THE Privileged AND THE Oppressed - OpenCdA

THE PrivilegedAND THE Oppressed

Progressives’ latest narrative, revealed through Black Lives Matter

JULY 2016

INSIGHTS REPORT PART 1: Understanding the

Appeal of BlackLives Matter

About the author: Anne Sorock is the president of The Frontier Lab, where she is a

leading innovator on the application of private-sector market research methodologies

to the marketplace of ideas. She is a leading expert in organizing the relationships

Americans hold with political and cultural ideas using principles of behavioral science

and has specialized in the understanding of mass movement appeal and motivating

factors. She received her MBA in market research from Cornell University’s Johnson

School of Business and her BA from the Johns Hopkins University. She lives with her

husband and children outside Chicago.

About The Frontier Lab: The Frontier Lab is a 501c3 nonprofi t organization that studies

how Americans relate to cultural and ideological themes. The Frontier Lab, based in

Chicago, Illinois, using cutting-edge market-research approaches to discern the driving

values and emotions that underlie the choices they make in the marketplace of ideas.

Focusing on applying the best private-sector methodologies to the understanding

of what makes Americans tick, the Lab mixes art and science to provide insights and

education to the public. www.thefrontierlab,org.

Published July 2016

1 | THE PRIVILEGED AND THE OPPRESSED

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4

INTRODUCTION 7

METHODOLOGY 11

PART I: UNDERSTANDING THE APPEAL OF BLACK LIVES MATTER 13

MEET THE ACTIVISTS 15

MEET THE ALLIES 18

MEET THE OPERATIVES 21

THE BLM MESSAGE 25

THE BLM STRATEGY 29

APPENDICES 38

There will always be a segment of white America that is overtly, irredeemably racist. Forget about them. They’re not worth your time.

There’s a much larger segment, some of them are gathered right here. A segment of white America that considers itself enlightened. They outwardly reject the symbols of white supremacy, yet they aggressively protect their white privilege.

Deep in their heart, they despise your blackness more than anything else; forget aboutthose folks, too.

There’s a sliver, a sliver of white America that hates white supremacy and that hates capitalism. These are the folks that you need to organize with.

You’ve got to organize with class-conscious workers….You’ve got to organize with the undocumented. You’ve got to organize with the radical trans people….You’ve got tobuild a poor people’s movement, a colonized people’s movement.

We’ve got to build a grassroots, antiracist movement to defeat capitalism altogether and it’s not going to happen at the ballot box. There can be no human system under capitalism. Capitalism is an anti-human system.

Professor Russell RickfordCornell University

Black Lives Matter ProtestJuly 8, 2016


OCCUPY WALL STREET AND ITS DETRITUS may have faded from the nation’s public parks,

but experienced far-left organizers are ecstatic over the infl uence of a new movement,

Black Lives Matter (BLM). Founded in 2013 around the death of Floridian Trayvon

Martin, BLM has within its grasp the radical revolutionary goals the Bill Ayers activists

of old, and more recent new class of far-left operatives, had before now been unable

to attain. The Frontier Lab’s in-depth research, gained through unanticipated access to

organizers, activists, and allies of BLM, deconstructs the movement’s appeal and what

the implications for marketers of freedom.

This report details our fi ndings, including these TOP 10 INSIGHTS:

• Black Lives Matter’s core message is built upon, depends upon, and has as its ultimate goal, the larger

retelling of the American story as one of oppression and racism.

• The police, as representatives of the state, must be framed as exemplifying the Black Lives Matter

framing by being themselves oppressive and racist.

• Black Lives Matter frames their cause as one against a systemic problem and necessarily utterly rejects

the “one bad apple” counterargument

• BLM relies upon the elevation and equating of other underprivileged groups to a status “just as

oppressed” as Black America in order to build a narrative of an America divided into the “Oppressed

and the Privileged.” For this reason causes such as undocumented workers, LGBTQ, and women’s

reproductive rights, are recruited and welcomed into the “Allies” category of supporters (see below).

• Supporters of BLM, for the most part, have moved on from desiring to silence dissent through amending

free-speech laws; instead, Black Lives Matter (1) pressures authorities to do it for them, (2) creates

an atmosphere of intimidation through threats of violence and shows of force, and (3) incorporates a

culture of self-censorship in which those with “privilege” have a lesser voice than the oppressed.

• While social-media and cameras are utilized uniquely and effectively to communicate with and recruit

new supporters, it is the framework of organizing learned from past attempts and overarching magna-

narrative that in reality gives Black Lives Matter its edge.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY


• There are three distinct segments of supporters of the Black Lives Matter movement, each with

their own emotional pathways to a deeply felt connection: Activists, Allies, and Operatives.

These mental maps explain current reasons for support as well as provide strategic pathways for

weakening that

same support.

• Common across all segments is the emotion of fear of being ostracized from the left’s

cultural community.

• The specifi city of the cause – injustice toward the Black community – is both central to its appeal

and also a window into an Achilles-heel weakness of the movement’s core positioning.

• The movement is at a critical juncture in its lifecycle, with maximum cultural infl uence but having

failed to transition this infl uence into policy impact.

THE RESULT: we have uncovered key insights marketers of freedom need to understand

in order to predict and plan for how their ideas will compete with an alternative framing

of the American story. As young people continue to gravitate toward mass-movement,

anti-freedom principles, it is imperative to de-market the appeal of these dangerous

ideologies that threaten the future of America.


<[�[\[�YRaUNY�b`R`�\S�S\_PR��OYNPX`�N[Q�5V`]N[VP`�N_R�Z\_R�aUN[�½�Saf�]R_PR[a�Z\_R�YVXRYf�a\�experience some form of force in interactions with police. Adding controls that account for important context and civilian behavior reduces, but cannot fully explain, these disparities. On the most EXTREME USE OF FORCE�±�\§� �PR_�V[c\YcRQ�Ù\\aV[T`�±�WE FIND NO RACIAL DIFFERENCES in either the raw data or when contextual factors are taken into account. We argue that the patterns in the data are consistent with a model in which police \§� �PR_`�N_R�baVYVaf�ZNeVZVgR_`��N�S_NPaV\[�\S�dUVPU�UNcR�N�]_RSR_R[PR�S\_�QV`P_VZV[NaV\[��dU\�V[Pb_�_RYNaVcRYf�UVTU�Re]RPaRQ�P\à`�\S�\§� �PR_�V[c\YcRQ�Ù\\aV[T`�

Professor Roland Fryer, Jr.Harvard University

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Despite labeling itself as a movement centered around one community in America,

Black Lives Matter has succeeded in capturing the broader nation’s attention. Young

Americans, on campuses and in urban areas, are particularly drawn to its focus on

righting injustice, taking action in the streets, and fi nally righting wrongs of the past.

