Bull. Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII. pp. 94-107

THE RISE OF THE EUROPEAN LUNATIC ASYLUM IN

COLONIAL INDIA (1750-1858)

WALTRAUD ERNST"

ABSTRACT

The emergence of institutions for the confinement ofEuropeans diagnosed as mentally ill is analysed. Medical practi-tioners' monetary interests in running 'lunatic asylums' and theEast India Company's measures towards restricting the Indian'trade in lunacy' are discussed. Patients' classification accordingto their race, social class and gender is an important feature ofpsychiatric practice. It is related to British attempts to controldeviant behaviour of Europeans in India and to guarantee themaintenance of the imperial power structure by keeping socialdistance between the various classes and social and racial groupsof society in India. Seen within the context of the preservation ofthe health of the European civil and military community only.psychiatry is of but minor relevance. However, if psychiatry isset squarely within the politics of colonial rule it gains a socio-political importance that reaches far beyond asylum walls,

The first lunatic asylums inBritish India were established duringthe second half of the eighteenthcenturv i . At that time the Europeanmilitary and civil population hadgrown large enough to necessitatesimilar measures as those in theprocess of being introduced inEngland itself: the establishment ofhospitals, dispensaries, orphanagesand asylums for the middle and

lower classes. In England socialrelief was seen as the responsibilityof parish communities; reformers'campaigns frequently focussed on thedemand for legislation by centralGovernment, promoting a unified,publicly controlled and locally adrni-nistered mad - house system. TheEuropeans in India at this time,however, formed an expatriate com-munity with a high rate of turnover

*59 Queen's Road. 1harnes Ditton Surrey KT7 aay England.

Rise of European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

with no local roots. It was the EastIndia Company which was to beresponsible for the health and well-being of the European community.There are many aspects to the ques-tion as to how mental institutionsfor Europeans developed within acolonial setting. The emergence ofthe pr ivate madhouse as a lucrativeincome source for its owner is butone such aspect.

The Indian 'Trade in Lunacy'

Assistant Surgeon ValentineConolly of Fort St. George, laidbefore the Madras Government in1794 'Proposals for Establishing atthe Presidency an Hospital for InsanePatients'». Apart from financialconsiderations this proposal wassupported on grounds of 'howextremely benificial the adoption ofit would be to the Community atlarge by affording Security againstthe perpetration of those Acts ofViolence which had been so fre-quently committed by unrestrainedLunatics'3. Thus the suggestion ofconfining 'those poor creaturessuffering from insanity' to specia-I ised houses afforded the Europeancommun ity at the same time a gooddeal of peace and order and riddedthem of such public nuisances aswere perpetrated by lunatics+.

Likewise, the persons whooffered to take care of lunatics couldnot be seen as totally disinterestedin the setting up of a mad - house.

95As in late eighteenth and early nine-teenth - century England, so in India,too, the 'trade in lunacy' offeredpromising business prospectso , In1815 Valentine Conolly's privatelunatic asylum in Madras was to besold on the owner's return to Eng-land. The price for it was set atabout Rs. 90,000 although the build-ing itself was not valued at morethan about Rs. 40,000. The Govern-ment of Madras disapproved of this'principle of selling not merely theBuilding, but the charge of thePatients contained in it'5. But infact the Government, in anotherpresidency, about five years later,entered into a contract with a privateentrepreneur in lunacy, which hadalso provided a considerable profitfor the owner, a Mr. Beardsmore.During the nearly 30 years of saidcontract, the Government of Bengalhad to provide from its revenueabout Rs. 20,000 to Rs. 40,000 peryear for the keep of on average 20-40 lunatics". This amounted toaverage costs per patient of aboutseven to eight times as much as inthe Hanwell Asylum in England.

This 'trade in luncay' was oftenonly a part of the medical practitio-ners' wider commercial interests.There are numerous examples offormally qualified or alleged medicaldoctors who indulged not only inlucrat ive private medicaI practice butin trade and land speculation as well.The East India Company's many and

96unsuccessful attempts 10 obviatethese multiple engagements bearwitness to their ubiquttvs. Theinvolvement of medical people inother than mere heal ing vocationswas presumably as widespread ineighteenth and nineteenth centuryIndia as it was in England at thatperiod. There were similar attemptsmade to rectify such practice; recti-fications which resuIted towards themiddle of the nineteenth century inthe consolidation of the medicalprofession as an Exclusive body ofexperts in the matter of healing, withstandardised rules and regulations,examinations, honorary titles andprofessional lobbiesv.

