the current assumptions. The adjunct argument of the verb ns. The adjunct argument of the verb bibi will hav will have to be a DP, not NP. e to be a DP, not NP.

But the problem is the so-called adjunct “argumeBut the problem is the so-called adjunct “argument” cannot be a full DP!nt” cannot be a full DP!

(3)(3) *ta*ta mai-le mai-le na na xie bi xie bi shi zhi.shi zhi.

HeHe buy-ASP buy-ASP DEM CL penDEM CL pen ten CLten CL

Intended meaning: “He bought ten of those pens.’Intended meaning: “He bought ten of those pens.’

ProblemsProblems

The slight interpretational difference exhibited The slight interpretational difference exhibited in the variant NP-Num-CL order is unaccountin the variant NP-Num-CL order is unaccounted for. ed for.


(1)(1) c.c. bi, bi, ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhi.shi zhi.




(1)(1) c.c. bi, bi, ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhi.shi zhi.



(4) (4) bibiii, ta mai-le shizhi , ta mai-le shizhi eeii

The topic NP is base-generated at [spec, CP] aThe topic NP is base-generated at [spec, CP] and it identifies with a complement null noun of nd it identifies with a complement null noun of QP.QP.

Wu (1998) Wu (1998)

Topicalization in CP has to be driven by moveTopicalization in CP has to be driven by movement since island effects are observed. ment since island effects are observed.

Wu (1998)Wu (1998)

(5)(5)a.a. *bi*biii, Lisi, Lisi juedejuede bubu gaoxinggaoxingyinweiyinwei ZhangsanZhangsan penpen LisiLisi feelfeel notnot happyhappy because Zhangsanbecause Zhangsan

maimai lele shishi zhi tzhi tii

buy ASP buy ASP tenten CLCL‘‘Lisi felt unhappy because Zhangsan bought ten pens.’ Lisi felt unhappy because Zhangsan bought ten pens.’

((ADJUNCT)ADJUNCT) b.b. *bi*biii,, LisiLisi bubu xiangxin xiangxin Zhangsan maiZhangsan mai le shi zhi t le shi zhi tii pen Lisipen Lisi NEG believeNEG believe Zhangsan buy Zhangsan buy ASP ten CLASP ten CL

de shuofade shuofaDE claimDE claim

‘ ‘Lisi doesn’t believe the claim that Zhangsan bought ten pens.’ Lisi doesn’t believe the claim that Zhangsan bought ten pens.’ (COMPLEX NP ISLAND)(COMPLEX NP ISLAND)

Wu (1998)Wu (1998)

If the NP topics are base-generated, island If the NP topics are base-generated, island violations should not be observed.violations should not be observed.

The NPs are moved to [spec, CP].The NPs are moved to [spec, CP].

2. A split-DP projection2. A split-DP projection

(6)(6) ta ta mai-le mai-le bi bi shi zhi.shi zhi.

HeHe buy-ASP penbuy-ASP pen ten CLten CL

‘‘He bought ten pens.’ He bought ten pens.’ NP-NUM-CLNP-NUM-CL

2. A split-DP projection2. A split-DP projection

(7)(7) The NP topic is base-generated at [spec, DTopP], binding the complement null noun in the ClP (Classifier phrase).

Lin (2008) Lin (2008)

(8) (8) a.a. ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhi bishi zhi bi..(CANONICAL)(CANONICAL)

b.b. ta ta mai-le mai-le bi bi shi zhishi zhi (NP-NUM-CL)(NP-NUM-CL)

c. c. bibi, , ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhishi zhi. . (Topicalization in CP)(Topicalization in CP)

Lin (2008) argues that (1a-c) repeated in (8) can Lin (2008) argues that (1a-c) repeated in (8) can be derived by movement.be derived by movement.

Lin (2008)Lin (2008)

b.b. ta ta mai-le mai-le bi bi shi zhishi zhi (NP-NUM-CL)(NP-NUM-CL)

- Movement of NP to [spec, DTopP]- Movement of NP to [spec, DTopP]

c. c. bibi, , ta ta mai-le mai-le shi zhishi zhi. . (Topicalization in CP)(Topicalization in CP)

- Successive-cyclic movement of the NP - Successive-cyclic movement of the NP in in [spec, DTopP] to the CP left periphery[spec, DTopP] to the CP left periphery

Lin (2008)Lin (2008)

The movement is really successive cyclic. There The movement is really successive cyclic. There is data showing that it can move to is data showing that it can move to

[spec, vP].[spec, vP].