And yet, as The Frontier Lab discovered through hour-long market-research interviews

and questionnaire responses from nearly fi fty activists and organizers with the

movement, there are even deeper needs fulfi lled for young Americans by connecting to

the movement. Mapping these deeper needs – we refer to them as “Values” – allows us

not only to understand why Black Lives Matter is succeeding in a more sustained and

broader support base, but also the state of mind of a swath of young Americans.

We found that the upper-level organizers of the movement related to the movement for

far different reasons than rank-and-fi le activists. Perhaps even more surprising, over the

course of our interviews we found certain activists—those who were not Black—referring

to themselves using the term “Allies” of the movement, and describing the unique (yet

restricted) role they played, with accompanying unique motivations for their support.

As we proceeded with our research, operatives responsible for decision-making and

strategic-planning within the movement shared with us their history with previous

organizing, what strategic plans and concerns they held for Black Lives Matter as a

potent cultural force, and their own goals, personal and political, they hoped could be

realized through Black Lives Matter.

THE LEFT’S MOMENT IS NOW

Black Lives Matter as a movement represents the hopes and dreams of leftist

organizers who shared with us that, until now, they had never felt such a sense of hope

and excitement that their goal – as one operative put it, “total social upheaval,” and

INTRODUCTION


“systemic change” – could be realized in their lifetime. From veteran agitators like the

Weather Underground’s Bill Ayers to a new crop of social-media-wielding female and

LGBTQ leaders, Black Lives Matter is encapsulating the hopes and dreams of multiple

generations of progressives in a way, they say, no movement has before.

The three female founders of the movement have made it clear, and the message has

seeded itself as far down the chain as the operatives we spoke with, that Black Lives

Matter is the vessel through which all progressive causes can fl ow. LGBTQ, illegal

immigration, abortion, and countless other causes are simmering just beneath the public

face of the focus on police violence. Even police violence fl ows neatly, according to

Black Lives Matter, into economic violence – wage issues, workers rights... The panoply

of leftist groups come together under this banner.

THE NEW HAVES AND HAVE-NOTS

Perhaps unsurprising for all the emotion and promise the movement has ignited in the

minds of organizers and everyday activists, we also see a blueprint for reviving the

progressive philosophy’s worldview through new language and themes. Instead of the

“haves and the have-nots,” we see deployed through Black Lives Matter the construct

of the “privileged & the prejudiced vs. the oppressed.” This narrative has taken such

a hold of young Americans involved with Black Lives Matter that many willingly and

happily self-censor and self-segregate their speech according to their level of privilege.

Instead of imposing restrictions on free speech, we see them welcomed by the very

people whom they affect. For the progressives of Black Lives Matter, privilege serves

as the ultimate divider, the reason that America has never been (and will never be), a

unifi ed entity.

1 GenForward Survey, July 2016, Black Youth Project at the University of Chicago http://genforwardsurvey.com


YOUNG AMERICANS READY TO ACTIVATE

Young Americans across the country are equally caught up in the Black Lives Matter

fervor, if for different reasons than the organizers and operatives who are keen to bring

them in. A nationally representative survey conducted in June 2016 nationally with 1,965

young adults ages 18 – 30 revealed that 51 percent of young adults support the Black

Lives Matter movement, compared to 32 percent who said they oppose it. This freshman

college class is more likely to participate in mass movement protest action than any of

the classes of the past fi fty years . And, as the research will show, they are emotionally

vulnerable to the positive messages of community, excitement, justice, and purpose that

Black Lives Matter provides, while also susceptible to the threat of exclusion from the

left’s cultural community.

In contrast with The Frontier Lab’s 2015 “Freedom Buzz” study documenting how young

Americans relate to freedom of speech, where we discovered that many viewed free

speech as a way to enjoy a life free from judgment of their peers, the Black Lives Matter

activists proactively sought to demonstrate their alliance with the culturally acceptable

mores of the progressive left. If the Solace-Seekers segment of the Freedom Buzz report

sought to live their lives without the stress of being asked to conform, the Black Lives

Matter adherents jumped straight to conformity without avoidance.

BLACK LIVES MATTER VS. RULE OF LAW

Black Lives Matter presents an alternative view of the American story, rooted in Marxism

and one that thrives on encouraging division. Many have criticized its avoidance of facts

about bias in policing – facts that would directly counter the Black Lives Matter narrative.

Nevertheless it has captured the nation’s attention through its use of social-media and

cameras but also by recruiting the young Americans who will fi ll the streets with their

presence and engage the public’s interest with their fervor.


If Black Lives Matter succeeds, it will have reengineered the minds of America to view

our system, our history, and our future, through the lens of division and hate. In its

dishonest weakening of public trust in the police offi cer, the representative of law and

order and equality before the law, Black Lives Matter weakens the very foundations of

our country.

To counter this advance, marketers of freedom must understand why they are losing

mindshare to the left’s Black Lives Matter ideology if they are to effectively counter their

messages and rebuild demand for our principles.

2 “Today’s Freshman Class Is the Most Likely to Protest in Half a Century,” The Chronicle of High Education,

February 2016. http://chronicle.com/article/Today-s-Freshman-Class-Is/235273

3“FreedomBuzz,” August 2015, The Frontier Lab www.thefrontierlab.org


While many have struggled to make sense of the growing success of anti-freedom, anti-

free speech fervor on campuses and amongst the communities of young Americans, The

Frontier Lab’s uniquely personal, hands-on market research provides actionable insights

derived from mapping the underlying emotions and values that explain the appeal of

Black Lives Matter.

