The negation of stative relation clauses in the Mordvin, Mari and

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The negation of stative relation

clauses in the Mordvin, Mari and

Permic languages

11th INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS FOR FENNO-UGRIC STUDIES

August 9–14 2010 Piliscsaba, Hungary

Arja Hamari

E-mail: [email protected]


(1)English (Payne 1997: 111–112, 114):

a) Proper inclusion: Frieda is a teacher.

b) Equation: He is my father.

c) Attribution: John is tall.

d) Location: The book is on the table.

e) Existence: There is a book on the table.

f) Possession: Sally has nineteen cats. / The book is John's.

Stative relation clauses


The sub-categories of clauses expressing possession

(according to Heine 1997):

• 'have'-possession:

e.g. Sally has nineteen cats.

• 'belong'-possession:

e.g. The book is John's.

Stative relation clauses


I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates:

(2) (Keľmakov – Hännikäinen 1999: 32)

Ton viźmo övöl. ~ Ton övöl viźmo.

2SG intelligent NEG 2SG NEG intelligent

'You are not intelligent.'

II Location


Mi tatyn övöl. ~ Mi övöl tatyn.

1PL here NEG 1PL NEG here

'We are not here.'


clauses in Udmurt:


III Existence

(4) (Bartens 2000: 292)

a) otyn jegit pi övöl

there young boy NEG

'there is no young boy there'

b) otyn jegit pi-os övöl

there young boy-PL NEG

'there are no young boys there'


clauses in Udmurt:


IV Possession

(5)'have'-possession (Bartens 2000: 292)

vu-my övöl ńi

water-PX1PL NEG any.more

'we don't have water any more'

(6)'belong'-possession

Ta kńiga mynam övöl.

this book 1SG.GEN NEG

'This book is not mine.'


clauses in Udmurt:


A:

"The negation of the existential predicate is

performed by the verbal negator."

B:

"There is a special negative existential

predicate, distinct from the verbal negator."

C:

"There is a special negative existential predicate, which is

identical to the verbal negator."

Croft (1991: 6):

The negative existential cycle


• A > B:

a special existential negative form is found in addition

to regular existential negative form

• B > C:

a special negative existential form begins to be used

for ordinary verbal negation

• C > A:

the negative-existential-cum-verbal-negator begins to

be reanalysed as only a negator, and a regular positive

existential verb comes to be used with it in existential

construction

The negative existential cycle

and its intermediate stages


A:

The negation of the existential predicate is performed

by the verbal negator.

Pre-Proto-Permic:

verbal negator: *e-

neg. of ex.: *e(pA) + *wole-

Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt


B:

There is a special negative existential predicate,

distinct from the verbal negator.

Modern Udmurt:

verbal negator: u- (< *e-)

neg. of ex.: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)



C:

There is a special negative existential predicate, which

is identical to the verbal negator.

"Future Udmurt 1":

verbal negator: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)

neg. of ex.: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)



A special negative existential form begins to be used

for ordinary verbal negation; can happen in several

ways

1) competition between the negative existential and

the regular verbal negator

2) the negative existential can be used to reinforce

the regular verbal negator

3) gradual substitution of the negative existential for

the verbal negator in only part of the verbal

grammatical system

The intermediate stage B > C

according to Croft (1991: 9–11):


• the intermediate stage B > C possibly visible in

modern Udmurt

• developmental path 3: gradual substitution of the

negative existential for the verbal negator in only part

of the verbal grammatical system

• övöl is used in verbal negation in the 2nd past tense:


övöl myn-em-ed

NEG go-PST2-2SG

'you didn't go / haven't gone'



A2:



"Future Udmurt 2":

verbal negator: övöl

neg. of ex.: övöl + affirmative existential

predicate



I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates

(8) (Cypanov 2007: 54)

Tajö velödćyś-jas abu ziľ-öś.

this student-PL NEG diligent-PL

'These students are not diligent.'

II Location

(9) (Vojvyv ko uv 1997a: 57)

[--]kor mi abu tan-öś.

when 1PL NEG here-PL

'when we are not here.'


clauses in Komi


III Existence

(10)

a) (Vojvyv ko uv 1997b: 46)

mijan gort-yn ńekod abu [--]

1PL.GEN home-INE nobody NEG

'there is nobody in our home [--]'

b) (Cypanov 2007: 47)

tani kerka-jas abu-öś

here house-PL NEG-PL

'there are no houses here'


clauses in Komi


IV Possession

(11) 'have'-possession (Cypanov – Motorina – Sizeva 1999: 16)

Tenad ćoj-jas-yd abu-öś [--]

