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I-1
The Problems that face
Urban Utopias
David Musrie Spatial/Interior Design Level 3
February 2005 Negotiated Theory – Visual Culture
Tutor: Pam Shaw
I-2
Contents List
Research Methodology……………………………………………………………………3
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..4
Chapter I…………………..Urban Utopias and their Origins…..………..……………5-12
Chapter II…………….……The Rise of The Functional City……………………….13-18
Chapter III…………………From Paper to Reality……………………….…………19-29
Chapter IV…………………The Decline of Society……….………………………..30-35
Chapter V…………….……What Can We Do?……………………………………..36-38
Conclusion……………………………………………………...…………………….39-41
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….42-44
I-3
Research Methodology
For any student wishing to participate in architectural design it is important to understand
the principles of why our cities have been shaped in their form. To do this, extensive
research must first take place in order to find out the key facts, contributors, and
arguments that have taken place throughout history in the world of architecture. Many
different utopian visions have been forged by architects/town planners/theorists from
diverse backgrounds and different eras; these visions will either defend or contrast
previous ideas in order to form the ideal city. To successfully fulfil this task an eclectic
form of research must be carried out. Books found from the university library catalogue,
using search engines on the World Wide Web, questioning professionals who may have
previously researched this topic, and searching through journals/magazines/newspapers
shall be relied upon to gather information. I shall welcome the opportunity that the
question of why and how cities are shaped in their current form may inevitably change, to
create a more stimulating debate.
I-4
Introduction
Challenges face the urban planner of today to seek the ideal city of tomorrow. Different
groups throughout the history of architecture have influenced future generations. The
aims of this document are to outline the difficulties that have been encountered and to
propose an outcome from the information gathered.
In aiding the town planners of today to successfully achieve the utopian goals, this
document will reach a conclusion by establishing the history of industrial cities and why
the utopian visions were forged; whilst taking an analytical view of the works of CIAM.
The document also addresses the rise of Modernism in Britain and in addition discusses
theories to help overcome problems within society and the present movements in force to
address the current problems.
I-5
Chapter I Urban Utopias and their Origins
‘Industrialization’ is a key factor discussed within this chapter, for this period throughout
Europe has been acknowledged as the birthplace for the need to overcome inherent urban
problems. The Industrial Revolution demanded mass-production of iron, steel and glass;
and the need to transport it nationally and internationally. This evolved city’s landscapes
and catered only for the capitalists’ development for ease of circulation and transport,
with no consideration for the profound social impact it was to embark. In William Curtis
book ‘Modern Architecture’ (1996) he acknowledged that the rapid expansion of industry
meant that “industrialized regions had grown with uncontrolled speed as the peasantry
had flocked to the urban areas for employment and had been housed in the most squalid
conditions.” (Curtis, W pg 241). To describe the ‘Industrial City’, James Donald (in his
book ‘Imagining the Modern City’) makes reference to cotton manufacturing in
Manchester, (and an account written by physician James Kay-Shuttleworth (1804-1877)
called ‘The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the
Cotton Manufacture in Manchester’ in 1832) this account highlights the social conditions
at the time of the cholera epidemic that hit across Europe the same year. Kay-
Shuttleworth’s first hand experience revealed:
“He whose duty it is to follow in the steps of this messenger of death [cholera], must
descend to the abodes of poverty, must frequent the close alleys, the crowded courts, the
overpeopled habitations of wretchedness, where pauperism and disease congregate
round the source of social discontent and political disorder in the centre of our large
towns, and behold with alarm, in the hot-bed of pestilence, ills that fester in secret, at the
very heart of society.”
I-6
The ‘1832 Reform Act’ reveals the corruption of the government in favour of the
capitalists’. In a web-based description of the 1832 Reform Act it discusses Earl Grey
(1764-1845) reign as Prime Minister:
Between 1770 and 1830, the Tories were the dominant force in the House of Commons.
The Tories were strongly opposed to increasing the number of people who could vote.
However, in November, 1830, Earl Grey explained to William IV that he wanted to
introduce proposals that would get rid of some of the rotten boroughs. Grey also planned
to give Britain's fast growing industrial towns such as Manchester, Birmingham,
Bradford and Leeds, representation in the House of Commons.
Figure 1.1: W. Heath's cartoon: How to Get
Made and M.P. (1830) Hulme, located one mile south of Manchester was subject to mass production of houses
to ‘cater’ for the needs of workers in the 1820s. Private speculators and builders were
able to purchase an acre of land and build as many houses as he could fit on the site.
“Hulme was a vast camp for cheap labour, a large number of them from Ireland. They
I-7
were drawn in by the unquenchable demand for workers in the textile mills in and around
the city centre, and engineering works in nearby Old Trafford, Cotton was king, and
Manchester flourished as the commercial capital of the North” (Ramwell, R pg 1). The
areas for living had to be close to the workplace because of limited public transport, and
the hours worked were too demanding for workers to travel far by foot. Utopians were to
create a social reform through their planning ideas.
Ebenezer Howard (1850-1928) wrote a utopian vision to problems of overcrowding in
cities. His influential model utopia of the twentieth century became a blueprint to
alleviate the stresses of the Industrial city. The model for dealing with overpopulation
(decentralization) is also apparent internationally; Amsterdam, where individuals driven
by socialism established the first housing association to build for the working classes
(1917). Amsterdam born Michel De Klerk (1884-1923) instigated ‘Spaarndammerbuurt’
in North-western Amsterdam; a district boarded by a railway line, assigned to house the
working class, which also consisted of a school and post-office was isolated from the rest
of the city thus creating a self-contained community.