OUR RESEARCH SOUGHT TO ANSWER: why does Black Lives Matter appeal to some young

Americans, and what can this tell us about 1) the best strategy for promoting freedom to

the same young Americans, and 2) the mechanics of implementing such a strategy?

We began our process by seeking out high-intensity supporters of Black Lives Matter

through two channels: an online survey targeting young Americans aged 18-34 about

their involvement with, and enthusiasm for, the Black Lives Matter movement. We

were seeking those with high-intensity support for Black Lives Matter and who had

been involved with the organization either as an organizer or activist – attended an

event, been to a meeting, joined a Facebook support group, etc. We used this survey

instrument to identify and then contact 47 strong supporters of Black Lives Matter whom

we probed at-length about the meaningful underlying reasons for attachment in 30- to

60-minute telephone interviews and written questionnaires. The interviews employ the

“Laddering” in-depth interview market-research methodology. We also advertised a

separate screener survey on the Facebook pages of Black Lives Matter and the Black

Youth Project (a separate but affi liated organization) to recruit more interviewees.

The resulting interviews were captured in separate fl owcharts that described each

individual’s responses to the general question, “why do you support Black Lives Matter?”

Each individual was classifi ed as an “Activist,” “Ally,” or “Operative.”

• ACTIVISTS: the rank-and-fi le participants in Black Lives Matter protest action and meetings, but who

were not involved in high-level planning or strategy

METHODOLOGY


• OPERATIVES: instrumental in the planning and organization of the movement.

• ALLIES: also rank-and-fi le activists who are not Black, they proactively referred to themselves using

this term

The distinction between “activist” and “ally” came as a result of what the Black Lives

Matter enthusiasts themselves told us: if you were not Black, you held a different status

within the organization, a term they used to describe themselves routinely: “Ally.”

This difference was refl ected in the responses we captured during our interviews:

the Activists and Allies held some overlapping motivations for their participation in

and support for the movement, but contained several unique features that warranted

separating into two different segments. The individual responses were consolidated into

three consolidated charts, or “Hierarchical Value Maps,” that capture what aspects of

Black Lives Matter each segment had in common. The motivating Values of the three

Black Lives Matter segments:

1. Activists: empowerment, hope, community, excitement

2. Allies: guilt, security, solidarity, fear

3. Operatives: pride, confi dence, excitement, purpose

The consolidated mental maps of each segment provide the hierarchies of

affi liations that, taken together, explain each segment’s admiration for the Black

Lives Matter movement.


PART 1: UNDERSTANDING THE APPEAL OF BLACK LIVES MATTER

MEET THE SEGMENTS

• ACTIVISTS

• ALLIES

• OPERATIVES

THE BLM MESSAGE

THE BLM STRATEGY

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Black Lives Matter Activists – distinct from the “Allies” segment in that they are Black

themselves – view their participation in the movement as momentous and a source of

pride as they live up to their responsibility to bring justice to Black America. Through

their involvement, they have now entered into the history of what they view as the

unresolved struggle for Black Americans to achieve equal rights in the United States

These are heady emotions; their friends and family will positively benefi t, and they feel

connected to the community in deeper ways through their protest and organizing action.

They reported that it was meaningful to them that they were surrounded by fellow Black

activists – as they stood up for themselves, without delegating to others the righting of

their situation, they felt they could even more effectively take on the system.

Aspects of the Black Lives Matter movement, which they view as peculiar to BLM

and different from what characterized previous attempts to achieve justice for Black

Americans, give Activists hope that this time their strategy will succeed in ways it has not

in the past

First, the integration of social media into the movement’s communication means that

they are able to wean off a reliance on mainstream media and those who wield power

over the dissemination of information. Because they perceive the media to be part of

the problem in getting their message out (for example, they believe the media does

not adequately provide coverage of the injustices suffered by the Black community),

circumventing the media provides them with greater control over their message and

reach – a sense of empowerment that previous generations of activists did not have

Second, they cited the fact the Black Lives Matter is populated more exclusively by

Black participants as both showing that Black Americans are taking the responsibility for

fi ghting for equal rights on their own shoulders, rather than relying on others to do this

for them. That America’s demographics are changing toward more minority

MEET THE ACTIVISTS


representation only further reinforces the Activists’ view that this is the time to achieve

lasting change.

Third, because the focus of the movement is systemic change rather than allying with the

current “white patriarchy” to make changes (such as small legislative victories), activists

viewed this as a more lasting and promising approach, which together with the greater

racial homogeneity of the movement, provided them ultimately

with a sense of hope that “this time it will be successful.”

Seemingly contradictory to their sense of hope and excitement

about the future was Activists’ struggle to answer what their

exact goals were for the Black Lives Matter movement. There

was little uniformity in the vague answers provided – “justice,”

“equality,” and “reparations,” characterized the types of

specifi c hopes they had.


EXCITEMENTCOMMUNITYHOPEEMPOWERED

Minimizes the “spin”on our actions

This time it will be successful

Forces media toreport on injustices

Different than previous “black issues”

movements

Gives hope to my family and friends

I’m involved with historic action

Undermines the “system” and creates

lasting change

Able to increase our reach and numbers

Those personally affected are standing

up for themselves

Social media is circumventing reliance on

mainstream media

Isn’t oriented around pleasing white people or

the white patriarchy

Most participantsare black

Today’s demographicsmake success more likely

Part of continuous struggle for Black rights in U.S.

READ A “HIERARCHICAL VALUE MAP” FROM

BOTTOM TO TOP;

• “ATTRIBUTES” DESCRIBE INITIAL REASONS FOR

SUPPORTING BLACK LIVES MATTER.

• “CONSEQUENCES” DESCRIBE WHY THESE

ATTRIBUTES ARE IMPORTANT.

• “VALUES” DESCRIBE THE UNDERLYING VALUES

IDENTIFIED AS DRIVING THE PARTICULAR

THOUGHT PROCESS.

**EQUALLY IMPORTANT TO IDENTIFYING

UNDERLYING VALUES ARE THE CONNECTIONS

BETWEEN EACH ELEMENT OF THE CHART,

WHICH PROVIDE STRATEGIC DIRECTION FOR

SELLING OR WEAKENING THE PRODUCT/IDEA.