2SG.GEN sister-PL-PX2SG NEG-PL

'You don't have sisters [--]'

(12) 'belong'-possession (Cypanov – Motorina – Sizeva 1999: 18)

Tajö muśerpas-ys abu menam [--]

this map-PX3SG NEG 1SG.GEN

'This map is not mine [--]'


clauses in Komi


A: Pre-Proto-Permic:

verbal negator: *e-

neg. of ex.: *e(p) + *wole-

B: Modern Komi:

verbal negator: o- (< *e-)

neg. of ex.: abu (< abul < *e(p) + *wole-)

C: "Future Komi 1":

verbal negator: abu (< *e(p) + *wole-)

neg. of ex.: abu (< *e(p) + *wole-)

Croft's cycle applied to Komi



modern Komi

• developmental path 3: gradual substitution of the

negative existential for the verbal negator in only part

of the verbal grammatical system

• abu is used in verbal negation in the 2nd past tense:

(13) (Cypanov 2007: 193)

abu mun-öm-yd

NEG go-PST2-2SG

'you didn't go / haven't gone'



• but: abu does not have the characteristics of the

negative marker of the existential clauses in the 2nd

past tense

• plural 3rd person subject of existential clauses:

(14) (Cypanov 2007: 47)

tani kerka-jas abu-öś

here house-PL NEG-PL

'there are no houses here'



• plural 3rd person subject of verbal predicates in the 2nd past tense:

(15) (Cypanov 2007: 193)

abu mun-öma-öś

NEG go-PST2-PL

'they didn't go / haven't gone'

• cf. (16) (Cypanov 2007: 54)

Tajö velödćyś-jas abu ziľ-öś.

this student-PL NEG diligent-PL

'These students are not diligent.'



A2:



"Future Komi 2":

verbal negator: abu

neg. of ex.: abu + affirmative existential

predicate




(17) (Vasikova 1982: 36)

a-m inžeńer oγə ̑l.

father-PX1SG engineer NEG.3SG

'My father is not an engineer.'

II Location

(18) (Alhoniemi 1985: 58)

Pial – poγə ̑-što oγə ̑l, a jöratə ̑ma-šte.

happiness property-INE NEG.3SG but love-INE

'Happiness is not in property, but in love.'


clauses in Eastern Mari


III Existence

(19) (Vasikova 1990: 89)

Jal uke.

village NEG

'There is no village.'

• uke agrees with the number of the subject:

pl. uke ulə ̑t (Bartens 1996: 73)




IV Possession

(20) 'have'-possession (Bereczki 1990: 53)

oksa-m uke

money-PX1SG NEG

'I don't have money'

(21) 'belong'-possession (Wichmann 1931: 262)

peš motor – δa mə ̑jən oγə ̑l

very beautiful but 1SG.GEN NEG.3SG

'(it is) very beautiful – but it is not mine'




The conjugation of the neg. aux. of the present tense:

Sg.1. om Pl.1. ona ~ oγən̑aSg.2. ot Pl.2. oδa ~ oγəδ̑aSg.3. ok ~oγəš̑ Pl.3. oγət̑

The negation of the verb ulaš 'be':

Sg.1. oməl̑ Pl.1. onal ~ oγən̑al ~ oγən̑a ulSg.2. otəl̑ Pl.2. oδal ~ oγəδ̑al ~ oγəδ̑a ulSg.3. oγəl̑ Pl.3. oγət̑əl̑ ~ oγət̑ ul

(Alhoniemi 1985: 115–116)

Eastern Mari


The conjugation of the neg. aux. of the present tense:

Sg.1. am Pl.1. anaSg.2. at Pl.2. aδaSg.3. ak Pl.3. ak

The negation of the verb əl̑aš 'be':

Sg.1. am əl̑ Pl.1. ana əl̑ Sg.2. at əl̑ Pl.2. aδa əl̑Sg.3. ak əl̑ ~ aγəl̑ Pl.3. ak əl̑ep ~ aγəl̑ep

(Alhoniemi 1985: 118)

Western Mari:


• the negative existential uke did not develop through a

cycle described by Croft

• possibly borrowed from a Turkic language

(Kangasmaa-Minn 1970: 9, Hesselbäck 2005: 141–

143)

• the negative existential of Mari is only used in the

negative expressions of existence and 'have'-

possession (Bartens 1996: 75)

• the negative existential is not used in the negation of

the perfect tense (the 2nd past tense) (Bartens 1996:

75)

Croft's cycle applied to Mari


• however, according to Kangasmaa-Minn (1975: 494):