(9)(9) ZhangsanZhangsan bibi maimai lele shishi zhizhi

ZhangsanZhangsan penpen buybuy ASPASP tenten CLCL

‘‘Zhangsan bought ten pens.’Zhangsan bought ten pens.’

Lin (2008)Lin (2008)

3. Topic-drop in DP3. Topic-drop in DP

The Topic-drop phenomenon was first The Topic-drop phenomenon was first proposed in Huang (1984) to account for proposed in Huang (1984) to account for empty pronouns in the CP, as in (10).empty pronouns in the CP, as in (10).

3. Topic-drop in DP3. Topic-drop in DP

The Topic-drop phenomenon was first proposeThe Topic-drop phenomenon was first proposed in Huang (1984) to account for empty pronod in Huang (1984) to account for empty pronouns in the CP, as in (10).uns in the CP, as in (10).

(10)(10) [Top [Top eeii], [Zhangsan shuo [Lisi bu renshi ], [Zhangsan shuo [Lisi bu renshi eeii]]]]

Zhangsan say Lisi not knowZhangsan say Lisi not know

‘ ‘*[Him*[Himii], Zhangsan said that Lisi didn’t know ], Zhangsan said that Lisi didn’t know eeii.’.’

Base-generated empty topic binding the empty-categoryBase-generated empty topic binding the empty-category

object. object.

Topic-drop in DPTopic-drop in DP

(11) Laoban, gei wo (11) Laoban, gei wo DPDP[yi ben] [yi ben]

Shopkeeper give me one CL Shopkeeper give me one CL

‘‘Shopkeeper, give me one (of those books).’Shopkeeper, give me one (of those books).’

(at a bookstore, pointing at a boo(at a bookstore, pointing at a book)k)

- NP missing but the Cl subcategorizes for NPNP missing but the Cl subcategorizes for NP

How can this be?How can this be?


I propose that in (11) an empty topic can be baI propose that in (11) an empty topic can be base-generated at [spec, DTopP], binding the nulse-generated at [spec, DTopP], binding the null noun in the complement of Cl. l noun in the complement of Cl.


4. Modifying constituents in Chinese4. Modifying constituents in Chinese

Modifying constituents in Chinese are marked Modifying constituents in Chinese are marked by the linker by the linker dede, and they typically occur in tw, and they typically occur in two places. o places.


Modifying constituents in Chinese are marked Modifying constituents in Chinese are marked by the linker by the linker dede, and they typically occur in tw, and they typically occur in two places. o places.

Before Dem-(Num)-Cl sequence: Before Dem-(Num)-Cl sequence:

(13)(13) a. a. [hong se de][hong se de] nei ben shu nei ben shu

red color DE DEM CL bookred color DE DEM CL book ‘The red book’ ‘The red book’ (contrastive, specific)(contrastive, specific)

POSITION APOSITION A


After Dem-(Num)-Cl sequence: After Dem-(Num)-Cl sequence:

b. nei ben b. nei ben [hong se de][hong se de] shu shu

DEM CL red color DE book DEM CL red color DE book

‘‘The red book’ The red book’ (Attributive)(Attributive)

POSITION POSITION BB

4. Position A modifying constituents4. Position A modifying constituents

(14)(14)a. [hong se de] nei ben shua. [hong se de] nei ben shu bu jian le! bu jian le!

red color DE DEM CL book NEG see ASPred color DE DEM CL book NEG see ASP ‘ ‘The The redred book is lost!’ book is lost!’ The specific red one (not other colors) is lost. The specific red one (not other colors) is lost. (Also carries the connotation that there is only (Also carries the connotation that there is only

ONE red book in the discourse context, and thONE red book in the discourse context, and thus the redness of the book is the defining charaus the redness of the book is the defining characteristic.)cteristic.)

