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The Land of Natural Affirmation. Pre-Buddhist Japan Author(s): Alicia Orloff Matsunaga Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 21, No. 1/2 (1966), pp. 203-209 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2383411 . Accessed: 29/05/2014 12:31 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Sophia University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Monumenta Nipponica. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 151.227.218.62 on Thu, 29 May 2014 12:31:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Land of Natural Affirmation. Pre-Buddhist Japan

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The Land of Natural Affirmation. Pre-Buddhist JapanAuthor(s): Alicia Orloff MatsunagaSource: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 21, No. 1/2 (1966), pp. 203-209Published by: Sophia UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2383411 .

Accessed: 29/05/2014 12:31

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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Sophia University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to MonumentaNipponica.

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BRIEF NOTE

The Land of Natural Affirmation PRE-BUDDHIST JAPAN

by ALICIA ORLOFF MATSUNAGA

T HE spirit of the Japanese people prior to the entry of Buddhism can be character-

ized as a mode of 'natural' affirmation, insofar as there was no systematic philosophical basis for the existing affirmative attitude. One of the notable features of this early affirmation was the conception of the continuity of life as expressed in the belief that the present world (Ashiharanakatsukunil or the Yamato country) and all other mythological worlds were con- nected both spatially and qualitatively. There was no concept of a supernatural world totally distinct from the existing life.

The early concept of the land of the gods, Takamagahara-or the 'heaven' of the ancient period2 was not the actual description of a supernatural world for in its portrayal we can find all the elements of the existing Yamato country. The Kojiki, in the myth of the dis- appearance of the Sun goddess, presents the following accounts of the land of the gods:

"Then Susano-O-no Mikoto saying, 'I won', broke down the dikes of the rice field of Amaterasu-O-Mikami and filled up the irrigation ditches." Also he splashed the ceremonial re-

fectory with defilement. . . Ama- terasu-O-Mikami, living in her puri- fied palace ordered the weavers to make a robe to be dedicated to a god...."3

Here we find a description of rice cultivation, the existence of ceremonial harvest rites, pal- aces and the art of weaving.

The next narration occurs after the Sun Goddess, offended by her brother's outrages hid in a cave and the gods sought gifts as a means to please her:

"[One god] gathered all the long- singing birds of Tokoyo and made them cry, also collecting the hard stones [used as anvils] from the river Ameno-yasu. He collected the iron from Ameno-Kanayama and called a blacksmith, ordering Ishi- koridome-no Mikoto to make mir- rors and also ordered Tamanoya- no Mikoto to make crescent shaped jewels [jewels]."4

In this account we can discern the existence of an iron industry and the creation of com- mon commodities such as mirrors and

ATHE AUTHOR is Assistant Professor at the Department of Oriental Languages in the University of California at Los Angeles. 1 0; t : X1

2 * tJ>. Motoori Norinaga A*% t -A, Zenshu 4t, i, Yoshikawa kobunkan - 1 X V , Tokyo, I908, p. 148.

7 ?4flkij'. "Kojiki" - $'i in Nipponkoten bungaku taikei04LA- T4 k$ , i,Iwanami , C,& Tokyo, 1958, pp. 79-8I.

4 J , ^>+ tt^+ + bid.~, p. 8I .

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20 4MONUMENTA NIPPONICA, xx, i-z

jewelry. Finally, we can also obtain an idea of the vegetation existing in this land.

"A god rooted up the trees to Ame- no-Kaguyama . . ., the goddess Ame nouzumeno-Mikoto used bikage [an ivy-like plant] to tie up her flowing sleeves and took masaki [a spindle tree] for her hair while binding the small branches of a bamboo tree to hold in her band."5

All of these representations are merely portrayals of the actual existing Yamato country, a land that was conceived to be perfect in itself. Furthermore, Takamagahara could never be spoken of from the earthly standpoint as a transcendental world, since only those who dwelt in this 'heaven' could rightly utter its name.6

Tomino-kuni, the land after death had a similar spatial relationship with the real world since it was believed possible to physically enter this twilight land through an aperture in the vicinity of Izumo.7 All other descriptions of what might be termed a 'supernatural' sphere were either idealiza- tions of the existing Yamato country or representations of foreign lands, news of which was gradually diffused among the natives.8 In this early period there was no conception of a preternatural world as dis- tinct from the terrestrial.