Figure 1.2 Spaarndammerbuurt
I-8
The idea of the Garden city was to create a self-sufficient community outside of the city,
a philosophy which evidently appears in Walt Disney’s plan of the ‘Experimental
Prototype Community of Tomorrow’ (1967). “EPCOT will be a working community with
employment for all. And everyone who lives here will have a responsibility to help keep
this community an exciting living blueprint of the future” (Disney, W 1967). EPCOT
was to encompass over 27,000 acres inhabiting just 20,000 residents. Howard was much
influenced by Russian Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921), who published in Britain in the
1890s. This is apparent because Kropotkin noted that the rapid growth of electricity
would encourage the possibility to decentralise industrial cities. When Howard published
‘Garden Cities of Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Social Reform’ in the 1890s, he was
said to follow the social ideas he had learned as a ‘Radical’ of the 1870s and 1880s. The
Radical belief was that democracy and co-operation was the way forward, that the
capitalists’ system of economic life of the nation was corrupt and inhumane; and that
political power was irrationally controlled by a few rather than the alleged national
democracy it boasted. In Robert Fishman’s account of life in this era, he states from his
findings “In the countryside the near-monopoly of landholding by large owners was
bankrupting agriculture. The farm worker, deprived of any hope of owning his own land,
was fleeing the land and swelling the urban slums. There he and his fellows were easily
exploited by ‘sweating’ employers whose sharp practices and monopolistic tactics were
driving the honest ‘little man’ out of business” (Fishman, R. pg 30). Howard’s idea of
the Garden City documented in 1898 was not to adjust the planning of existing cities, but
to ease the stress on such cities by decanting population to new towns further away from
I-9
its descendant. This master plan would draw the farm workers from the slums back to
the countryside and Howard’s proposed social reform was to “create a new class of
yeoman smallholders” (Fishman, R. pg 30). This utopian view was to grasp the best of
both worlds as Howard saw them, the best possible way was to record the advantages and
disadvantages of both urban and rural life and retain the benefits of the two, which are
demonstrated in Howard’s diagram of the ‘Three Magnets’:
The Town
Advantages: “social opportunity, places of amusement, high wages, chances of employment, well-lit streets and palatial edifices.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) Disadvantages: “isolation of crowds, distances from work, high rents and prices, excessive hours of work, the army of unemployed, fog and droughts, costly drainage, foul air, murky sky, slums and gin palaces.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) The Country
Advantages: “the beauty of nature, wood, forest and meadow, fresh air, low rents, abundance of water, bright sunshine.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124) Disadvantages: “lack of society, lack of work, land lying idle, long hours, low wages, lack of drainage, lack of amusement, no public spirit, the need for reform, crowded dwellings and deserted villages.” (Broadbent, G. pg 124)
Figure 1.3 Howard’s Three Magnets Diagram
I-10
The Garden city would be a self-
sufficient community compiling
small businesses and agriculture,
encompassing 6,000 acres and
inhabiting 30,000 residents. It was
first conceived in Letchworth
(1903), 12 miles from the centre of
London and was funded by
philanthropists that carried Howard’s
utopian views. Letchworth has
recently celebrated its first centenary
and has successfully achieved in
becoming self-sufficient. The Heritage
Foundation owns and manages
Letchworth, and has been designed to
maximise the financial return from the
assets it holds in trusts and re-invests.
Swiss architect Le Corbusier (1887-
1965 born Charles Edoard Jeanneret)
is likewise a pioneer of town planning within the twentieth century. Le Corbusier and
Howard both had to contend with the coherent dilemma of the early twentieth century
that was “the old cities had become self-consuming cancers because they had
Figure 1.4 (Above): Walt Disney presenting his 24 minute video on the EPCOT. Figure 1.5 (Below): Howard’s Garden City in its context shows a link with the EPCOT.
I-11
degenerated into a means of exploitation. The capitalist system had given control over
the environment to thousands of speculators and landlords, each seeking to increase his
profits.” (Fishman, R pg 265). Le Corbusier’s blueprint of how he envisioned the city of
the future has been encapsulated in his ‘Radiant City’. The diversity of the two planners
is already evident just by the title given to their utopian views; Howard’s ‘Garden City’
defines spacious rural living that alleviates the stresses of the city, where ‘Radiant City’
interprets bright and compressed urban living. Le Corbusier was fascinated by the rapid
growth of industry where Howard was concerned for the preservation of agriculture. The
‘Radiant City’ (1930-1935) was devised by Le Corbusier during his time spent in Paris.
Prior to the invention of the Radiant City America saw the birth of the skyscraper in
Chicago and then New York, the erection of steel and glass towers redefined the urban
landscapes all over the world. A combination of these technological advances and the
ideas of eclectic artistic groups over Europe were the beginnings of the ‘Modern
Movement’. Movements such as De Stijl, Art Nouveau, Expressionism and
Constructivism all felt that architecture was trapped in the past and needed liberating to
move with the trends of the new age, the ‘machine age’. Fishman (1982, pg 182)
describes Le Corbusier’s arrival in Paris (1916) as his wake up to reality. “It was
potentially the site of a magnificent urban civilization for the Machine Age, but in its
‘pre-mechanical’ state the machine was killing the city”.
Le Corbusier’s first commission was at the age of seventeen (1905), by the age at his
arrival in Paris he had eleven years experience as an architect without any formal training
(which is also inherent with Howard). Le Corbusier was involved in a number of large-
I-12
scale, wartime projects including hydroelectric plants, arsenals, power stations, and
refrigeration plants. “He even set up his own consulting firm with high-sounding title of
the Society for Industrial Studies and Enterprises” (Fishman, R pg 183). His association
with mass-production is apparent in the design of the ‘Maison Dom-Ino’ housing, a
scheme designed to help ease the pressures of a city. In an article written by Dominic
Gallagher (2001) discussing Le Corbusier’s ethos behind these mass produced housing
schemes, he quotes: “Architecture would be as efficient as a factory assembly line. Soon,
Le Corbusier was developing standardised housing 'types' like the 'Immeuble-villa' (made
real with the Pavilion de l'Esprit Nouveau of 1925), and the Maison Citrohan (a play on
words suggesting the building industry should adopt the methods of the mass production
automobile industry), which he hoped would solve the chronic housing problems of
industrialised countries.” This is the idea that conceived the domestic tower block, the
building type endlessly used by Le Corbusier in years to follow. This philosophy is also
shared by another famous architect, Walter Gropius (1883-1969) founder of the famous
‘Bauhaus’ school for architecture and design (1919), who in 1923 defined in his text
‘Idee und Aufbau’ “the idea that workers in all the crafts should design for a better
world using the idea of machine production as a stimulus.”