Classification according topatient's social class andprofessional affiliation

In the 1850s, towards the end ofthe Company's time as a representa-tive of English rule, legislation waspassed handing over the responsibi-lity for and the control of publichealth to the provincial government,as part of the state's obligationstowards its subjects" o Governmen-tal proclamations and changes inpublic health policy convey little,though, of the way in which lunaticasylums were actually managed.Syst6matic data on this matter islacking, but nevertheless some in-sights can be gained by examiningspecific cases of persons who hadbeen admitted into the presidentiallunatic asylums in India.

Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

In 1808 the proprietor of theEuropean Lunatic Asylum in Madrashad 27 insane patients confined with-in his premises i i . The MedicalBoard, which was entrusted by thepresidential Government with regularinspection ot this institution, had sofar been 'satisfied with the mode oftreatment experienced by the Patientsin the Lunatic Asylum', and haddrawn up favourable reports on itsstate and management 12. On theoccasion of a routine visit on the 8thFebruary 1808, however, the threemembers of the Medical Board be-came involved in a controversy aboutthe classification of certain inmates.One, Surgeon Callagan dissentedfrom his colleaques' conviction, thata Mr. Augun and a Captain Horne,who had Iz,:eiy arrived from Penang,were riqht.u l lv being kept in themadhouse. The prescribed procedurenotwithstanding, they had in fact notbeen certif ied insane by the MedicalBoard, but had been transferred tothe Lunatic Asylum by the Surgeonof the General Hospital in a grosslyhigh - handed action, whereby he hadmerely stated that Mr. Augun andCaptain Horne 'appear to be ina state of mental imbecility'l3.

Callagan recommended to Gov-ernment that they be 'immediatelyremoved from the Lunatic Asylum'and be accommodated in a separateportion of the General Hospital in-stead. His suggestion was based onthe observation that Captain Horne

Rise of European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

and Mr. Augun were not all that madif only they were left alone and notconstantly bombarded with questions.He explained that they had recentlylost their fortune because of a ship-wreck, leaving them without anymeans, and Mr. Augun's wife andtwo children uncar ed for, Callaganwent on to argue that one

'cannot merely because they seem

to have been at once deprived of

health, fortune and friends, approve

of dooming them to the humiliating

scenes of a mcdhcus e, where, cut

off from ~II intercourse with the

rational and instructive part of the

world on which the great hopes of

their [amendment] must rest, they

can have nothing before them butthe destracting gestures ano ('Ia-

mours of Maniacs of all Countriesand of the lowest Ranks in life,

altogether calculated to aggravate

and confirm rather than remove

the cause of their present Weak-

ness' 1 4.

Callaqan's assessrner.t seems to havebeen not altogether free from classprejudice; after all, his argumenta-tion was summarised with theconclusion that the two gentlemen'cannot be classed with commonsoldiers and sailors', because of theirprevious superior situation in life15.

There existed an additionalfactor which had to be taken intoaccount and which further compli-cated the procedure of properlyclassifying insane persons, namelythe patient's relation to the Company.

97

The Government's rates for the up-keep of the insane in Lunatic Asylumswere fixed according to the person'sformer professional position in theCompany's service. Whilst theamount of money afforded for themilitary insane's custody and carewas clearly cef insd by their rankand salary, it w:.s a more precarioustask to rank persons with a civilianbackground. Neither Horne norAugun belonged to the rr;;!'t','ry crcivilian blanch of the tust l:.diClCompany, ancl We;;"') 11,';' cfo: e noteligible to be treated on t l.e usualfirst - class rates. It was finallydecided that they shculd be kept inthe Asylum on CI scrr.ewhat reducedsuperior rate. Tre official declara-tion reads as fellows:

"l t is recommended ..... _to draw the

next lowest reGulated allowancewhich is specified for persons not

in the Service who have been intne Character 0-[ Gentleman or in

other words for those above Com-

mon Soldiers or Sailors and accus-

tomed to superior comforts, and

this distinction [we] consider

necessary to enable the Superin-tendent to pay such attentions to

their feelings in regard to accom-

modation clorhin-j and diet as may

tend to diminis h distress or return-

ing reason, nor can a less sum be

well allowed him for ihase pur-poses.' 1 e

These and numerous similardisputes illustrate the authorities'difficulties in evaluating a person'sclass position. A fortune and one's

98

mind could be easily lost, but shouldthis have the loss of one's classposition as a necessary consequence?Or should CJ former gentlfman,though not belonging to the Service,rather be confiner! cn (3 privilegedrr.tc: after 81! he had been a Britishgentlem2r, a potential member ofthe iL,Hr,g class? And what if afo~mcr gcntlrmc n turned into a'muniac' or 'perfect iciot'? Was thenc cnf irernerrt in Co first - class wardwith superior ccmfcrls still appropri-ate: Cculd <1 pers cns ceranqedstate of rnir.d oxt iriqu ish his formerrar.k in scr.ietv : ar.d if so, did notthis hr.ve n crr entcus repercussionsfor the stab ilitv of the s ocial order,which had bcr:r. exposed to repeatedAn!pt- pr ovc k ir.a c""an~Fs andessaults in (he ccor.orr.ic. pofiticat.and scclal spheres cf a gentleman'slife 7

Questions which focused onr elativc clrss pc s itic n. professional2h!i2ticr cr.:! rho fCE'icc:ved serious-ness cf HC r:tz I del argc rnent. werecitf ic uIt: c a:~v, C 1", eSJ:(:cially Eta

time when Er,glish s ccietv as a wholewas still in ihe r rc ccss cf finding itsfinal de tsrmir.at ic n ES a fully deve-lcpe d bCUI~EO;S society. Whenthe se qucsucns were confronted itwas cs c allv in very idicsyr:chraticways, with various ir.o ividual empha-ses and involvements: It should benoted that the adhcc and case-speci-fic WE-V in which Eur cpean lunaticsWE re de alt with at the beg inning of

Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

the nineteenth century differs verymuch from the later regulated andunified routine, which emerged dur-ing Lord Dalhousie's strongly utilita-rian - biased Governorship in the18505.

Classification according torace and gender

In 18C8, however. the membersof the Madras r;,~edicE.1 Board notonly disagreed as to two g~mtlemen'sproper classification in accordancewith their previous crass, the serious-ness of their dUc1ngemLnt and theirnon - affillatlcn with the East IndiaCompany. There arose even moreanimosity in regard to certain otherinrnctes, who had been, again inSurgeon Caltaqcn's opinion, 'impro-perly included in a superior class'17.First of all there are Mr. S. L. Carapetand Mr. M. Symons, both Armeniansand . in the opinion of two membersof the Medical BOGrd - of rather 'res-pecteble families', though 'now indistress' 18. Although it had beentrusted that Cellaqan, after detailedenquiries about the patients' connex-ion, 'will admit that they cannot beclassed with common Soldiers orSailors', he, on his pert described thealleged gentlemen less favourably.He argued plainly: 'Carapet ... neverwas in the station of a Gentleman' ;M. Symons, he maintained, was 'anArmenian Boy, a perfect Idiot, and aPauper' who had lived in the BlackTown and 'at the Solicitation of a

Rise of European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

Mr. Chameer and others [was] prono-unced ... a Pauper ... and admittedto the Lunatic Asylum' i 9.

In Callagan's version the 'Arme-nians of respectable families' turnedinto severely deranged paupers whowere picked up in the Black Town.Another case was taken up: a Mr. J.Watts, who was entered in the 'regis-ter of admission' as a Sub AssistantSurgeon, was characterised by Calla-gan in a peculiarly redundant way:'This person is a native half castj e]dark Copper Colou r. I t was furtherstated that 'thi" person' had been 'anApprentice to a Surgeon but neverhad been regularly established a SubAssistant; which situation in anyevent cannot entitle him to be classedas a Gentleman'. Short mention wasalso made of a fema Ie inmate, a Mrs.Lascells, who had been admitted asa first - class patient as early as 1795.Although in general even women oflowly classes were classified abovetheir actual class position during theearly decades of the r, ineteenth cen-tury - as long as they owned animpeccable reputation - Mrs. Lascells,a Eurasian, did not gain Callagan'sgentlemanly goodwill. She wasmerely referred to as 'a black'20.