The logical source of the native affirmation was the Japanese sensitivity to nature and harmony with the natural world. Abundant

expressions of this attitude can be found in the early literature and one term most in- dicative was ito-uruwashi or loveliness, a phrase that could be used even in conjunction with manly virtues. In the Hitachi Fudoki it is re- lated that Yamato Takeru-no-Mikoto, a victorious Emperor on his way to new con- quests paused beside a fresh well to admire the loveliness Cito-uruwashi) of the pure and clear spring water issuing forth.9 This sensitivity, producing an affirmative view towards life, and the belief in the continuity of life were inter-related and inseparable viewpoints, the common standpoint of both conceiving the world of reality to be affirm- ative in its present state.

In accompaniment with the affirmative human attitude, we can note that in the ethical perspective of the early Japanese there existed no concept of an abiding source of evil or suffering that could not be overcome by practical efforts. Motoori Norinaga inter- preted this ethical stance by stating "there are evils Cmagagoto) but finally they are all conquered by goodness (yogoto)".10 The only actual notion of evil was in the form of pollu- tion (magagoto), a temporary affliction that could be removed by lustration. Man by nature and the world in which he lived was believed to be inherently good and the existence of a suffering which shakes worldly pleasures to their depths was beyond the thought of the era. This belief in the innate goodness of life made it impossible to create

5k- a J i , kV& k> a1 Ekj.. Ibid., pp. 82-83. 6 Norinaga, Zenshil, I, 148-I49. 7 t- *. Izumo fudoki +h t A l,, a handwritten manuscript, Otani University Library, Kyoto,

Japan, p. 36. 8 The Kojiki relates the story of Tajimamori 1uE1 i t, who was sent by Emperor Suinin 41-:: to

the country of Tokoyo (eternal land) asked to search for a fruit named Tokijiku-no-kakuno-konomi 1 **V( i). This "eternal land" (Tokoyokuni) has been interpreted by commentators as representa- tive of either Korea or Saishuto. "Kojiki" in Nippon koten bungaku taikei, I, 203.

9 "Hitachi fudoki" 1'r:,- L, AESk in Gunshoruiju 4t , xii, Keizaizasshisha %i ?, To- kyo, I904, p. I24I. ' A L. 10 1. Zenshi, I, 374.

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BRIEF NOTE: MATSUNAGA 205

an ideal supernatural world beyond the exist- ing ethical world for such a creation neces- sitates the negation of the existing life.

The early notion of spirits or kami1l did not imply a positive doctrine nor an organized pantheon of worship. Exteriorally the system approached animism since the objects of veneration designated as kami were natural phenomena, such as wind, thunder, sun, mountains, trees, rivers and rocks; the qualities of growth, fertility and production; some animals; and ancestral spirits. This type of devotion can be described as a form of nature worship, based upon the feeling that all things are animate and in their degree partake of sentient existence. All manifesta- tions of nature were perceived as harbouring some kind of divine presence and venerated accordingly. The concept exteriorally was similar to the Polynesian idea of mana and the ancient Roman numen but there were drastic differences in the interior realization that made it a unique phenomena.

TheJapanese worship of creation was based upon a sensibility to nature in which the god or kami was symbolic of man's impact with natural forces, a contact that created strong response. An appeal to nature or nature wor- ship is not an uncommon phenomenon in agrarian societies, but the Japanese version bore certain unique features in its combina- tion with ancestor veneration. As Dr. W. Gun- dert has explained, the unity of the nature cult and ancestor cult form the basis underlying Japanese society and in the dynamic develop- ment of both, the highest power of the race is united with the highest power of nature, forming an organism beyond the simple hu- man domain.12 In other words, the worship of the power of nature in combination with ancestor reverence extracted a higher degree

of ancestor veneration, beyond the individual family sphere; the esteem of the mythological progenitors of the race which in time became personified in the veneration of the Imperial family.

The growth of this 'organism', expressing the unity of the nature and ancestor cults was influenced by the geographical-historical insularity of Japan. We cannot however, merely stop at a phenomenological descrip- tion of the early Japanese cult but must search for its basis, which can only be dis- covered in retrospect by viewing its sub- sequent development and endurance in the modern world. For if the early Japanese faith had been merely a primitive religion, it would have disappeared when Japan advanced from an agrarian country into a highly developed industrial nation.