Figure 1.5: Le Corbusier’s diagram of the Dom-Ino. With no internal load-bearing walls the interior space would maximise flexibility.
II-13
Chapter II - The Rise of the Functional City
In 1928 Le Corbusier, alongside twenty-three other modernists from eight European
countries founded the first international congress for modern architecture ‘CIAM’
(Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne) at the Château of La Sarraz,
Switzerland. For nearly thirty years the great questions of urban living, space, and
belonging were discussed by CIAM members. The documents they produced, and the
conclusions they reached, had a tremendous influence on the shape of cities and towns all
over the world. “CIAM was deliberately intended to create an avant-garde within the
new, anti-traditionalist architecture that began to develop in the early twentieth century.
Its innovations had historical links to many earlier efforts to reform society through
architecture” (Mumford, E pg 2). The goals of CIAM were documented in a letter wrote
by CIAM’s secretary, Sigfried Giedion (1888-1968), to Dutch architect and town planner
Cornelis van Eesteren (1897-1988) soon after the first congress in La Sarraz. The aims
were:
• To formulate the contemporary program of architecture. • To advocate the idea of modern architecture. • To forcefully introduce this idea into technical, economical and social circles. • To see to the resolution of architectural problems
Le Corbusier was the most prominent member of CIAM. Prior to CIAM’s first congress
in La Sarraz Le Corbusier was enlisted to participate on an urban study committee
questioning the working-class housing in France. In his first pamphlet for the
‘Redressement Français’ Le Corbusier stated that “the density of central Paris should be
quadrupled, with 90 percent of the land left free for vegetation”. In Eric Mumford’s
book on ‘The CIAM discourse on Urbanism’ he identifies a restatement of Ebenezer
II-14
Howard’s philosophy of the Garden City when Le Corbusier documented his idea of
Urbanism. Le Corbusier stated “laws would allow the assembly of large parcels of land
for redevelopment for common use and would permit the distribution of profits from land
development to the community” (Mumford, E pg 15). Although this established link
proves Howard’s influence on Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier was promoting a different
remedy; he emphasized the benefits of high density buildings within cities with
maximum space for vegetation and transportation routes.
After the examination of sample analytical maps used to compare cities and their political
implications, the concept of the ‘Functional City’ (1931-1939) was originated and formed
the agenda for the forth congress (CIAM4) held on board SS Patris in the Mediterranean.
CIAM4 (1933) was the first congress where the recently founded MARS (Modern
Architecture Research Group) group from Britain was represented, headed by Wells
Coates (1895-1958). CIAM4 was later titled ‘The Athens Charter’ by Le Corbusier. A
description of the Athens Charter has been acknowledged by ‘Archis’ (2004) in their
website column titled ‘Perversion of our Times’: “They were there to draft a definitive
Figure 2.1: Members of CIAM at the first congress in La Sarraz (1928)
II-15
solution to the chaos and perversions of the Modern City... ...A manifesto, which
pretended to be a definitive account of the spatial problems of the contemporary
metropolis.” The manifesto looked at thirty-three key cities and created ideas for
planning based on the allotment and order of city functions. The division of lands was to
be reformed into zoned cities, encompassing high-density standardised dwellings and
different areas for work, home and leisure. This was to become modernism’s blueprint of
modern living and when published in 1943 it had a profound impact on public authorities
in post-war Europe.
Van Eesteren attended the pre-congress meeting in Zurich (1931) and he alongside his
Dutch group was assigned the duty of preparing the analytical presentation guidelines for
CIAM4. These guidelines were to be based on those already implemented by Van
Eesteren’s Urban Development Section (USD) of the Amsterdam Public Works
Department, where he had been chief architect since 1929. The research headed by
Theodoor Karel van Lohuizen (1890-1956) was to make a statistical based study of
demographics, economics, and technical aspects of Amsterdam’s future development.
The bulk of the work lay in statistics, but to display the results, analytical plans were
prepared to identify areas of workplace, housing and recreational spaces, and also shared
major transportation routes. Because of the political support for the Garden City methods
in Amsterdam, the specific strategies for housing in the Expansion plan were left vague;
suggestions for single family housing and widely spaced high-rises were made, but the
plan had made no commitment to the land it was to occupy. When the research was
completed and presented in the pre-congress meeting, spokesman for the German
II-16
members of CIAM, Arthur Korn (1891-1978), openly criticized the guidelines for their
lack of analysis of production and class relationships, and questioned the whole concept
of the Functional City.