PROTOTYPE

ACTIVIST


VALUES: EMPOWERMNENT, HOPE, COMMUNITY, AND EXCITEMENT

“Not having to worry about me or my boys – not having to think about systemic

racism – that’s what I’m hopeful for.”

Female, Black, College Student / Friend/Family Got Her Involved / Supported Bernie Sanders / From Mid-Atlantic / Doesn’t Trust Cnn, Fox

/ �<]aVZVàVP�AUNa�@UR�0N[�.��RPa�=\YVaVPNY�2[cV_\[ZR[a

“I’M LEARNING A LOT OF EMPATHY; I NEED

TO KNOW MY PLACE AND NOT OVERSTEP

MY BOUNDARIES. WITH BLACK LIVES

MATTER, I KNOW I HAVE TO TAKE A STEP

BACK BECAUSE I’M NOT BLACK.” – ALLY

The Black Lives Matter Allies segment hopes to make amends for a sense of privilege

and accompanying guilt through their involvement with Black Lives Matter. Allies

told us one of most fulfi lling aspects of their connection to Black Lives Matter was

that it afforded them the opportunity to demonstrate to their peers that they were

actively pursuing good. It is important that they demonstrate their solidarity with Black

protesters and in doing so make amends for their culpability as unfairly privileged

members of society.

In this way their participation both satisfi es a moral obligation to level the playing fi eld,

due to their non-Black privilege, while also providing a tangible demonstration of loyalty

to the community. This outward show of solidarity cements

their connection to a group that is perceived as positive within

their community and further reinforces their image of having

taken responsibility for the unfair advantage of “privilege.” In

this sense, fear was a driving emotion for many Allies who desperately desire to

demonstrate in no uncertain terms their support for Black Lives Matter and their

community of peers.

We found that many of the Allies who are not Black, but are a member of another

minority group, referred to themselves as a “person of color” –

and see their marginalized status as being helped through the

success of Black Lives Matter. For them, it is important that Black

Lives Matter become a movement not just of Black activists but for all “people of color,”

a strategy articulated by those (discussed later) Operatives who are planning the future

trajectory of the Black Lives Matter and left operations. To the Allies “of color,” their

involvement with the movement and observing its success ultimately, then, creates a

sense of security about their own status.

MEET THE ALLIES


“AT THE PROTEST FOR THE RELEASE OF

LAQUAN MCDONALD, THERE WAS A LOT

OF CONFUSION BECAUSE ORGANIZERS

WANTED ONLY BLACK PEOPLE. IT ENDED

UP BEING CRACKED DOWN ON – AND THE

DEBATE HADN’T REALLY BEEN RESOLVED.

THEY WERE SAYING TO US, “WE NEED

HELP!!” BUT WE WERE LIKE, “WAIT,

ARE WE ALLOWED TO COME?” --ALLY

In a similar way, Allies who belong to non-race-based minority groups such as members

of the LGBTQ community or women, welcomed the way the Black Lives Matter

movement is both populated by, and welcoming to, myriad other minority causes. This

equating of all minority groups as similarly situated “less privileged,” or “have-nots,”

reinforced their membership in a community that would see to their needs and better

position their futures.

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FEARCOMMUNITYSECURITYGUILT

I’m unfairly privilegedIf BLM succeeds, it is possible for my issue

to succeed also

I want to be in harmony with my

community, accepted

This is my responsibility

as an ally

I don’t want to be associated with what is keeping people down

Shows I’m not a part of the patriarchal system

Shows that other minorities equally aggrieved with

black peopleIndirectly helps meGives me a

way to help

Helps educate others Success gives hope to other marginalized groups

Women, LGBTQ and other minorities are welcome

I can show my solidaritywith black protesters

harmony with my community, acceptedcommunity, accepted

harmony with my community, acceptedcommunity, accepted

harmony with mycommunity, acceptedcommunity, accepted

Values

Consequences

Attributes

Aligns me in solidarity with other under-privileged groups

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PROTOTYPE

ALLY


VALUES: GUILT, SECURITY,COMMUNITY, FEAR

“This movement is not about appeasing white people….In the past we didn’t have enough power. I’m proud to be a part of this time; to witness it, and to say I was

on the right side.”

3RZNYR��³=R_`\[�<S�0\Y\_´��/ Aware Of Privilege Level / Post-Graduate Students / Follows International News / Not Patriotic / Involved With

Other Causes / Feels Responsibility To Maintain Freedom

Those who were involved in the planning and strategizing for Black Lives Matter, the

Operatives, were motivated by four core emotions, “Pride, “ Confi dence,” “Excitement,”

and “Purpose.” These driving values help place the Black Lives Movement within the

greater context of left-wing organizing, for the Operatives overwhelmingly saw this

particular movement as rippling out through diverse and seemingly unconnected issues

across the progressive mass-movement spectrum. Nearly all of the Operatives we

studied had been involved with prior leftist organizing, but remarked that this was the

fi rst time they felt the momentum provided through tangible victories that would propel

them to a more lasting outcome.

To begin with, Operatives were reassured by their participation in a mass-movement

action that is part of a long line of anti-racist struggles over the course of America’s

history. By understanding Black Lives Matter in this context, Operatives felt a sense of

being “on the right side of history,” which in turn provides a sense of pride in their having

chosen correctly.

The Operatives are pleased by a few distinguishing features of Black Lives Matter that

signal to them that this time they might be more successful than the perceived failure of

past movements to achieve lasting change. First, they view the fact that because there

is (partially through what they told us were concerted efforts sometimes to discourage

non-Black participation in public-facing activities) an image of less diversity and more

purely Black participation, that this will better position them to argue they hold moral

authority. At the same time, the lack of public-facing diversity is important from an

organizing standpoint as it engenders a deeper commitment from participants who

witness the same thing and are reassured that they are on a wise and well-positioned

path to victory.

The Operatives are buzzing with a sense of excitement and confi dence that, again, “this

time it will be different.” They observe that, through the Black Lives Matter, they have

MEET THE OPERATIVES


already been able to push “little issues” the movement has been working on for years

“over the fi nish line.” These tangible victories, along with the success at incorporating

other movements within the left into the Black Lives Matter organizing efforts, is

remarkably exciting as they “build an engine the moves into larger social upheaval.”