4. Position B modifying constituents4. Position B modifying constituents

b. nei ben [hong se de] shu bu jian le!b. nei ben [hong se de] shu bu jian le!

DEM CL red color DE book NEG see ASPDEM CL red color DE book NEG see ASP

‘‘The red book is lost!’The red book is lost!’

(That book which happens to be red is lost.)(That book which happens to be red is lost.)

4 types of modifiers4 types of modifiers

(15)(15)

a. [a. [wowo] de shu ] de shu → Possessor→ Possessor

my DE bookmy DE book

‘‘my book’my book’

b. [b. [ai kan shuai kan shu] de ren ] de ren → Relative clause (RC)→ Relative clause (RC)

like read book DE personlike read book DE person

‘ ‘One who likes to read books’One who likes to read books’

4 types of modifiers4 types of modifiers

c.c. [youqu] de shu[youqu] de shu → Adjective phrase (AP)→ Adjective phrase (AP)

interesting DE bookinteresting DE book

‘‘an interesting book’an interesting book’

d.d. [Zhangsan da Lisi] de xiaoxi[Zhangsan da Lisi] de xiaoxi

Zhangsan hit Lisi DE newsZhangsan hit Lisi DE news

‘‘The news that Zhangsan hit Lisi’ The news that Zhangsan hit Lisi’

→ → Noun-complement clause (NC)Noun-complement clause (NC)

Ordering restrictionsOrdering restrictions

(17)(17) Ordering among modifying consituents:Ordering among modifying consituents:

PossessorPossessorAP or RCAP or RC NC NC

(Pan 2003)(Pan 2003)

RC= relative clauseRC= relative clause

NC= noun-complement clauseNC= noun-complement clause

Den Dikken (2004) Den Dikken (2004)

Predicate-Inversion analysis of modifying clause:Predicate-Inversion analysis of modifying clause: modifiers are predicates of DP-internal small cmodifiers are predicates of DP-internal small c

lauses lauses Some XP will be the subject of the small clausSome XP will be the subject of the small claus

es es Predicate inversion takes place and the predicaPredicate inversion takes place and the predica

te moves over to [spec, FP]te moves over to [spec, FP] dede is the phonetic spellout of F once inversion is the phonetic spellout of F once inversion

takes place.takes place.

Sample DerivationSample Derivation

(18)(18) Congming de nanhaiCongming de nanhaiSmartSmart DE boyDE boy‘‘smart boy’smart boy’

- The NP The NP nanhainanhai merges with the AP merges with the AP congmingcongming, , forming a small clause. The NP is the subject aforming a small clause. The NP is the subject and the AP is the predicate. nd the AP is the predicate.

- Predicate-Inversion takes place. F spells out as Predicate-Inversion takes place. F spells out as de. AP lands in [spec, FP].de. AP lands in [spec, FP].

Sample derivationSample derivation

(18)

Multiple modifying constituentsMultiple modifying constituents

(19) [wo] de [congming] de meimei(19) [wo] de [congming] de meimei

my DE smart DE sistermy DE smart DE sister

‘ ‘My smart sister’My smart sister’

-Apply predicate inversion to the small clause [-Apply predicate inversion to the small clause [NPNP[mei[mei

mei] mei] APAP[congming]] first, forming the FP [congming d[congming]] first, forming the FP [congming d

e meimei]e meimei]

- The FP [congming de meimei] can now be the subject - The FP [congming de meimei] can now be the subject of a new small clause with the predicate DP [wo]. of a new small clause with the predicate DP [wo].

Multiple modifying constituentsMultiple modifying constituents

ProblemsProblems

-But nothing in the analysis prevents the orderin-But nothing in the analysis prevents the ordering violation of the following type from happenig violation of the following type from happening:ng:

Step 1: Step 1: FPFP [[ [[ DPDP wo] wo]kk [ [FF de [ de [ SCSC [ [ NPNP meimei] t meimei] tkk]]]]

Step 2: [Step 2: [SCSC [[FPFP wo de meimei] wo de meimei] [ [APAP congming]] congming]]

*Congming de wo de meimei *Congming de wo de meimei AP>possessorAP>possessor

(17) Possessor(17) PossessorAP or RCAP or RC NC NC

ProblemsProblems

- The account only generates position B (attributi- The account only generates position B (attributive) modifiers. Position A (constrastive, specifive) modifiers. Position A (constrastive, specific) modifiers are unaccounted for. c) modifiers are unaccounted for.

