Tower opposite the parish house in Merizo.

A Publication Of TheUNIVERSITY OF GUAM

Produced By TheMICRONESIAN AREA RESEARCH CENTER

EDITORThomas B. McGrath, S.J.

ASSOCIATE EDITORSMarjorie G. Driver Emil ie G. Johnston

STAFFElaine P. ConcepcionFel ic ia Plaza, M.M.B.

John P. SablanRosita D. Tosco

Albert L. Wi l l iams

WRITE FOR THE RECORDERThe Recorder wants art icles from you.

Send them to:

THE GUAM RECORDERMicronesian Area Research Center

University of GuamP.O. Box EK

Agana, Guam 96910

Al l photographs are f rom the MARC col lect ion unlessotherwise indicated.

Published annually to providescientific, cultu ral and h istorica Iinformation concerning Guamand Micronesia.

Designed and Publ ished by Garr ison and Associates, Guam, U.S.A.Front cover photo of Maloj lo j Fal ls by Richard Calamba

Back cover photo of Fintosa Fbl ls by David Lorz

Since the inception of the second series ofthe Guam Recorder, Sr. Felicia Plaza, M.M.B. hasbeen an integral part of each publication. She hasindicated that for health reasons she will beunable to continue her work of research at theMicronesian Area Research Center and the GuamRecorder. This is the last time we will be privi-leged to add her name to this first page of thepublication. But we trust that as opportunityoffers, she will be able to offer us new contri-butions from her vast knowledge of the Pacific.

The research speciality of Sr. Felicia Plaza isthe Spanish Era of Guam and the Marianas. Shehas combined this with an extended residence inthis region. On a .recent field expedition sheconfided that she first touched these shores on ajourney aboard the Pan Am Clipper, while ac-companying the Mother General as secretary onher visit to China. Little did she realize then thatthis region would be the focus of her interests infuture years.

All of us here feel that Sr. Felicia is athorough-going researcher with the rare gift to seebeyond the pages of a document to how itscontent can be communicated. Countless pro-jects and articles have developed from her keeneye and the special ability she possesses to ani-mate ideas. Her most recent effort to appear inthese pages is on Fort Santiago. She servedas the comprehensive resource person, in that shehad personally gathered the materials in theArchives of Spain and Mexico. The benefit of herreflection and expertise was constantly availableto the artist and the editor.

Sr. Felicia Plaza has the persistance anddedication of a born researcher, combined withthe ability to stimulate new research in theprocess. We will all miss her many contributionsto research here. The best to vou and bonnechance, Sr. Felicia.

Fr. Thomas B. McGrath, S.J.Editor, Guam Recorder

MAGAZINE OF GUAM AND MICRONESIAPublished by the

Micronesian Area Research CenterUniversi ty of Guam

Agana, Guam

VOLUME 8 SECOND SERIES 1978

THE NAME OF PEASE ISBy Mary Browning

COMMODORE BIDDLEby Larry Lawcock

f iEnrrnce: A LETTERby Paul Souder

INFAMOUS

AND MR. TAGUCHI

TO MY CHILDREN

ILOMAW: THE TOUGH ONEby Thomas B. McGrath, S.J.

ADELUP POINTby the late Agueda I. Johnston

PHILIPPINES:DOUBLE TAKE ON INDEPENDENCE

by Dirk A. Bal lendorf

GUAM'S WATERFALLSby David Lotz

CONTRIBUTORS

MOMENTS FROM THE PAST

The opinions expressed in articles published in this magazine are the private ones of the writers and should not be cons-trued in any way as reflectingtheviewsof the Micronesian Area Research Center, the University of Guam, or the Governmentof Guam. Volume 1 of the revived Guam Recorder consisted of only one issue. Volume 2 consisted of three issues of whichissues Number 2 and 3 were combined, and Volume 3 cansisted of three rbsaes. Subsequent volumes will coincide with thecalendar year. We reserve the right to accept or reject any material submitted for publication.

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1'1

USS GOLD STAR:FLAGSHIP OF THE GUAM NAVY

by Capt. Joseph Lademan, Jr. , U.S.N. (Ret ired)

FORT SANTIAGOby Yolanda Delgadi l lo. M.M.B.

Thomas B. McGrath. S.J.Fel ic ia Plaza, M.M.B.

HISTORIC AND CULTURALPRESERVATION IN MICRONESIA:LEGAL BASES AND DIRECTIONS

by Thomas F. King

The Nqme of Feqse is lnfqmousby Mary Browning

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is a chapter from theauthor's forthcoming book about the Pacific.

On March 27, 1870, the U.S. Sloop-of-War.Jamestown commanded by William Talbot Truxtunsteamed into Honolulu after a steady but unhurriedfifteen days out of San Francisco. Her publicizedorders were to cruise through Micronesia, but every-one knew she was going after Capt. Benjamin Pease.

She lay at anchor for a month giving Com-mander Truxtun time to verify the accumulationof complaints and accusations which had beenlodged against Pease, and probably to seek adviceon just where specifically the search might be made.

Truxtun spoke with Rev. Albert A. Sturges,who had recently arrived on the Anne Porter. Sturges

Ponape, Carol ine I slands

?

was Pease's most vocal and persistent antagonist, andavailable records show that he was also the first tocomplain publicly. Pease wasn't named, but there islittle doubt about who was meant in the followingportion of a letter written by the missionary threeyears earlier at Ponape when the first cruise of theBlossom had been made:

"A captain of a trading schooner, a notorious fel lowin these seas, and who says himself that he led theFrench in their attack upon the missionaries on Lifu,

has just left here. He made our Nanakin drunk and then

bought of him the mission premises at Kit i . He has

ordered me to leave, and says he wil l push me off at

the point of the bayonet i f I don't leave in a suitable

t ime . . . "1

That had been only the first of many such re-ferences to Pease made by Sturges, each sent to theHawaiian Mission, relayed to the American Board ofCommissioners for Foreign Missions in Boston,quite often quoted verbatim in The Friend inHonolulu as well as in the Missionary Herald, and,of course, duly forwarded to the U.S. Secretary ofState. The florid style of the Victorian pulpit flowedthrough Sturges' pen as he wrote of "wolves amonghis lambs", of foreigners gaining the "upper hand"and "flooding the island with trade" while there wasa "rush into the hands of these traders".

Perhaps he literally cried "wolf' too often;other evidence against Pease appeared to carrymore weight. And, such evidence was no doubtsolicited by Truxtun from the Honolulu merchantC.A. Williams who had some very expensive first-handknowledge of Pease's tactics, and who'd also been asurrogate target for complaints against his slipperytrader.

One which had made its way to Williams hadoriginated on Ebon in the form of a letter from themissionary Benjamin G. Snow. It was not madepublic, perhaps because the published letter wassimply not Snow's style, or perhaps because thenature of the crime it attributed to Pease wouldhave offended the public sensibility. In any event,the letter went first to the Hawaiian Mission andthen to Williams. His response, made just after theBlossom set out in the summer of 1867 on hersecond voyage, was an announcement of his decisionto terminate his joint venture with Pease in theMarshalls. However, in defense of himself and Pease,he added this gentle reminder:

"l wish I could believe that the removal of my menwould be the withdrawal of evil from the Group; butI fear that the missionaries will find that other captainssail those waters with other vices added to the principalone charged against Captain Pease.. ."2

No doubt Truxtun would have recognized thenarrow path Williams was forced to walk, on theone hand giving his men the benefit of the doubt,knowing that there was little chance they wouldconform to mission standards of behavior, and, onthe other hand, needing to placate the powerfulmission representatives in Honolulu who were,after all, his neighbors.

Williams had also received complaints fromother quarters, for instance from Capt. MichaelEury, the British trader whose oil stations in theGilberts and Marshalls had been robbed by Pease.But, Williams shared the sentiments expressed inthe July 1868, editbrial of the Hawaiian Gazettewhich pointed out to the public that the oil tradewas highly competitive, and that oil traders werelikely to exaggerate the questionable practices oftheir peers. The Gazette also announced that certain

rumors about a conspiracy to cut off the missionvessel Morning Star at Majuro were untrue (but denialof the rumor shows us what was being relayed by thecoconut telegraph). The object of all the talk was nothiding out, the editorial continued, but was actuallyin China on a mercantile venture. Not only that, butletters solicited from Pease's officers spoke of him in"commendatory terms".

It's likely that the oil poured by the Gazette ontroubled waters was pumped by Williams himself.At this early stage even Hiram Bingham, Jr., one ofthe missionaries' own, put in a good word for Peasewhen he suggested that the captain had performed auseful service in supplying arns and ammunition tothe Gilbert Island chief whose subiects were re-belling.3

But, by January of 1869, Williams had learnedfrom Capt. George A. Bridges and Robert Briggs thatthey had been unable to retrieve his schooner Malolo.Forbearance finally gave way to chagrin as reflectedagain in the Gazette which trumpeted in a headline,"Why Has the American Government Never Sent aMan-of-War to Cruise in Micronesia?" and followedthat with a text which mined the same vein.

The February 1870 arrival of the Anne Porter,its decks abristle with the combined and highly-righteous indignation of Reverends Snow and Sturgesand an assortment of Pease's co-workers, had a laststraw aspect to it. And, the Jamestown's appearancea month later was greeted by an attitude of "Hight ime!"

JAMESTOWN SETS SAIL

Tardy as her orders may have seemed, how-ever, the fact is that an earlier voyage would havebeen premature. Not until 1870 had all sentimentjelled, had all excuses evaporated, had all interestedparties finally and completely run out of patiencewith Capt. Benjamin Pease. The time was right, andthe Jamestown sailed on April 30, expecting to beabsent for several months.

On May 15, she dropped anchor at Tarawawhere Pease had made delivery two years earlier ofarms to the deposed chief, Kaiea. Truxtun spokewith the chiefs and extracted an agreement from"the rebels" that they would pay "50 casks of oilfor mission property destroyed at Apaiang" duringthe rebellion.4 Surely he could do no less withApaiang's missionaries, Rev. and Mrs. Hiram Bingham,Jr., aboard the vessel.

They were safely delivered to Apaiang on May20 and no doubt introduced Truxtun to that atoll'schiefs. "Settled all the troubles between the nativesof Aping and Tarawa," Truxtun wrote.4 This optim-istic view of his influence was disputed later by thetrader Randall, who reportedly said of the Jamestown,"She had better never have come to this island, forthese natives to make a laughing-stock of. It is useless

for me to enumerate the derisive manner in which hervisit here is treated by them. Suffice it to say thatthey will not pay the oil, and say that they willf ight the ship that demands i t .")

Truxtun continued to report in the positiveterms expected of naval commanders. His one dayinspection of conditions on Butaritari convinced himthat all those who had been involved in shooting theHawaiian missionary Mahoe had met violent deaths.And, the King made a solemn promise of betterbehavior.

The Jamestown next lay al anchor for six daysat Mili where Pease's "depot" for the Marshalls waslocated. The station was in charge of one Capt. Roddat the moment, and Rodd may or may not haveshared with Truxtun the news that Pease was off forSamoa, or the information that the schooner Malolo,which Williams had failed to recover, had sailed onlya week earlier for Ponape.

Truxtun was able to confirm George Fox Hazard'sclaim of robbery which the victim had reported tothe American consul at Honolulu in a letter sent onthe Anne Porter. Verification came from the PrussianJohn Smith who boarded the Jamestown to makethis sworn statement:

" 'Having been as a passenger and employee on board

the Brig Water Lilly (with) Capt. Benjamin Pease atvar ious t imes for about (10) ten months. Was on boardsaid Brig Water Li l ly in August 1869. when Capt. Peaselanded (3) three armed boats crews at Mulgrave lslands,

and robbed the oi l stat ion of one George F. Hazard. an

American ci t izen of the fo l lowing art ic les, v iz: (5) f ive

casks of o i l , some empty casks (19) nineteen Pigs, and(7) seven Ducks' . And further that 'To my certain

knowledge the said Pease has robbed the oi l stat ion of

Capt. Eury, an Engl ishman at the Mulgrave ls lands; andthe stat ion of one Capel le, a German, on the ls land ofNamwreck'" .6

Probably feeling that progress was being made,Truxtun next ordered the Jamestown to Majuro,where two North German vessels were at anchor. Twomonths earlier the Malolo. which served Pease in hisoil trade, had contacted the trader Henry Burlingamehere. Whether this worthy was an independent trader,associated with the North German vessels, or workingfor Pease isn't certain, but he most certainly wouldhave been sought out by Truxtun.

The Jamestown now left the Marshalls andcruised to Kusaie where it found all quiet. TheAnne Porter was at anchor, perhaps dealing withPease's trader Frank Benson. Kusaie had been part ofPease's empire as early as 1868, but it 's difficult toknow just what went on there because there was noAmerican missionary in residence to forward the kindof report coming from other locations. The presence

of the Anne Porter m'akes it rikely that some timberwas being taken.

Little if anything remained of the wreckedMorning ,Srar which had been left in the care of itscarpenter after the disaster the previous November.Pioneer (Water Lilly's new name) and Malolo hadgone to it together in January, taking the anchor,chain and a number of planks. The hulk was thenburned and its ashes sifted through for nails andspikes which were then reportedly taken to theBonin Islands.

Al1 was reported quiet at Mokil when theJamestown hove-to briefly on June 14. Pease's agentthere at the time was probably Charles Sturges.

On the l7th, the sloop-of-war anchored atPonape in the great northern harbor usually called atthe time "Jokoits Harbor". but which Truxtuncalled Jamestown Harbor.

The news of her arrival rapidly reached LodHarbor on the southeastern coast where Capt. E. A.Pitman was making repairs to Malolo, determinedsince Pease had been away so long to take all theChinese carpenters back to Shanghai. Pitman was toldof the Jamestown's arrival by William Adams whoborrowed a boat to go to the sawmill at Sapwehrek,perhaps to spread the news.

On the l8th, Pitman went to Sokehs harbor tosee for himself. He boarded the Jamestown and wastold by Ttuxtun, as he later recorded in Malolo's log,that Truxtun "had been to Millie and Ebon and thatthe Captain which Capt. Pease took from Ebon toSamoa had arrived back at Ebon with a bark and thatthe last heard of Capt. Pease he was spoken by anEnglish bark to the North East of Samoa". He addedthat Pease had now been gone for six months.

Convenient to the harbor was Rev. Edward T.Doane's mission station from which he attempted tominister to the whole island in the absence of AlbertSturges. Doane was at Truxtun's elbow as translatorand guide during most of the latter's two-week visit,and he told later how Truxtun assembled the leadingchiefs of the Sokehs and Net tribes and persuadedthem to sign this agreement:

"Know all the rulers of the earth, that we the Kingand High Chiefs of the lsland of Ponape, do bind our-selves, our heirs, and lawful successors, from this timeand forever. to protect the l ives and property of allpersons who may be shipwrecked on the shores of anypart of our territories, and to give them all possible aidand comfort t i l l they are able to leave for their homes,or such other places as they may elect. And further;That such shipwrecked persons shall in no way berestrained of their l iberty or freedom while within thelimits of our territories, unless for the prevention ofcrime by such shipwrecked persons. And further; Thathaving voluntar i ly received missionar ies, they shal l beallowed perfect freedom in preaching and teaching of

their doctrines; nor shall any of our people be forbiddenor withheld by any person within the l imits of ourterritories from attending such preaching and teaching.And further, that any of our people who now are, orhereafter may become Christians, shall not be interferedwith in tfreir new religious opinions or belief. Andfurther; Any foreigners who may hereafter acquire landin our territories by lawful purchase, shall, on the pay-ment of the sum mutually agreed upon, be furnishedwith a deed descriptive of the land so purchased.whichdeed shall secure said purchaser, his heirs, assigns andexecutors forever in the quiet and peaceable possessionof the land. And further; That al l foreigners residing ortrading within the l imits of our territories shall be safeand secure in the possession of their property and thepursui t of their lawful business; nor shal l any personwithin our dominion entice any seaman to desert fromhis vessel or harbor or conceal said seaman after suchdesertion, under a fine of (50) fiftv dollars".T

Truxtun also persuaded the king of Sokehs toreturn twelve-year-old Caroline, the daughter ofDoane's valued assistant, Narcissus. Caroline had beenkidnapped.from the Meetinghouse, as Doane reported-rby five "powerful, well-armed and drunken natives" 6

on behalf of the king the previous December. Rev.Doane had been joined by the girl 's Ponapean motherand Filipino-Portuguese father in struggling with thekidnappers and pleading with the king who waited inhis canoe. But, the king had been adamant then andremained unrepentent later, insisting that he was onlyretaliating for being snubbed in favor of his lowlysubjects at mission services. Caroline was returned atTruxtun's request, but it was another temporarysuccess.

The following day the Jamestown 's steamlaunch and two of her boats began a purposefulclockwise circumnavigation of the island, carryingRev. Doane as guide and interpretor. The first stopwas in Uh district where the chiefs were successfullyurged to add their names to the agreement alreadysubscribed to by the Sokehs and Net chieftains. Thenight was spent at the Ohwa mission station, tem-porarily abandoned by the vacationing Sturges.

Continuing to move along the coastline on thetwentieth as far as Metipw, the party conferred withthe chiefs of Madolenihmw^, "both Christian andheathen", as Doane put it.6 One of those stickyproblems of protocol developed when the kingreceived Truxtun while seated in a chair, but providedonly a mat at his feet for the Commander - whorefused to sit there. But, all ended peaceably withthe king assenting to the agreement.

EVIDENCE AGAINST PEASE GROWS

As the official party on the launch checked onPease's timber and trade operations at Metipw andthen at Lod, or "Ponatic," handing out provisions

and commiserating with the abandoned employees ofthe South Sea Trading Co., another disgruntled soulwith a story to tell was boarding the Jamestown ather northern anchorage to make a statement:

"1, James Walsh lef t Shanghai , China, Chief Off icer ofAmerican Brig Water Lilly, B. Pease, Master, May 25th1868, on a voyage to Goam or Ports in the SouthPacific Ocean, not exceeding six months. Instead ofgoing to Goam came here to Ascension and then cruisedthrough the North Pacific Group. During the cruise,Capt. Pease's cruelty in murdering natives and robbingStations did not satisfy me as Chief Officer, whichcaused some words between Capt. Pease and myself. Hethen ordered me to my room, saying that he was Kingof these lslands; that there were no consuls nor magis-trates here. I went to my duty again, and Pease put meon shore at Magarow lsland. in the Group, to look aftera wreck that he took from a man that was looking afterit for the Insurance Company, stating that he would beto my assistance in eight or ten days, leaving me and asailor with 15 lbs. bread, 8 half boxes of sardines. Nofood to be got of Natives during my time there. I wasdrove away & my house burnt , that lwas l iv ing in; sameand wreck did not belong to Capt. Pease. Then I tookpassage in a schooner that happened to land there,and went to Ebon, then took passage to Ascensionlsland, in search of Capt. Pease in a whale ship & foundPease here, & stated my case to him. He said I could notgo to China in his ship, as I was put ashore I must stay;saying that he would not take me to Shanghai to get himin trouble for he was in trouble enough already. He thenforced me on shore here, where I have been compelledto stay on account of sickness & other reasons which Ican explain to whom it may concern. Now with sicknessand dest i tute. ; . ds I am, af ter sel l ing al l my clothing,bedding. books, instruments, for food and medicines, Inow feel necessary for me to apply to you for a passageto a Consul Port, so that I can get justice. or to Shanghai,where the owners of the said Water Lilly belongs; for Ihave received no discharge nor wages since I signed thearticles before the United States Consul General inShanghai May 25th 1868. Hoping this wi l l meet yourkind approbat ion . . . (s igned) James Walsh".9

A similar statement was collected on June 23rdat "Port Ponatic" by Truxtun before the launchworked its way round to Mutok. This testimony wasfrom E.A. Pitman, master of schooner Malolo, who'dserved in the same capacity as Walsh, but was a laterrecruit:

"Being an American Citizen", Pitman stated, "now incommand of the Schooner Malolo, under the Hawaiianflag, not being able to receive redress otherwise I appealto you, and wil l state the following circumstances ofmy case:-

"l left Shanghai as Chief Officer of the Brig Pioneer,under the command of Capt. B. Pease; served in thatcapacity eight months, since which time have been incharge of the above mentioned schooner Malolo and

6

*tL8€Ri '5LA!"IO WARRISXS

having made a cruise of f ive months through the Micro-nesian ls lands I have come to the bel ief that , f rom whatI can hear and do bel ieve, that there wi l l be no just ice tomysel f or people employed by Glover Dow & Co. unlessI am present in person in Shanghai . "There is on thisls land nineteen Chinese and two other foreigners anxiousto go to Shanghai for their own sat isfact ion. and arequi te wi l l ing to go there in the Malolo. l f you think I

am r ight by taking them I am wi l l ing to do so, but shal l

need your assistance in supplying the vessel with the

fol lowing provis ions, v iz: One Bbl Beef, One Bbl Pork,

Two Bbls Bread . . . (s igned) E.A. Pi tman".10

Pitman got his provisions a few days later, andsupplied the paymaster of the Jamestown with adraft on Glover, Dow & Co. for $104.98.