Certainly 'race', as evidenced inthe colour of one's skin, was not theonly criterion which was essential forclassification. It rather was a com-plex combination of class, g€nder andracial considerations, gloomy stereo-

99types of mental illness and thedelicate venture of assigning anadequate social position to indepen-dent and upwardly mobile individuals.There had not yet emerged definiterules and generally accepted all-pervasive ways of allocating socialrecognition to the rising middlingclasses of whatever skin - colour onthe one hand and of dernsrca rinq thelower classes on tile other.

The statisttcet significance ormental iltness

The more generai question ;:;!ivcS

whether the social phencn.cncn of'insanity' could legitimLoteiy be regar·ded as having been of ar,y greatimportance wi.hi.. A,IlUlu - iiuic.ncolonial society. As to lh[~ commonpractice of determir.inq tho relevanceof a social problem by its numericalfrequency, it is needless to mention,that the East lndia Company's statis-tics are generallY not only as unr.ilia-ble as any early nirE;18( nl:l -x cnturvsocial statistics, but c.so 2" dl;c.rgentand contradictory. The cont cn.po-rary calculations cf r.n incidence reteof mental illness amonqst Euru;~(:ansin India ranqec trom: to 2.1 perthousand, to as hiC:h as nearly 4 perthousand; which 1::C3nt in compari-son to England th3 same, a nearly 3times 3S high or a nearly 4 times ashigh incidence rate respectively- r,The chance of becoming an in-patientin a lunatic asylum was roughly ashigh in India as in England. In con-

100

trast the probability of suffering froman attack of madness and recoveringfrom it without having been admittedto an asylum at 211, might have been--albeit with some variance - higher inIndia.

i'Jion':DI in:lCSS and tho state ofhG~!1~b G-~ t[1S f;H"'rny in India

illness isro·:;~:·~.~c·t '..";;j·:~~;in;hC"': '~v~cer context ofh(:c~!h :·~rc:-·cr\/a:!cn L'~~cnf.?fa'f then ac:iff, r,;;-t oc:u f: e-:!~:rg?s whish doesnet :"!!:'ftnF'c a vsrv cc.itral pocitlon

W'~~':'i:-: nl;!i'': '/ 0'~ r:-!:)v. The ~)crem-E.:'/ i1:-~:)r ('-r::n.~i.:0": of th8 soldior s 'h ··~t~· i~~~Jn~":' ! !~~:. :~1"d~1 dccurnentedC,! .. ~;)~f.":d C» ~·1:·i1:.~.~:3n'·-.rCl)Jrt on

the seniarv c.r.t» o';,hecrmy in lndia:l.i E OiC:J:d m: le civili sns of soldier'sc-g': died of v uious (~i3'~ascsat a rateof 10 por 1,000. In the army in theUnitc d ::in;:'ckm this rate was muchh':::" ,.. 17 I:; 1.0~O rC\r the crrnv lnIndia, r.owcvcr. the ra:e hsd been 69in 1/'CO for the first half of the nine-teenth cantur v. Further, out of'9,467 men dying arnonq regimentsin Indio prior to the mutiny, or sentout in 1857-58, only 586 were killedin action or died of wounds'22; orexpressed in percentages: 94% diedof disease, whilst 6% only werekilled in action. The fatal diseaseswere given as having been: fevers(in 23 out of 100 deaths), dysenteriesand diarrhoea (in 32 out of 100

Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

deaths), diseases of the liver (in 10out of 100 deaths) and cholera (in 19out of 100 deaths). It is indeedrightly remarked here that 'comparedwith these, all other diseases are ofminor extent and importance' 23.

