The typology of demonstratives clarified:

Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

Florian Lionnet

UC Berkeley

ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013

Introduction

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Introduction This presentation shows:

� 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be encoded as verbs, ◦  Evidence from Juǀ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern

Khoisan)

� 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal demonstratives are typologically expected

� 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong in an updated typology of demonstratives

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Introduction �  Exophoric demonstratives: ◦  discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s)

used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc. ◦ à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/

cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc.

�  Juǀ’hoan ◦  Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/

Botswana ◦  (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different

properties)

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Introduction

1.  Recent typological literature

2.  Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

3.  An unusual but typologically expected category

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1. Recent typologies of demonstrative

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

�  Diessel (1999)

�  Dixon (2003)

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

Distribution Canonical Category

Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun

Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner

Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)

Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)

Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”

e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre.

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

< “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b)

Distribution Canonical Category

Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun

Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner

Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)

Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)

Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology

Distribution Canonical Category

Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause)

Demonstrative pronoun

Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP)

Demonstrative determiner

Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)

Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)

Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause)

Demonstrative “identifier”

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives:

� Nominal demonstratives ◦  Pronominal (this is good) ◦  Adnominal (this book is good)

� Adverbial demonstratives ◦  Locative adverbs (here, there)

� Verbal demonstratives

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives: � Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his

typology

� Two different types: ◦  ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal ◦  ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju)

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives ‘Do thus/like this’: (1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72)

(2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102)

[o ‘ae]S [‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii]PREDICATE ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this

‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action]

balaO baja! najaA [yalama-n baja-n]PREDICATE there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this-NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT

‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’

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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives (3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju) (Dickens 2005:49)

a. ju hè

person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’

b. nǃȍh tȍ’a

orange be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’

CLAIM: only Juǀ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives

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2. Demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

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2. Juǀ’hoan �  Sources: ◦  Snyman (1970) ◦  Dickens (1991, 2005) ◦  Biesele (2009)

�  Strictly SVO

�  Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs: (Dickens 1991b, 2005) ◦  PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’ ke (class 4)

◦  DIST: tȍ’a ‘be there, be that’

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2. Juǀ’hoan �  Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests:

Syntactic context

Test   If yes:

Predication        

PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its own? (or does it need copular/verbal support?)

Verbal

TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM markers?

Verbal

NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated by the verbal negation ǀóa ?

Verbal

ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a verb?

Nominal

      Noun- modi#cation  

DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the NP it modi$es, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)?

Nominal

RC Does the lexical item have to be used as the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun?

Verbal

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2. Juǀ’hoan PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs (4) … mi ku ǀoa he ka ge

1SG IPFV NEG PROX.1/3 and be.alive

‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’ (5) jù hè

person PROX.1/3 ‘This is a person.’

(6) mi nǀee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun)

1SG head IPFV PROX ‘This is my head’

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2. Juǀ’hoan Demonstratives may not be arguments: (7) a. ha ku ǁohm !aìhn b. *ha ku ǁohm ke/hè

he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX

‘He was chopping a tree.’ Int: He was chopping this. (8) a. úto g!ààn b. *ke/hè g!ààn

car be.red PROX be.red

‘The car is red.’ Int: This is red. (9) a. n!hai ó jòmma b. *hè/ke ó jòmma

person COP predator PROX COP predator ‘The lion is a predator.’   Int: This is a predator.

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2. Juǀ’hoan Noun-modi%cation: relative clause (10) ju hè cf. !xó ú

person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’

(11) ju=à hè cf. !xó=à ú person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’

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2. Juǀ’hoan �  Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests applied to Juǀ’hoan:

Predication Noun- modi#cation

PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbal Verbs

e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃhún ‘kill’ ü ü ü x x ü

Verbal “adjectives” e.g. gǂa ’ín ‘be long’ ü ü ü x x ü

Demonstratives hè/ke , tȍ’a ü ü ü x x ü

nè ‘(be) which’ ü ü ü x x ü Nominal Nouns

e.g. nǃhȁi ‘lion’ x x x ü ü x

Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) e.g. ǀ’hȍàn ‘real’

x x x x ü x

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2. Juǀ’hoan: Summary

Syntactic function

Category Example

Predicate Verb …mi ku ǀoa hè 1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3 ‘I would not be here.’

Identi$cational statement

Verb ju hè person PROX:1/3 ‘This is a person.’