Meanwhile, the launch was visiting Kiti, the lastremaining district where the king's affirmation of theagreement being carried round the island by Truxtunwas obtained with no trouble. But, the real power inKiti was firmly in the hands of the Nahnken. HowDoane must have looked forward to this encounter!

As the missionary told it, the Nahnken knew ofthe visit well in advance and "trembled not a little"at the prospect. "The day the steam launch hove insight". Doane continued, "pushing rapidly along overthe somewhat calm water, as a thing moved by some

spiritual a-sency. - for neither sail nor oar, nor aughtelse of motive power was seen, - the natives hadgathered in large numbers at the mission (at Ron Kiti)to witness the wonderful phenomenon. As the launchpassed into the harbor they fled to the feast house, toawait the arrival of the captain. The missionary, a halfcaste native, was deputed to inform the Nahnken ofthe arrival, and that he was invited and expected tosee the captain on board. When first informed of thishe made no reply, of assent or dissent, but beinginformed more particularly of the nature of theJamestown's visit to Ponape, and what all the kingsand chiefs of the island had done - what treaty theyhad made he gave word to go aboard, and all rushedfor their canoes". r r

Once aboard and (we trust) suitably impressed,the Nahnken received an admonishment and a fine offifty pounds of turtle shell for, in Doane's words,"the wrong done to the American citizens residing athis place" and for destroying the mission's $300 bell.The Nahnken paid thirteen and a half pounds in shell("@ $4"), and forty dollars in cash. And, just to makesure that all was understood, he was persuaded toendorse the following special agreement:

"We the undersigned Nanakin and Chiefs of Roan Ki t ido hereby cert i fy that a certain plot of land known as

the 'Mission Premises' , at the mouth of the Roan Ki t iRiver was in the year 1852 donated by our predecessor,the former Nanakin, to the American Board of Com-missioners for Foreign Missions, and that for the s ixteenyears last past said Board has held fu l l and undisputedpossession of said land, and that we do from this dateconf i rm said Mission Board in i ts fu l l and lawful possess-ion of said land; hereby promising to protect said Boardfrom the agressions of any and all persons whatsoevertrespassing on said Mission Lands".

"Given this twenty fourth day of June AD 1870 onboard the U.S. Steam Sloop Jamestown at Roan KitiHarbor. ls land of Ponape".

Placing their marks to this agreement wereNanakin in Ron Kiti, Uajai en Kiti, Noj en Kiti,Lepen Telui and Nanweatau en Tolani. E.T. Doanewitnessed- the document, with a certain gloating, wesuspect. I 2

All this was followed by an order to see that thebuildings were vacated and removed immediately.Apparently, they were stil l occupied by John J.Mahlmann, who'd been banished from the mainstation by Pease, but who, it seems, was in charge oftrading at Ron Kiti, or was at least allowed to livethere temporarily. Quite recently, he'd been namedby the unanimous consent of the other employees tomanage the "Port Ponatic" station after Pease'sappointed manager, Coe, had died. So it was that atthe same time he was ordered to vacate the land atRon Kiti, he identified himself as "Acting Manager

for Pacific Island Trading Co., Port Ponatic" in hisrequest to Capt. Truxtun:

"Owing to the prolonged absence of Capt. BenjaminPease, Manager of the undermentioned Shanghai Firm ofwhich Glover Dow & Co. are agents at Shanghai, I havecompletely run out of provis ions and for buying nat ivefood I have only enough trade on hand to keep me andthe companies servants (of which there are 28 in number)

for a few days longer. You wil l readily see my distress

and I beg of you. i f at a l l possible. to spare me 2 Bbls ofFlour, 2 Bbls Bread and a l i t t le Tea. which would last meperhaps unti l Capt. Pease or a vessel from Shanghaiarrives. I have orders on Messrs. Glover, Dow & Co. for$1000 and i f required lwi l l g ive you an order on themfor the amount you charge . . . (signed) John JamesMahlmann". l3

Mahlmann subsequently received his suppliesand supplied the order on Glover, Dow & Co. for$64.72 required by the Jamestown's paymaster.

The steam launch completed its circular cruiseof the island without incident or pause along themangrove-thick western coastline, returning to themain anchorage.

When the supplies promised for the Maloloarrived at "Port Ponatic", Pitman took the schoonerto sea, destined for the Jamestown anchorage whichhe reached the next day. The Anne Portel now lay atanchor near the sloop-of-war.

TRUXTON FORWARDS COMPLAINTS

William Truxtun, attentive to duty, wrote twoletters on the 27th in which he reported on his in-vestigations and the conclusions he'd drawn. The first,addressed to Glover, Dow & Co., Merchants, Shanghai,said:

"For several months past I have been cruising withthis ship among the Gi lbert Marshal l and Carol ine ls lands.I feel it due to you to inform you that at every point.almost without exception, complaints from the NativeKings, Chiefs and whites residing among them havebeen made to me regarding the offenses, cruelty andwant of good faith of your Managing Agent, Benj. Pease,Master of Brig Pioneer.

" l t is unnecessary for me to enter into detai ls. themore so as several persons are about proceeding toShanghai to seek redress, when doubtless, the truth wil lbe made known; suffice it to say the name of Pease isinfamous in Micronesia.

"ln this lsland large quantit ies of t imber l ie rotting onthe shores. I am told it was all paid for before it was cut'A number of Chinese, whose terms of service expiredsix months since, are suffering for food. Since the deathof Capt. Coe, one Mallman . . . has assumed charge ofyour affairs. I f ind him without provisions. An Americancitizen named Adams under contract for service at somelsland to the Westward has never been landed there, butwas left here, and is without food or the necessaries ofl ife; the wants of these persons I have relieved as far asoossible.

"For (16) s ixteen years the Missionar ies have held f reeand undisputed possession of a plot of land t i l l theadvent of Pease, who, by threats and the free distribu-tion of spirits, induced the Nanakin to sell him theprivilege of cutting wood; to which Pease with otherforeigners have added the right to build houses of tradeand residence. I have directed the buildings to be re-moved. I enclose you the Nanakin's agreement toprotectthe mission.

"lt is testif ied before me that Pease sails at wil l underthe Hawaiian, English and American Flags, carrying attimes seven (7) guns, with a crew made up of Malays,Group natives, and abandoned whites.

"So far I have not succeeded in fall ing in with Capt.Pease, who certainly is entit led to a hearing. I am satis-fied, however, he is culpably mismanaging your affairs,

and causing you great pecuniary loss".14

In his second letter, this one to the U.S. ConsulGeneral in Shanghai, Truxtun refened to the com-plaints about island conditions which had been madeat the consulate in May, 1869, by Pease and WilliamCoe, and then noted that, after investigation, he hadfound that "Pease, without exception, is the greatestrogue working in all Micronesia". Saying that theConsul General would hear more from persons nowon their way to Shanghai, he added that he trustedthe facts they would present "will enable you to ridthese Islands of this fellow. who is said to be robbine

and maltreating natives and foreigners with greatimpartiality". I )

On the 28th, a veritable parade of statement-givers and testifiers boarded the Jamestown, eachadding weight to the packet of evidence whichTruxtun would forward in due course with his letterto George Seward, the American Consul General atShanghai.

William Lawit Adams and William Theon Etter,both Americans, testified that fhey'd agreed to workfor Glover, Dow & Co. on St. David's Island for aperiod of three years, and had sailed from Shanghaiwith Pease on the 6th of April, 1869. But, they'd firstgone to the Bonins (where Pease had hauled sevenguns up out of the hold for target practice) and thenon to Ponape where Pease put them ashore andordered his agents to take care of them. They'd nevergone on to St. David's (Mapia) and when the flow ofprovisions from the agents had stopped in January,John Robinson had provided for them on Pease'sbehalf until mid-April. Since then, however, they'dbeen reduced to selling of their clothing to keep fromstarving.

Truxtun also took a statement from JohnRobinson, their last regular meal ticket, whosetestimony was hazy. He simply stated that he'd beenhired (for unspecified duties, presumably at Ponapeor another island) in June, 1869, at wages of fiftyMexican dollars per month, had been feeding anumber of Pease's employees at his own expense,and, "I also loaded a schooner with wood whichbelonged to me", he said, "and for-all the foregoingI am unable to obtain a sett lement". l6

Alvin Bowen had hooked up with Pease earlier.His testimony was brief, but valuable;

"Was second officer on board the American BrigWater Lil ly Benj. Pease, Master, during the latter part ofthe year 1868, during which time we cruised among theMarshall lslands for oil; the Brig had mounted thefollowing armament: two 12 pounders, two 6 pounders,five 2 pounders. with two small swivels over the stern;had a crew of forty two (42) men; she carried musketsand cutlasses enough to arm each man. I was present inor about October 1868 when Pease robbed the oilstation of Capt. Eury. an Englishman at Tarawa of theGi lbert Group. of (17) seventeen casks of o i l ; t reats hiscrew with great brutality; feeds the;n badly".17

Henry Gardner had known Pease longest andhad served him in a variety of capacities largest ofany of this group. He claimed no back wages ordestitution, and his 1868 service as an interpreter

I

might well place him in the beachcomber category.He verif ied a number of points, and added somefil l ips of his own:

"Dur ing the year 1868 was interpretor to Capt.Benj. Pease on board the American Brig Water Lil ly,for the Kings Mi l l Group; was present at the robbing ofCapt. Eury 's stat ion on the ls lands of Hal l and Tarawa.During 1869 was present at the robbery of the oi lstat ions of one Capel le, a German in the ls land ofNamorick and also on the ls land of Arno; also therobbery of a station in Mille lslands - the ownership ofwhich I am not certain.

"Have known Pease since 1867, he general ly sai ls inarmed vessels, sai ls under the Hawai ian, Engl ish andAmerican flags; think Pease would not hesitate to robany trading station. Have heard him threaten to rundown Capel le 's t rading vessel i f he fe l l in wi th her; a lsothat he would blow the vessel of Briggs (his formerMate) out of the water if he came out from Honolulg;wanted to rob a schooner belonging to the King ofApamama in 1868; but could not get the consent ofhis crew. In 1869 he suggested to his mate that it wouldpay better to go slaving ( in the King's Mi l l Group);mate would not agree. Was on board the Water Lillywhen Capt. Pease removed the agent in charge of awreck on Majuro lsland, and placed James Walsh fromhis own vessel in charge, at the same time removing sucharticles as he could. He also told the King of Strongsls land that i f he did not make oi l for h im he (Pease)would bring an armed force and take possession of hisis land".18

That was the last of the sworn testimony avail-able to Truxtun on Ponape, and he spent the next

three days making final arrangements and tieing offloose ends.

JAMESTOWN RETURNS TO HAWAII

John Alexander Pond was directed to takeAdams and Etter, "American citizens with theirfamilies", back to Shanghai aboard the timber vesselAnne Porter. Pond was supercargo of the brig at themoment, but he was also one of the partners in thePonape timber operation. His position hadn't givenhim immunity from Pease's arbitrary and high-handedmanner, however, and he stil l smarted from Pease'sremoval of him as Ponape manager in 1868 whenMahlmann was installed in his place. Pond nowoffered to take Mahlmann to Shanghai aboard theAnne Porter, but Mahlmann declined, deciding toremain on the island and wait there for Pease. OnJuly 1, the brig sailed for "Metalanien Harbor"where she presumably began loading timber processedat the sawmill before sailing for Shanghai.

Malolo planned to sail for the same port in afew days with the Chinese carpenters aboard.

It seemed that all that could be done had beendone by the Jamestown. Two Hawaiian seamen whoneeded passage to Hawaii were taken aboard, thebundle of evidence against Pease was safely stowed,and Truxtun felt that he had left the "missionariesat all points visited in good spirits, feeling perfectlysecure in their persons and much encouraged in theirlabors . 'r IY The sloop-of-war sailed for Honoluluon July 2.

Gilbert lslands

References

1. Missionary He!-ald. AuEUst. 1868, 253

2. ABCFM Papers, C.A. Wi l l iams to Fev. Gul ick, 3 Julv i868

3. lb id. , Hiram Bingham, Jr . to Rev. Clark, Nov., 1868

4. Missionary Herald, Nov., 181O,37O

5. Hawai ian Gazette,20 Dec., 1871

6. Despatches from U.S. Consul in Shanghai , China Feb.23 - Oct.

I , 1871. General Records of the Dept ' of State, Record Group

59, Nat ionat Archives Microf i lm Publ icat ion M112, rol l 12'

Statement of John Smith.

l . The Fr iend, Nov. 1, 1870

8. Missionary Herald, Sept. , 1870,283-4

I . Dispatches frorn U.S. Consuls . . . , Statement of James Walsh

10. lb id. , Statement of E.A. Pi tman

11. Missionary Herald, Sept. , 1870

12. lb id. , Statement of Nanakin and Chiefs of Ron Ki t i

13. lb id. . Statement of John J. Mahlmann

14. lb id. . Wm. T. Truxtun to Glover, Dow & Co.

15. lb id. . Wm. T. Truxtun to Consul General

16. lb id. . Statement of John Robinson

17. lb id. , Statement of Alv in Bowen

18. lb id. , Statement of Henry Gardner

19. lb id. . Statement of Wm. T. Truxtun

11

Commodore Biddle and Mn, Thguchi

by Larry Lawcock

A Japanese Ballad, 1846

Ame no yo ni Nippon chika ku,Nebokete nagarekomu koze moyo

Kurofune ni nori komi happyaku-nin,Rasha shojyohi no tsutsuppo juban,Ozutsu kozutsu o uchi narabe.

Kurombo wa mizusoko shigoto sura,Taishogun wa heya ni suwarite maiime gao,Naka nimo higedarake najagatara tojin gaSora o nagame te dora-nyochachi tataite,Ki kurai kikurai kin mosai.

Morota daikon miyage naAmerica sashite nigete yuku.

Commodore Matthew C. Perry presented tiieJapanese government with American demands fordiplomatic and trade relations 125 years ago. Hisbloodless victory, which is commemorated by bothnations, was not the first American attempt to gainaccess to Nippon, the "source of the sun,', nor havethe effects of Perry's successful effort ceased to befelt by the peoples of the Pacific.

Three little-known, nonetheless fascinating, as-pects of Japanese relations with Pacific neighbors arehighlighted here.

Every American schoolchild learns that Com-modore Matthew C. Perry-the younger brother ofLt. Oliver Hazard Perry who won fame at the Battleof lake Erie during the War of l8l2-opened therecluse of Asia to world trade when he returned foran answer to his demand in 1854.

Who, then, does that Japanese ballad of 1846tell about? Here are the lyrics in English.

THE CREW OF EIGHT HUNDRED

Close to Japan, on a rainy nightit appears as though the

Wind comes rushing forth drowsily.

Eight hundred men al l crammed inthe foreign ship

In hiked-up br i l l iant red woolenunderwear

Lined the guns and cannons neatlyin a row

Down in the waterhold the Blackswork

The serious faced Admiral sitsin his room.

There are also foreigners inside, whoare completely shaggy bearded -

While gazing at the sky and beatingon the chamber pot tom-tom

"Ki kurai kikurai kin mosai"Taking the present of white radishesThey hasti ly head back toward America,

James Buchanan

12

The song relates the premature visit of Com-modore Biddle. During the administration of Presi-dent James K. Polk, when James Buchanan wassecretary of the state and famed historian CeorgeBancroft was secretary of the navy, the Americangovernment made its first attempt to open Japan'sbarred ports. Commodore Biddle was sent to Japan incommand of two ships, the Vincennes, a 780-tonsloop of war modified to the specifications of a smallfrigate, which carried ninety guns, and the Columbus,another sloop.

Commodore Biddle's ships anchored off Uragain what is now known as Tokyo Bay in July 1846.The arrival of the foreign ships of war caused con-sternation among the Japanese.

The frightening foreign ships were first sightedat an outpost manned by two petty samurai. Sixteen-year-old Totaro Sasakura was on duty that day. Thebrave lad had fishermen row him out to the ships.which he hoped to persuade from entering the bay.The youthful samurai was taken on board, but hecould only convince the commodore to permit him toguide the ships to the official inspection station atUraga.

Even before the ships anchored, an expressmessenger from the Misaki outpost delivered thealarming news to Uraga, from where intelligence waspromptly passed on to the court at Edo. Two gover-nors, who normally altemated on a regular basisbetween Uraga and Edo, were on hand to receivePresident Polk's letter to the Emperor. The ships weretold to wait at Sitaura, a few miles out from Uraga,while the council of the Tokugawa governmentconsidered its reply.

Japanese authorities in the meantime took pre-cautions for emergencies. The crews of six large junkswere pressed into service at sword point and theirvessels requisitioned.

Two small field pieces were mounted on eachjunk. Two samurai and ten government sailors onduty at the Uraga office bolstered the crew of eachvessel. The junks were rowed out to mount guard onthe formidable American ships, whose sides andstems bristled with guns. As the ships at anchorswung with the tide, the crews of the junks vied withone another for positions of safety in the shelter ofthe bows. The Americans, fathoming the reason forthe jockeying of the boats, opened the bow port toreveal the weapon there. The confusion of the boat-men's game abruptly subsided.

While this frenetic maneuvering was going on,parleys continued between Uraga officials and thoseaboard the war vessels. The Japanese port authoritiesinsisted that the visitors give up the idea of establish-ing trade between the two countries and leave Japan.The Americans were equally persistent.

The councilors at Edo decided that the tradi-tional seclusion, breached only by a single Dutch ship

which reached Japan annually from Batavia in theIndies, would be defended. On the ninth day afterthe arrival of the ships, one of the governors con-vened a secret council of officers on the junks.