5. An information structure 5. An information structure approachapproach

You can have a modifying constituent both befYou can have a modifying constituent both before [position A] and after the demonstrative-clore [position A] and after the demonstrative-classifier sequence [position B].assifier sequence [position B].

(21)(21) a.a. wo dewo de nei ge nei ge congming decongming de meimei meimei

I DE DEM CL smartI DE DEM CL smart DE sister DE sister

‘‘That smart sister of mine’That smart sister of mine’

b.b. **congming decongming de nei ge nei ge wo dewo de meimei meimei

ORDERING STILL RESPECTED!ORDERING STILL RESPECTED!

A reworked predicate-inversion A reworked predicate-inversion analysisanalysis

F is replaced by F is replaced by nn. The predicate inversion do. The predicate inversion domain, main, nnP, is low in the structure (selected by CP, is low in the structure (selected by ClP)lP)

nnP is Position B. (hosts attributive modifiers)P is Position B. (hosts attributive modifiers) Only Only nnP and NPs can serve as the subject of prP and NPs can serve as the subject of pr

edicate inversionedicate inversion nnP is a phase or spell-out domain (Fox and PesP is a phase or spell-out domain (Fox and Pes

etsky 2004).etsky 2004).

A reworked predicate-inversion A reworked predicate-inversion analysisanalysis

dede pops up when the specifier of pops up when the specifier of nn is filled, an is filled, and it is cliticized with the modifying constituent.d it is cliticized with the modifying constituent. So when its specifier moves, So when its specifier moves, dede will have to will have to move with it.move with it.

Possessors are based-merged at nPossessors are based-merged at ngengen. Since n. Since ngengen

only assigns genitive case, predicate-inversion only assigns genitive case, predicate-inversion cannot happen. In other words, ncannot happen. In other words, ngengen closes off f closes off f

urther predicate-inversions.urther predicate-inversions.

A sample derivationA sample derivation

(26)(26) wo dewo de nei ge nei ge congming decongming de meimei meimei

I DE DEM CL smartI DE DEM CL smart DE sister DE sister

‘‘That smart sister of mine’That smart sister of mine’

First step:First step:

Create both modifiers at position B (within the nCreate both modifiers at position B (within the nP domain.)P domain.)


(27) (27)


Second step:Second step:

Modifying constituents that end up in position Modifying constituents that end up in position A are moved from position B to [spec, DFocusA are moved from position B to [spec, DFocusP] where they are interpreted as specific, focusP] where they are interpreted as specific, focused, contrastive. The following tree shows how ed, contrastive. The following tree shows how this derivation may proceed.this derivation may proceed.


(28)


The lower modifier in the lower [spec, nP] cannoThe lower modifier in the lower [spec, nP] cannot move over the higher modifier to [spec, DFoct move over the higher modifier to [spec, DFocusP].usP].

Locality violationLocality violation

6. Conclusion6. Conclusion Topic-drop and topic-movement (or base-generation) Topic-drop and topic-movement (or base-generation)

show that there are topic and focus layers in DP. show that there are topic and focus layers in DP. An information structure approach to analyzing ChineAn information structure approach to analyzing Chine

se modifying clause will give us an account of the intse modifying clause will give us an account of the interpretation differences of position A and position B merpretation differences of position A and position B modifying constituents and the correct ordering. odifying constituents and the correct ordering.

If we are on the right track, this should be an answer tIf we are on the right track, this should be an answer to the controversy surrounding whether Chinese nomio the controversy surrounding whether Chinese nominals are DPs or not. Even though Chinese does not hanals are DPs or not. Even though Chinese does not have overt determiners, our data suggests that it does cove overt determiners, our data suggests that it does contain split-DP layers. ntain split-DP layers.

Documents

The Information Structure of the Chinese DP Chak-Lam Colum Yip University of Washington [email protected]