We can view the basis of the historical continuity of the early cult in the following manner:

Affirmation

N 0

. . ~ ~ ~ (A

Intuition

I. of nature 2. of a concealed form of truth

(I INTUITION

THE BASIS of the Japanese outlook on life was and still remains what may be termed 'in- tuitive.' In the Pre-Buddhistic period this intuitive insight was expressed in the form

11 #i 12 Wilhelm Gundert, 7apanese Religionsgeschicbte, Stuttgart, I943, p. I3.

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206 MONUMENTA NIPPONICA, XX, i-z

of a sensitivity to natural phenomena. The response revealed itself in a feeling of ap- preciation of nature:

"Countless are the mountains in Yamato But perfect is the heavenly hill of Kagu; When I climb it and survey my realm, Over the wide plain the smoke- wreaths rise and rise, Over the wide lake the gulls are on the wing; A beautiful land it is, the Land of Yamato."

Emperor Jomei (593-64I)13 This feeling towards nature was a passive

attitude and its characteristic feature was the acceptance of nature as an 'integral whole,' without differentiation. In this respect al- though the veneration resembled early Greek thought such as expressed by Hesiod in his Theogonyl4 in its exterior form, it differed in its interior form. The Early Greek approach to nature was an objective attitude that easily lent itself to subsequent speculative and philosophical analysis, while the Japanese at- titude was extremely subjective. In the latter, the individual responded directly to the intrinsic merits of natural phenomena with an immediate feeling of appreciation to the manifestation itself, whether it be a flower, a tree, or a cloud. The impact of nature was direct upon the individual and there was no need for any intermediator in any form nor was there any conception of nature as the

production of a creator god. The mythological deities became themselves an expression of man's appreciation and harmony with the universe since they were often personifica- tions of natural forces.

We can find examples of this unity between man and nature in the early literature, such as the Kojiki narrative of Prince Fire fade, a mountain prince, who made a trip to the ocean and fell in love with the daughter of the god of the sea. In this story the gods in human form mingle with the personified benign forces of nature without any apparent differ- entiation between the feelings and emotions of man and those of the creatures of the sea. In these types of narratives human sentiments are projected upon natural phenomena and there is no disparity between the subjectivity of man and that of nature. Life was viewed as a unity, the dualism between subject and object was non-existent and consequently the expressed desire was to appreciate and comprehend all manifestations of nature. Life was to be looked upon as a whole, an attitude that we can term the 'intuition of nature.'

In the Pre-Buddhistic period there was no philosophical awareness of what element abiding in natural phenomena evoked a response in the form of a feeling of apprecia- tion. The appeal was spontaneous without any comprehension of its motivation. Gradu- ally, as the indigenous culture expanded through the influence of foreign civilization and the active stimuli of Buddhist philosophy, the intuitive insight matured. A desire arose

13 . Contained in the Manyoshi ;F *. Donald Keene, ed., Anthology of Yapawse Literature from Earliest Era to the Mid-Nineteenth Century, Grove Press, New York, I955, p. 34.

14 See Friedrich Solmsen, "Nature as a Craftsman in Greek Thought," Yournal of the History of Ideas, xxv, No. 4, October-December i963, pp. 473-496.

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BRIEF NOTE: MATSUNAGA 207

to comprehend the underlying essence or true nature of phenomena.'5 Yet, even in this new orientation there was no proclivity to ex- tract this 'true nature' of existence and subject it to speculative analysis. Rather, the attempt was made to perceive this essence in unity with the 'wholeness' of life. We can term this attitude towards essence, the 'intuition of the concealed form of the truth', a concept equivalent to the Buddhist notion of the perception of the Buddha nature CBusshD'l6 in all sentient existence. In both views the individual subjectively approaches exterior phenomena comprehending its essence by means of intuitive insight, perceiving the thing-as-it-is, in its integral wholeness with- out attempting to extract by means of dis- criminative knowledge any phase or attribute of the object. The natural Japanese attitude towards this 'wholeness' or 'true nature' was expressed in the form of appreciation. This was a factor that was easily adapted to Buddhism in later periods ofJapanese history when syncretic movements such as shimbutsu shugo (god-Buddha unification) emerged and finally developed into the popular theory of honji-suUakul7 (true-nature-trace-manifesta- tion).