As they see Black Lives Matter achieving tangible victories where prior efforts, such as

Occupy, had failed, they feel a sense of excitement and even effi ciency in being involved

with a “winning” plan.

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PURPOSEEXCITEMENTCONFIDENCEPRIDE

Movement has absolute claim tomoral authority

I’m spending my time in the right place

I’m on the right side of history

Engenders deeper commitment

Creates an engine that moves into larger

social upheaval

Provides tangible victories

Fuels momentumDifferent from past anti-racist movements

Activists arepersonally affected

Values

Consequences

Attributes

Renewal of historic anti-racist struggle

Building solidaritywith other

movements

Outward-facingimage is more “Black”

than past

First time successfully challenging racism

Involves physically showing up (not just mental,behind computer)

Getting many “little issues” ppl working

on for years over the

Reassured that we can win

PROTOTYPE

OPERATIVE


VALUES: PRIDE, CONFIDENCE, EXCITEMENT, PURPOSE

“The reason I’m an activist is because I want to make things better for myself primarily. The only way for my life to be

better is to fi ght all forms of oppression.”

White, Middle-Class / Taking Responsibility For Privilege / Hopeful For Victory / Seeking Social Upheaval / College-Educated / Wants To Be

Part Of History / Involved With Occupy, Fight For 15, Ferguson

This whole anti-police rhetoric is based on a lie. There is no data, and you know this. There is no data, there is no research that proves any of that nonsense. None. That law R[S\_PRZR[a�\§� �PR_`�a_RNa�OYNPX�ZNYR`�QV��R_R[aYf�aUN[�dUVaR�ZNYR`�V[�]\YVPV[T�V[�aUR`R�urban settings…

There is no place in American discourse for that sort of vile, vitriolic hate coming out of this VQR\Y\Tf��AUV`�UN`�SbRYRQ�N[Q�SN[[RQ�aUR�¾�NZR`�\S�aUV`�N[TR_�a\dN_Q�aUR�.ZR_VPN[�]\YVPR�\§� �PR_��AUR_R�V`�\[Yf�\[R�T_\b]�V[�.ZR_VPN²\[R��1\[²aUNa�a_bYf�PN_R`�NO\ba�aUR�YVcR`�\S�/YNPX�]R\]YR�V[�aUR`R�b_ON[�TURaa\`��.[Q�aUNa�V`�aUR�.ZR_VPN[�]\YVPR�\§� �PR_��dU\�T\R`�\ba�there on a daily basis, puts their life out there on the line, to protect who? Black people.

@UR_V�� 1NcVQ�0YN_XRMilwaukee CountyCNN’s Don Lemon

July 17, 2016


The Black Lives Matter narrative is built upon three pillars that are essential to the larger

goals of its strategists: the retelling of the American story as one of the privileged

against the privileged-not; using the police as a stand-in for the larger institution of state

power, and an indictment of the system and not individual actions. These pillars provide

insight into the larger aims of the Black Lives Matter movement: at the very least, BLM

is concerned with setting up a more comprehensive narrative than one relating solely to

the Black community. Understanding how the message pillars function within the Black

Lives Matter narrative is critical to designing a strategy to undermine it.

RETELLING THE AMERICAN STORY

Black Lives Matter’s core message is built upon, depends upon, and has as its ultimate

goal, the larger retelling of the American story as one of oppression and racism.

There are two narratives that describe the foundational story of America, and they

diverge both in how they view the past and the path they offer for the future. The

fi rst is that America’s story is an attempt to match the institution of government with

the premise that all men are created equal – that the system equalizes us and unites

us through the law (Constitution) and that, despite failures to always deliver on this

promise, the spirit of the country has been a departure from other cultures’ impediments

to advancement. The second presents a different view: an America of competing groups

that should not place their faith in the law (or a promise of equal treatment), for the

system—the governing structures rooted in the Constitution—are designed to preserve

elites’ power and preclude the rest of society from achieving equal status.

The second story, the story of division and systemic injustice, is the foundation for

the Marxist “Haves and Have-Nots” class division, and reveals the philosophical

underpinnings of the Black Lives Matter movement are deeply entwined with far-left

Marxist ideology.

THE BLM MESSAGE


THE POLICE REPRESENT THE LARGER STATE AND AMERICAN SOCIETY

The police, as representatives of the state, must be messaged as exemplifying the Black

Lives Matter framing by being themselves oppressive and racist.

Focusing vitriol against law enforcement offi cers is way to translate a political ideology

(Marxism) into a tangible enemy that adherents can picture, encounter, and target. By

seeking out stories of potential (founded and unfounded) injustices perpetrated by

police and encouraging mass outrage in reaction to them, BLM is able to channel the

emotion their message fosters against an enemy people can see.

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Black Lives Matter frames their cause as one against a systemic problem and necessarily

utterly rejects the “one bad apple” counterargument.

Black Lives Matter is organized around a simple premise: that there is unequal, systemic

treatment of Black Americans by the criminal justice system, and in particular by the

police, resulting in the disproportionate and racist victimization of this community. The

system is inherently racist, and so therefore in order to effect change and justice, the

system must be taken down. This premise has been hotly disputed; in July 2016, Harvard

University’s Professor Roland Fryer, Jr., published a study for the National Bureau

of Economic Research, adding to a growing body of evidence supporting a counter

viewpoint – that in fact there were no racial differences in the application of deadly force

against Black Americans:

On non-lethal uses of force, blacks and Hispanics are more than fi fty percent more

likely to experience some form of force in interactions with police. Adding controls that

account for important context and civilian behavior reduces, but cannot fully explain,

these disparities. On the most extreme use of force – offi cer-involved shootings – we


fi nd no racial differences in either the raw data or when contextual factors are taken

into account. We argue that the patterns in the data are consistent with a model in

which police offi cers are utility maximizers, a fraction of which have a preference for

discrimination, who incur relatively high expected costs of offi cer-involved shootings.

Nevertheless, Black Lives Matter has captured the nation’s attention by arguing

that a systemic problem exists in the use of deadly force in a disproportionate way

against Black Americans. The message continues to resonate and be repeated,

despite factual challenges.