This was the plan: the govemor, three officersand an interpreter should proceed to the flagship onthe following day to convey the order to weighanchor. If Commodore Biddle refused to comply, oneof the officials, all of whom were accomplishedswordsmen, would put him to th-e sword und ju*poverboard. His leap would serve as a signal to the gun-ners on the junks to open fire.

Commodore Biddle, specifically charged by hissuperiors to abstain from any act which would pro-voke hostility or distrust, promised to comply withthe governor's request the next day. "And laden withradishes, pumpkins, and fowl as souvenirs for home;got as a farewell present; the ships hastened to Ameri-ca," as another version of the popular otsuye songproclaims.

Without the euphoria the Japanese experiencedat Biddle's expense, would subsequent events and theamicable advice of Holland's trusted king whoinformed the Emperor in advance that war was thealternative to commercial relations-have beensufficient to propel the proud rulers of Japan into atrade agreement with the United States?

Matthew C. Perry felt that he owed nothing inhis "victory" to the "defeat" of his predecessor. He

James K. Polk

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Joseph Miguel De Torres

Captain Joseph Miguel de Torres, born around1710, your great, great, great, great, great, greatgrandfather, according to the Census of 1759 (Page22, item 480 of the Marianas Area Research Centerin Guam) was residing on Guam with his wife DonaDol inga Joseph de Espinosa, and their f ive chi ldren-Francisco Xavier de Torres (born 17371, MariaJoseph de Torres (born 1741l- , Luisa Lugarda deTorres (born 17431, Maria Rosa de Torres (born17451, and Juan Francisco Reyes de Torres (born1739), your great, great, great, great, great grand-father.

Dona Dolinga Joseph De Espinosa

Dona Dol inga Joseph de Espinosa, born around1715, your great, great, great, great, great, greatgrandmother, marr ied Captain Don Joseph Miguel deTorres, and bore him f ive chi ldren.

Francisco Reyes De Torres

Captain Juan Francisco Reyes de Torres, yourgreat, great, great, great, great grandfather, served asCaptain del Campo (Mayor of the Town), the ViceGovernor. Don Juan Francisco later marr ied a daugh-ter of Guam's only pure blooded Chamorro couple,referred to by Chamisso and Kotzebue, "as a vigorouscouple, the only man and his wife on the whole is landof the or iginal branch, and on whose death the raceof the old Ladrones wi l l be ent irely ext inguished."(Otto von Kotzebue, a Russian nav.al officer, com-manded the Brig "Rurik," f i t ted out at the expenseof Count Ramanoff , Chancel lor of Russian Empire,which vis i ted Guam in 1817. Adelbertvon Chamisso,the eminent botanist , accompanied Kotzebue.) In1770, a son Luis was born to Don Francisco and hiswife.

Luis De Torres

Don Luis de Torres, your great, great, great,great grandfather, born in 1770, was brought up inthe Spanish fashion according to Louis de Freycinet,who commanded the French Corvette "Uranie,"which arr ived here in 1818. For many years he wassecond in rank to the Governor of the Marianas, andwas a l i fe long student of Chamorro history and cul-ture. Don Luis, according to Safford (1901), servedalso as had his father as Captain del Campo (Mayorof the Town) a position with more power than thatpossessed by the Gubernadi l lo (Governor) establ ishedafterwards in its stead.

Kotzebue, in wri t ing of his expedit ion to Guamreported that "De Torres was here when the Carol i -nians, in 1788, vis i ted the ls land of Guahan, in a great

number of smal l boats. The savages pleased him verymuch by their mi ldness; he received them with kind-ness, and persuaded also the Governor, who dismissedthem loaded with presents, and since this t ime theyhave had the courage to come every year. They toldTorres that they had a commercial intercourse withthe inhabitants of this is land, and only given i t up onhearing of the sett lement of the white men, and hav-ing themselves been witnesses of their cruelty. ln1788, after a long t ime had elapsed, they undertookthis expedit ion to barter for i ron. Torres asked themhow they had found their way here, as the distancefrom Ul le to Guahan is above three hundred miles.They answered that the description of the way waspreserved by them in their songs, and after this theirpi lots had found i t . l t is remarkable that they did notmiss an inconsiderable is land l ike Guahan, when thestars and the songs were their only guide, in a voyageof three hundred miles. When the Carol inians vis i tedGuahan in 1788, they promised to return in thefol lowing year. They kept their word; but on thevoyage back were overtaken by a furious storm, andfound a watery grave so that not one of the braveseamen saved their l ives, and, after this circumstance,De Torres waited 15 years in vain for his fr iends, towhom he had become attached on account of theirgent le disposit ions. In the year 1804, the Americanship Maria, f rom Boston, took in provisions at Gua-han. The Captain of i t , Captain Wi l l iam Bol l , under-took with the supercargo, Thomas Borman, a voyageto the Carol ines, where he intended to make theattempt to catch beches de mer, and de Torres em-braced this opportunity of v is i t ing his fr iends, as theCaptain promised to br ing him back to Guahan.The Maria sai led in July, and the f i rst group of whichshe touched was Ul le. Torres found here several of hisold acquaintances, who pi loted the ship into thegroup; and this was the ship of which Kadu spoke tous; the name Borman, of which he made Marmol, andLouis, as they cal led de Torres, occurred in one ofhis songs, which the Carol inians had composed,that these men might not be forgotten". (Kotzebuerefers to his own visi t to the Carol ines where he metKadu, a chief) . "The preservat ion of remarkableevents in songs, is common to the Carol ines".

"Torres inquired why his old fr iends no longervisi ted him in Guahan. They then told him of thef leet which had gone there f i f teen years ago, and, as i thad not returned, they concluded that their country-men had al l been murdered. Torres of course declaredthat no harm had been done to their brethren onGuahan, but that a raging storm had overtaken thema day after their departure, and probably destroyedthe f leet. Louis de Torres saw on his voyage, manyislands belonging to the Carol ines, and drew a chartof the whole chain, which M. von Chamisso l ikewisecopied. On the twenty eighth, we returned early to

the ship, as I proposed to leave Guahan the fol lowing

17

AFamilyTree

GrandparentsGreat, greatGrandparents

GreatGrandparents

Grcat, great,great, great,great, greatGrandparents

Maria PergzCalvo (18861

day. Louis de Torres accompanied us, with al l theoff icers and the Governor. We spent a pleasantevening in the society of the Spanish officers, who allremained on board during the night".

Chamisso, the naturalist of Kotzebue,s ex-pedit ion, related that " l was bound quickly andintimately in fr iendship to Don Luis Torres. I thinkof him with the greatest affection and true grateful-ness. Don Luis de Torres, who had learned to knowthe customs and habits, history and tales of thelovely inhabitants of Ulea, has had their most ex-perienced seaman with whom he has had the mostfamil iar intercourse, draw for him a map of their

neptunian world, and has kept an uninterruptedcommunication with his fr iends through their tradingfleet from Lamurek which comes to Guam everyyear. Don Luis de Torres opened to me the treasuryof his knowledge, put before me their map,and spoketo me lovingly of his hospitable fr iends and theirpeople, for whom I had acquired the greatest regardthrough my fr iend Kadu. All my t ime in Agana wasspent in the instructive and hearty intercourse withthe obliging Don Luis de Torres from whose mouth Igot al l the information I wrotedown". Incommentingon his language study, Chamisso reported that,"Don Luis stated that in the Mariana and Ulea

18

languages there is no declension. We must observe,that the words of the Mariana language, which wecommunicate for comparison, are not taken from theVocabular io de la Lengua Mariana, but wri t ten fromour own orthography, from the pronunciat ion ofDon Luis". Freycinet, who visi ted Guam in 1818,reported that Don Luis, " informs us also, that in al lthe vi l lages of this archipelago, there.are schools ofnavigat ion, under the direct ion of the most ski l l fu lpi lots; and that no Carol inian is al lowed to marry,unt i l he has given proof of his dexter i ty in steering aproa. For this examinat ion, a t ime is chosen when thesea is rather high, the candidate is placed at the sheetand there surrounded by reefs, and in the midst offoaming waves, he must make his proa sai l a certaindistance without al lowing i ts balancer to touch thewaves. I could not have believed that they possessedsuch ski l l , i f I had not sai led in their vessels".

Jacques Arago, the artist of the Freycinet ex-pedit ion, who painted a portrai t of Don Luis ' grand-parents, and who generally wrote in a most sarcasticway, commented that, "Major Don Luis de Torres,the only nat ive with whom you can venture to have al i t t le conversat ion, has told me more than once,that a woman was the only cause of the disorders thathad for some t ime aff l icted the colony; and that butfor her the Governor would have been known hereonly as a benefactor". ( l t is assumed he referred toGovernor Don Joseph Medini l la y Pineda, CaptainGeneral of the Marianas or Ladrones). "Don Luisde Torres, the Mayor of Agana, has assured us thatthe nat ives of al l the Carol ines bel ieve in a deluge,and in one God in three persons - the father. the sonand the grandson".

Dumont D'Urvi l le, who vis i ted Guam in 1928 asCommander of the "Astrolobe", reported thatMajor Don Luis de Torres, received them mostcordial ly.

Don Luis owned the Orote Peninsula, andbui l t the wal l of masonry across i ts neck at Apra.Father Jose Palomo, his grandson, in a let ter toSafford in 1900, wrote that "the Sargente Major(Don Luis) had bui l t the stone wal l across the neck ofthe peninsula to serve not only as a boundary of theproperty, but as an enclosure for his animals". Hefurther wrote that "a disreputable Governor seizedthe land because my grandfather having the pr ide ofhis family, did not y ield to the whims of the despot".

Don Luis was mentioned in a May 2, 1828report descr ibing the terr i tor ial mi l i tary force which"consisted of 160 men divided into three companies.Don Luis de Torres, Sargente Major: 3 captains(12 pesos a month), 3 l ieutenants (10 pesos a month),3 ensigns (8 pesos a month), 9 sergeants (6 pesos amonth), 3 corporals, and the rest pr ivates. Neitherofficers nor soldiers ever touch their pay, which goesfor objects brought from Mani la and sold by theGovernor at his own pr ice". '

On February 20, 1834, Don Luis requestedretirement on account of his advanced age. Don Luis,st i l l al ive in 1839, was the father of Luis de TorresJr.and Rita de Torres.

Luis De Torres, ll

Don Luis de Torres, Jr., your great, great, greatgrandfather, the lsland Administrator, together withhis brother-in-law Don Silvestre Palomo and hissister R ita obtained a new grant to the OrotePeninsula in 1855 and repaired the walls buil t bytheir father Don Luis de Torres, Sr., to protecttheir catt le, horses and swine. However, anotherGovernor, according to Father Palomo, dispossessedthem of the peninsula, giving as a reason for hisdecision the excuse that agriculture was preferred tothe breeding of animals.

Rita de Torres, his sister and your great, great,great aunt, married Sgt. Major of the Garrison,Silvestre Inoncencio Palomo y Rodriguez, whoseSpanish father was born in Mexico. They had twochildren, Rita Palomo y Torres, and Jose BernardoPalomo y Torres, born October 19, 1836, and wasbaptized on October 23, 1836 by Padre Ciriacode Espiritu Santo, curator of the church of Agat.

Padre Palomo

His early l i fe was spent under the tutorship ofFather Pedro Leon del Carmen. At an early age heperfected English, Spanish and French. In 1856 thetragic smallpox epidemic took the l i fe of his parents,and the population of Guam was reduced from over9,000 to 4,000. This epidemic so profoundly affectedyoung Jose Palomo that he decided to enter thepriesthood. He completed practical ly al l of his higherstudies in Guam under Father Pedro and FatherAniceto Ybanez and then went to Cebu to study atthe San Carlos Seminary for one year. He was ordaineda priest by the Bishop of Cebu on December 11th,1859, who f ive days afterward nominated him asassistant (Co adjustor) of the Priest of Agana. Hesailed for Manila which he reached on January 1,1860, and returned to Agana September 17,1860.

In 1865, he was named parson of Saipan, aposit ion he held for two years becoming again Assist-ant at Agana. ln 1883 they gave him the t i t le, Priestof Saipan, and in 1887 he was transferred to theparish of Tinian unti l 1891, when he returned toAgana. In 1893 he was appointed Parson of Agat,six months thereafter was transferred to the in-cumbency of Rota, and in 1895 returned to hisoriginal post. l t was at the turn of the century, whenthe United States occupied Guam and the localpeople were apprehensive about their future, thatPadre Palomo's leadership helped immeasurably tobridge the gap between Americans and Guamanians

19

and sealed and cemented that f r iendship. He was amember of the Government Junta in 1898. l t shouldbe emphasized that Padre Jose Palomo y Torreswas not only a Roman Cathol ic pr iest, but also afr iend of Cathol ic and Protestant al ike. He was lovedand respected by al l , no matter what their rel ig iousbel iefs might be. He assisted in preparat ion of var iousbooks about Chamorro languageand historv of Guam.He was a man of great piety, splendid moral re-putat ion, and of saint ly habit and the only pr iestwho remained in Guam after the departure of . theSpanish August inians in 1899. He was made aMonsignor in 1909 and given various honors. PadrePalomo died in Guam in July 1919 at the age of 82and is bur ied in the family cemetery, Anigua.

In descr ibing his mother Rita, Padre Jose, in aletter to Safford, descr ibes her as a " lady of piety,educat ion and kindness of heart . She was a womansuperior to many Spanish ladies, who reared me withan iron rod in one hand and a cake in the other.Every morning at four o'c lock she awoke and tookme to church, and before going to bed she taught meto say the rosary or some novena and night prayers.She never repeated a request, for she expectedobedience at once and al lowed me to go to butcertain houses and to associate with but few relatives.She received the holy communion not seldom andwas so chari table that the people were ready to ful f i l lher desires as though i t were the order of the church.She knew Spanish, Engl ish and some French, wasable to f igure and make mental calculat ions, Sheunderstood the sea, t ides and she was ski l led in al lhousehold tasks and she wove aggag from coconutleaves". Concerning his father, Father Palomo relatesthat, "He was returning from his third tr ip to Mani laon the Schooner or Br igat ine E. L. Frost, arr iv ingMarch 17, 1856, with smal lpox on board. When myfather came home and fel t the f i rst symptoms of thedisease, he cal led the pr iest to be shr ived and heprepared for the other world, and asked that he mightbe isolated. He was taken to a ranch in a secludedval ley on the r ight of the road to Sinajana, his sonJose being prevented from fol lowing him by order ofthe Governor".

Don Luis de Torres, Jr. , was the father of Jose,your great, great grandfather, the f i rst cousin ofFather Palomo.

Don J ose r. r":::,;",1;::, sreat s ra ndfather,was a sub l ieutenant, honored for his part in downingthe Phi l ippine Insurrect ion in 18b1. He marr iedVicenta Diaz.

They had eight chi ldren - Francisco (your greatgrandfather), Luis, Juan, Jose, Fel ix, Josepa, Rita andManuel. Luis, a judge and member of the GovernmentJunta in 1898, marr ied Consolacion Crisostomo, whodied chi ldless, and after her death Ana palomo Leon

Guerrero (1844-1919), the daughter of Rita T. Palomo,and the mother of Maria (Mrs. Pedro Mart inez). Juan,a judge, auditor of the Treasury, and also a memberof the Government Junta in 1898, marr ied Jul ianaPerez. Jose married Rita Cruz whose son Antoniomarr ied your great aunt Pepa (Josepa Calvo Torres).Fel ix marr ied Guadalupe Mart inez, the parents ofRegina, who marr ied TomasA. Calvo. Josepa, anotherdaughter, did not marry; and l ived with Pedro deTorres Rodriguez (born 1845) and his wife JosefaPerez Rodriguez (born 18621 in 1897. Ruf ina,another daughter, who marr ied your great uncleAntonio Calvo, the father of Mrs. Pi lar Velarde, yourAunt Lina's mother; and Vicente, their son, whomarr ied your great aunt Bacha (Tomasa Calvo Torres)who raised Edward T. Calvo. Rita marr ied Juan Aguon.Manuel marr ied Barbara. Josepa marr ied JuanMil l inchamp, the son of Henry Mi l l inchamp (1842-1938), whose father Richard Mi l l inchamp, an Engl ish-man, had arr ived in Guam on August 31, 1851.

Francisco Diaz De Torres

Don Francisco Diaz de Torres, your greatgrandfather, marr ied Joaquina Crisostomo Mart inez.They had six chi ldren - Jose (your grandfather),Juan who marr ied Concepcion Cruz, Rita who marr iedManuel Sablan, Gregorio who marr ied LagrimasFlores and later Josepha Roberto, Concepcion whomarr ied J. K. Shimizu and Francisco who did notmarry.

Don Francisco, was the only man pract ic ingmedicine in Guam during the t ime intervening be-tween the removal of the Spanish Garrison and thearr ival of the American Governor and Naval MedicalAdministrat ion. In 1938 Governor James T. Alexandernamed the Barr igada-Dededo Road "Dr. FranciscoTorres Road".

Jose Martinez Torres

Don Jose Mart inez Torres, your grandfather, wasborn in Agana on October 20, 1882. He received hisearly educat ion from his father, graduated f romSan Juan de Latran Col lege in Agana during theSpanish regime, and later attended the local publ icschool.

His Engl ish instructor was Lt. W. E. Safford.With the assistance of his father, he attained a pro-f ic iency in Spanish. He was an accomplished composerand pianist .

His father died in 1902 when, Jose was 20, atwhich t ime, deprived of f inancial backing at home, i twas necessary for him to hust le for employment.His f i rst job was as a foreman on road construct ion;later he worked in the shoo of a si lversmith. Meari-whi le he formed plans to get into business for himselfat the f i rst opportunity. He rented a canoe andtraveled to the var ious vi l lages around the is land, in

20

search of whatever he could buy or sel l . Soon he hadestabl ished a smal l business in rosaries, church art ic lesand various tr inkets, many of which he made, voyagingfrom t ime to t ime to Saipan and other is lands in theMarianas. When his abi l i t ies as a salesman had nettedhim some 500 pesos, he established the Union TradingCompany the first all-native corporation everformed in Guam. After two prosperous years, hesold his holdings and with his wife, establ ished aretai l business in the distr ict of San Nicolas, Agana,which later resulted in a chain of thr iv ing stores.Through hard work and a keen insight of the people'sneeds, his local business budded, and by 1912, he wasdoing a ful l -scale import-export t rade, with agents inMani la, China, Japan and the United States.

In his endless business endeavors, Mr. Torresbui l t a soap and candle factory, and made markedimprovements in an infant copra industry by con-struct ing Guam's f i rst copra drying plant

He held his f i rst publ ic off ice in 1917 as Congress-man, represent ing the San Nicolas Distr ict .

At the outbreak of the war with Japan, he wasamong the group of key merchandise distr ibutorswho were summoned for a reorganizat ion of stores todistr ibute Japanese goods on a rat ion basis. His threesucceeding years represented much work and l i t t lereward.

He always held as his main interest the generalprosperi ty of the is land and the Chamorro people,and was one of the pioneers of the copra exporttrade. He establ ished the f i rst modern copra dryer,which resulted in great ly increased product ion of thatimportant i tem of income to prewar is land residents.