The concerns of Korn had
escalated and many doubters of
CIAM’s intentions had surfaced
by CIAM’s ninth congress in
1953. These doubts were
magnified at CIAM9, the same
congress where Le Corbusier
unveiled his large scale project
‘Unitè d’ Habitation’. Chief
among these doubters were
young British architects Alison
(1928-1993) and Peter (b. 1923)
Smithson, who led a breakaway from CIAM
in 1956 due to their concerns with CIAM’s
attachment to the 1933 Athens Charter. “They
saw a pallid version of the pre-war urban dream rising about them in the post-war
reconstruction of Europe. They felt tricked, torn between disbelief in the tired doctrines
of modern planning, and faith in the evocative power of the most poetic realizations of
earlier modern architecture” (Curtis, W pg 442). The Smithson’s concerns were
Figure 2.2: Le Corbusier on board SS Patris, talking through the analytical maps of Amsterdam as prepared by Eesteren and his team
II-17
Figure 2.3: Alison and Peter Smithson’s ‘urban reidentification’ grid presented at CIAM9
expressed and documented on the Website ‘From Here to Modernity’ authored by
Dominic Gallagher (2001):
“Man may readily identify himself with his own hearth, but not easily with the town
within which it is placed. ‘Belonging’ is a basic emotional need - its associations are of
the simplest order. From 'belonging' – identity - comes the enriching sense of
neighbourliness. The short narrow street of the slum succeeds where spacious
redevelopment frequently fails." (The Smithson’s in 1956)
In post World War II years, massive problems confronted the Labour government. The
government believed in an opportunity to re-build the country shattered by long years of
conflict from scratch, rectifying the worst mistakes of the past. This era saw the rise of
the ‘Welfare State’ in Britain. Politicians in Britain linked modernist solutions to housing
problems. Planned estates and high-density tower blocks offered attractive alternatives to
the aging Victorian housing. Labour and Tory politicians encouraged councils to build
higher and faster, and 100,000s of homes were created as political parties tried to outdo
each other by promising to build even more social housing. These issues were concerns
to the Smithsons who had taken to CIAM9 (1953) a ‘study Grille’, a visual presentation
of their ideas for the benefit of other delegates. Presumably, it was an attempt to show the
II-18
attendees the rigid orthodoxy of CIAM, and break the shackles of CIAM’s unrealistic
approach to finding urban solutions. It fitted the grid format that had been suggested by
Le Corbusier in 1949, but its contents were of a different spirit, containing not the ideal
universe but the reality of everyday life in the street. “…presented in a CIAM Grid
format, but half the regulation-sized panels were filled with Nigel Henderson’s
photographs of children playing hopscotch and a colourful and human figure, which
served as a kind of counterpoint to their nonorthogonal plan diagrams of the housing
scheme” (Mumford, E pg 233). The Smithsons called their method ‘urban
reidentification’, which focused not on zoning and circulation in the manner of the
Athens Charter, but on community. They tried suggesting ways to reconfigure the city
without losing the vitality of the working-class street. At CIAM10 the Smithsons and
there allies (known as ‘Team 10’), broke from CIAM for good. The ‘Golden Lane’
(1952) housing plan was their answer to bringing communal living to the high-density
housing blocks that were appearing more and more in Britain. “Alison and Peter
Smithson formed the most formidable British architectural partnership of the mid-
twentieth century. Fiercely intellectual, they proselytised the cause of Modernism
throughout the 1960s and 1970s, and were unafraid to criticise the prevailing orthodoxy
or bring new ideas to the Modernist blueprint” (Gallagher, D 2001)
III-19
Chapter III - From Paper to Reality
In the 1930's Modernism was introduced to Britain by the arrival of a number of German
Jewish émigré architects and designers, who came to Britain following Hitler’s rise to
power. They included key figures in both CIAM and the Bauhaus movement such as
Walter Gropius, Moholy Nagy, Marcel Breuer, and Eric Mendelsohn. One of the first
additions to the rise of modernism in Britain was the ‘Lawn Road Flats’ (1934) in North
London, also known as the Isokon
Building designed by Canadian
architect Wells Coates. The
exterior was starch white and was
often referred to as an ocean liner.
It was a revolutionary introduction
to modern living for modern
professionals “…Coates’s brand of
modernism was associated with the
bright young people of the thirties…” (Edmonds, M. 2001), it simultaneously echoed Le
Corbusier’s philosophy; “…ingenious built-in storage to maximise space and functional
efficiency: the proverbial ‘machine for living in’…” (Miller, K. 2003). The complex
offered all comforts and promoted communal activities; shoe polishing service, window
cleaning, ‘everything done for you’, sundeck/roof terrace, and even a restaurant called the
‘Isobar’. One ironic factor was that the top floor comprised of a penthouse suite, was this
the utopian vision that all classes are equal? The Isokon Building was a complete
success, unfortunately its current profile shadows its once well-respected status.
Figure 3.1: Promotion for the Lawn Road Flats (1934)
III-20
Numerous high profiled names lived here: Walter Gropius, Moholy Nagy, Marcel Breuer,
Barbara Hepworth, and even Agatha Christie, but by the 1970s it had ended up as local
authority housing. The once Isobar had been converted to create more flats, “the
building’s corridors are plastered with examples of graffiti-crudity: KILL THE PIGS,
yells one wall.” (Edmonds, M. 2001), and poor maintenance and under funding became
the recipe for its decay. Today, the Grade II listed building has been bought by Notting
Hill Housing Group to restore it to its glory with the help of Avanti architects, promising
apartments for today’s young professionals like teachers, doctors, and police.
In 1935, Britain conceived its first public building in the Modernist style through an
international competition for a new Pavilion for arts and entertainment on the seafront in
Bexhill on Sea. This was a triumphant event in bringing the joys of the new architecture
to the common man. Architect Eric Mendelsohn and Russian interior designer Serge
Chermayeff succeeded 230 entrants to the competition responding to the brief of
providing a modern solution to the building, their design for the ‘De La Warr Pavilion’
began construction in January 1935. The DLWP shows similarities in its appearance
with the Lawn Road Flats and offered functions such as ballroom dancing, a tea room, a
theatre, a deck for sunbathing; functions that carried the luxurious status of upper-class
were offered to the working-class people who chose to live and visit Bexhill on sea. The
completion of DLWP was both welcomed and criticized, and the true colours of a
conservative Britain were revealed as Jonathan Glancey discusses in his article in the
Guardian newspaper. “Modern architecture and design had come late to Britain. It was
III-21
often seen as a foreign conspiracy. The row over the appointment of a pair of Jews” he
further ads “They were foreigners who had taken jobs from our boys” (Glancey, J. 2002).
The ‘Unitè d’Habitation’ (1947-1953) in Michelet on the outskirts of Marseilles, France,
was Le Corbusier’s attempt to overcome post war housing problems. Up to 1600 middle-
class professionals would take residence within the twelve storey vertical conrete slab,
not including the undercroft and roof terrace. Within this community lay 23 different
apartment types catering the needs from individuals to the family with four children.