Nearly every Black Lives Matter activist we spoke with, including the operatives

responsible for crafting and selling-in the message of the movement, stressed that this

was about a systemic problem in society – racism built into the fabric of the nation. But

perhaps even more important, by proving to the American public that police violence

exists, BLM is able to then jump to the conclusion that other types of “violence” against

the community do as well: “economic violence,” for example, as low wages in the Black

community signify.

4 See http://www.nber.org/papers/w22399 and http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/12/upshot/surprising-new-

evidence-shows-bias-in-police-use-of-force-but-not-in-shootings.html?_r=1


There’s a lot of mythology behind Black Lives Matter, assuming the only reason this is happening is because of social media and because of the use of cameras. That is fundamentally false. What is exciting is that the Black Lives Matter moment comes after decades and centuries of the serial assassination of black people.

The driving force of Black Lives Matter is organized young people who have been mobilizing for years around a lot of issues. Black Lives Matter’s focus is state violence against black people. Its focus is also decent education, ‘stop closing our schools,’ jobs for everybody, health care, mental health, drug programs.

It is a comprehensive movement, and the folks involved in it in Chicago are long-time organizers.

Professor and Convicted Terrorist Bill AyersUniversity of Illinois-Chicago (ret.)

Liberation RadioOctober 30, 2015


How do you convince an entire nation that a movement whose operatives admit that

they are “seeking total social upheaval” is a genuine, grassroots, Black-community-

oriented, movement with which young Americans should associate themselves?

SILENCE DISSENT THROUGH FORCE, INTIMIDATION, AND FEAR

“The problem is, when we ask authorities to ban hateful speech, they could use it against

us. So what we learned in Chicago is we could shut it down with our numbers. I learned

that the best way to shut things down is to take matters into our own hands.” --Operative

The Black Lives Matter movement is wholly against dissent and freedom of speech

and their success rests upon the silencing of dissent, but they are savvy enough to

accomplish this through other means than solely legal. First, Black Lives Matter has

created an atmosphere where forces more emotionally compelling than “truth-seeking”

encourage fealty through the threatened stigma of being an outsider, and discourage

diversity of opinion. Through our research, we found that both the Activists and the

Allies were united by the fear of being ostracized from the left’s cultural community and

clung to the community they were provided by publicly supporting Black Lives Matter.

Black Lives Matter frequently uses shows of force – either by seeking them from

university administrators or through aggressive demonstrations – to silence dissent, as

well. Activists recounted to us that they found it appropriate to ask administrators to

step in and stop perceived “hate speech,” although they considered themselves to be

supporters of free speech. Finally, by portraying criticism of their cause as an attempt to

àV¾�R�aURV_�`]RRPU, they in effect demand freedom from criticism.

THE BLM STRATEGY


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“When someone says, ‘we have policies that can help!’ I say ‘Stop. You can’t talk about my

d\_YQ�¶´ – Activist

“The only people who should be able to talk about these issues are those adversely impacted by

racism. Just as the only people who should have a say about abortion are those who have had

aURV_�NPPR``�_Rà_VPaRQ�´ – Ally

“There have been times where I decide to take a step back because I can’t speak to what’s going

\[��6�XV[Q�\S�aNXR�N�ONPXT_\b[Q�]\`VaV\[�´ – Ally

“I understand having to take a background role in Black Lives Matter – I hope they [those

V[c\YcRQJ�d\bYQ[¶a�OR�`XR]aVPNY�\S�ZR��Oba�6¶Z�\X�dVaU�Va�´ - Ally

There is another sense in which Black Lives Matter has created an atmosphere where

freedom of speech is unwelcome: activists and operatives involved with Black Lives

Matter told us how they had self-segregated themselves according to their level of

“privilege.” Privilege, which describes the relationship to the state according to variables

such as an individual’s race, gender, or sexual orientation – or even being raised in a two-

parent home, lived in a stable community, etc. – removes you from feeling the full weight

of what a less privileged individual’s experience has been. But it is the penalty Black

Lives Matter exacts on those with higher privilege than others that shows how privilege

is actually a system of suppression and dis-equality, for individuals recounted to us

how they knew their voices, their opinions, their work, and their presence, matter less –

and was even harmful to the optics of the cause. Frequently, white or non-black

“persons of color” told us they had felt uncomfortable because of their relative privilege

and removed themselves from seeking positions of power, or attending public events,

so as not to offend.


AN AMALGAMATION OF DISPARATE OPPRESSED CAUSES

BLM relies upon the elevation and equating of other underprivileged groups to a status

“just as oppressed” as Black America in order to build a narrative of an America divided

into the “Oppressed and the Privileged.” For this reason causes such as undocumented

workers, LGBTQ, and women’s reproductive rights, are recruited and welcomed into the

“Allies” category of supporters.

Whereas Occupy and other leftist movements in recent years have received some

support and then ultimately failed to sustain that connection, Black Lives Matter

threatens to continue not only to appeal to young Americans and prepare them for

future progressive organizing but also provide momentum to a network of seemingly

unassociated left-wing causes.

Black Lives Matter incorporated those on margins of traditional black freedom

movements, including women, the working poor, the disabled, undocumented

immigrants, atheists and agnostics, and those who identify as queer and transgender.

These marginalized black people played visible and central roles in the formation of

Black Lives Matter and in their ongoing community organizing and protests.

When The Frontier Lab spoke with Operatives in the Black Lives Matter movement, they

revealed that they had all been involved with other leftist movements, including Occupy

Wall Street, but found that their involvement with Black Lives Matter was far more

rewarding due to its success in the media and ability to create a sustainable and more

widespread perception of moral authority. Operatives’ prior association with Occupy

Wall Street reveals that they goals are not particular to the Black Community but to the

Marxist ideals instead


Importantly, they revealed that their goal was not to help Black America, but rather

to “create an engine that moves into larger social upheaval.” To achieve this goal, the

Operatives are undertaking a concerted effort to take the undergirding philosophy of

Marxism, where society is divided into the “Haves and the Have-Nots,” and reinvent it in

the era of Black Lives Matter through the term “Privileged.”