He was recognized by his contemporaries as acapable leader and execut ive. He was elected amember of the First Guam Congress. He also servedas an Associate Just ice of the Court of Appeals in1934-35 and 1948-49: member of the Guam FairExecut ive Committee; member of the Annual BudgetBoard of the Naval Government of Guam; andmember of the Board of Managers Bank of Guam1935-36.

Don Jose marr ied Maria Perez Calvo (Nana, yourgrandmother). They had six chi ldren: Francisco,Concepcion, Jose, Fel ix, Pi lar , who died in the 1918inf luenza epidemic, and Mariqui ta (your mother)who marr ied Paul Bernhardt Souder, your dad. DonJose (Tata) died in 1950.

Ciriaco De Espiritu Santo

Don Cir iaco de Espir i tu Santo, a Fi l ip ino dio-cesean priest, your great, great, great grandfather, wasa Tagalog by bir th, "not handsome, and skin quitedark", according to what Don Jose Herrero reportedto Safford in 1900. He was presumed to have comefrom Cebu in the Phi l ippines.

Jacques Arago, art ist with the Freycinet ex-

pedi t ion in 1818, ment ions Padre Cir iaco, indicat inghe probably arr ived in Guam sometime after 1800.Don Cir iaco was an energet ic man, interested in theisland's welfare, and Safford in 1900 reported that," in the vi l lage of Agat, in consequence of the zeal andindustry of the Parish pr iest, Padre Cir iaco, there hasbeen a great increase in the plantat ions of r ice.Padre Cir iaco and.Governor Vi l la lobos were int imatefr iends. Cir iaco was a very thr i f ty man".

His housekeeper (Ama de Llaves) was JuanaCrisostomo_ or as the is landers cal led her "JuananChano". Al though unmarr ied, the fol lowing chi ldrenwere born to the: Juana, who married Vicente deLeon Guerrero (Padrq Cir iaco bui l t a f ine masonryhouse, Number 4 San Ramon for her); Rosa whomarried Jose Martinez, your great, great grandfather(Padre Cir iaco bui l t her a house opposite that ofDon Justo dela Cruz); Ana who marr ied FranciscoSuarez, a Spaniard and a sergeant of artil lery, had ahouse bui l t for her in front of the church; Lecadiowho marr ied Ana dela Cruz, the sister of Don Justodela Cruz, had his house bui l t at Number 3 SanRamon; Vicente who had a daughter Maria whomarr ied Jose dela Cruz, had his house bui l t on theedge of the marsh; and "Bada" who did not marrybut who had a daughter Consolacion who became thef irst wife of Luis de Torres ( the brother of your

d,itl?i

&&

21

Jose M. Torres (Circa 1930)

great grandfather Francisco Torres). Her house wasbui l t at Number 2 San Ramon.

Not far f rom the vi l lage of Sinajana, in a lowplace to the r ight of the road from Agana were theruins of a masonry house. The stone steps were inplace, al though one end had fal len, and a banyantree spread i ts snake-l ike roots over i t . This was thecountry house of Padre Cir iaco, where he often wentand recreated with Governor Vi l la lobos. Cir iaco wasdevoted to his chi ldren for al l of whom he providedwel l , bui lding for each a good masonry house with at i le roof". He was much l iked and respected by al l theGovernors according to Don Jose Herrero in conver-sations with Safford.

Padre Cir iaco bapt ized Father Jose Palomo yTorres on October 23, 1836, as the curate of Agat.He died January 21, 1849, the Priest of Rota, who onaccount of his advanced age and feeble health, hadbeen permit ted by the Government to reside inAgana.

lgnacio Mart inez

Don lgnacio Mart inez, your great, great, greatgrandfather, was a l ieutenant of art i l lery and deputyof the Governor in 1817, according to Kotzebue whomet him upon his arr ival in 1821. He had a son, Jose.According to Arago, Don lgnacio was banished toRota (1818) and was the "second person in thesett lement (Rota), but who appeared here to act theprincipal part was the Captain Mart inez, whom theGovernor of the Marianas ls lands had banished, andI soon discovered that he possessed greater informationthan al l the off icers in Guam put together, theirChief included. I thought at f i rst that he might havebeen sacrificed to wounded vanity; but I was after-wards convinced that Signor Medini l la had punishedtoo severely a faul t so sl ight as that of which hewasaccused (for steal ing the powder was a calumny) hehad acted with prudence in banishing from Guam acit izen who avai led himself of the advantages he hadreceived from nature and education only to seduceyoung wives and to sew enmity and dissension infam i l ies".

Jose Martinez

Don Jose Mart inez, your great, great grand-father, nlarried Rosa Crisostomo, the daughter ofJuana Crisostomo and Don Cir iaco de Espir i tuSanto. ln 1851 he was a l ieutenant, and after theFi l ip ino Insurrect ion, requested permission to escortimprisoned convicts to Mani la.

Don Jose and Dona Rosa had f ive chi ldren:Juan who marr ied Rosa Pangel inan (the mother ofPedro Mart inez), Guadalupe who was the f i rst wifeof Fel ix de Torres, Maria who marr ied Pedro Ada ofSaipan, Emil iana who marr ied Joaquin Perez, and

Joaquina (your great grandmother) who marr iedFrancisco de Torres (your great grandfather).

John Anderson

John Anderson, your great, great, great grand-father, a Scot, came to Guam on March 17, 1819 onthe French Corvette "Uranie", Louis de Freycinetcommanding. He had served temporari ly on the"Uranie" as Chief Ouartermaster, and was al lowed toremain in Guam at hisown request. Dumont D'Urvi l le,in command of the "Astrolobe" vis i ted Guam in May1828, and descr ibes him "as a f ine looking man, wel lbehaved, and speaking French pretty wel l ." "Ander-son knew Ouoy and Gaunard, having been shipmateswith them on the "Uranie". As Captain of the Port ,he came to invest igate the sickness on board, fear ingthat some contagious disease might be introducedinto the is land. He gave D'Urvi l le information regard-ing the hydrography of the region." He marr iedJosefa Cruz, and they had the fol lowing chi ldren:Josefa who marr ied Jose Tudela, Maria who marr iedAndres de Castro, Dolores who marr ied Fel ix Calvo,Jose who marr ied Ramona Ouitugua, Juan whomarr ied Maria de Castro, and Rosa who marr ied Fel ixRoberto ( the son of John Roberto and Maria Mon-tu fat. )

In 1848, Governor Don Pablo Perez forwardeda pet i t ion of John Anderson asking that he be paid asalary for his services as interpreter and translator ofEngl ish and French when the government requiredsuch service. Anderson was Aide to the Captain of thePort, with the approval of the Superior Governmentand the Commandant General of the Navy dated July20, 1831, as attested by orders certified by GovernorVi l la lobos. He acted as pi lot for br inging ships intoand out of the harbor, and received a fee of 10 pesosper year from the Navy fund. "He was attent ive tohis dut ies, and his conduct was good, except whenthere was a reunion of his fel low countrymen, Cap-tains of ships arr iv ing at this port-on which occa-sions, l ike a good Engl ishman, he got drunk; but apartfrom this there was nothing to be said against him.He had no permit of natural izat ion."

An extract f rom the log of the "Emily Morgan"of New Bedford, Massachusetts, Captain Ewer com-manding (1849-1854) gives a most interest ing ac-count in Caotain Anderson's own words of an at-tempt to take over the island several vears before."The Captain and a few more Engl ish residents con-trived a plan to make themselves possessors of theisland. They secretly worked, step by step, at the.same t ime insinuat ing themselves into the goodgraces of the Governor. Their plans worked to acharm, and when they were ful ly matured, theyquiet ly took possession of the Palace, the Governorhaving been made, as Captain Anderson expressed i t ,"as drunk as a boi led owl." As they now had posses-

22

sion of a l l the arms and ammunit ion, i t was an easymatter to subdue the nat ives, which they did in shortorder, without loss of l i fe on ei ther side, coveringthemselves with glory. As a matter of course, the newlords and masters must have a glor ious jo l l i f icat ion

over the affair , and at the same t ime agree on agovernor. This latter, however, proved no easy task,as al l were equal ly anxious to "serve their country" inbeing the chief digni tary of the is land. After consult-ing and debat ing some hours, and f inding they wereno nearer a decision than at f i rst , they decided tohave a spree, and whoever should remain sober thelongest, and see the others al l la id out, should be thehonorable governor. Accordingly at i t they went,bottle after bottle disappeared, one by one theyvoluntar i ly rel inquished their seats and quiet ly rol ledunder the table. After a short t ime no one remainedin his seat but Captain Anderson, and he, feel ingelated at his success, drank a few bumpers to CaptainAnderson, the future Governor of the dist inguishedlsland of Guam. But, as he said, "he was born underan unlucky star." So i t proved, as the bumpers hedrank to his own good health keeled him over, and hetook his place among his comrades. The Spaniards,who had been watching these proceedings with nosmall degree of interest, seeing how matters stood,and the would-be Governors glor iously drunk, veryadroi t ly bound them hand and foot. The dethronedgovernor was, of course, immediately reinstated, andthe next day these noble spirits were arraigned fortrial. Being convicted of treason, they were sentencedto be placed on a raft, taken out to sea, and then castloose, leaving them at the mercy of the winds andwaves. This was accordingly done, and af ter dr i f t ingabout several days, they were safely landed on theis land of Tinian. Here they resided some t ime, f inal lyexpresing their sorrow for what they had done, thegovernor pardoned them, and permit ted them tomake Guam their future residence, on swearing al le-giance to the government and promising to be trueand loyal c i t izens."

Felix Calvo

Don Fel ix Calvo y Noriega, your great, great,great grandfather came from Cast i l la La Vieja inSpain. He marr ied Dona Maria Ol ivares, s Spanishsenori ta, who l ived in Mani la. He was decorated fordist inguished service during the upris ing in Mani la in1823. He was a Caval ier of the Order of the GrandCross of San Hermegi ldo. After many years of dist in-guished service in the Phi l ippines he came to Guam in1837 as Minister of the Royal Treasury of the Ma-r ianas.

Don Gregorio de Santa Maria, inauguratedGovernor of Guam on October 1, 1843, was str ikenwith apoplexy April 4, 1848, and three days after-ward, Don Fel ix Calvo, Administrator, or Treasurerand Paymaster of the lslands, took charge of the

Maria Perez Calvo (Born 7886)

Government, and conducted i t for f ive months. OnSeptember 8, 1848, Don Pablo Perez rel ieved DonFel ix Calvo as Governor. He wrote the CaptainGeneral that he was wel l sat isf ied with the bearing,zeal and integri ty of the Provisional Governor, DonFel ix Calvo. After his term as Act ing Governor, hecont inued serving as Administrator of the Treasury,unt i l h is death in 1866.

Don Fel ix and Dona Maria had the fol lowingchi ldren: Jacinto who was a Lieutenant Colonel ofthe Spanish Infantry who died in Mani la in 1892,Vicente who was Captain of the Port , Gregorio,Ana Calvo de Johnson who marr ied Captain Johnsonan Engl ishman (his ship carr ied cargo between Mani laand the Marianas), Fel isa Calvo de Muri l lo whomarr ied the Subtreasurer in Guam, Carmen Calvo deMarsh who marr ied an American Captain of a whal ingvessel ( the couple sett led in Alameda, Cal i fornia),Pepita (Josefa) who l ived with her sister Carmen,and Fel ix Calvo y Ol ivares, the youngest son, andyour great, great grandfather.

Felix Calvo y Olivares

Don Fel ix Calvo y Ol ivares, your great, greatgrandfather, a merchant by profession, marr iedDolores Anderson, the daughter of John Anderson.

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They had three chi ldren: Jacinto, Jesus and Fel ix( | | l ) . The lat ter was your great grandfather.

Felix Calvo y Anderson

Don Fel ix Calvo y Anderson was your greatgrandfather. On October 28, 1872, he marr ied DonaJuana Perez y dela Cruz, the daughter of Jose Perezand Maria Cruz. They had eleven chi ldren: Antonio,Gregorio, Leon, Ramon, Fel ix, Vicente, Tomasa(Mrs. Vicente Torres), Maria (Mrs. Jose M. Torres,your grandmother) , Ri ta (Mrs. Vicente Mart inez),Josefa {Mrs. Antonio Torres), and Ana (Mrs. VicenteAflague). Don Fel ix was serving as Mayor of Rota atthe turn of the century.

Maria Calvo Torres y Perez

Dona Maria Calvo Torres y Perez, your grand-mother was born on Guam. The eighth of elevenchi ldren, she marr ied Jose M. Torres. Nana, as shewas affect ionately cal led by her chi ldren, grand-chi ldren, was an energet ic support to her husband inal l his endeavors, she managed her household wel l .

She raised her grandaughter Geri , Fel ix 's daugh-ter, with your mother Mariqui ta 's assistance afterGeri 's mother 's death during the Japanese invasion in1941. She l ived with Geri in the Perez house inAgana Heights, pu rchased by you r grandfatherpr ior to his death. Nana was a good discipl inar ian ofher grandchi ldren, al l of whom loved her dearly.She and your dad got along part icular ly wel l . Al-though your dad doesn't speak Chamorro, and Nanadidn' t speak Engl ish, they found i t easy to com-mun icate, sometimes to the amazement of othermembers of the fami ly.

Mariqu ita Torres Souder

Mariqui ta ("Ti ta") Calvo Torres, your mother,was born on September 4, 1913 in Agana, Guam,the daughter of Jose Mart inez Torres and Maria PerezCalvo. She grew up in Agana in the Spanish tradi t ionand was very act ive in the Sodal i ty and other church-related act iv i t ies. She was educated by tutors andattended pr ivate schools, the Col l ins School and theGuam Inst i tute. As the daughter of a leading mer-chant and judge, she was act ive social ly and fre-quent ly assisted her mother and father as a hostess.Dur ing the Japanese occupat ion in World War l l , shesecreted and cared for the statue of Our Lady ofCamarin, f i rst in Agana and later at the Torres familyranch at Pado in Toto. The reoccupat ion of Guam byAmerican forces total ly destroyed the family proper-t ies in Agana and throughout the is land, and a tem-

Paul and Mariquita (Torres) Souder with their daughtersDeborah (left) and Laura (right).

porary home was bui l t on the si te of a prewar ware-house in Agana, adjacent to the Skinner Plaza areaand Marine Drive. Tita operated the Triangle, ageneral merchandise store at the si te of their tem-porary home in Agana. She marr ied your father, al ieutenant commander in the U.S. Navy, on June 19,1948. They had f ive chi ldren: Mary, st i l lborn May15, 1949; Laura on August 15, 1950; Deborah onNovember 16, 1951; a miscarr iage in June 1955;and Paul Jr . on November 7, 1958. The chi ldrenattended Cathol ic schools in Guam, and resided inCasa de Souder on Cuesta San Ramon dur ing theirchi ldhood. Ti ta has been responsible for the AganaCathedral al tar f lowers and decorat ions throughouther marr ied l i fe. She serves as an act ive member ofthe Christ ian Mothers, chari t ies appeal dr ives, Eighthof December act iv i t ies, Guam Memorial Hospi ta lvolunteers, Guam Women's Club, and Guam BeautyPageant. She has a dist inct f la ir for f lower arrangingand has assisted in many facets of l i fe in Guam in thiscapaci ty. She is fondly cal led Ti ta, M,T., and MamaTita by fami ly and fr iends.

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USS Gold Star:Flagship of the Guam Navy

By Captain J. U. Lademan, Jr., U.S. Navy (Retiredl

EDITOR'S NOTE: This article first appeared in theUnited States Naval Institute Proceedings for Decem-ber, 1973. The author has a manuscript entitled:GOLD STAR AND GUAM: WAR IN THE WES-TERN PACIFIC, 1941-1942, a copy of which isin the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, andPeace located at Stanford University and the Micro-nesian Area Research Center in Guam. The Guamportion of the original article is reprinted here withthe permission of the United States Naval Instituteand the author.

She was elderly, plain, slow, broad in the beam,straight-lined from stem to stern with not a trace ofgraceful sheer. During the period between WorldWars, she became a familiar figure in ports of theFar East, spending 17 years making regular runs toJapan, China, and the Philippines, picking up suppliesfor the island of Guam. She brought coal for Guam'spower plant, rice for the natives, merchandise for theshopkeepers. In short, she brought all manner ofgoods and services deemed necessary to sustain theeconomy and raise the standard of living on ourdistant island possession in the Marianas.

During those years of humdrum housekeepingchores, the ship came to be regarded as a mother tothe half-forgotten island which lay sleeping far offtrans- Pacifi c shipping lanes.

A freighter with raised forecastle, bridge, andpoop, she was built for the Shipping Board by theBethlehem Shipbuilding Corporation of Wilmington,

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Delaware. Her length was 392 feet, beam 52 feet,loaded draft 24 feet, and standard displacement4,500 tons. Steam at 2O0 pounds pressure fromthree oil-burning Scotch boilers fed a 2,000-h.p.reciprocating engine which rotated a l?-foot pro-peller to move her along at a sqail-like cruising speedof about 9 knots.

Except for a pair of 4-inch guns mounted onfore-castle and poop, she looked exactly like hun-dreds of other common cargo carriers plodding theSeven Seas as line and tramp freighters.

The Navy took her over on 8 November 1921,gave her the designation of "miscellaneous auxiliary"(AG-12), and christened her the USS Gold Star.

On 3 November 1924, the GoId ,S/ar was as-signed .as the Naval Station's supply ship. Though

listed as a "station" ship, she was almost constantlyon the move. She went up to Japan so often to fetchcoal for the ancient power plant that she was calledGoldie Maru. She carried the mail and passengersbetween Manila and Guam. She hauled in polishedrice, which as time went on, replaced the brown ricethat the natives formerly raised. Everything for a newway of life-building materials, bulldozers, tractots,buses, taxis, shoes, stockings, dtesses, canned goods,Coca-cola, radios, juke boxes, chickens, pigs, cows,and an occasional Brahma bull to perk up the Guamstrain-came in the Goldie Maru.

The Cavite Navy Yard at Manila, where woodwas always plentiful and steel in short supply, did itsbest to improve the bulk-cargo carrier for the count-less tasks demanded by the Guam assignment. Ex-

, .

';.-.

IJSS Gold Star in 1924Photo by De7artment of the NavY

tensive makeshift alterations, accomplished for themost part by skilled Filipino carpenters, broughtabout a transformation in the nondescript freighter.Tiny mahogany-paneled staterooms on port andstarboard sides of the midship section-each with anawkward ventilator sticking up six feet through thedeck above like a row of fence posts - providedaccommodations for first class passengers.

Forward on the port side of the upper deck werethe captain's quarters. The glassed-in parlor, bed-room, and bath had a Victorian elegance. Framed inthe wooden bulkheads of the parlor were elevendouble-hung windows, five facing forward and sixalong the side. A large overhead fan, about five feetin diameter, stirred the air in living room and bed-room. In his cabin, the captain walked on colorfulChinese rugs, reclined on rattan chairs with floweredcushions, stowed his gear in mahogany bureaus, andslept in a big brass bed, generally alone. Some skip-pen, according to reliable sources, carried their wivesalong during a tour of duty in the Gold Star.

An identical setup on the starboard side wasreserved for the Governor-Commandant of Guamwho occasionally took his family on a cruise to es-cape the heat and monotony.

Somehow, the Yard managed to squeeze a sickbay and a dozen second class cabins into the fantail.Perched on the poop deck was a little wooden shackcomplete with revolving chair, mirrors, and a wideassortment of warm weather toiletries-all the con-veniences of an up-todate barber shop for passen-gers in transit.