(II INTUITION AND POLYTHEISM

IN THE Pre-Buddhistic period the phenomenal expression of the Japanese intuition of nature was polytheistic. The worship of diverse gods as representative of the forces of nature was in reality the expression of the dynamic process of human life and desires. Even at this early stage however, we can find the dormant seeds of the later expansion of the intuitive

insight into the 'intuition of the concealed truth,' for in the Hitachi Fudoki when Takeru- no-Mikoto appreciated the beauty (ito- uruwashi) of the flowing spring water, he felt that it was the essence of the world.18 In other words, through this experience he obtained personal understanding of the 'concealed truth' which he termed 'beauty.' At this stage the intuition of nature offered the stimulation or encouragement by which to live.

The Hitachi fudoki offers numerous other examples of the enjoyment of nature in the form of spring and summer festivals where the people of the countryside gathered together to drink wine and sing, forgetting the cares of everyday life in the appreciation of nature.19 All of these accounts make it evident that the intuition of the beauty of nature was not related to a speculative objective analysis, but rather was the spontaneous appreciation of nature as an encouragement to human life. The existence of polytheism in this atmos- phere did not denote an appeasement of the powers of nature but rather was the expres- sion of the intimacy between human life and nature. The variety of the gods representing the changeability of the seasons and the changeability of human desires. Thus, the gods represented the projection of human desires upon nature as well as the impact of nature upon human sensibility.

CIII INTUITION AND THE PROSPERITY-

DRIVE

THE PHENOMENAL manifestation of the 'intuition of the concealed form of truth' be- came the prosperity drive. The intuition of nature had been primarily a passive attitude,

15 The aspect of bonji *A as "intuition of the concealed form of truth" appears most clearly in the delightful tale "Mushi mezuru himegimi" A a 4 -g of the Tsutsumi chiunagon monogatari Lt4

4X2 ' in Nippon koten bungaku taikei, XvII. 376. 16 4. 17 j4 414 -- & 18 "Hitachi fudoki" in Gunshoruji, xvi,I24I-. 19 Ibid., "Kujigohori" ;t7,S and "Tsukuba no gohori" XiA: 1.

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208 MONUMENTA NIPPONICA, XXI, I-2

for although there existed a certain projection of human desires upon the outward world, the influence of nature upon man had a stronger impact, creating a one-sided rela- tionship. The thought of utilizing and controlling nature apart from the aesthetic appreciation of natural beauty had not yet entered into the native thought.

One of the earliest expressions of the prosperity-drive was the spring festival of the Prayer for Harvest, in which the gods of growth, the harvest, wells and streams, farms, uplands and islands were invoked to protect the interests of the agrarian community. Such a desire to propitiate and obtain benefits from the forces of nature is a common feature of primitive cultures, the difference in the Japanese realization was that it advanced beyond the mere pragmatic standpoint. We can find examples of this variation in native customs that have survived even in modern day Japan, namely, the attitude towards receiving 'fortunes' and the notion of mottai Xai.20

A popular habit that can be observed in modern Japan is the practice of visiting the shrines to obtain the prediction of one's for- tune, dispensed by the shrine priests in the form of a small 'fortune-paper' (omikuji).21 These papers contain present and future predictions arranged in a classification vary- ing from 'the highest good fortune' to the 'worst bad fortune' with intermediary stages inbetween. From the standpoint of value or pragmatism, an individual is only interested in obtaining a 'good-fortune' and the adverse has little practical meaning. If a 'bad-fortune' is consistently received from the god of one particular shrine, the pragmatic view would be to seek another god that is more benevo- lently disposed towards the individual and

disparage the deity that could only grant evil predictions. In this respect, the Japanese attitude greatly varies from the pragmatic stance. Even if a 'bad-fortune' is constantly received from one particular god, it does not incur the resentment nor dislike of the god. The viewpoint is more reflective, since the individual attributes the constant sign of misfortune to his own personal actions and attitude towards life. Thus, they do not rely on the god of the shrine in an absolute way, but rather the reliance is placed upon the truth which is concealed in the god.