It is not surprising therefore thatagainst this b:;ckuouud of the ubiqui-tous presence cf ether than mentaldise ases inser.itv - d:~'pite its compa-rativotv high i ci .cnce rate - was notrnentione o at t. : ;~y ih'-; Commission.If O;~9 CCLG:Cd " :~:t the overridingproblem VIi S it) ~;,: p the soldiersalive at ai!,~: ....n m . rr.al illue ss mightbe i Og3i de':l 'to i JO !;',cn 110 parti-cul sr problem - 8;.': r :'1, it '. nly endedfatal.v in <J ,:ill,,:1 l1ubJr of cases;in fact, 97% 0.' t:~:;0 2iilicli,d with-insanitv returr.c • ,'J '(~oir duty againwithout hsvir.q been admitted to alunatic asvlurn. The military insanein the presidential lunatic asylumstherefore might have constituted lessthan 3% out of the total number ofarmy and navy [:'90;::10 who becametemporarily insar.ea+.

Furthermore, it would be correctto assume that the chances of gettingcertified as insane were not very high,as one was likely to die from fever,dysentery or some such diseasebefore one had a chance to developany adequate symptoms. It may thenbe left to psychological and medicalreasoning to consider whether thechance of dying of a so - called 'pure-ly' somatic disease was increased by

Rise of European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

mental illness or emotional problems.Conversely, the ever - present threatof physical disease may have been afactor disposing to mental breakdownor leading to some mental disorderof a somatic nature.

Financial consi derations andthe maintenance ofdiscipJ ine

As far (1S military authoritieswere concerned tho p-eservation ofthe soldiers' fighting ability and themaintenance of obedience and discip-line were paramount. P2rsistent orfarcl illness ther efore consti ruted aconsiderable cost due to the sick ordead soldier's inability-to realise hisfighting potential. The Royal Com-mission sumrnarised this point, withemphasis on the financial losses asfollows:

'If the rror talitv is set down at 69

in 1,000, it follows that, besides

deaths by natural causes, 60per 1 000 of our troops perish in

India an nuallv. It is at that ex-

panse that we have held dominionthere for a century, a company

out of every regiment has been

sacrificed Gv"y 20 months. Thesecompanies fade away in the prime

of life, leave few children, and

have to be replaced, at great cost,

by successive shiploads of recruits.The value of a man, who with allhis arms costs the country .£ 100

a year, reckoned at only a few

years purchase, is considerable,and the loss of his life, of his

health, or of his efliciency, is notto be lightly regarded, especially

as it occurs most frequently and

101

inoppor .unelv [sic] in the field

when his services are required' 25.

Apart from the economical main-tenance of the soldiers' fightingpower there is yet another constituentof any army's efficiency, namely,implicit obedience and subordination.It is often this a ipect of the militarywhich becomes siqnlflcar.t wheneversome PC! so, turne c out to be persis-ten;l f in .zrie. t.sr3f as a soldiersduty g003, 113only becomes conspi-CUOU3 when he docs not carry out atask propcrtv or d08S nor obeycrders. The rrujoritv of militarylunatics who o;-;dJd up in the lunaticcsvlurn he'd 2 f,L 'ory of 'most' dis-grac:f:J1 ;~il:!h:g:-,!y irrequtar conductand nLo:_ct of dutv to) the prejudiceof good order an.: military discipline'.Some ccscs sound drastic, like theone of private W. Wooley, who had-attempted to strike a Sergeant witha steel fork, he [the sergeant] havingordered him (jut for exercise when he[WOO!:ey] ·i!'::.;:' nc: inclined to go andafter he had once refused'26. Inother cases the peculiarity of thesanctioned behaviour predominated-at least for a non· military laypersonof today. Such was the case of aMr. Zouch, a naval officer, of whomit is reported that on one occasion onboard ship 'he imagined himselftransformed into a vegetable, anartichoke, and was in the habit oftaking advantage of every showerthat tell in order that he might beproperly watered' 2 7.