Complete with an internal shopping street halfway up, a recreation ground and children’s
nursery on the roof, and a generous surrounding area of park land was made possible by
Figure 3.2: An image of the deck at the De La Warr Pavilion overlooking the sea
III-22
the density of the accommodation in the slab itself. Apartments were also left
uninhabited to form a hotel on the middle floor; presumably this was an attempt to make
the complex self-sufficient. In an ingenious use of space, two-story apartments interlock,
so that an entrance corridor and elevator stop are only required at every third level. On
one side of the corridor occupants enter an apartment’s lower level; the other side of the
corridor occupants enter the apartment's upper level. As a result, apartments typically
combine bright, double-height sitting rooms on one level, with long, narrow bedrooms on
the other. “The elements of each are standardized, their combination varied. The
factory-produced units are slotted into the overall lattice of the building’s structural
frame as wine bottles might be in a rack. But the aesthetic result is neither repetitious
nor busy; banality is avoided, unity maintained, through judicious attention to
proportion, rhythm, human scale and sculptural control of mass” (Curtis, W pg 437).
Half a century later, Unitè d’Habitation is still inhabited by modest professions and
visited by many people because of its contribution to Modernism. Le Corbusier designed
five more Unitès (Nantes-Reze, 1957; Berlin, 1958; Meaux, 1959; Briey-en-Fôret, 1960
Figure 3.3: Typical Section through Unitè d’Habitation shows the intricate interlocking apartments
III-23
and Firminy-Vert, 1968), but these were compromised and the vitality of Marseilles
remains the most dominant.
In 1954, Denys Lasdun (1914-2001) was commissioned to design a post-war modernist
building to house working-class people. ‘Keeling House’ otherwise known as the
‘Cluster Block’ is in Bethnal Green, London. Lasdun was affiliated with the Smithson’s
plea to stop the problems that were associated with high-density housing blocks.
Lasdun’s approach of Keeling House was to “offer families spacious flats leading off
from a central service core. Each flat would be surrounded by daylight and enjoy a
variety of views” (Glancey, J pg 210). As the Athens Charter had envisioned zoned cities
characterized by large, widely spaced apartment blocks and landscaped public places;
Lasdun envisioned that this blueprint could actually damage communities, neighbours
would be come strangers; so Keeling House was to recapture the forms of traditional
Figure 3.4: Unitè d’Habitation’s exterior showing undercroft and surrounding woodland
III-24
housing that had been lost. It echoed the Unitè approach by its double-height living
space but Lasdun defended this connection by stating it was to reflect the double-storey
housing in Bethnal Green. “…turning the traditional Bethnal Green street on its end, re-
creating some of the indigenous features (backyards for washing etc) in the air, and
avoiding the bleakness of a tunnel-like corridor…” (Curtis, W pg 445). The qualities of
the Unitè were present, but Keeling House represented the neighbouring facades by
restating the scale and proportion of traditional window sills. Its splayed plan meant that
the four blocks deliberately looked onto each other, so recapturing the community spirit
at street level. A slow decline of Keeling House was due to insufficient funding by local
authorities “…despite its popularity with residents. Rightly, they felt that if moved
elsewhere they would never find such generous amounts of space and light again”
(Glancey, J pg 210). Today it has been regenerated by commercial developers and the
apartments are worth in the region of several hundred thousand pounds.
Figure 3.5: Exploded diagram of the communal central core at Keeling House
Figure 3.6: Plan of Keeling House
III-25
Keeling House could not solve the whole housing problem, denser solutions were
required to house more and more working-class people. The Park Hill Estate (1961) by
architects Ivor Smith and Jack Lynn was a solution to house the many working-class
people in the industrial city of Sheffield, 2,000 in fact. Park Hill Estate again bears
similarities to Unitè d’Habitation, and its snake like form only rising to six stories to
encourage communal activity was heavily influenced by the Smithson’s Golden Lane
project. Again, more problems had arisen by proving innovations as ‘hot-spot’ areas for
anti-social behaviour to commence; the wide deck access was to encourage vibrant life
from the traditional street instead gave muggers easier escape routes.
It is frustrating to see this project subject to scepticism after the success of projects such
as Unitè d’Habitation, the clear distinction between working-class and young
professionals were proving to be the reason why the same category of buildings were not
working for diverse classes. This is also apparent with Trellick Tower (1972).
Hungarian Ernö Goldfinger (1902-1987) lived in Britain for most of his working life and
Figure 3.6 (Above): Arial view demonstrating the snake form of the Park Hill Estate, Sheffield
Figure 3.7 (Right): Picture of Park Hill Estate taken in 2001, after the notorious Grade II listing
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was involved with CIAM and MARS. He created the most controversial building in an
era of the Modern Movement that was frequently questioned by the general public.
The gigantic thirty-one story Brutalist monument, started construction in 1968, the same
year that a gas explosion had torn one side off ‘Rowland Point’; the British public were
faced with buildings either falling apart or being demolished, and there began a backlash
on Modernism that lasted almost thirty years. Again the adoption of form from Unitè
d’Habitation was employed, (access on every third floor) but this project was on a much
taller scale, at 322ft it could be seen for miles from its origin in Kensington and it could
not boast the green landscape that had surrounded its forerunner. Trellick Tower was yet
another social housing project to give residence to the working-class people of London,
Figure 3.7: Trellick Tower rising as a monument of the Modern Movement
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again the cycle of problems linked to social housing faced Trellick Tower and its
Brutalist appearance was met by notorious press coverage. Women were raped in
elevators, children attacked by heroin addicts in the basement, and homeless squatters set
fire to flats. “Whilst architects like Alison and Peter Smithson were seriously questioning
the wisdom of modernist high-rise buildings, Erno Goldfinger was blaming the people
who lived in Trellick Tower for its problems- ‘I built skyscrapers for people to live in
there and now they messed them up- disgusting” (Gallagher, D 2001). Trellick Tower
became a listed building in 1998 because of its monumental stand as part of the Modern
Movement in Britain. Ten percent of Trellick Tower is privately owned by young
modern professions after its regeneration by Tenants' Management Organisation in the
1990s.