With those improvements the ship began making"Health Cruises" - combined recreation/cargo runs.Each year, loaded with naval station dependents, sheset sail on a morale-building jaunt around the loop-Yokohama, Kobe, Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Manila.She was a sight to behold as she barged into ports,her clotheslines flapping with panties and bras, rom-pers and diapers.

The Gold Star, originally designed along thelines of an ocean tramp, moved up to a more genteelstatus in the society of ships. With almost yacht-likepaneled interiors and accommodations for 50 passen-gers she became a quasi-Queen Mary to the Islanders,their opulent, if only, link with the outside world.

GOLD STAR CHANGES COMMAND

On 16 luly 1941, after a year at Pearl Harboras navigator of the battleship Colorado, I reported tothe "Goldie Maru" at Manila with orders to relieveher commanding officer. The ship lay alongside a

dock at the Cavite Navy Yard undergoing routineoverhaul and upkeep.

I served directly under Captain George G.McMillin, Governor-Commandant of Guam. Whenthe Gold Star was at Guam, I became second in com-mand of the island. The Governor made out the ship'sschedules and issued her sailing orders. But when shewas cruising in the westem Pacific or operating inthe Philippines, the Gold Star came under the opera-tional control of Admiral Thomas G. Hart, Com-mander-in-Chief Asiatic Fleet and Asiatic Station.He approved the ship's schedules and kept track ofher movements.

As I took command, clouds of war were gather-ing and the Health Cruises were a thing of the past.There were no more trips to Japan. The Governor hadrequested the Navy Department to evacuate Guam'sdependents. Upon completion of her overhaul, theship was scheduled to shuttle between Manila andGuam freighting in cement and construction materialfor a base being built at Apra Harbor.

The overage, l0-knot ship would have to steamalone, as Admiral Hart couldn't spare an escort fromhis thinly spread forces. Her four 4-inch guns hadbeen removed years before. She now carried two .50-caliber machine guns mounted on the flying bridge.She had a few low-security ciphers for handling res-tricted and confidential messages. Secret and TopSecret codes used by the Fleet were not allowed -toomuch risk of being captured on board an unarmedvessel operating independently.

An entry in my diary for l8 July (the day I tookcommand) reflects my concern:

"No guns for the Gold Star. I gather she isn'tconsidered worth defending. It would be silly tosay that it doesn't worry me. If war is declaredand we encounter any lapanese ship with a gun,what do I do? Can't surrender. It would be myjob to resist with all available force-two .50 cal.machine guns-a nice spot that would be. . ' -"

Yet, although this glamorized rice and coal bargecontributed nothing to the combat capability of theFleet, she was well manned. Every officer on board,including the paymastet, was a graduate of the U.S.Naval Academy.

Many years before, some sort of a ruckus hadtaken place at Guam. Several "mustang" officersfrom the Gold Star were alleged to have caused thedisturbance. Thereafter, the Bureau established apolicy of ordering only Naval Academy officers tothe ship. Thus, in the summer of 1941, the Goldie

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Maru steamed on cargo runs fully manned by regularofficers while the battleship Colorado (BB-45),having transferred a goodly number of experiencedofficers to new ships under construction, operatedout of PearlHarborwith 40% ofher officers reservists.

It was much the same with my crew-not a firstenlistment on board. About 15% were Chamorrosserving in the seaman, engineer, quartermaster, andsteward branches-proud of their billets-making theNavy a career. The petty officers were old-timers,some of them plank owners on their third and fourthhitches.

GOLDIE MOORS IN GUAM

On 2l August, upon completion of the overhaul,we sailed for Guam with 2,000 tons of coal from theCavite Navy Yard's dwindling stock-pile. Goldie alsocarried cement, rice, and the usual assortment of mer-chandise for the merchants of Agana. In San Bernar-dino Strait we took a newly constructed water bargein tow. A week later, having averaged about 7 knots,the flagship of the Guam Navy moored to a buoy inApra Harbor.

Submerged coral heads that clogged most ofApra Harbor surrounded the small mooring area.There were no docks for deep-draft ships. Littlesteam launches (formerly officers' liberty boats in thedays of coal-burning battleships) towed miniaturelighters from the ship up through a Lilliputian chan-nel to a wharf at the village of Piti where a cluster oftin-roofed sheds masqueraded as a Navy Yard. It tookl2 days of round-the-clock work to unload the ship.As I rnade the entry, "Apra Harbor still sleeps tran-quilly in its Spanish-American War state of develop-ment," in my diary, I recalled some history.

On 20 June 1898, the cruiser USS Charleston(C-2\, had steamed into Apra Harbor and had openedfire on Fort Santa Cruz. The Fort remained silent.When the Port Commander, who didn't know thatthere was a war on, made his boarding call he saidthey thought the Charleston had fired a salute whichcouldn't be returned because the Fort was out ofammunition. The next day the Govemor of the islandsurrendered and the garrison of 120 Spanish Marinesbecame prisoners of war.

After the war, Spain ceded Guam to the UnitedStates. The Navy Department, which had been as-signed responsibility for the civil administration ofthe island, continued in that capacity for the next40-odd years.

Following World War I at the Peace Conferencein 1919, a chain of islands and islets (Marianas.

Carolines, Marshalls, and Gilberts) stretching approxi-mately 2,500 miles across the southwest portion ofthe north Pacific, were allocated to Japan under aLeague of Nations' mandate. Guam, the largest landmass west of Hawaii with strategic value as a stepping-stone to the Philippines, lay close to the middle ofthe widespread network.

In the early 1930s, Japan, in violation of treatyagreements, began building air fields and military in-stallations at strategic points in the Mandated Islands.By 1941, although Japan had created a defensivebarrier cutting across our line of communications be-tween Hawaii and the Philippines, the island of Guam,defenseless and beyond the reach of supportingforces, still stood its ground * caught like a fat fly inthe center of a vast fortified insular spiderweb.

In addition to the Gold Star, Navy ships assignedto Guam were the Penguin (AM-33), a Bird-classmine-sweeper mounting a 3-inch, .50-caliber gun(the only weapon larger than a machine gun on theisland,) and an underpowered fuel barge named R. L.Barnes. If an attack in force were launched againstGuam, the Gold Star was supposed to be sunk at theentrance to Apra Harbor.

The Marine Detachment stationed on the island,primarily to maintain law and order, consisted of 146men with small arms*26 more than the Soaniardshad in 1898.

The Pan American Ocean Air Base, which beganoperating in 1935, was the only 20th century installa-tion at Apra Harbor. It had a landing channel for theClippers, a landing ramp, and a white frame buildingto accommodate passengers ovemight.

At Wake Island, the "Contractors, Air BasesPacific" were dredging the lagoon and building an airstrip. Elements of the Fleet Marine Force were put-ting in defenses. The "Orange Plan" for war withJapan contemplated that the Fleet based at Pearl Har-bor would support Wake if the island came undersustained attack. However, there was no provision forrendering support to Guam which lay 1,200 miles tothe southwest. Our War Plan conceded Guam toJapan.

Nevertheless, Apra Harbor hummed with activity. Bulldozers, dredges, construction material, andcivilian workers had recently been sent out fromthe States. Assisted by natives, they were building acauseway leading out to a deep water dock site.Coral heads were being blasted and dredged to en-large the anchorage area. New roads, quarters, and re-creational facilities were being built. Constructionof a breakwater was in the planning stage. There wereno plans, however, for putting in defense.

28

On l0 September we sailed to fetch anotherload. A news broadcast reported that PresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt had announced that it was nowa "shooting war for the Navy." The transport Hen-derson (AP-l), en route to Manila escorted by acruiser assigned from the Fleet at Pearl Harbor,steamed several hundred miles ahead. The diarynoted:

"Steaming darkened. Both AA machine gunsmanned during daylight. Fired 40 men over therifle range, 36 qualified. While Henderson andArmy transports including President linerssteam through these waters with a cruiser es-cort, old Gold Star with no protection makes italone."

GOLDIE SUPPLIES GUAM THROUGHOUTTHE WAR

If a hostile man-of-war made contact with theGoldie Maru it would be like shooting fish in a barrel.She could neither run nor fight. A hit in one of theold Scotch boilers could cause the ship to iack-knife

and sink like a rock. There would be no time forlaunching boats.

At Manila we doubled the number of life raftsbeing carried. Because fluids were more importantthan food for men adrift in tropical waters, we addedcanned fruit juices-enough to stock a supermarket-to abandon ship rations stowed in life rafts and boats.Lengths of line fitted with five-gallon tins, half fullof fresh water-to act as floats-were coiled down ondeck from bow to stern. If the ship sank suddenly,some would drift clear to serve as lifelines and pro-vide a floating reserve of fresh water. We bought askeet set and practiced shooting clay pigeons, to im-prove combat readiness

On our six crossings while hauling cargo intoGuam the only ships sighted were Japanese, usuallyon a north-south course between their homeland andthe western Carolines. With airfields and bases inJapanese-held islands circling all but the southwestquadrant, the Japanese Fleet could control the Philip-pine Sea. We sailed in an ocean belonging to Japan.

On 29 September the Gold Star returned toApra Harbor with the second load.

USS Gold Star in 1941

29

When tt'e Gold Star stearned into Apra Harborwith the third.load on the evening of 7 November arow of piles erected at the end of the causeway out-lined the partially completed dock.

Saturday, 8 November, was a day of celebrationat Guam. The Station band, made up of 18 Guama-nians, provided music for the occasion while localdignitaries assembled on the newly constructed moleproudly watched the Gold S/ar become the firstseagoing ship ever to go alonside a dock at ApraHarbor.

Fuel oil could now be pumped directly into anew 25,O00-barrel tank ashore. Coal moved by truckfrom the ship's side to the power plant. Cementdrums-lifted from the holds by "cherry pickers"-could be dropped at a nearby shed. The little tow-boats and lighters were out of a job. The improvedcargo-handling facilities would give Japan an up-dated seaport in the center of her insular defensivebarrier.

Monday, 17 November, had its historic andsentimental aspects. The long, strange marriage of aship and an island came to an end, a parting of theways that led to separate destinations. Thus, almost17 years to the day after she first reported, the GoldSrar sailed from Guam for the last time.

Manila Bay seemed deserted when we arrived on23 November. The light cruiser Marblehead (CL-12),the tender Black Hawk (AD-9), and her destroyers(except several under upkeep) were in the southernpart of the Sulu Sea-off the island of Tawi-Tawisomewhere - engaged in "maneuvers."

Over the Army-Navy Club, where attendancehad fallen off sharply after the evacuation of depen-dents on l7 October, you could get pretty good oddsthat Japan's "D-Day" would come on the weekendof 29 November when the Service Academies clashedin their annual football classic.

But we couldn't spend our time standing aroundthe club's famous mahogany bar; Guam needed coalagain. Cavite's stockpile had almost vanished. How-ever, at Dumanquillas Bay on the south coast of theisland of Mindanao-near the Moro village of Malan-gas-a coal mine, abandoned 30 years before, hadbeen put back into operation.

This would be the Christmas voyage. Our com-mercial cargo anticipated the coming Yuletide festi-vities. We took on board 1,500 cases of San Miguelbeer and 300 or so of whiskey, colorful fabrics fordresses, lingerie, silk stockings, and the complete fur-nishings for a beauty parlor, toys, Japanese dolls,candy, and cases of bubble gum for the children ofGuam.

On our previous trip we had transported a men-

tally deranged woman for hospitalization in Manila.Two Guamanian nurses attended her during thevoyage. The nurses, returning to the Guam NavalHospital, were on board as passengers.

We loaded 1,000 tons of rice and sailed forMalangas on 27 November. We stopped en route atCebu to load 1,000 tons of cement.

On 2 December, we entered a tiny cove, dottedwith shoals and scarcely half a mile wide, and mooredto a T-shaped pier at the village of Malangas. Bow andstern lines were made fast to palm trees on the beach.

A mine, located several miles inland, producedan inferior grade of volatile bituminous coal. Ricketytrucks, salvaged from some scrap pile, hauled the coalfrom the mine to the pier where it was shoveled ontoa conveyor belt leading out to the end of the dockand kicked up a cloud of dust as it tumbled downinto the ship. We rigged thermometen in the holds'

Lieutenant W.B. (Bill) Epps, the first lieutenant,looked worried during our stay at Malangas. Rustbloomed all over the pitted decks. Large patches onthe ship's side had to be chipped and painted in port.Each day, a layer of fine black dust settled on thedecks and sifted into compartments below. We faced"Annual Inspection" at Guam, a scrutiny fromtruck to keel with cleanliness and smartness thecriterion. Epps fought a losing battle.

By noon on 7 December, (6 December, PearlHarbor date) the last of 1,800 tons was coming onboard. As we prepared to get underway for Guam, wereceived a dispatch from Admiral Hart.

FROM: CINCAFTO: GOV NAVSTA GUAMINFO: GOLD STAR

c-o-N-F- l-D-E-N-T- l-A- L

DESPITE FACT GOLD STAR READY TO SAILBECAUSE OF GENERAL SITUATION INADVISABLETO START NOW X

We turned in wondering what new crisis hadprompted the Admiral's message. The night wasstifling and black as the inside of your pocket. Thevillage of Malangas lay silent under its palms. Most ofthe crew were asleep on deck. I was sleeping in mycabin under the large-bladed fan which revolvedslo*ly ovethead, when at 0340, Ensign Gallagher,communications officer, awakened me with an urgentplain language broadcast.

FROM: Cl[ \CAFTO: ASIATIC FLEET-ASIATIC STATION

U.R-G-E-N.T

JAPAN STARTED HOSTILITIES GOVERN YOUR.SELVES ACCORDINGLY

30

Lt. Cmdr. Joseph U. Lademan, Jr., Commanding Officer ofUSS GoldSrar, September, l94l

"All hands on deck!" Chief Boatswain's MateCochran sang out, rousing the crew topside and below."You get out of the inspection at Guam!" he keptrepeating as he exhorted his gang to "Strip ship foract ion!"

The crew turned to getting rid of fire andsplinter hazards. Down came awnings and their strongbacks. Overboard went the rows of room ventilators.Two spare .50-caliber machine guns, barricaded withsand bags, were mounted aft on top of the barbershop. The scene had serio-comic aspects. We weregetting the amiable packet ready to fight an action,which if it came she was bound to lose.

The first shipboard reaction was one of reliefafter four months of strain and ever-increasingtension waiting for this thing to happen and knowingthat the odds were definitely against us.

Where, we wondered, had the hostilites started?The Japanese probably had landed in Thailand orsomewhere in Indochina. At any rate, tucked dway inthis remote cove some 500 miles south of Manila,contact with the enemy 'seemed a long way off. Idecided to anchor out in the bay and wait for orders.

A dispatch in one of our codes came as we wereleaving the dock.

FROM: CINCAFTO: GOLD STAR

c-o- N- F- t- D-E-N-T- t-A- LPROCEED IMMEDIATELY TO MANILA

The 2nd of September 1945, that great daywhen the instrument of surrender was signed, foundher in Manila Bay, back where she had started threeyears and nine months before.

I caught a last glimpse of the Gold Star early in1946. Pearl Harbor was fil led with ships on their wayback from the war. One morning, while walking tomy office in the headquarters of CinCPac, I saw afamiliar silhouette slowly emerging from the forest ofmasts. I watched her shuffle across the harbor untilshe disappeared from view around Ford Island.Unnoticed and forgotten, which seems to have beenthe ship's destiny, she was returning to the Statesafter an absence of more than 2l years, as JosephConrad put it * "to die obscurely under the blows ofmany hammers".

'.rPf.*r.:&lpr..

31

fuertede

dc SontiojoOrote

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FORT SANTIAGOby

Yolanda Delgadil lo, M.M.B.Thomas B. McGrath, S.J.

Felicia Plaza, M.M.B.

The first fort to protectl Apra Harbor wasunder construction in May l72l when the Suc-cessunder Capt. Clipperton arrived on the ,""rr"2 inneed of provision.J For nearly six days the shipremained in the harbor exchanging arms and ammuni-tion for food and water. The exchange came to asudden halt when Clipperton and the Governor,Capt. Don Luis Antonio Sanchez de Tagle, could notasree on the terms+.

During this period work continued on the fortand cannons were set in p1ace. Inside the harbor,riding at a_nchor, was the 20-gun) Spanish ship,San Andreso, under the command of Captain AntonioBarnabal.

SHIPS BATTLE IN APRA HARBOR

The following is a ,r**u.y7 of the encounter8between the Success and the San Andres. On May28th, Clipperton broke off negotiations with Gover-nor Sanchez de Tagle. He ordered the ship to weighanchor and sent a small boat out to check the depthsof the channel. This boat came under fire from Oroteand reported back that the Success must sail withinthe shadow of the cliff and the battery, if it was tomake its way out to sea.

Clipperton, after receiving this information, gaveorders to turn to and attack the San Andres. Thepilot, supplied by the Governor, moved the ship intothe shallows where it was caught in a cross fire be-tween the San Andres and Orote Point. By dusk theship had run aground, but managed to free itself.Some three hours later the vessel was on the rockstaking sustained fire from both sides, which killedone man and wounded three more. The eunners of

the Success fired through the darkness of the night atthe flashes of the cannons at Fort Santiago.

The situation grew grave for the men of theSuccess. Their Captain was unable to continue9.and Mr. Cook assumed command in the middle of thenight. He struggled with the task of freeing the vesseiuntil 4 p.m. of the next day (May 29), only to see itaground again after a few minutes. By using ropes andanchors, the crew managed to float the vessel. Earlythe next morning (May 30) the land forces calledupon the Success to surrender. Before dawn the crewwas forced to carry on these rescue operations whileunder intense fire. Their return fire seems to havebeen ineffective possibly because of range. Shortlybefore noon they moved the cargo and deck gunsaround to ease the vessel into deeper water. Duringthe course of the day one more man was wounded.By dusk they were making their way out of the har-bor with a small boat in the lead. T}:.e Success tookanother round from the shore, killing one and wound-ing two. It finally left the harbor and by 10 a.m.(May 3l) the vessel was well out to sea and under-going some repairs.

The casualties suffered in this encounter weretwo men killed, six wounded and two missing. Theselast two-Mr. Pritty, an officer on the ship, and Mr.Godrey, the owner's agent,-were left behind.

SIGNIFICANCE OF FORTS SHIFTS

The planl0 of the Fort Santiago developed overthe years. Six cannons, both six and eight calibersr I,

were placed on a barbette, or raised mound inside awall of coral stone masonry or mamposteria. Thenatural advantage of sheer cliff and deep channel

34

close by made the fort an important feature in thedefense of Apra Harbor.

The ammunition was stored in the rear in thesame complex with the soldiers' quarters. This wasconstructed by Manuel Murol z in l80l along with a

.fortin to block any attacks by land - a problem whichexisted from the time of the construction of the fort.Agat, the nearest source of help besides Sumay, wasabout five miles away. Water had to be brought infrom a well nearly two and a half miles away.

The defensive strategy shifts with the passage oftime. San Luis de Apra is built in 1737 close to theedge of the shore near the present site of GabGabBeach. By 1800, Fort Santa Cruz is constructed toprotect the inner harbor. In 1819, Fort Santiagohadfour l2 caliber cannons and two six caliber cannonsat the readvl3.