102

However shrewd or shockingthese examples might sound, PrivateWooley's and Midshipman Zouch'ssuperiors were charged with establish-ing and maintaining good order andmilitary/naval discipline and conseq-uently had to dispose of both theviolent, striking and of the peculiar,vegetcble character. A court martialwas the usual response to disobedi-ence, irregular conduct or neglect ofduty. In some cases. however, itsinadequacy WE.S realis c d , 25 theviolent or fanciful lur atics would notabstain from mzd actions while inprison and would continue to be anuisance or a threat to off ieers andmen on their release.

Segregative control andinstitutionalisation of thementally ill

Like the army barracks, thehouses of correction and the hospi-tals. too, had their strict regulationswhich were meant to keep theseInstitutions running smocth!y End ina disciplined manner. For example,Robert Montgomery, Judicial Cc mrni-ssioner in the Panjab, objected tothe transfer of lunatics in Lahore tothe jail hospital and gave his view ofthe matter: 'The practice of keepinginsane patients in Jail Hospitals ismuch to be deprecated, as theirnoise disturbs the patients; but themost objectionable point is, thatother prisoners are tempted to imitate.Lunacy by seeing that these insane

Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

persons are irresponsible; they there-fore set all discipline and subordina-tion at defiance'28.

Lunatics were a nuisance for theirfellow prisoners and the staff; andconversely the prisoners obviouslyhad their fun with the lunatics, asthey were described as having beena source of annoyance for the menta-lly ill inmates. Similarly regimentaland general hospitals were also notdeemed proper places for lunatics, orrather it was not regarded proper toexpose the hospital's patients to thefancies and clamours of madmenwhom doctors could not easily res-train and quieten down within anordinary hospital setting. It wasfurther feared, that the hospitals'reputation would be spoilt if madpersons were kept there.

The place least proper for Euro-pean lunatics, was, however, thestreets. Whilst the army made upabout 3/4 of the European populationand thus a proportionate number ofinstitutionalised lunatics, there werequi:e a few pauper lunatics whoroamed the streets, thereby present-ing a nuisance to the. civil population.Increasingly towards the middle andend of the century complaints weremade about pauper lunatics and vag-rants who spoilt not only the civilian'spleasure idly strolling along theavenues and promenades, but thewhite rulers' self - image as a super-ior people as wellll9•

Rise of European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

Conclusion

As early as the eighteenth centurythe European community in India hadregorded lunacy to be an evil whichhad to be controlled in order to keepthe streets clear of potentially threa-tening maniacs, and in any case theprovincial governments aimed atsecurely disposing of mad Europeanswho might otherwise undermine whatwas regarded to be the ruling classes'assumed superiority. The Europeancommunity must have thought itimportant enough to have expensiveasylums est abl ished for as few asbetween five and 40 Europeanpatients, out of which a certainpercentage were military insane whowere merely transferred frem a totalinstitution to a closed establishment.Victorian charitable impulses cannotbe the sole explanation of this con-cern to house the insane, - after aII,ordinary medical provision for other,more ubiquitous, ills was known tobe far from adequate. It is not inten-ded to argue that provisions for theEuropean insane were not informedat all by humanitarian motives ormedical considerations. Neverthe-less, considerations of the kind men-tioned above - sparing the communi-ties from a disturbing and sorry sight,keeping the ruIers' self - image andprestige intact and preservinq insti-tutional routine within hospitals,prisons and the military - were animportant constituent of the measuressuggested and applied. It might be

103'

worth mentioning that the insanewere not the only group which wasdisposed of or - if you prefer - caredfor, out of a diversity of motives.Male paupers and women of so-called 'bad character' were sent backto England, as well - as long as theywere pure - bred European and notof mixed race. Thus to take up thequestion of how certain marginalisedgroups within European society wereperceived and treated is to engagenot merely in the reconstruction ofadministrative policy or institutionaland 'purely' medical history. TheQuestion has to be located withinand related to the social and colonialendeavours of the time, whichentails finding out as much aboutthose inside as about those outsidethe walJs of certain establishments.

Notes

1. D. G. Crawford: A History of the/ndian Medicel Service, 7600-7!:J 13. London: Thacker, 1914,Vol. 2, pp. 400, 415, 429.