This attitude can be further observed in the disposition of the 'bad-fortune papers', which are not thrown away but either bound to a tree in the vicinity of the shrine or else taken home and placed in a position in the house where they can receive proper venera- tion. The respect shown to even the 'bad- fortunes' displays a belief in an intrinsic meaning for the individual contained within the paper itself. The respect also exhibits the affirmative view towards life, for when the 'bad-fortunes' are tied to a tree or taken home for venetration the effort is made to convert the evil into good by comprehending the nature of evil. There is no inclination to discard or escape from the evil since the con- cealed form of the truth is conceived to de- pend upon our own personal attitude and by changing the direction of our attitude it is possible to transform misfortune into fortune. In other words, if we comprehend the nature of the evil that befalls us in the present or may come to us in the future then we can learn by it and thus benefit by it.

Another example of the particular orienta- tion of the Japanese prosperity-drive can be observed in the implications of the phrase, 'mottai nai,' a term having no actual equiva-

20 A 21 it

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BRIEF NOTE: MATSUNAGA 209

lent in western languages. Sometimes the phrase is translated as 'impious,' or 'sacrile- gious,' such as in the expression "shin butsu ni taishite mottainai" (it is a sacrilege against the gods and Buddhas). Practically, the concept is realized as 'not to waste' and one can hear it applied in everyday language to such ob- jects as small portions of left-over food or beverage as well as to things of nature. From the pragmatic standpoint we can term this viewpoint as "thriftiness," but it is not merely related to the practical sphere. For instance, in the case of such materially useless articles as tree branches or stumps the notion of 'mottai-nai' denotes the comprehension that everything has its own nature,' which is to be enjoyed or appreciated as such, hence these objects can be taken and utilized in ikebana22 to offer aesthetical appreciation. Even worn out articles of daily life, such as tools and instruments, after their material value has disappeared are disposed of with reverence and it is not uncommon to see small shrines erected in appreciation of their past usefulness. In this manner the notion of 'mottai-nai extends beyond the purely prag- matic domain and represents the 'intuition of a form of concealed truth' existing in all the objects of the surrounding environment. It was this particular feature of the indigenous cult that was able to harmonize so naturally with the Buddhist theory that all existence partakes of the Buddha nature (Busshb9.23 In the later Heian and Kamakura Periods with the practical acceptance of Buddhism, the 'prosperity-drive' played a special role

in the Japanization of Buddhism.24

IEIV AFFIRMATION

THE NATURAL result of the phenomenal ex- pressions of intuition was a general affirma- tion of life. At the primitive level this form of affirmation expressed itself as the apprecia- tion of life itself and hence was primarily the product of the 'intuition of nature.' Later after the introduction of Buddhism and the discovery of the logic of negation, the notion of affirmation through negation was com- prehended. In this new viewpoint the present life was no longer thought to be perfect since suffering (ku25 existed and pervaded all aspects of human life. The Buddhist affirma- tion was built upon the negation of suffering and all that caused it. After the introduction of Buddhism the native view of life was greatly altered and influenced by concepts such as karma (gj26 and the transitory nature of life.

It was only by the means of the original natural affirmative disposition that foreign cultures could be assimilated and a unity be- tween the indigenous faith and Buddhism (sbimbutsu shugo) occur; for in the case of dispute and conflict the underlying basis of thought is a mutual negation, while such concepts as unity and harmony can only come into existence through an affirmative attitude transcending mere negation. This disposi- tion has tended to exert a permanent influ- ence upon the Japanese acceptance and re- ceptivity of foreign influences through the history of Japan.

22 t 23 We can note that even the early Buddha images of the Horyuji Temple contain a prayer for

future life engraved upon their nimbus. This innovation, previously found only to a minor degree in China, was a specific development of Japanese Buddhism influenced by the indigenous faith. Murayama Shuitichi ftJ41l---, Shimbutsu shbig shicho jA V% X 1. A, Heirakuji $ $ ', Kyoto, I96I, p. 6.

24 This type of thought is particularly notable in works such as the Genzeriyaku wasan IQ:1 A lafri of Shinran $ founder of the J6do shinshi L+A, sect. 25 26

MN: x=, 1-2 0

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