Figure 3.8: Trellick Tower (in the distance) seen for all the bad things
III-28
Since the 1960s, many theorists have expressed their vision on how the urban
environment should function properly in respect to the problems that arise within social
housing projects. Chief amongst these theories are Oscar Newman (1935-2004),
followed by Jane Jacobs (b. 1916), and Alice Coleman. Newman was an architect,
curator of the Institute for Community Design Analysis, Crime Prevention Through
Environmental Design (CPTED), author of the book ‘Creating Defensible Space’ (1996),
and built his theories through statistical analysis. In an extract from Creating Defensible
Space, Newman explains the concept “They restructure the physical layout of
communities to allow residents to control the areas around their homes… Defensible
Space relies on self-help rather than on government intervention, and so it is not
vulnerable to government’s withdrawal of support. It depends on resident involvement to
reduce crime and remove the presence of criminals. It has the ability to bring people of
different incomes and race together in a mutually beneficial union.” (Newman, O pg 9).
This concept evolved when Newman was a teacher in Washington and witnessed the
construction of Pruitt-Igoe (1950-4). Pruitt-Igoe was a public high-rise project to house
single parent, welfare families and followed the principles of Le Corbusier and CIAM,
leaving the ground floor space as communal activities and access corridors on every third
floor which entailed laundry, disposal chutes, and communal rooms. Many problems
were identified by Newman (never occupied by over 60%, graffiti, vandalism, human
waste) as he compared Pruitt-Igoe to a similar, older row house complex occupied by an
identical population across the street called Carr Square Village. He identified that the
environment in which people are housed has a profound effect on the way that they react
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to their surroundings. Newman found that in creating spaces that were unidentifiable
(neither public nor private), residents took no pride in such spaces.
Figure 3.9: Pruitt-Igoe shortly after construction (1955)
Figure 3.10: Pruitt-Igoe being demolished 10 years later
Figure 3.11 (Left): Statistics identifying the increase in crime parallel to the increase in floors of a building Figure 3.12 (Above): Statistics identifying the increase in crime with the decrease in number of adults in the household
IV-30
Chapter IV - The Decline of Society
The notorious widespread of anti-social behaviour (its elements defined by the Home
Office website as: noisy neighbours, abandoned cars, vandalism, graffiti, litter and youth
nuisance) has been proven to take place within the domestic environment; within our
streets and apartment blocks, and within urban spaces. Within our urban parks and
developments, there is a universal concern over behavioural patterns, park users and
offenders. There are many foreseeable factors that discourage potential use by
participating in social activities within these urban venues, the two most apparent are the
use of drug addicts and homeless people. Research has taken place by Behnaz
Aminzadeh & Dokhi Afshar, from the Department of Environmental Design (University
of Tehran, Iran) to administer solutions to solving the potential ‘hot spot’ areas that
attract offenders within existing urban parks. Their findings are documented in the
‘Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 9, No. 1, 73–87, February 2004’ and combine a number
of theories regarding ‘behavioural consequences of the environment for residents
defensiveness and offenders target selection’. The first theory, belonging to Newman
quoted in 1972 considers that “creating an appropriate territory, a feeling of belonging
and dedication to space, visual surveillance of the outside space and rehabilitation of
physical conditions were the solutions to this problem”. It is apparent from Newman’s
statement that he feels public spaces should be one that creates a sense of ownership to its
users, consequently appreciation to a shared environment to maintain its sincerity and
innocence. He also states a solution found to resolve the problem - that the space must be
given open supervision presumably from passers by; this would provide an unconscious
vigilance thus creating a stable reassurance for its users. The latter of Newman’s theory
IV-31
is supported by Jane Jacobs’s comments relating to the redundancy of policing on city
streets, she declares “the public peace – the sidewalk and street peace…is not kept
primarily by the police, necessary as the police are. It is kept primarily by an intricate,
almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people
themselves, and enforced by the people themselves.” (Jacobs, J. pg 39). Here Jacobs
enlightens the need for a certain minimum density of pedestrians theoretically because a
well-used street is likely to be safer and more appealing than a quite street. A
contradiction can be drawn to Newman’s theory by examining changes to City Hall
Square, in downtown Sacramento. Here trees that created large areas of shade and
detached the park from its hectic, urban surroundings were eliminated to repel frequent
alcohol drinkers that were offending park users. Apart from destroying the attractive
element of the park that drew people there in the first place, the solution caused the group
of drinkers to congregate in the shade of the remaining trees. This example demonstrates
the fine line inherent in urban planning and the careful selection required to successfully
create urban spaces. A valid point made by Diane Ghirardo when talking about the
degrading form of public spaces characterized “what we might call public spaces are
increasingly left to the poor and the marginalized, conceptualized as uncontrolled and
potentially dangerous areas, while elite and segregated type of public space has taken
shape for other, more privileged classes” (Ghirardo, D. pg 106). It seems that shopping
arcades and centres that are equally public spaces are predominantly used by the
‘privileged classes’ and are perhaps seen as their urban space because of the lack of
security and reoccurring offences made in urban parks. A closer eye can be kept on who
enters such spaces as described by Newman because of the ‘feeling of belonging’;
IV-32
occupiers of the shopping outlets inherit a tendency to segregate classes to give a sense of
well-being to the true consumers of the complex. Another extract from Behnaz
Aminzadeh & Dokhi Afshar research is that of Madanipour (1996) who says “The
presence of offenders is one of the most important reasons given for a reduced attraction
of urban spaces to the public, especially women;” he further states “when not used by
women these spaces gradually become the territory of a specific group”. As an urban
space should be a place where diverse classes amalgamate, more social activities must be
introduced to seek refuge for those anxious of the environment which in turn would
encourage activity between classes. As stated by Madanipour, there is a hindrance within
social interaction which exposes the elusive bond between park users which is a major
factor in Newman’s theory; this attracts the offenders as no challenge is made to their
presence within such areas.