2. Madrr.s Military Letter,18-2-1794, 88.Madras Military Despatch,6·5··1795,72.Madras Military Letter,16-10-1794, 3.

3. Madras Military Letter,18-2-1794, 88.

4. Idem.

104

5. W. LI Parry - Jones: The Trade inLunacy. A Study of PrivateMadhouses in England in theEighteenth and Nineteenth Cen-turies. London: Weidenfeldand Nicolson, 1969.

6. Madras M illtcrv Despatch,20-8-1823, 40f.

7. W. Ernst: Psychiatry and Colo-nialism. The Treatment of theEuropean Insane in British India,1800-1868. London (Ph DThesis), 1966". (publtcetionforthcoming) .

8. D. Mac Donald: Surgeon Twoeand Barber. Being SomeAccount of the Life and Work'of the Indian Medical Service(1600-1947). London: Hein-emann, 19::;0.

9. S. W. F. Holloway 'Medical Edu--ietion in England', in: History,1964, 49, 299-324.

N. and J. Parry: TheRiseof the Medical Profession.London Croom Helm, 1976.

10. See: Ernst, Psychiatry andColonialism, Chapter 2.

11. Report of Medical Board,15-2-1808; Madras MilitaryProceedings, 4-3-1808, 153ft,2400ff.

12. Idem.

Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

13. Report of Medical Board,15-2-1808, Minute of SecondMember of Medical Board,15-2-1808; Madras MilitaryProceedings, 4-3-1808, '153-183.

Surgeon of General Has-pital to Town Major, 13-1 -1808;Madras Military Proceedings,4-3-1808, 153f.

14. Report of Medical Board,15-2--1808, Minute of SecondMember of Medical Board,15-2-1808; 1V1c,drc;~. MilitaryProcaedinqs, 4--3-1808, 153-183.

15. Report of Medical Board,14-3-1808; Madras MilitaryProccedinqs, 26-4-1808, 2401,2.

16. Ibid, 3.

17. Ibid, 5.

18. Ibid, 6.

19. Report of Medical Board,14-3-1808, Minute of SecondMember of Medical Board,14-3-1808; Madras MilitaryProceedings, 26-4-1808, 2401,no para.

20. Ibid.

21. J. Mac Pherson: 'Report onInsanity among Europeans inBengal, founded on the experi-ence of the Calcutta LunaticAsylum', review in: CalcuttaReview, 1856", 26, 592-608.

Rise ot European Lunatic Asylum-Ernst

Royal Commission on theSanitary State ot the Army inIndia. Vol. I. London: Eyreand Spottiswoode for HMSO.1863; 692.

22. Royal Commission. XVII.

23. Ibid. XIII.

24. Ibid. 592.

25. Ibid. XVII.

26. India Office Records. London:Records of Pembroke House andEaling Lunatic Asylum. MedicalCertificates. 1843. Case of W.Wooley.

27. Ibid, 1845. Case of E.C. Zouch.

105

See also: W. Ernst andD. Kentowsky, 'Mad Tales fromthe Rat. in: Transaction/Society, 1985, 3. 31-8.

28. Judicial Commissioner to ChiefCommissioner. Panjab.28-10-1853. para 18; in: C. J.Lodge Patch, A Critical Reviewof the Punjab Mental Hospitalsfrom 1840-7930, Lahore, 7931.

29. See: W. Ernst, 'The EuropeanInsane in British India. 1800-1858: A Case - Study in Psychi..atry and Colonial Rule', in:D. Arnold (ed), Medicine andEmpire. Manchaster: Manches-ter University Press, forthcom-ing.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arnold, D (ed). forth-coming

Crawford, D. G.

Ernst, W. 1986(forth-

coming)

Ernst, W: The European Insanein British India 1800-1858; ACase - study in Psychiatry andColonial rule; Medicine andEmpire, Manchester UniversityPress, Manchester.

1914 A History of the Indian MedicalService, 1600-1910. Thacker,London.

Psychiatry and Colonialism; Thetreatment of the European Insanein British India. 1800-1858.(Ph D Thesis), London.

106

Ernst, W. and Kantowsky, D.

Holloway, S. W. F.

MacDonald, D.

MacPherson, J.

Parry - jones, W LI

Parry, Nand J

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Bulletin Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII

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