Noun modi$er

Verb (in relative clause)

ju=à hè person=REL PROX:1/3 ‘this person’

Argument Verb (in relative clause)

gu [tci =à ke]OBJ take thing=REL PROX:4 ‘Take this (thing). ’

Adjunct 1) Verb (in relative clause) 2) Adverb?

ko=à ke / ko=à tȍ’a LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST ‘here’ ‘there’

kòko (no example in sources)

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2. Juǀ’hoan Conclusion: verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan: �  No demonstrative pronouns �  No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives

etc.) �  One demonstrative adverb: kòko ‘here’ (in

Dickens’ (1994) dictionary) ◦  but rare? no example found in any of the sources

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3. A rare but expected category

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3. Rare… �  Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Juǀ’hoan

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Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs expressing manner

deixis Adverb (Pro/ad-)

noun Verb

Boumaa Fijian

yai (PROX) yaa (MID) mayaa (DIST)

n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’

Dyirbal

yalay (PROX) balay (DIST) ŋalay (remembered)

giyi n/a

yalama- ‘do like this’ wiyama- ‘do what, how’

Juǀ’hoan n/a n/a hè/ke (PROX) tȍ’a (DIST)

òo ‘do like this’ nàùn~nìn ‘do how’

3. … but expected �  Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997):

Juǀ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication mi ku ǀoa he 1SG IPFV NEG be.here

‘I wouldn’t be here.’ 48

Predicate type (semantics)

Typical Strategy (syntactic encoding)

Typical word class

English ex.

Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks

Property (strategy “takeover”: mostly verbal or nominal)

Adjective John is tall (nominal strategy)

Class Nominal strategy (copula)

Noun John is a carpenter

Locational Locational strategy (posture verb as support verb)

Adverb/PP John is in the kitchen/here

3. … but expected

�  Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997):

◦  E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the nominal strategy (same copula be)

�  Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form:

◦  nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc.

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3. … but expected �  Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):

Rare: 31 out of 410 languages in Stassen’s sample have “verbalized” locational predicates

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Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

3. … but expected �  Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):

à Prediction: if locationals can be verbs in a language, adjectives must be verbal as well

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Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

Verbs (events)

> Adjectives (properties)

> Locationals

3. … but expected

�  The prediction is borne out in Juǀ’hoan: Adjectives/“property roots” (Haspelmath 2012) (12) Verbal (almost all)

ju gǀȁȍh / ju=à gǀȁȍh person be.strong person=REL be.strong ‘The person is strong.’ ‘a strong person’

(13) Nominal (<20)

tju=à ke ó ka ze / tju ze house=REL PROX:4 COP PRO:4 new house new ‘This house is new.’ (lit. is a new one) ‘a new house’

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Conclusion

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Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric demonstratives:

Semantic/ Syntactic function

Canonical word class

1. Argument (Pro)noun 2. Noun modi$er Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.)

3. Adjunct Adverb

4. Predicate -  Adverb Stassen’s (1997) locational strategy -  Verb through verbal takeover of

locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’

5. Identi$cational statement

-  (Pro)noun -  “Demonstrative identi$er” (Diessel 1999)

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Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric

demonstratives:

Diessel (1999)

Semantic/ Syntactic function

Canonical word class Dixon (2003)

Pronominal 1. Argument (Pro)noun Nominal

Adnominal 2. Noun modi$er Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.) Nominal

Adverbial 3. Adjunct Adverb Adverbial

4. Predicate -  Adverb Stassen’s (1997) locational strategy -  Verb through verbal takeover of

locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’

Adverbial Verbal

Identi$ca- tional

5. Identi$cational statement

-  (Pro)noun -  “Demonstrative identi$er” (Diessel 1999)

Nominal

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THANK YOU!

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References �  Biesele, M. (ed.), 2009. Ju|'hoan Folktales: Transcriptions and English Translations - A Literacy

Primer by and for Youth and Adults of the Ju|'hoan Community. Vancouver: Trafford First Voices.

�  Dickens, Patrick J. 1991. Relative Clauses in Ju|’hoan, in W.H.G.Haacke & E.D.Elderkin (eds.) Namibian Languages : Reports and Papers, Namibian African Studies vol.4, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe, pp:107-116.

�  Dickens, Patrick J. 1994. English – Juǀ'hoan / Juǀ'hoan – English Dictionary, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.8, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe.

�  Dickens, Patrick J. 2005. A Concise Grammar of Ju|’hoan, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.17, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe

�  Diessel, Holger.1997a. Predicative demonstratives. Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Pragmatics and Grammatical Structure, pp. 72-82.

�  Diessel, Holger. 1997b. The diachronic reanalysis of demonstratives in cross-linguistic perspective. Chicago Linguistics Society 33: 83-98.

�  Diessel, Holger. 1999. Demonstratives: form, function and grammaticalization. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins

�  Dixon, Robert. 2003. Demonstratives: a cross-linguistic typology. Studies in Language 27(1):61-112.

�  Snyman, Jan W. 1970. An Introduction to the !Xũ (!Kung) Language. Cape Town: Balkema.

�  Stassen, Leon. 1997. Intransitive Predication. Oxford: Calendron Press

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