Gun crime, gun culture and designer violence are also components within today’s world
of anti-social behaviour. The profile has been glorified in recent years within the
‘developed world’ through mediums such as fashion, films, music and video gaming,
although not to blame for the degrading of society these mediums of expression must be
guilty of nurturing the minds of offenders; in fact it should be such influences that
detoxify the minds of the guilty. A booklet compiled by Caroline Flint (2004) on behalf
of the United Kingdom Home Office called ‘Connected, together we can tackle gun
crime’ seeks advice from communities and the participants to gain more knowledge in
the causes of gun crime so that methods to intervene can be applied. Flint (2004) sights
the causes of gun culture as:
IV-33
The disintegration of communities and families The widening gap between rich and poor The failure of public services to combat both increasing deprivation in some communities and rising violent crime The failure of schools to give their students the necessary tools to be successful – such as lessons in life skills or conflict resolution – or to promote values and self-esteem The difficulties young men experience in finding a fulfilling job Racism – leading to discrimination – in schools, in other public services and in the workplace Not enough services or facilities for young people Too few positive (male) role models within the family or wider society The absence, among some young people, of positive values, self discipline, and respect for others; caring only about oneself Valuing what a person has, not what a person is, so that an individual’s identity and sense of self worth is linked to their material possessions. This in turn can lead to the desire for ‘instant gratification’ The desire for young men in particular to bond with their ‘homies’ or peers Feelings of fear, anger, frustration, apathy (often rooted in experiences of deprivation and disenfranchisement) Violent images in films and games, violent lyrics in popular music such as rap Sensational reporting of gun crime on television and in newspapers Guns and bullets can be bought easily and cheaply New technology, which supports illegal activity by linking gangs and criminals and making it easier to get hold of weapons. “The causes of gun culture are very wide-ranging. In order to deal with Specific issues of
gun culture and crime in each community, we need to identify the key contributory
factors, and assess how to influence them.”(Flint, C pg 2-3)
Looking at the possible origins of the gun culture is a way to identify who should be
targeted in the crack-down, but should not be relied upon to find solutions; this would
only help to intervene. Methods should be introduced to prevent a crime before it
happens, this would stop the daunting task of mopping up the pieces; if a crime is unable
to be executed it will inevitably discourage others from taking part. Take for example;
punishments when a crime is committed, a criminal can commit the same offence on
IV-34
numerous occasions before being punished, which shows that the British laws have
become too relaxed. The coverage in the media is another good example, as much as
victims and their families feel the need to broadcast their distressing times to the nation,
this should be replaced by what has been done to stop a fatality happen around the corner.
As callous as this may seem, the more media coverage, the more a potential offender will
be fuelled to perform a crime. In the same light, look at how much war coverage is
televised; day-to-day we are faced with imagery on national news channels involving
violence in the struggle to end conflict with the use of fire arms. An article from the
Telegraph newspaper compares the street crime rate in London and New York, Alasdair
Palmer discuss the police’s performance in dealing with rising crime rates and the
consequent statistics show a significant lapse in the methods employed by British police.
The two cities have a population of around seven million. In 1991, London’s crime rate
was low in relation to the European average whilst New York had the reputation of
“crime capital of the world” (Palmer, A 2005)
“There were more than 2,300 murders a year in New York in 1991 and well over 100,000
street robberies. London, by comparison, had 181 murders and 22,000 street robberies in
that year. Last year, there were 538 homicides in New York. That means the murder rate
has decreased by a factor of five over the past 13 years. London's murder rate has not
reduced at all over the same period: there were 186 homicides in the capital last year.
More astonishing still is the comparison in the statistics for street robberies. In 2003, the
last complete year for which records are available, there were just 24,334 street
robberies in New York – while in London, 38,490 people were robbed in the street.”
IV-35
Although the example discussed regarding problems in urban parks could be presumed as
a link between ‘class differentiation’ and different peoples’ perceptions of the acceptable
activities within urban parks, the evolving predicament and glamour of designer violence
can be connected and associated with the political, social and cultural differences,
disintegrating communities. It seems that the dilemma of anti-social behaviour is too
extensive to be resolved; this behaviour, its subsequent elements, and maturity within the
community have developed and replaced previously resolved issues. It is important to
investigate the problems that have previously arisen and been determined. To
accomplish this, we must first examine the issues that faced early designers and look at
the way in which a solution was devised.
V-36
Chapter V - What Can We Do?
The Athens Charter (1933) devised by Le Corbusier and CIAM had produced a
prescriptive view of how cities may develop, with high-density living and working areas,
connected by highly efficient mass transport systems. This has inspired current Town
Planners to produce a revised document to focus on the residents and the users of today’s
city and their needs. The New Charter of Athens 1998 (European Council of Town
Planners’ Principles for Planned Cities) and The New Charter of Athens 2003 (European
Council of Town Planners’ Vision for Cities in the 21st Century) both give informative
accounts of the problems and opportunities that now face European Cities. Firstly the
New Charter of Athens 1998 shall be discussed to determine what has been identified. A
conference titled ‘Towards the New Charter of Athens: From the Organic City to the City
of the Citizens’, was held in 1994 to discuss the effects of the Athens Charter 1933 on the
development of European Planning thought and practice. It was concluded that “citizens
should firmly be placed at the centre of policy-making”. In 1995, a conference held by
European Council of Town Planners (ECTP) unanimously confirmed that a new Charter
was needed to steer the development of European cities into the 21st Century. Contained
in the 1998 Charter, Part 1 (The Current Urban Agenda for Cities in their Environment),
are concerns highlighted by the European Commission involving many topics ranging
from Demographics to Choice and Diversity. It is relevant to emphasize the impact
Information Technology may have on European cities as documented within the 1998
Charter. In the topic headed ‘The Information Society’, future trends are prophesized by
looking at the revolution in information technology and electronic communications, and
the effect it is presently having on city’s functions: “…changes may be expected to
V-37
reduce the overall need to travel, to change the nature of the workplace, and to enhance
the capability of citizens to obtain information quickly and to communicate effectively…
…In terms of land use, the most radical effect may be to eliminate the need for large
scale offices and industrial structures, thus reducing the demands for space in cities…”
This section also highlights the negative effects that could be apparent within an
Information Technology revolution. A safeguard against social isolation may be relevant
because of the inherent division between information-rich and information-poor.