"In certain compound tenses the negative noun uke

denies the action. When the main verb is

represented by a verbal noun, uke might be

considered to deny the nominal rather than the

verbal part of the construction, but it is found also

with regular finite forms, [--]"

Croft's cycle applied to Eastern

and Western Mari


• all examples given by Kangasmaa-Minn are clauses

expressing locations and the main verb is 'be'

(22) (Kangasmaa-Minn 1975: 494 < Reguly 639)

meń kudu-što uke ul-maš-em

1SG home-INE NEG be-PST2-1SG

'I was not at home'

Croft's cycle applied to Eastern

and Western Mari


• Mari negative forms of the verb 'be'

• e.g. Eastern Mari:

A: Pre-Proto-Mari:

verbal negator: *e-

neg. of 'be': *e- + *wole-

B: Modern Eastern Mari:

verbal negator: o- (< *e-)

neg. of 'be': oməl̑ etc. (< om əl̑)C: "Future Eastern Mari 1":

verbal negator: oməl̑ etc.neg. of 'be': oməl̑ etc.




modern Mari

• the negative forms of the verb 'be' are used in verbal

negation in the 2nd past tense:

Eastern Mari: (tol- 'come')

Sg.1. tolən̑ oməl̑ Pl.1. tolən̑ onalSg.2. tolən̑ otəl̑ Pl.2. tolən̑ oδalSg.3. tolən̑ oγəl̑ Pl.3. tolən̑ oγət̑əl̑

(Alhoniemi 1985: 116)




(23)

a) (Śatko 2000: 39)

A viškińa-n.

NEG small-PRS.1SG

'I am not small.

b) (Śatko 1998: 116)

Ńej uš avoľ viškińa-t.

now any.more NEG small-PRS.2SG

'Now you are not small any more.'


clauses in Erzya


II Location

(24)

a) (Śatko 1998: 65)

eźeme-ś a tarka-so-nzo

bench-DEF.SG NEG place-INE-PX3SG

'the bench is not in its place'

b) (Hamari 2007: 169 < Nina Agafonova, p. c.)

eźeme-ś avoľ tarka-so-nzo




clauses in Erzya


II Location

(25)

c) (Hamari 2007: 175 < Nina Agafonova, p. c.)

eźeme-ś araś tarka-so-nzo




clauses in Erzya


III Existence

(26) (Bartens 1999: 162)

a) mastor langso araś iśťamo źveŕ

earth on NEG such animal

'there is no such animal on earth'

b) mastor langso araś-ť iśťamo źveŕ-ť

earth on NEG-PL such animal-PL

'there are no such animals on earth'


clauses in Erzya


IV Possession

(27) 'have'-possession (Śatko 1978: 55)

Toń araś brato-t [--]

2SG.GEN NEG brother-PX2SG

'You don't have a brother [--]'


clauses in Erzya


(28) 'belong'-possession

a) (Śatko 1998: 53)

Meks ton a moń?!

why 2SG NEG 1SG.GEN

'Why aren't you mine?!'

b) (Śatko 1998: 14)

Jalaťeke ejkakš-ťńe avoľ sonze [--]

however child-PL.DEF NEG 3SG.GEN

'However, the children are not his [--]'


clauses in Erzya


• the etymology of the negative existential araś is

uncertain

• may have developed through a combination of neg.

particle a and eŕams 'live', but this etymology is

controversial

• araś not used in the negation of verbal predicates

• consequently, Croft's cycle probably cannot be

applied to the negative existential of Erzya

Croft's cycle applied to Erzya


• Croft's cycle could be applied to avoľ

A: Proto-Mordvin

verbal negator: neg. particle ?*aC

neg. of 'be': ?*aC + uľe- 'be'

B: Modern Erzya:

verbal negator: neg. particle a(< ?*aC)

neg. of 'be': avoľ (< *aC + uľe- 'be')

neg. of 'be': neg. particle a (< ?*aC)

C: "Future Erzya 1":

verbal negator: avoľ

neg. of 'be': avoľ




modern Erzya

• avoľ- as a negative auxiliary is used in the negation of

the conjunctive (29a), conditional-conjunctive (29b)

and desiderative (29c) moods

(29) (cf. Bartens 1999: 142, EK 2000: 189–190)

a) avoľiń pala 'I wouldn't kiss'

b) avoľiń palińďeŕa 'if I hadn't kissed'

c) avoľkseľiń pala 'I didn't want to kiss'



• is the intermediate stage C > A also visible in modern

Erzya?