As Cornell University’s Professor Russell Rickford, quoted at the beginning of this report,

said at a Black Lives Matter protest, one of most important ways to gauge a potential ally

of Black Lives Matter was not professed sympathy with the cause of injustice in the Black

Community, but a jointly shared hatred for Capitalism:

5 See http://www.nber.org/papers/w22399 and http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/12/upshot/surprising-new-

evidence-shows-bias-in-police-use-of-force-but-not-in-shootings.html?_r=1


WHITE AMERICA, ACCORDING TO BLM PROTESTER

“There’s a sliver, a sliver of white America that hates white supremacy and that hates

capitalism. These are the folks that you need to organize with. You’ve got to organize with class-

conscious workers….You’ve got to organize with the undocumented. You’ve got to organize with

the radical trans people….You’ve got to build a poor people’s movement, a colonized people’s

movement. We’ve got to build a grassroots, antiracist movement to defeat capitalism altogether

and it’s not going to happen at the ballot box. There can be no human system under capitalism.

Capitalism is an anti-human system.”

Some of the original organizers of BLM take enormous pride in the success of this

coalition of disparate leftist causes under what is perceived as a more specifi c orientation

-- something Occupy had failed to accomplish. Here BLM organizer Alicia Garza recounts

her own happiness at seeing BLM coalesce “people of color” into one movement:

conscious workers….You’ve got to organize with the undocumented. You’ve got to organize with

the radical trans people….You’ve got to build a poor people’s movement, a colonized people’s

movement. We’ve got to build a grassroots, antiracist movement to defeat capitalism altogether

and it’s not going to happen at the ballot box. There can be no human system under capitalism.

Capitalism is an anti-human system.”

Some of the original organizers of BLM take enormous pride in the success of this

coalition of disparate leftist causes under what is perceived as a more specifi c orientation

-- something Occupy had failed to accomplish. Here BLM organizer Alicia Garza recounts


…Critics like Garza say that those in the [Occupy] encampment failed to make substantial

considerations of race and gender in their critiques of economic injustice and police

violence. Many argue that this failure contributed to its downfall—its inability, mostly, to

galvanize a broader community.

Black Lives Matter, Garza hoped, would succeed where the Occupy movement had

faltered. This meant establishing a broad but singular mission statement, one that

addressed all intersecting injustices affl icting the black community.

Many of the Allies we spoke with, who took on the term “Ally” in order to denote their

relative surfeit of privilege with relation to Black Americans, were eager to refer to

themselves as “people of color.” They explained that this term gave them a sense of

shared victimhood, and when one of their member groups prospered, it would signify

that they all had a better outlook.

Taken together, “privilege,” “people of color,” and the function of uniting previously

unaffi liated causes like that of the LGBTQ community, under the banner of Black Lives

Matter, is helping to make this movement the true engine for social upheaval on a broad

scale that its organizers hope it could become.

MESSENGERS AND CHANNELS: THE USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA AND CAMERAS

TO TELL THEIR STORY

The Black Lives Movement’s lore describes it as “born from a

hashtag,” in response to the Trayvon Martin killing by George Zimmerman. There

is a sense of pride amongst the activists, too, who believe they are circumventing

the mainstream media by embracing


“TA-NEHISI COATES, SHAUN KING, THAT’S

WHAT I TRUST. I DON’T TRUST CNN, I

DON’T TRUST FOX. THEY ARE THE SAME.”

- ACTIVIST

the mainstream media by embracing“I TRY TO STAY AWAY FROM NEWS

ORGANIZATIONS THAT HAVE ANY

SPONSORSHIP; AND ESPECIALLY FROM

ANY GROUPS THAT HAVE ‘BAITING

HEADLINES.’” - ACTIVIST

social media -- and seeing success in seeding their narrative because of it. The Activists

and Allies of Black Lives Matter simply believe the mainstream media will not tell their

story fairly; social-media empowers them to do this themselves.

When we questioned strong supporters of Black Lives Matter about the infl uences on

their initial involvement, we found that the primary infl uencers were family members,

followed by friends and political leaders. Teachers or professors were the fourth most

infl uential in getting them inspired about the movement.

6 “The motivating forces behind Black Lives Matter,” July 2015 https://www.good.is/features/black-lives-

matter-feminism-history


Once engaged, activists choose specifi c social-media platforms for different connection

purposes. In 2015, Wired Magazine reported on the key ways in which the movement

communicates with its activists : for video, Vine, Instagram, or Periscope; for more

clandestine group communication, GroupMe; for rapid (private) mobilization, SMS text or

WhatsApp, or if it can be public, Twitter.

Then, there are the “connector” types who are the messengers that reach out personally:

If, God forbid, you fi nd yourself standing in front of the next Michael Brown or Walter

Scott, and you know the nation’s attention needs to swerve hard to your town, your

best bet might be to send a direct message to someone like DeRay Mckesson, one of

a handful of activists who sit at the apex of social networks that now run hundreds of

thousands strong…

We have already seen the importance of publicly demonstrating an allegiance to

the community supporting Black Lives Matter – social media allows for the public

presentation of just that sort of affi liation, and demonstrates an aspect of why the BLM

movement may have been so appropriate for the young Americans who already use

these channels to communicate with their community members.

7 http://www.wired.com/2015/10/how-black-lives-matter-uses-social-media-to-fi ght-the-power/


“I observed older people with a saddened expression that young people were doing this.The elders told them you ought to be ashamed of yourself. But the youth said they were tired of the commercialization of MLK and that he was more about resistance. I neverSRYa�`\�ZbPU�aR[`V\[�´

- Sheila Pree Brighton documenting the Martin Luther King

Birthday Parade in Atlanta, January 2015



APPENDIXSample Individual Interview Charts

ALLY LADDER 1

!"