Villalobosl4 guu" the impression that in 1833,Fort Santa Cruz had become the principal focus fordefense because of its location at the inner harbor.For over a century, Fort Santiago had proudly com-manded the entrance to the outer harbor, but thesoldiers' quarters were in disrepair and the reason forits existence seemed in doubt. By 1853 de la Cort-el5wrote the quarters were in ruins, and Olive 16 in1884 commented that the fort was used as an ob-servation post.

This unique location served later generations ofsoldiers when guns were mounted there more thanonce in this century. For well ove1J00 years, this sitehas protected the shores of Guam.l /

NOTES

1. Wycherley (a28:312l, relates that the new fort absolutelycommanded the shorel ine and that i ts guns could f i re at pointblank range from almost direct ly overhead.

Dugan {1956:94) fo l lowing Betagh takes the view that the

engagement took place in Umatac rather than Apra Harbor '

Wycher ley (1828:31 1).

Wvcher ley 11828:312\ and Burney tV ( :544-46) recount the

incident of the Marquis de Vi l la Roche, a pr isoner aboard the

Success for over a year. The Marquis went ashore at Guam to

secure funds for his release from the Governor. Three of the

ship 's company went ashore as wel l , to return wi th the funds.

Negotiations later broke down over the matter of jewels left

aboarcl the vessel by the Marquis and the detent ion ashore of the

ship 's company.

Shelvocke 1724:4431.

AGl, Sevi l la, Legajo Fi l ip inas 99, Fol io 10.

Callander .1768:484\.

As said above Dugan (1956:94) quot ing Betagh holds that the

batt le took place at Umatac.

Shelvocke |1776:443-441, Wvcher lev |1828:3121 , and ca| |ander(1768) report that Cl ipperton took spir i ts to quicken his courage

in the battle and was overcome by them. He recovered after the

Success had cleared Apra Harbor and was well out to sea.

Plano de la Bater ia de Sant iago de Orote in Mapas y Planos,

Servic io Histor iqo Mi l i tar , Madrid. (n.d.)

Crozet (1818:513).

PNA, Marianas 1-3.

Freycinet (1819:514), LC, MD:Marianas No.97.

Vi l la lobos (1833).

De la Corte (1875).

Ol ive (1887:101).

During the Second World War this fort was the site of an anti-

craf t bat tery. l t was heavi ly bombed on June 12,1944 by planes

from the Carr ier U.S.S. Yorktown (VF-1, Report No. 23, Ser ia l

0020). June 29, 1944 V ol . 1.

5.

o.

7.

10.

11.

12.

tJ.

14.

lc .

to.

17.

35

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A Spaniard's Description of Fort Santiago on Orote Point

,t1

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.t /./ / , ./ /./ t -.

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37

Ruins of Nan Mandol in Ponape

Ytistorefc ano c;ralIcrano,l pra esea io atiooin rY)icplonesior

Leocrl eos es aDo oirr:ecf,iol, r;

Thomas F. King

Historic preservation in Micronesia, and the lesswell defined field of cultural preservation, hav,ereceived considerable attention in the last few yearsl.Since 1974, the Trust Territory Government hasoperated an historic preservation program, andseveral agencies of government do things that have astheir intent the preservation of some aspect or aspectsof culture2. As the end of the trusteeship periodapproaches, the fate of these programs is in doubt. Itis my purpose in this paper to discuss the legal bases

for historic and cultural preservation, upon which apreservation program mtght be built in the independ-ent island groups of Micronesia.

3B

DO M ICRONESIANS WANT PRESERVATION?

A fundamental problem with historic preserv-

ation in Micronesia is that it has grown, with littleMicronesian direction, from transplanted Americanroots. It does not follow from this that historicpreservation is irrelevant to Micronesia, however,Official Micronesian statements are filled with ex-pressions of concern, respect, and honor for the past.

For example:

"We, the People of Micronesia . . . affirm our commonwish . . . to preserve the heritage of the past. . . (Pre-amble to the CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATEDSTATES OF MICRONESIA).

"( l ) t is the publ ic pol icy of the Palau Distr ict topreserve for public use locations, structures, landmarks,buildings, and other objects of outstanding historical,archaeological or cultural signif icance for the inspirationand benefit of the people of Palau" (Palau DistrictLegis lature Bi l l #916, enacted 1978).

"Due recognition shall be given to traditions andcustoms in providing a system of law, and nothing inthis Art ic le shal l be construed to l imi t or inval idate anyrecognized tradition or custom, except as otherwiseprovided by law" (Art ic le 1, Bi l l of Rights, Sect ion 17,CHARTER FOR THE TRUK DISTRICT GOVERN-MENT; ident ical language at Sect ion 17, Art ic le 1,CHARTER FOR THE YAP DISTRICT GOVERN.MENT).

"The District Government shall have the power toconserve and develop the District 's. . . objects andolaces of h istor ic or cul tural interest . . . and for thatpurpose private property shall be subject to reasonableregulat ion by law" (Art ic le Vl l l , Sect ion 4, CHARTERFOR THE TRUK DISTRICT GOVERNMENT; ident icallanguage at Sect ion 4, Art ic le lX, CHARTER FOR THEYAP DISTR ICT GOVERNMENT.

On the other hand, some Micronesian spokes-men express a certain amount of uncertainty aboutjust what preservation of history and culture entails.Dwight Heine, for example, has written:

"When the writer hears the phrase 'cultural pre.serv-

ation', the first thing that comes to mind is a museum. . . There was a time when some . . . advocated the ideathat it was not good to educate the people away fromtheir cul ture. Today, some hold to th is v iew. . ' (but

others) say that they do not want to see Micronesia turninto a huge museum tecming with thousands of l ivinghuman specimen5"3.

Obviously there is no place in the world forhuman zoos, or museums full of living people underglass. The purpose of preservation is to retain viableelements of the past as parts of today's life, and aspart of the life that will be experienced by our

children. Preservation is not, or should not be, astatic thing, but an attempt to retain the lessons ofthe past, and the richness of many cultures, as livingparts of the present. How can we do this?

We can try to identify those aspects of Micro-nesian cultures, and the things these cultures haveleft behind, that are most important to retain; we canstudy them, record them, compile information aboutthem, and figure out what sort of capital and socialinvestment will be necessary to retain them. Thoseresponsible for Micronesia's economic and socialfuture can decide whether it is worth making thisinvestment.

Conversely, we can look at the changes proposedin Micronesia's social and natural environment, to seewhat these changes will do to the cultural and his-torical status quo. Will a construction project destroyvaluable archeological sites? Will introduction of anew technology cause the loss of a community'straditional social integrity? Perhaps most important,are there ways to adapt the technology, or the con-struction project, to local conditions in such a way asto reduce or eliminate the damage? This information,too, must be presented to those with ultimate decision-making authority, so that they can decide whattrade-offs are appropriate. The idea ofpreservation isnot to stop progress, but to proceed with progressintelligently, with due respect for what remains fromthe past. As the Congress of Micronesia's Committeeon Educational and Social Matters has elegantly puti t :

"(l)t is unwise to destroy the links to the past, alongwith the sense of national pride which they engender, inthe name of progress. The peoples of Micronesia canbenefit from the mistakes of others by realizing, beforeit is too late, . . . that the traditions from the past are thekeys to living in peace and harmony with each other andwith the natural environment which surrounds us"4.

BUILDING AN HISTORIC AND CULTURALPRESERVATION PROGRAM

The existing historic presewation program inMicronesia is built upon the foundation of a UnitedStates statute, the National Historic Preservation Actof 1966. Although this program has been relativelyeffective, its status as a "transplant" does presentproblems. Central among these is its narrowness; theAct applies only to tangible "historic places" - sites,buildings, objects, ateas). There is no centralizedprogram for cultural preservation, that is, for theidentification and protection of traditional socialinstitutions, arts and crafts, technologies, knowledge,etc. Some programs in education, and some designedfor the elderly, deal with these less tangible aspects of

39

Village women weave a basket and cloth for a lava. Lavas are the traditional loincloth worn by many Micronesian men.Today handwoven cloth is being replaced by imported manufactured fabric.

culture, but these too are essentially transplants ofU.S. programs.

A more general basis for historic and culturalpreservation exists in the form of conventions andrecommendations of the United Nations and itsEducational, Scientific, and Cultural Crganization(UNESCO). For instance, the U.N. (Jniversal De-claration of Human Rights, at Article 22, asserts theright of every individual to the "cultural rightsindispensable for his dignity and the free developmentof his personality". UNESCO's RecommendationConcerning the Protection, at National Level, of theCultural and Natural Heritase states that:

"each i tem of the cul tural and natural her i tage isunique and . . . the disappearance of any one i temconst i tutes a def in i te loss and an i r reversible impairmentof (a nat ion's) her i tage".

UNESCO's Recommendation Concerning thePreservation of Cultural Property Endangered byPublic and Private Works calls for the establishment

of comprehensive historic preseruation programs inall nations, and the specific protection of historicpropert ies threatened by construct ion projects: i tsRecotnmendation Concerning the Safeguarding andContemporary Role of Historic Areas calls for main-taining historic properties as living parts of themodern environment through sound local and re-gional planning.

In the Trust Territory Code itself, there ispresently a single chapter of six sections dealing withhistoric preservation, and nothing dealing with thepreservation of intangible aspects of culture. Title 67.Chapter l l , Sect ions 252-256 deal with "histor icsites, buildings, and objects of territorial significance".The Deputy Director for Resources and Developmentis authorized by these sections to survey and studl'historic sites, to acquire them, restore them. ad-minister them, manage them, grant concessions tooperate them, place tablets to commemorate them.and develop educational programs about them.

Sect ions 252-256 haye never been implemented.

40

largely because of hostility toward historic preserv-ation within the Department of Resources andDevelopment6. Perhapr thi, ir just as well; the pro-gram envisioned in these sections would have involvedthe central government in aspects of land manage-ment that are more properly the responsibility of theindividual districts (sic: emerging state and nationalgovernments). Sections 252-256 were closely modeledon the U.S. Historic Sites Act of 1935, which, inci-dentally, has never been very effectively implementedin the United States /. In the United States, it wasfound necessary to supplement the Historic Sites Actwith the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966,which closely approximates many of the UNESCOrecommendations. It is the 1966 Act which wasapplied to Micronesia by amendment in 1974, andwhich has provided the basis for the Trust Territory'shistoric preservation program.

There is no guarantee that a program basedsolely on U.S. laws can be sustained in Micronesiawhen the Trusteeship is terminated. Nor is it neces-sarily a good idea to continue the Trust Territoryhistoric preservation program in its present form.The centerpiece of the National Historic Preserv-ation Act is the National Register of Historic Places,which is eventually supposed to list all "districts,sites, buildings, structures, and objects significant inAmerical_l history, architecture, archaeology, andculture"d. Properties listed in the Register qualifyfor grants for restoration and development, and thoselisted or eligible for listing are protected againstindiscriminate government destruction. While it ishardly "outright il legal" to regard Micronesianhistoric places as significant in American history,architecture, archeology and culture, as StewartYhas claimed, it does require a certain stretch of theimagination. More significantly, the U.S. law is notreally very sophisticated; we have learned a good dealsince it was enacted, and Micronesia could do betterthan to retain it in its present form.

The reliance of the U.S. law on a static NationalRegister is unfortunate, and has caused a lot ofunnecessary problems. While it is necessary to makedecisions about which places are important and whichones are not, the act of placing things on the NationalRegister is only one way of expressing such decisions,and it is not necessarily the best way. It tends tofossilize old decisions, inflicting them on peoplelater on. It creates confusions: a "National Register"automatically makes people think of magnificentlandmarks revered by the whole nation, when what isreally included in the National Register is everythingimportant enough - to the nation, to any group oflocal people, to science - to be worth consideringwhen deciding how to use the land on which itexists. Still more important. the U.S. law relates onlv

to "historic places", not to the tangible social in-stitutions, traditions, and lifeways so important toMicronesians. Early in the Carter administration, atask force was formed to reorganize historic preserv-ation and related programs, and there was talk ofbringing the non-material aspects of culture under theprogram's umbrella. The task force could not figureout how to do this, and the idea seems to have beenlost in the shufflelo. Mic.onesians - a good dealcloser to their traditional cultures than are U.S.bureaucrats on the whole - may be able to do abetter job.

PRESERVATION IN THE FUTURE

To be sure of the continuation and developmentof historic and cultural preservation programs aftertermination of the Trusteeship, I believe that thelegislative bodies of Micronesia should establish theirown direct mandates for such programs, independentof the U.S. historic preservation agencies but soorganized that they could continue to receive financialand technical support from the U.S. preservation

A Yapese man displays traditional tattoos. Once a popular formof ornamentation throughout Micronesia, tattoos are becomingmuch less common. Early islanders wore little or no clothing.lnstead they adorned their bodies with tattoos.

41

community as part of the developing free associationrelationshipt t. My experience with the existing TrustTerritory historic preservation program suggests thata new, Micronesian preservation should have thefollowing characteristics :

1. l t should be largely decentral ized. with the bulk ofday-to-day operat ions handled by the indiv idual states

of the Federated States and by the other separate but

associated nat ions of Micronesia.

2. l t should have access to a central professional servicesuni t wi th expert ise in anthropology, archeology, sociol-ogy, history, archi tecture, and other relevant discipl ines,perhaps with l inks to the Col lege of Micronesia.

3. Ownership and management of h istor ic propert ies

should be handled at the state level . municipal , andvi l lage levels.

4. A concentrated program to identi fy and study Micro-nesian histor ic propert ies, t radi t ions, l i feways, socialinst i tut ions, wor ld v iews, arts, craf ts, and other aspects

Men of Kanaka perform dance.

of cul ture should be a cooperat ive enterpr ize by thestates, the professional serrr ices uni t , educat ional in-st i tut ions. and outside scholars, inst i tut ions, and nat ionalinternat ional agencies.

Proposed act iv i t ies that might damage histor ic propert ies

or cause changes in cul tural systems should be reviewed,again as a cooperat ive act iv i ty, both by state- levelpreservat ionists and the professional uni t , wi th maximum

involvement of local people. The intent of th is revrew

should not be to stop or delay projects, but to make

sure that the execut ive and legis lat ive branches that

make f inal decis ions about such projects are fu l ly

informed of their probable ef fects before the decis ions

are maoe.

The program should serve as a channel for appropr iategrants and other forms of assistance from U.S. and otherforeign government agencies for the ident i f icat ion, study,protect ion, and development of h istor ic propert les andother aspects of cul ture. l t should also serve as a reviewbodv over the act iv i t ies of outs ide scholars and in-

st i tut ions doinq research in Micronesia.

5.

6.

42

Dr. Thilenius, the former president of Hamburg University anddirector of the Hamburg Museum Ftir Vijlkerkunde. Thileniusedited the famous series of books about the German South SeasExpedition. The series is a vital source of historical and culturalinformation today. (Photo by permission of Hamburg Museum FilrVcjlkerkunde).

Many of my ideas about historic and culturalpreservation in Micronesia have arisen from discussionswith people who are likely to sit in the first Congressof the Federated States, or in the elected legislativebodies in Palau and the Marshalls. As a person con-

cerned with maintaining all the world's culturaldiversity, I hope they will take early and vigorousaction to protect Micronesia's cultures and history.

NOTES

i . For example, see R.A. Apple & J.L. Rogers, "Histor ical Integr i tyand Local Signi f icance in the Paci f ic ls land Context" . GuamRecorder 6(1 ) : 33-36, 1976; D.A. Bal lendorf , "Histor ic andCultural Preservat ion in Micronesia", Micronesian Reporter23(2\ :13-17 , 1976, repr inted in Guam Recorder 7:30-32,1977; D. Heine, "Cul tural Preservat ion and Development in

frrlicronesia", Micronesian Roporter 4th quarter 1977:.13-23;T.F. King, "Capi ta l lmprovements and Histor ic Preservat ion: theCase of Truk Internat ional Airport" , Micronesian Reporter 2nd

quarter 1978:10-19; W.A. Stewart , "Development Trade-Offs:Development vs. Environment", Micronesian Reporter 2nd

ouarter 1978:2G23; S. Russel l , "Preservat ion in Paradise:

Ensur ing a Tomorrow for Micronesia 's Yesterdays", New Paci f ic

in oress.

The Historic Preservation Office was initially attached to the

Divis ion of Lands and Surveys in the Department of Resources

and Development; i t now is at tached direct ly to the Off ice of

the High Commissioner. Programs touching on cul tural preserv-

at ion include bi l ingual /b icul tural programs in the Bureau of

Educat ion. and certain aspects of the Off ice of Aging Programs,

as wel l as speci f ic projects sponsored by CETA, YCC, YACC,

and Outward Bound.

Heine, op ci t .

From a let ter-report dated September 6, 1978 to the Honorable

Bethwel Henry, Speaker of the House, support ing House Reso-

lut ion 7-25. "A House Flesolut ion Expressing the Sense of

the House of Representat ives Regarding Cont inuat ion of the

Histor ic and Cultural Preservat ion Programs in Micronesia"(Stand. Comm. Rep. No. 7-314). The resolut ion urged the High

Commissioner to cont inue, expand, and improve histor ic and

cultural preservation programs, assure their continuance after

termination of the Trusteeship Agreement, and associate them

closely wi th the Col lege of Micronesia. l t was adopted by the

House on September B, 1978.

U.S. Nat ional Histor ic Preservat ion Act, P. L.89-665 as amended.

For detai led discussion see T.F. King, P. Parker Hickman, and G.

Berg, Anthropology in Historic Prssarvation: Caring for Gulture's

Clut ter , Academic Press, New York, 1977.

Expressions by Deputy Director of Resources and Development

Stewart (op c i t ) are indicat ive.

King, Hickman & Berg op ci t . pp.22-23.

Nat ional Histor ic Preservat ion Act. Sec. 101 (a)(1).

Stewart op c i t . p.22

Based on a ser ies of mai l -outs f rom the Department of the

I nter ior to State Histor ic Preservat ion Of f icers, 1 977.

cf . COM H.R,7-25. The extent and nature of cont inuing U.S. aidto Micronesia under a relat ionship of f ree associat ion remains thesubject of debate, but some aid appears inevi table. Since the U.S.

has done much to erode the viabi l i ty of t radi t ional Micronesian

cul tures, and has met i ts Trusteeship obl igat ion to respect

tradi t ional cul tures and apply appropr iate U.N. recommendat ions(such as the UNESCO recommendat ions c i ted) in only a marginal

fashion, there is great iust i f icat ion for cont inuing support of

histor ic and cul tural preservat ion in Micronesia. The U.S. obl i -gat ion is compounded by the fact that i ts mi l i tary and economic

act iv i t ies in Micronesia af ter terminat ion are almost sure to have

some adverse effects on Micronesian culture and historic prop-

erties.

2.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

43

-il.,OnrMTI{E 'fOtIGI{ Or\t-

s

J

Beached canoe, llomaw in Mogmog

EDITORIAL NOTE:

The llomaw was made in Yap and sailed the seasduring three administrations. lt is nearly a quartercentury since she went on a iourney to Fais in 1954and landed in the Philippines. The llomaw is the loneremaining canoe from that journey. One was lost atsea, and two were broken up in subsequent typhoons.All photographs were taken by the author.

by Thomas B. McGrath, S.J.

l lomaw and three other canoes made an accidentalvoyage to the Phi l ippine ls lands. l t is the story of th isvoyage that I br ing to you now.