• C > A:

the negative-existential-cum-verbal-negator begins

to be reanalysed as only a negator, and a regular

positive existential verb comes to be used with it in

existential construction



•avoľ as a negative particle in focus constructions

(30) (Śatko 1998: 8)

Jarmak-tńeń ton avoľ spor-iť,

money-PL.DEF.ACC 2SG NEG gamble-PST1.2SG

avoľ śim-iť…

NEG drink-PST1.2SG

'It's not that you gambled away the money nor drank…'



• the problem with the application of Croft's cycle to the

Erzya particle avoľ and the auxiliary avoľ: only the

latter has a cognate in Moksha:

(31) (cf. Bartens 1999: 142, MK 2000: 148)

a) afəľəń pala 'if I wouldn't kiss'

b) afəľəń palańďäŕa 'if I hadn't kissed'

c) afəľəksəľəń pala 'I didn't want to kiss'

• did the Moksha auxiliary develop from a negative

marker *afəľ of stative relation clauses?



I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates: af

II Location: af

aš (agrees with the subj.)

III Existence: ajaš / aš (do not agree with the subj.)

IV Possession

'have': ajaš / aš (do not agree with the subj.)

'belong': af


clauses in Moksha


• realizations of the cyclic development of the negative

markers visible in the Permic, Mari and Mordvin

languages

• however: does not relate to the negative markers of

of existence (only), but to the negative markers of

other stative relation clauses (proper inclusion,

equation, attribution, location, 'belong'-possession)

• does not refute Croft's cycle, but suggests that the

cycle could be applied more broadly than just to cover

negative existentials

Conclusions:


• ALHONIEMI, ALHO 1985: Marin kielioppi. Apuneuvoja suomalais-ugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten X. Helsinki.

• BARTENS, RAIJA 1996: Die positive und negative Existentiale in den finnisch-ugrischen Sprachen. Ural-Altaische

Jahrbücher, Band 14. Göttingen.

• BARTENS, RAIJA 1999: Mordvalaiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 232.

Helsinki.

• BARTENS, RAIJA 2000: Permiläisten kielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 238.

Helsinki.

• BERECZKI, GÁBOR 1990: Chrestomathia ceremissica. Budapest

• CROFT, WILLIAM 1991: The evolution of negation. Journal of Linguistics 27. Cambridge.

• CYPANOV 2007 = ЦЫПАНОВ, Е. А.: Видза олан! Самоучитель коми языка. Сыктывкар.

• CYPANOV – MOTORINA – SIZEVA 1999 = Е. А. ЦЫПАНОВ, Л. А. МОТОРИНА, Ж. Г. СИЗЕВА: Рöмпöштан. Коми язык

для взрослых. Сыктывкар.

• EK 2000 = ЦЫГАНКИН, Д. В. (et al.): Эрзянь кель. Морфология. Саранск.

• HAMARI, ARJA 2007: The negation of stative relation clauses in the Mordvin languages. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen

Seuran Toimituksia 254. Helsinki.

• HEINE, BERND 1997: Possession. Cognitive sources, forces, and grammaticalization. Cambridge Studies in

Linguistics 83. Cambridge.

References:


• HESSELBÄCK, ANDRÉ 2005: Tatar and Chuvash code-copies in Mari. Studia Uralica Upsaliensia 35. Uppsala.

• KANGASMAA-MINN, EEVA 1970: Types of Nominal Sentences in Cheremis. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 70. Helsinki.

• KANGASMAA-MINN, EEVA 1975: Negation in Cheremis. Congressus tertius internationalis fenno-ugristarum. Tallinn.

• KEĽMAKOV, VALENTIN – SARA HÄNNIKÄINEN 1999: Udmurtin kielioppia ja harjoituksia. Apuneuvoja suomalais-ugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten XIV. Helsinki.

• MK 2000 = Алямкин, Н. С. (et al.): Мокшень кяль. Морфология. Саранск.

• PAYNE, THOMAS E. 1997: Describing morphosyntax. A guide for field linguists. Cambridge.

• Śatko 1978, 1998, 2000 = Сятко 1/1978, 1/1998, 1/2000. Саранск.

• VASIKOVA 1982 = Васикова Л. П.: Сложные предложеня в современном марийском литературном языке. Часть I. Йошкар-Ола.

• VASIKOVA 1990 = Васикова Л. П.: Сопоставительная грамматика русского и марийских языков. Синтаксис.Йошкар-Ола.

• Vojvyv ko uv 1997a = Войвыв кодзув 3/1997. Сыктывкар.

• Vojvyv ko uv 1997b = Войвыв кодзув 5/1997. Сыктывкар.

• WICHMANN, YRJÖ 1931: Volksdichtung und Volksbräuche der Tscheremissen. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia LIX. Helsinki.

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The negation of stative relation clauses in the Mordvin, Mari and