Women at the forefront

Equates women with people of

color as equally aggrieved

Our freedom is tied together

Observing their success reveals what is possible

for me

I’m inspired

I can predict (CONTROL)

More inclusive than other past

movements

Isn’t oriented around

appeasing white people In Civil Rights

mvmt. Gay/Trans issues not

welcome; confined to colleges

Isn’t dependent on white people’s

approval

I’m proud to say I was a part of it

Gives me hope this is the

movement that will win

In the past we didn’t have enough

power to circumvent white

people

Movement has momentum

Makes this movement

different, unique, NEW

Reality is consistent with

values of inclusivity

BLM


OPERATIVE LADDER 1

Provides a victory for the

larger movement***

Victories fuel our momentum, makes

other movements stronger

Have little victories

It took BLM to get it over the finish line what ppl had been

working on for years

Confirms that we can win

Gives me tangible proof

that I can hope

Renewal of an historic anti-

racist struggle

Haven’t seen something like this since Civil

Rights

I need to be a part of building it, be part of history

I’m proud of myself, I’m moral

Can build solidarity with

other movements connected with race (abortion)

It’s an engine that moves into

larger social upheaval

Means oppression in my

life can be removed

I’m more secure about my life

Step to creating a different world with

fully funded services

I’m excited

I’ve been an activist since

college

First time we’ve successfully challenged

racism

“The reason I’m an activist is because I want to make things better for myself primarily. The only way for my life to be better is to fight all forms of oppression.” - Lauren

BLM


ACTIVIST LADDER 1

Gives hope to all other people of

color

Means other marginalized

groups can succeed

Helps me, indirectly

Gives me a way to help the community

Requires me to show up physically

in addition to mentally

I’m racially ambiguous

It isn’t a one-time thing, like going

to class

Gives me a way to help, a purpose

I feel like I’m doing more even

though I’m privileged

As an ally it’s my responsibility to educate others

Because of my privilege, I don’t have it as hard

I’m demonstrating

my commitment publicly

BLM

BLM LEXICON

Term Meaning Example

Advocate Spokesperson “I became a social-justice advocate in my own home.”

Ally Someone who supports something but who has more privilege than the aggrieved party.

“We encourage other white allies to use their privilege, influence, and wealth to talk about white supremacy and state violence against black people.” –Black lives matter website

Black Liberation Movement The expressed aim of Black Lives Matter, per their website.

“BLM centers those that have been marginalized within Black liberation movements.”

Marginalized Groups There way of saying minority. I.E. LGBTQ, women “Allows for other marginalized groups to succeed.”

Multi Racial Solidarity N/A “Through research and cross-sector convening, we seek to revitalize a contemporary Asian American politics grounded in multiracial solidarity..”

Nonviolent Resistance Renaissance Tactics updated in the current era to disrupt and confront oppression, in particular oppression by police; the new renaissance of nonviolent resistance confronts on new turf than before for example, shutdown of upper middle class shopping areas)

“The action represented a significant escalation of nonviolent tactics, directly confronting police on their own terrain, and modeled emergent forms of solidarity between communities of color. “ – WarResisters.org

Oppressed Converse to “privilege,” refers to someone to whom the system is inherently unfair

See “Privilege”

Partner Boyfriend/Girlfriend/Spouse “My partner and I don’t plan to get married anytime soon.”

Patriarchy Aspect of the U.S. government system that makes it inherently stacked against the oppressed

“�Contemplating if patriarchal values are ingrained within sections of the Black Lives Matter movement itself, especially among Black males.”

Persons of Color Anyone that isn’t white – equating all persons of color as being under same form of discrimination

“Despite the media’s disproportionate focus on cases involving men, intersectional analyses demonstrate that racialized police violence and misconduct are inflicted upon women and transgendered persons of color as well.”

Political Activist Establishment political operatives, considered “snobbish”

(See Social Activist Example)

Privileged Converse to “oppressed,” someone to whom the system is inherently biased in favor

“I can use my privilege because I am not black.”

Racial Justice Affirming people of color by addressing five types of violence: Physical, Political, Legal, and Economic

“We must pursue policies to transform this country into a nation that affirms the value of its people of color. That starts with addressing the five central types of violence waged against black, brown and indigenous Americans: physical, political, legal, economic and environmental.”

Racially Ambiguous Not outwardly identifiable as any particular race; in particular, able to pass as a white person.

“Because I’m racially ambiguous, I have privilege.”

Social Activist Grassroots activists, considered “disorganized” “There is great distrust between the establishment/political activists (who are snobbish) and social activists (who are disorganized). I try to explain that everybody needs each other.” -Activist

Social Justice Promoting a just society by challenging in justice and valuing diversity, it exists when all people share a common humanity and therefore have a right to equitable treatment, support for their human rights, and a fair allocation of community resources.

“Although equality is undeniably part of social justice, the meaning of social justice is actually much broader.”

Systemic Racism/Systemic Change The type of racism (or change) that isn’t unique to a person or situation but built into the system

“The mainstream media is covering issues about systemic racism.”

Womanist Movement Movement founded by Alice Walker for Black women who feel marginalized by white feminists.

“I learned about a history of white feminists overlooking, putting down, and shutting out feminists of color, and about the consequent womanist movement.”


BLM LEXICON

Term Meaning Example

Advocate Spokesperson “I became a social-justice advocate in my own home.”

Ally Someone who supports something but who has more privilege than the aggrieved party.

“We encourage other white allies to use their privilege, influence, and wealth to talk about white supremacy and state violence against black people.” –Black lives matter website

Black Liberation Movement The expressed aim of Black Lives Matter, per their website.

“BLM centers those that have been marginalized within Black liberation movements.”

Marginalized Groups There way of saying minority. I.E. LGBTQ, women “Allows for other marginalized groups to succeed.”


Nonviolent Resistance Renaissance Tactics updated in the current era to disrupt and confront oppression, in particular oppression by police; the new renaissance of nonviolent resistance confronts on new turf than before for example, shutdown of upper middle class shopping areas)

“The action represented a significant escalation of nonviolent tactics, directly confronting police on their own terrain, and modeled emergent forms of solidarity between communities of color. “ – WarResisters.org

Oppressed Converse to “privilege,” refers to someone to whom the system is inherently unfair

See “Privilege”

Partner Boyfriend/Girlfriend/Spouse “My partner and I don’t plan to get married anytime soon.”

Patriarchy Aspect of the U.S. government system that makes it inherently stacked against the oppressed

“�Contemplating if patriarchal values are ingrained within sections of the Black Lives Matter movement itself, especially among Black males.”





































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Documents

THE Privileged AND THE Oppressed - OpenCdA