The preparat ions for the bui lding of this canoewere made in Yap. The tree was cut down in Tomilby Dig, who later went to Saipan and died there afterthe great typhoon about the turn of the century. Thet ime r ight before the arr ival of the German adminis-trat ion in Yap.

Two Yapese canoe makers directed the work.Fi thengmow and his student Sog. Two Ul i thiansassisted them, Tahatch, the Chief of Mogmog today,and Pei lug. These men worked at Gagi l over a periodfrom 18 months to two years. A regular feature ofcanoe construct ion was the use of magic. SomeYapese worked magic on the Ul i thians engaged in

fhe l lomaw is one of the ocean-going canoes ofUl i thi . l Today i t rests quiet ly in the clnoe-house onMogmog. Nearly a quarter of a century ago the

44

building the canoe, and they were instructed to stopeating for a few days to counteract it. Tahatch in-dicated that he held the two Yapese canoe-makersin very high regard. He attributes the success of thecanoe and its survival to the magic worked on itdur ing the t ime of i ts construct ion. In TyphoonOphel ia, which destroyed the other canoes whichmade the journey to the Phi l ippines in 1954, not evena leaf was found on the llomaw.

Once the canoe was completed, i t waited for thefleet of canoes to come down to Yap on its annualvis i t and then made i ts f i rst journey to Ul i thi in theircompany.

ILOMAW EARI\IS NAME

The canoe spent a great deal of t ime in theWoleai area of the Western Carolines. Those men,who sailed aboard it felt safe, for it was strong andeasy to manage. In the face of strong winds andwaves, crews usual ly lower the sai l and use thepaddle, but with this canoe, they did not have tolower the sail at all. Because of its aggressive andresif ient nature, this canoe received the name//omaw-the Tough One. Before the Second World War, itmade a tr ip with another canoe from Ul i thi to Woleai.A Japanese f ield tr ip ship, the CHOME, found i t andbrought it back. The other canoe was returned on asubsequent tr ip. Both crews went aboard the CHOMEaf ong with the llomaw.

CREWS PREPARE FOR TRIP TO FAIS

Fais, an is land larger than Falalop, Ul i thi , l iesabout 50 mi les away from Ul i thi Atol l . Tr ipsz weremade there on a more or less regular basis to see howconditions were and to obtain tobacco. Four canoesmade preparat ions for a journey to Fais in 1954.Two came from Fassarai, in Ulithi Atoll, the Salipiy(money) and Harigrig (pulley). The crew of theSal ipiy included Thi l , Mug, Thok, Ramaliai andHasegur. The Harigrig was manned by Harongochem,Tangelmal, Thig, Vicente, Wolfoi and Mathaualmeng.On Falalop, Uwelpului , the captain and navigatorprepared the canoe, Yangelur. This canoe was largerand longer than the rest. The captain took on as hiscrew: Suiob, l theuerang, l rus, Fler, Figir , l lo lmar andMag. The llomaw, from Mogmog under the command

of Jesus Soreg, had a crew consisting of AbrahamSarof, Yangelmar, Yanger, Yarawechog and JesusFagol.

The canoes were assembled at Falalop, wherethey remained for a few days while the journey wasbeing organized. Uwelpului aboard the Yangelurwould lead the rest of the canoes. lrus, a crew mem-ber of this canoe, remembers placing a white coconutfrond about his wrist, before he prayed: "e limgeiroros pol meval le ngang (lrus) be rol pai smalimwlo ifal fich palu ngimalaw." To paraphrase thistext, lrus asked for good weather and that the canoebe light on the waves. He also reminded the god, thathe, lrus, kept al l the rules for a student of navigation.Some new people were on the tr ip in addit ion to lrusso the conversation naturally centered on star courseand currents.

The map of the stars (Fig. 1) has Ulithi at thecenter and gives the star course in all directions. Thejourney is to be toward Fais, which lies to the east ofUli thi, and the general plan for tacking is outl inedin Fig. 2. The proper star course for Fais, Yulyol, isillustrated in Fig. 1 , where Maylap and Sarabul arethe extremes for the tacking course.

The usual directions for Fais also include the useof the Wareang3 method of sai l ing (Fig.2) . Onceoutside the pass, three small islands point the way toFais from Ulithi. These islands are Yar, Yew andLosiep. Yew l ies directly behind Losiep and once thetacking procedure begins Yew "moves", so to speak,to a middle posit ion directly in l ine with Fais and toa point behind Yar as the outer l imit for the tackingprocedure. Yew continues to "move" to its restingplace behind Losiep as the tacking continues.

DANGEROUS JOURNEY BEGINS

All four canoes left together4 with Uwelpuluiaboard the YANGELUR, in charge. The usual jour-ney to Fais requires tacking against the wind, so theyset the course. They encountered bad weather andthis caused some diff iculty. The canoes came upon areef5 and closed for. a discussion. A decision wasmade to have them spli t up with two searching in anortherly direction for Fais and two canoes in awesterly direction. Later they made a rendezvoustoward dusk, pulled down the sails and rested for thenight. These men used up three days searching forFais.o

45

The canoes finally reached a place of ro-ughwater and Ulwelpului thought they were north/ ofUli thi: Ulwelpului wanted to return to Uli thi and sohe set the course. They spent a whole day on thiscourse and then Ulwelpului announced they werebetween Yap and Ulithi. They tr ied in turn for Yap,Ngulu and Palau without success.

At this point a decisionS was made to head forthe Phil ippines. As they were riding together, theSalipiy collided with the llomaw. The Salipiy quicklybecame unseaworthy and its crew was taken aboardthe lbmaw and the Harigrig. Food on the journey

consisted of salted flying fish and copra. Juice fromthe copra helped to quench some of the thirst, butwhenever they saw rain they simply headed for it.Different thoughts raced through their minds. Somethought they were not trained to go to the Philip-pines, but st i l l they hoped they would make a landfal lthere. Still others feared they were lost. One crewmember nearly lost his senses due to the exposureand thought that someone was beating him.

As the journey continued, the two canoes putdown tJreir sails and rested. The Harigrig went on andlanded9 near San Antonio in Samir, Phil ippine

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46

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47

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ls lands. Three ren10 went ashore and asked forwater. At first the people ran away, but later theyreturned. The other two canoes reached landfal labout f ive mi les away. Yarawechog and Fagol wentashore first,11 where they received food, witer andcoconuts.

The canoes later lef t San Antonio for Gamayafter a period of some rest. They left the canoes therefor the journey to Lawang. At Lawang they boardeda warship for the jour jrpy to Mani la.

The Ul i th i menrz eventual ly lef t Mani la by airfor Guam and Ul i th i in three groups. The canoescame later. Thus ended the long journey withoutreaching their pr imary dest inat ion, Fais. lJ Thellomaw made one more short voyage after its return,and this t ime made i t to Fais.

Today the l lomaw is in the canoe-house atMogmog await ing repairs to make i t seaworthy.Should such a l iv ing monument to a proud sai l ingtradit ion be al lowed to fade away as her sister canoethe Harigrig? The llomaw is more than a canoe, itis almost an histor ic landmark in i ts own r ight.

Vicente of Ulithi, member of the Harigrig crew.

il,onlN[7

L. lrus (left) of the Yangelur and R. Yanger (right) of the llomaw.

48

Itheuerang of Falalop, Ulithi, member of the Yangelur crew.

Thig of Fasnrai, aboard fhe Salipiy when it sank after a collision with the llomaw.

Thok of Fassarai, member of the Salipiy crew.

49

1.

NOTES

I wish to express my grat i tude to John Rumal, Nicholas Rahoy,Phi l ip Yatch, Pedro Emal and the survivors of the 1954 tr ip tothe Phi l ippines for their invaluable assistance. Nei l Poul in, S.J.provided special help on Yap.

The usual procedure was to ask permission of Mogmog to go toFais and to send word to Falalop for a navigator to make thetr ip. Later in the journey to the Phi l ippines, i t was the sameFalalop man who made the decis ion to head for the Phi l ippines.

Two schools of navigat ion exist on Ul i th i . They are the Faluchand the Wareang. The Faluch school fo l lowed a number of r i tualrestr ict ions, and excluded some from their canoe for thesereasons. The Wareang school could take anyone on board thecanoe. Ulwelpului , the captain and navigator for the t r ip belongedto the Faluch school . There is no substant ia l d i f ference betweenthe two schools on the matter of star courses to Fais. A comoasswas also taken along on this t r ip.

According to another version they quickly spread out wi th theSal ip iy in the lead. The Falalop canoe came next, the Har igr igwas third, and the l lomaw took last p lace. The fastest canoewent out and waited for the others on the ocean.

Some say they had never seen i t before and couldn' t ident i fy i t .Others cal led the reef labudmal, i .e. , where the brown andyel low colors mix together. This term can also be used for asnarK.

Canoes smal ler than the l lomaw have made the journey fromFais in three hours. l rus, then a student navigator, feels that thecanoes changed course too ear ly in their tacking maneuvers andin so doing missed the is land.

5.

6.

Yanger of Falalop, Ulithi, member of the llomaw crew.

Jesus Fagol, member of the llomaw crew, today a health aide

on Mogmog.

50

Small boy surveys ruins of the canoe Harigrig on Ulithi'

l .

11.

8.

9.

' lo.

12.

l rus thought at th is point they should go South to get to Faisand West to reach Ul i th i .

Opinions vary as to how this decis ion was made by Ulwelpului .One is that Mag, an older man aboard the Yangelur, inf luencedhim to change his mind because the younger sai lors were feel ingthe effects of the long ordeal at sea. They were only prepared fora journey to Fais. Another is that he turned the course himsel fand headed for the Phi l ippines.

Est imates of the length of the journey from Ul i th i to thePhi l ippines range from 19 to 21 to 29 days. The elapsed t imefrom the decis ion to go to the Phi l ippines and landfal l rangesfrom 4 nights to 6 nights"

Mathaualmeg, Thi l and Hasegur. Another version has Math-aualmeg, Wolf o i and Vicente ashore f i rst .

Mogmog people were expected to lead the way in th is t ime ofuncertainty. The plan was if these two men were attacked, andthe safety of the canoes required it, they would withdraw leavingthe two men behind.

This story is always told about the stay in Mani la. l rus andYanger were adherents of the t radi t ional re l ig ion of Ul i th i at th istime. They decided they would receive better treatment if theyassumed the Christ ian names: Yanger (Manual) and l rus (Jose).

This came in handy when they were v is i ted by Fr. Vincent l .Kenal ly, S. J. , Vice Provincial of the Phi l ippines Vice Province,and former Super ior of the Carol ine and Marshal l ls lands.Sometime later, he became the Bishop of the Carol ine andMarshal l ls lands, and vis i ted Ul i th i asking for his f r iends Manualand Jose. They are old men today and in the course of t ime theydid become members of the Cathol ic Church. l t seems thevhad no choice in select ing a name at Bapt ism because they werealready so wel l known as Manual and Jose.

One view is that Ulwelpului was the chief navigator of the atol l ,and even though he fol lowed al l the rules, the spir i t was not wi thhim on the journey to Fais. So the spir i t took him elsewhere.Others say he simply became lost.

Sarof of Mogmog, crew member of llomaw'13.

lslander carves a canoe from tree trunk in Yap (1978)

51

Chief Tahatch of Mogmog, worked on llomaw in Yap.

ADEI P POffTby

the lateAgueda l. Johnston

EDITOR'S NOTE: Every llednesday afternoonduring 1946 and 1947 between 5 and 5:30 theGUAM HOUR was a regular feature of Radio StationWVTG. This talk is part of that radio series. The textof the original is held at the Micronesian Area Re-search Center.

Adelup Point School is located on top of thelittle hill facing Coontz Junction and the entrance ofthe road leading to the Headquarters of the Com-mander of the Naval Forces in the Marianas.

There are many interesting stories connectedwith this rocky point. In days gone by, it was theabode of the ancient taotaomona. It has been saidthat men walking without heads were seen under thethick banyan trees and thorny pandanus leavesusually before the rising or after the setting of themoon. Travelers in the wee hours of the night oftendreaded to pass by Adelup Point in going to or fromAgana, for they were almost sure to see or hearsomething that would give them goose pimples. Acreaking sound, the rolling of heavy pieces of coraldown the sides of the hill (as if someone was tryingto hit the passers-by), would frighten even the oxpulling the cart until he refused to go any further,leaving the rider or passengers on the cart tremblingand speechless with fright. One swing of the whip,however, and the uttering of a word too hard tospell would send the animal flying from the spot.In the meantime, a big white bundle would be seenrolling from one side of the road to the other until itdisappeared into the bushes. Of course, all thesepeculiar experiences would only be seen or heard bythose who believed in the taotaomona. and those who

House owned by Atkins Kroll & Co. which once stood onAdelup Point and was believed to be haunted by the ancientTaotaomona.

did not believe were either disappointed or equallyscared.

It was presumed that the Achang family feltthey could do something with the place by clearing

52

part of the jungle and perhaps in doing so drive thetaotaomona to other places. The family then built ahome on one sect ion of the point.

More than one authority on the subject of thetaotaomona has indicated they can be befriended andbe very useful. People who had taotaomona for theirgachong or companions could work all day 1s1* m6carry the heaviest burdens without any difficulty orwithout experiencing any fatigue.

Perhaps Mr. Achang also had in the mind thepossibility of making use of some of the powers ofthe taotaornorn, wltel he decided to move his familyto Adelup Point and farm there. For a while the livingwas very easy. The crevices and holes in the rockswere full of large coconut crabs some weighing asmuch as twenty-five pounds. The land at the foot ofthe hill was good for farming, and the ocean aroundthe point had an abundance of the best k inds of f ish,crabs and clams.

ACHANG FAMILY FLEES

Some kind of sickness overtook the Achangfamily and several of its members died. The blame forthe tragedy was placed on the taotaomonq and thefamily moved out of the point as fast as their animalscould carry them and their belongings. The place wasthen known as Puntan Anite or Devil's Point - aname which did not increase its popularity as aresidence. Years later, Puntan Anite became a subjectfor all kinds of stories. Sometimes the visitoror listener was forced to spend the night at a friend'shouse rather than go home alone with all those storiesstill fresh in his mind.

MISSIONARIES MOVE IN

I t was not unt i l the year 1901 that Devi l 'sPoint was again occupied. This time, ironically, the

i

l*.,,, ':. \;:.I

, " l

. , I

l , l

s

The late Agueda Johnston taping the "Guam Hour" at Radio Station WVTG.

53

residents were two Congregational missionaries fromBoston, whose names were Rev. F.M. Price and hisson-in-law, Rev. Logan. Two big buildings were builtfor the missionaries and their families. Three otherswere erected for the school. This school was con-ducted by Rev. Price over a three-year period. Un-fortunately he was struck with a kind of paralysis ofthe brain and had to be sent home. His place wastaken by Rev. Case, who taught until 1907, when theCongregational Church decided to give up the missionin Guam.

Several years later, the Baptist Mission in OaklandCity, Indiana decided to take over the mission workin Guam started by the former missionaries, andRev. Arthur U. Logan and his wife were sent out. Atthis time the place was called Missionary Point.Rev. Logan thought that the place was too far awayfrom the congregation, so with the approval of themembers, the two remaining buildings were moved toAgana. Missionary Point was then offered for sale toany member of the Baptist Mission for two hundreddollars. Since no one was interested, the propertywas sold to a captain of a Navy tugboat for $300.Later it was bought by Captain Bisset of the StationShip t/.S.S. Supply. Captain Bisset sold the lower partof the point to Mr. Antonio Cruz, and the high rockypart toward the ocean side to Atkins Kroll & Co.,whose manager built a big re-enforced concretebuilding on the highest part of the cliff. But before itwas completed, tragedy occurred. Atkins Kroll &Company's big store and warehouse at Agana caughtfire and burned to the ground. A few months later,the manager of the company and builder of thepretentious mansion at Missionary Point was founddead behind Pigo Cemetery shot through the headwith a pistol - possibly a suicide.

MILITARY USES POINT

Fascinated by the beauty of the location,Governor and Mrs. H.L. Shapely transformed thebuilding into a beautiful summer home, and appro-priately christened the whole hill "Siesta Point".Upon and around the hill, other houses were built byMr. Cruz who rented them to officers of the NavalStation and their families.

Siesta Point retained its name until December l01941, when it again became Devils' (plural) Point.After having been occupied and heavily looted bythe invading Japanese Army Officers, the whole areawas turned over to the Japanese Civilian Government.The Governor lived in the summer house, while therest of his staff and other officers occupied the restof the houses.

About January, 1944, war activities at Devils'Point increased. The soldiers were seen digging hereand there for a "typhoon shelter". They prepared acave to store ammunition and other supplies, whileover it they set a machine gun. About the same time

alerts and blackouts increased. The intervals canlecloser and closer together until June 1 1, i 944. n'he rrthings began to happen at Devils' Point. HeavvJapanese bombing and shelling plastered the pointuntil it was a completely unrecognizable shamble.About a month later, the Third Marine Divisionfollowed by the Fifth CB Brigade with the inevitablebulldozer changed the appearance of the locationover night. On top of the old concrete foundation.the Fifth Brigade built the first officers' club in Guamafter the American re-occupation. The rest of thearea was fil led with quonset huts for headquartersand the offices of the Brigade. The officers' club u'entover the cliff in the next typhoon, but the concretefoundation remained.

The quonset huts were taken over later by theDepartment of Education for headquarters, officesand classrooms for military dependents' children.

TODAY ADELUP BOASTS SCHOOL

Today, the point has resumed its original name.and the school is called "Adelup Point School". It islocated on one of the most beautiful spots in Guam."Adelup" means look before you leap. On some partsof the point, it is advisable not to leap at all, but justto look.

Aerial view of AdeluP Point'

Adelup ElementarY School todaY'

PHILIPPINESIDouble Thke On lndependence

by Dirk A. Bal lendorf

On July 4, 1946, the Philippine Islands becameindependent from the United States. But many re-member another day as Philippines IndependenceDay: June 12, 1898. On that day eighty years ago,Emilio Aguinaldo established the first provincialgovernment in his country with himself as president-a government which was never internationally recog-nized.

Since that time there has been a continuing dia-logue over the events surrounding Dewey's destruc-tion of the Spanish fleet and the eventual seizing ofManila by American troops. Some have said that theAmericans sold the Filipinos down the river; thatDewey deluded Aguinaldo with clever promises ofindependence in order to enlist his support, only todeny the promises after Manila had been secured.Others have maintained that at all times Dewey wasreasonable and clear with Aguinaldo and that ex-pectancies of independence were Aguinaldo's illusions.

U.S. AT WAR WITH SPAIN

In 1898 the United States was at warwith Spain.Commodore George Dewey had destroyed the entireSpanish fleet in Manila Bay on May l, and was en-gaged in holding the Spanish troops in Manila untilAmerican ground troops could arrive from California.Aguinaldo, with an armed band of patriots, had beenfighting Spanish tyranny in the islands for years.Dewey enlisted his aid in containing the Spanish untilmore Americans could arrive. Aguinaldo agreed tothis arrangement heartily, later claiming that Deweyhad promised Philippine independence as a reward fortheir help. Independence, however, was not forth-coming and Aguinaldo and his followers fought theAmericans for four long and bloody years. Americantextbooks report this struggle as the Philippine In-surrection. In the Philippines it is known as thePhilippine-American War. Why did the United States

fail to recognize Aguinaldo's government? HadDewey actually promised independence?