According to the 2003 Charter, optimizing efficiency of the knowledge-based economy
may result in more spare time for citizens, thus, “new types of economic activity may
result in less pollution, vibrant city centres, landscape enhancement, and more
biodiversity in the urban fringe and surrounding rural areas.” The 1998 Charter claims
its connections to that of 1933 Charter, similarities can also be drawn to the philosophy of
the Garden City. Part 1 Section 1.24 identifies the expansion of cities to suburban areas
thus forming networks and can be linked to the Garden City from this statement: “In
many areas, there may be positive advantages in recognising and developing the concept
of city clusters. A community of cities could be created, with each having clear identity
and purpose, linked by good quality mass transit systems.” The main revision to the
Charter of Athens is the relaxed level of involvement from the document. It clearly states
how trends may evolve but depends on the expertise of local planners to summarize a
rapid conclusion. The main issue that is apparent from the original Charter is its
ignorance with regards to shifting trends. The 2003 Charter states ‘the future is built at
every moment of the present through our actions’, a statement that is so true within Will
Alsop’s new approach to designing an entire community on the outskirts of Manchester.
V-38
‘New Islington’ is to replace the existing Cardroom Estate that was developed in the
1970s in the nationwide slum clearance. It is an innovative urban planning project to
unite all the joys of both the Garden City and the ideas of the Athens Charter. Alsop is
famous for his dedication to public sector clients and the development of run down urban
areas. New Islington promises to become one of the special places in the city and its
ingredients form the beginnings of the utopian dream envisioned many years ago. It
evidences the Garden City from its location and connection to the city centre, with the
expansion of both canals and metrolink lines it gives ease of movement to and from the
city centre. Also for the financial support required to make it a success: Ancoats,
Beswick, Openshaw, and Miles Platting have a future thanks to the City Council’s
dedication, the North West Development Agency, the ingenuity and commitment of the
local community and Brussels’ deep pocket as Howard envisioned the self-sufficient city.
The extension of the Rochdale canal creates the curved backbone for its orientation, with
green spaces and buildings branching off like fingers perpendicular to the curve thus
creating mixed use spaces. The mixed community shall be made from existing residents
of the Cardroom Estate and professionals seeking a place of residence close to the city
centre. The dwelling shall be one of the following: private rent, owner occupied, social
rent, or shared ownership. Many amenities shall be introduced to the New Islington
development such as: a primary school and play areas, a health centre with 8 GPs, 2
workshops, a crèche, an angling club and a village hall, a football pitch, 10 new shops, 2
pubs, 2 restaurants, cafés and bars and 3000 metres of canal side. The ten year project
will slowly introduce the 2,600 residents that make up its mixed genre community.
V-39
Conclusion
I have show that many unforeseeable factors contribute to the wider context of urban
planning. These factors range from history, economics, politics, demographics, culture,
sustainability, and social trends. The question of why are our cities are shaped in their
form has inevitably transformed into how – how can we create a sustainable, community-
based environment? Howard’s principles were employed to improve the lives of the
general working-class; he did in fact create an environment that was structured and
promoted self-sufficiency within communities. He opposed the fact that capitalists
controlled the land in which people worked and lived. In contrast, Le Corbusier was
passionate about the function of the industrial city; that the working-class should play a
major role within the overall development of industry. For this reason, I feel the
contributions made by Howard are more sustainable – his vision has proven timeless
because of his sympathetic approach to changing trends; this is because his aims would
let cities develop with the trends that are currently in force with his communities feeding
off the city, however; Le Corbusier’s vision was more economically minded, thus his
ideas are only workable within a certain period in time. As important as industry is to the
world, new developments are shifting industry towards the ‘undeveloped’ regions of the
globe; creating new purposes and trends for the more developed areas.
CIAM was required in the history of architecture to standardize it on a European scale
and to create new forms from the worn-out neo-classical styles that were around
previously. The rigid orthodoxy of CIAM was its downfall however; it should have been
prepared to shift with the times as the Modern Movement expected from the Victorian
V-40
traditions; instead CIAM firmly adhered to what it preached and this formed an internal
divide between the original members and the younger generation (no doubt for the better
in a wider context). It has been proven on numerous occasions throughout Chapter III
that dwellings to house working-class people did not work in Britain. From an
architectural point-of-view such buildings were triumphant, but when viewed from the
publics’ perspective they were branded as either ugly or unsympathetic. I couldn’t agree
more with Ernö Goldfinger’s comments blaming the people that lived within Trellick
Tower; although an approach like that of Will Alsop’s New Islington could well have
been the turning point the Modern Movement needed within the 1960s and 1970s.
Mixed community developments are an attractive alternative to the methods previously
employed; segregating classes seemed to be the answer but only kept the anti-social
behaviour from the safe environment of the privileged classes. The success of a mixed
community development would enrich spirit within the community; as Jane Jacobs’s
theory of ‘the public peace’ describes the policing of streets from the community itself
would play a vital part in the behaviour of citizens. The failure of New Islington may not
be as tragic as one expects; the more privileged classes would eventually find a more
pleasant environment to live in and New Islington would become yet another generic
social housing scheme (where it’s residents do not choose to live, they are simply located
here) that are now so common to the British public. The support and financial backing
that has been generated for the New Islington development is of great importance as we
have seen with projects such as the Lawn Road Flats. What the government must
recognise is that under funding will only escalate the problems; if the government were to
V-41
let New Islington reach the stage that the privileged classes were seeking housing
elsewhere, more monies should be made readily available to stop the decline as it would
result in a failed community, and the prospect that the new development that receives
New Islington’s funds could end up in the same state.
V-42
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