By 1898 the Filipinos had a long history of con-flict with the Spanish. In 1561, forty years afterMagellan discovered the islands, Miguel Lopez deLegaspi began the subjugation of the Filipinos to theSpanish crown. The Spanish, seeing themdelves asprotectors and defenders of the Catholic Church,began missionary activities and many Spanish clergy-men came to the islands for this purpose. Takingadvantage of tribal rivalries and superstitions, thepriests made many converts among the natives andover the years achieved substantial success for theChurch. Many of the early Spanish churches stillremain, even in remote barrios, and are still used.Oftentimes the church is the only permanent andstable structure in the village.

The actions of the Spanish priests, however,were not always prudent. As time went on clericalcomlption and exploitation of the Filipino peoplebecame more and more severe. A feeling of unrest be-came increasingly evident, manifesting itself in re-bellions and protests. A literary criticism of the be-havior of the Spanish friars entitled, El Filibusterismo,written in 1891 by Jose Rizal, a pacifist Filipinoleader and statesman, brought the matter of Spanishtyranny to a head. Organized rebellion soon followed.The fire of rebellion increased as Filipinos, going toEurope to study, returned to their homeland withrnany liberal ideas. The Spanish refused to accommo-date these new trends and initiated numerous repres-sive measures. Such actions merely served to increasethe growing sense of national identity among theFilipinos. Local revolts increased and in 1872 Filipinotroops at Cavite Naval Station mutinied.

FI LIPINO INSURGENTS ORGAN IZE

In 1892 the first formal group dedicated toPhilippine independence, called the Katipunan, or

55

KKK, was organized by Andres Bonifacio. This soongained mass support.

By 1896 Bonifacio and his followers had gainedsufficient force to launch their first armed revolt, ona large scale, in some of the provinces of Luzon. KKKinternal dissentions proved disasterous to this revolthowever, and Bonifacio was captured and executed.

With the passing of Bonifacio, Emilio Aguinaldoassumed the leadership of the KKK. A young man ofgreat energy, determination and love of country, heled his people well. At the beginning of his revolu-tionary career, Aguinaldo fought for social justice andrepresentation for the Filipinos in the Spanish co-lonial government. Later, when America entered thescene and Spanish defeat was certain, he sought out-right independence.

During 1896-97 the rebel forces fought bravelyagainst the Spanish and apparently made significantinroads to victory, for on December 12, 1897, Agui-naldo and the Spanish signed the Treaty of Biak-na-bato. r The Spaniards agreed to pay the rebels800,000 pesos, and to institute some of the reformswhich had been urged by the leaders. Among thesewere freedom of speech and press, representation onthe Spanish Cortes, and the expulsion of the Friars.Aguinaldo and nineteen of his followers were to bepaid a half of the 800,000 pesos and exiled to HongKong as part of the treaty. The terms were acceptableto both sides. and the revolt was called off.

Aguinaldo kept his part of the bargain and wasoff to Hong Kong with 400,000 pesos. The Spanish,however, did not keep their part and soon the ty-ranny, which the Filipinos knew of old, returned. Thetime was January, 1898; in two months the U.S.battleship Maine would be blown up in Havana har-bor, touching-off the Spanish-American War.

In March of 1898 the Filipino community inHong Kong became quite excited when Deweyarrived from the United States via Nagasaki, Japan,with an entire flotilla of ships. There was little doubtof the fleet's eventual destination in the Philippines,since trouble between the U.S. and Spain was an issueof world interest at the time. Captain Wood, com-mander of the Petrel, one of Dewey's men-o'-war,first contacted Aguinaldo and presented the Ameri-can suggestions for cooperation. Since the Spanishhad broken their part of the Treaty of Biak-na-bato,the Americans contended, Aguinaldo had every justi-fication to return to the Philippines and resume therevolt. This first meeting led to a series of conversa-tions between Aguinaldo and the Americans duringMarch and April, 1898. According to Aguinaldo,Captain Wood promised that the United States wouldsupply the rebel forces with advice and supplies such

as arms and ammunition, which would enable the re-volutionary army to carry on the fight, holding that"the U.S. . . . is a great and rich nation, and neitherneeds nor desires colonies."2 Aguinaldo thoughtthat it would be a good idea to put any agreementswhich might be made in writing, but Wood put himoff, saying that he would have to refer such a sugges-tion to Dewey.

It was at this time, early in April, that Aguinaldobroke off the talks with the Americans and fled toSingapore. According to his own account, he becamevery alarmed when a former member of his revolu-tionary council, Isabelo Artacho, appeared in HongKong demanding to be paid for the services he hadrendered for several months when Aguinaldo and hisarmy were fighting against the Spanish on Luzon.Artacho demanded 200,000 pesos. He threatened totake the matter to court if he was not paid. Aguinaldosuspected that Artacho was an agent of the Spanishsince he had served the revolutionary govemment foronly a short time-two months-and the sum hedemanded was outrageous. In additi6n, none of therevolutionary officials or officers were being paid asyet. If Artacho could be successful in collecting200,000 pesos from the revolutionaries, it woulddiminish Aguinaldo's already meager supply of warmoney by one-half.

The Spanish-American War broke out whileAguinaldo was enroute to Singapore. After he arrivedthere he was almost immediately contacted by theAmerican Consul-General, E. Spencer Pratt. Pratt.like Wood, urged Aguinaldo to ally himself with theAmericans in their fight with the Spanish. NaturallyDewey wished to enlist the support of the revolu-tionaries, since they could be a valuable source ofinformation. Dewey makes it clear in his autobio.graphy, however, that he had dealt with Aguinaldo inan unofficial manner without consulting Washingtonbeforehand:

Among the si tuat ions wi th which I had to dealpromptly as they arose, when I could not delay to con-sult Washington, the most complicated was that of theFi l ip ino insurgents. Before the squadron had lef t HongKong for Manila a cable, dated April 24, had been re-ceived from our Consul-General in Singapore. sayingthat Emil io Aguinaldo, the insurgent chief , was atSingapore and would proceed to Hong Kong to see meif I so desired. I requested him to come, as it was pos-sible that he might have valuable informat ion to impartat a time when no source of information was to be neo-lected.3

While Pratt continued to urge Aguinaldo to co-operate with the Americans, Aguinaldo again asked

56

No. 29.-Insurgent Prieonere Deported to the Island of Guam.

that any agreement they might arrive at be put inwriting. Pratt said that he would refer the request toDewey. This Pratt did, and although there is no re-cord of any telegram, Aguinaldo claims that Prattdid receive a reply from Dewey:

Pratt said Dewey repl ied that the U.S. would atleast recognize the independence of the Phi l ippinesunder the protect ion of the U.S. Navy. The Consuladded that there was no necessity for entering into aformal agreement because the word of the Commodoreand the U.S. Consul-General were, in fact equivalentto the most solemn pledge, that their verbal promiseand assurances would be honored to the let ter . andwere not to be classed with the Spanish.4

Aguinaldo left Singapore on April 25 with thehopes of getting passage from Hong Kong to Manilawith Dewey. He arrived too late, however, and couldnot travel with the American force. After some slightconfusion, he did succeed in gaining Dewey's assentto travel aboard the U.S. ship, McCullock, on itssecond trip to Manila.

The McCullock, with Aguinaldo aboard, drop-ped anchor in Manila Bay on May l9th. Dewey'slaunch, Nanshan, arrived almost immediately to con-vey Aguinaldo to the Commodore's flagship, Olympia.Aguinaldo says that he was greeted cordially by De-wey, and was, upon boarding the Olympia, "given thehonors due a general officer."

ALLIES DIFFER

Dewey and Aguinaldo record different accountsof the events and circumstances which follow. Agui-naldo is very clear in his contention that Deweypromised that the U.S. would recognize Philippineindependence. Aguinaldo kept notes of the firstmeetings he had with Dewey:

After exchanging the usual amenit i tes, I asked Ad-miral Dewey i f i t was true that he had sent cablegrams tothe Consul-General in Singapore, Mr. Prat t , which thelatter told me he had received regarding myself. TheAdmiral repl ied in the af f i rmat ive, adding that the U.S.

5l

had come to the Phi l ippines to f ree the Fi l ip inos f romthe yoke of Spain. He said fur thermore that Americawas exceedingly well off as regards terr i tory, revenues,and resources, and needed no colonies. He assured mef inal ly that there was no need for me to entertain anydoubts whatever about the recogni t ion of the indepen-dence of the Phi l ippines by the United States.

Then the Admiral asked me i f I could inf luence theFi l ip inos to r ise against the Spanish. . .

In reply. . . I explained that unt i l I could receivearms. . . I would not be able to go into act ion. TheAdmiral thereupon of fered to dispatch. . .a l l the gunsseized onboard the Spanish warships as wel l as s ixty-two Mausers. . .and ammunit ion.6

There is no record which denies that Dewey evermade such statements to Aguinaldo.

Dewey's own comments pertaining to this sub-ject, however, give a different picture. He indicatesthat he rendered minimum aid to Aguinaldo:

From my observat ion of Aguinaldo and his advi-sors, I decided that i t would be unwise to cooperate withhim or his adherents in an of f ic ia l manner. Aside frompermit t ing him to establ ish himsel f ashore, the only aidrendered him was a gi f t of some Mauser r i f les and an old.smooth-bore gun that had been abandoned by theSpanish. He mounted the gun on a f loat . but ldecl inedto grant his request that our launches tow it across thebay. In short , my pol icy was to avoid any tangl ing al-l iance with the insurgents. whi le lappreciated that,pending the arr ival of our t roops, they might be ofservice in c lear ing the long neck of land that stretchesout f rom Cavi te Peninsula to the environs of Mani la.T

Official documents support Dewey's statements.They indicate that it was the American govemment'spolicy not to make agreements with Aguinaldo andthe revolutionaries. A telegram sent to Dewey fromSecretary of the Navy, John D. Long, on May 26,1898, advises Dewey to use discretion in all matters,and further tells him "not to have political allianceswith the insurgents or any faction in the islands thatwould iQcur liability to maintain their cause in thefuture" 6 Another telegram from Long, dated June14th, instructed Dewey to make a report of any"conference^s, relations, or cooperations, military orotherwise,"v which he had with Aguinaldo. Deweycornplied with these instructions, claiming that hehad acted "according to the spirit of the Depart-ment 's instruct ion.. . f rom the beginning, and had"entered into no alliance with the insurgents or anyfact ion". l0

One telegram which Dewey sent to SecretaryLong on lune 2lth sums up his relationship withAguinaldo and the insurgents, making it very clearthat he considered the Filipinos capable of self-

Filipino lndependence leader Apolinario Mabini' active at time

of Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo.

government, a l though he makes no ntent ion that

independence was to be forthcoming:

Hong Kong, June 27, 1 898

SECRETARY OF NAVY, Washington

Receipt of te legram of June 14 is acknowledged.Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, wi th th i r teen of h is staf f

. arr ived May 19, by permission , on Nanshan Establ ishedsel f Cavi te. outs ide arsenal , under the protect ion of ourguns, and organized his army. I have had several con-ferences with him, general ly of a personal nature. Con-sistent ly I have refrained from assist ing him in any waywith the force under my command, and on severaloccasions I have denied requests that I should do so, te l l -ing him the squadron could not act unt i l the arr ival ofUni ted States t roops. At the same t ime I have given himto understand that I consider insurgents as f r iends, beingopposed to a common enemy. He has gone to at tend ameet ing of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forminga civ i l government. Aguinaldo has acted independent lyof the squadron, but has kept me advised on his pro-gress, which has been wonderful . I have al lowed to passbV water, recrui ts, arms, and ammunit ion f rom thearsenal as he needed. Have advised frequent ly to conductthe war humanely, which he has done invar iably. lVly re-lat ions wi th him are cordial , but I am not in his conf i -dence. The United States has not been bound in any wayto assist insurgents by any act or promises, and he is not,to my knowledge, commit ted to assist us. I bel ieve heexpects to capture Mani la wi thout my assistance, butdoubt abi l i ty , they not yet having many guns. In myopinion these people are far super ior in their intel l igenceand more capable of sel f - government than the nat ives ofCuba, and I am fami l iar wi th both races.

DeweYl l

The evidence found in these records offers littledoubt that the United States never did. and never in-

58

tended to, commit itself to immediate Philippine in-dependence as a result of the Spanish-American War.

From the time that Dewey arrived in Manila Baywith the American squadron, until the arrival ofU.S. ground troops in July, there is no evidence thatthe American policy toward the insurgents was anydifferent than has been outlined here. Dewey's in-structions from Washington were very clear. Therewere to be no agreements made with Filipinos whichwould be binding to the United States. This policywas not changed or modified in any way while Ameri-can Forces were engaged with the Spanish in thePhilippines.

AMERICANS CLAIM PHI LIPPINES

On July 25th, General Wesley Merritt arrivedwith an American expeditionary force and beganoperations to seize the city of Manila. Aguinaldo andhis army also fought on toward the city and thus gavethe Americans considerable support. General Merrittlater wrote of their participation:

The insurgents fought well. Their success, I think, wasof mater ial importance in isolat ing our Marine force atCavite from Spanish attack and in preparing a footholdfor our t roops when they should arr ive. By the end ofMay they had entirely cleared Cavite Province of theenemy, and had so near ly surrounded Mani la as to causea panic among the inhabi tants. l2

The actual attack on Manila began with thearrival of General Arthur MacArthur's brigade onAugust 13th. The Spanish had been warned forty-eight hours before the start of the seize, and the plan,on both sides, was to take the city with as littlebloodshed and destruction as possible. Aguinaldo andhis army also pushed toward the city, but they werenot at all involved with the planning of the battlewith the Americans, and were not permitted to enterthe city when-+Hvas surrendered by the Spanish tothe Americans alone. The terms of the Articles ofCapitulation precluded any control of the city bythe Filipinos. Article Seven states:

This ci tv, i ts inhabitants, i ts churches, and rel igiousworship, its educational establishments, and its privateproperty of al l descript ions, are placed under the specialsafeguard of the faith and honor of the AmericanArmY'13

The American flag was hoisted over Manila andwas not hauled down until forty-two years later.*Spain, in return for relinguishing her sovereignty overthe islands, was paid the sum of twenty million

*The Japanese occupied the Phil ippines during the SecondWorld War from 1942 to 1945.

dollars. Aguinaido was outraged, and began imme-diately to recruit forces and spread hostility towardthe Americans throughout the archipelago. WhileAmerican opinion in general turned against Aguinaldothen, some tried to understand his feelings. Dewey,himself, wrote:

Mr. McKinley's proclamation of 'benevolent assimu-lat ion' fel l on ears which had long since learned todistrust the benef icent and grandi loquent proclamationsof which the Spanish were masters.

And so began another conflict which lasted fouryears and involved 70,000 troops. Aguinaldo wascaptured on March 23, 1901.

Emilio Aguinaldo was a great leader of hispeople. His leadership through the years has certainlyinspired many of his countrymen. History rightfullyconsiders him as one of the noblest of underdogs. Ifhis first effort at establishing independence for hiscountry was not successful completely, there is stillcause for Filipinos and Americans alike to celebrateJune 12th for it marks the beginning of Filipinoself- determination.

13.

14.

NOTES

There is considerable di f ference of opinion as to the reasonswhich f inal ly led to the s igning of the t reaty. Former Presidentof the UN General Assembly, Car los Romulo says "Aguinaldo'sforces swept over one Spanish stronghold after another until thelast Spanish representat ive begged for mercy". Car los P. Romulo,Mother America: A Living History of Democracy, (New York:- Doubleday, 1943), p. 20. Albert Ravenhol t , an Americanscholar, c la ims that " the rebels were dr iven back into thehi l ls . . . they lost conf idence. Faced with dwindl ing support ,Aguinaldo and his associei tes accepted the Spanish of fer . . . "Albert Ravenholt, The Philippines, A Young Republic on theMove, (Pr inceton: Van Nostrand, 1962), p.49.

Emil io Aguinaldo and Vicente Pacis, A Second Look at America,(New York : Spel ler and Sons, 1 953), p. 31 .

George Dewey, Autobiography, (New York: Scr ibner 's Sons,19131, p.243.

Aguinaldo and Pacis, op. c i t . , p. 34.

lb id. . p. 37.

lb id. . p.37-38.

Dewey, op. c i t . ,p.247

lbid. , Appendix E

tbid.

tb id.

tb id.

W. C. Forbes, The Phi l ippine ls lands, (Camb: Harvard Univ.Press, 1945), p. 43; c i t inq Dewey's Autobiography.

Dewey, op. c i t . , Appendix F

rbid.

4.

6

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

59

Gztllrt'slNu(erlaIIs

Photographer David Lotz has a deepinterest in the natural history of Guam. This

interest has led him to most of the waterfalls in Guam.He now shares with us his photo collection of the

island's best-known waterfalls and someof the more remote waterfalls, too.

Malojloj Falls

"*&,:*:*,,{{J""a

{ ' . .

;. !'.i;;., '{,,ii

Tarzan Falls

' j

Fintosa Falls Cotal Falls

MASSO FALLS onooHpac

ffi'o''" \I ' fS UPPER SIGUA F

* ' r " - - - srcuA FALLs

?ljii cANNoN FAYiilCOTAL FALL

fooor;€to"to "'to

\g

LLA.s

Lower Talofofo Falls

Gzsrn'sINs(ercIrIIs

Sella Falls

Merizo Water Holes

Sigua Falls Merizo Falls

62

Imong Falls Masso Falls

Inarajan Falls Upper Talofofo Falls

Agaga Falls Cetti Falk

63

OontribrrtorsDirk Bal lendorfis President of the Community Col lege of Micronesiaand a frequent contr ibutor to publ icat ions of thePacif ic.

Mary Browningmanages PACIFICANA and has long been an observerand wri ter on the Pacif ic scene. Her next work is abook soon to be publ ished.

Yolanda Degadi l lo, M.M.B.completed her early studies in Guadalajara, Mexico,and later cont inued them in the U.S. She has workedin Truk and Saipan, and for an extended period was aresearch associate in MARC delving into SpanishEra documents.

Agueda l. Johnstonserved the people of Guam as an educator and civicleader.

Thomas Kingis an archeologist on the staff of the High Com-missioner of the U.S. Trust Terr i tory of the Pacif ic,with interests in preservat ion throughout al l of Micro-nesia.

Joseph Lademanretired from naval service as a captain and currentlyl ives in Cal i fornia. He was the skipper of the lastGold Star to serve Guam.

Larry Lawcockreceived his doctorate from the University of Californiaat Berkeley. He has taught in the Phi l ippines andGuam.

Dave Lotzis the assistant director of parks and recreation inGuam.

Thomas McGrath, S.J.is the editor of the Guam Recorder.

Fef ic ia Plaza, M.M.B.is the senior research special ist at MARC.

Paul Souderis Director of Planning for Guam. He has been dedi-cated to the service of Guam in both the publ ic andprivate sectors since his arr ival .

momEiITS t ROnyrt{L- pAS.t

Pre-war parade passing by drugstore in Agana.

t r lf '

o5

OneoflGzqxt'sBe{rrrfiIrrl

INs(ertcIIs

Fintosa Falls, GuamPhotograph by Thomas B. McGrath, S.J.

4:

=* *',