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Social Differentiation and Status Interrelations: The Maori-Pakeha CaseAuthor(s): Leonard Broom and Jack P. GibbsSource: American Sociological Review, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Apr., 1964), pp. 258-265Published by: American Sociological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2092128 .

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SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION AND STATUS INTERRELATIONS: THE MAORI-PAKEHA CASE *

LEONARD BROOM AND JACK P. GIBBS The University of Texas

A strategy for studying social differentiation in ethnically diverse situations is outlined and applied to Maoris and non-Maoris in New Zealand. Four propositions are formulated on the relations between religious and occupational status differentiation, between status differentiation and spatial, fertility, and mortality differentiation, and between status differentiation and biological amalgamation. The propositions are restated and tested in the form of nine hypotheses on intercensal changes in New Zealand.

THE study of social differentiation con- siders all possible types of distinctions, but treats only interrelated distinc-

tions. To paraphrase a statement attributed to Ogburn, "If a difference is not associated with other differences, it makes no difference." Research indicates that statuses and other distinctions are interrelated; 1 and the theory of status integration2 provides a basis for anticipating and interpreting relations among distinctions and statuses. If the distinctions are social, as in the case of statuses, roles are associated with them, and consequently the roles associated with one status may conflict with the roles associated with another, that is, conformity to one set of roles may make it difficult or impossible to conform to the other set of roles. The theory of status integration assumes that interstatus role conflicts affect the frequency with which a status configuration is occupied. Thus, if the roles of status X directly conflict with those of status Y, the configuration XY will be occupied infrequently as a consequence of the interstatus role conflict.

Some persons may not occupy the status configuration because they recognize the role conflict. Others may occupy it, but as a re- action to the difficulties of coping with role conflict, voluntarily move out of it, changing, for example, religion, marital status, or occupation. Still others may be deprived of one or more statuses because they fail to conform to the roles of one or both of the statuses: a married man may experience role conflict between his occupation and his marital status, and lose his wife or his job. Finally, the role conflict may be widely recognized and occupancy of the status configuration forbidden (regulations may for- bid the employment of women as commercial airline pilots).

The theory of status integration does not generate predictions about which particular status configurations will be frequently or infrequently occupied; rather, the theory deals with role conflict inferentially and assumes that the frequency with which a status configuration is occupied indicates the degree of role conflict among the statuses in the configuration. Nevertheless, the theory does provide a basis for anticipating associations among status differences. For example, if male and female roles are indeed different, males and females should not have the same occupations. If the roles of a given occupation do not conflict with the roles of the status male, they are likely to conflict with the female roles. Consequently, there should be a preponderance of males in that occupation.

The same argument applies to racial status, age status, marital status, and so forth. Thus the theory provides a basis for anticipating and interpreting the correlates

*This study is indebted to the Center for Ad- vanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences and the University of Texas Research Institute.

1See, for example, Leonard Broom, "Social Dif- ferentiation and Stratification," in Robert K. Merton, et al. (eds.), Sociology Today, New York: Basic Books, 1959, pp. 429-441; Everett C. Hughes, "Dilemmas and Contradictions of Status," Ameri- can Journal Sociology, 50 (March, 1945), pp. 353- 359; Gerhard Lenski, "Status Crystallization: A Non-vertical Dimension of Social Status," American Sociological Review, 19 (August, 1954), pp. 405- 413.

2 See Jack P. Gibbs and Walter T. Martin, "A Theory of Status Integration and Its Relationship to Suicide," American Sociological Review, 23 (April, 1958), pp. 140-147.

258



SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION AND STATUS INTERRELATIONS 259

of social differentiation. In turn, the study of social differentiation throws light on status integration because it shows in aggre- gative terms the varying distributions of populations in the social structure.

MAORI AND PAKEHA

The foregoing observations suggest a major principle: status differences are associated with other status differences and with behavior over and beyond status distinctions. This principle can be restated and tested in the form of specific propositions, four of which are presented below. As a matter of research strategy, we applied this principle to a situation where status changes and status interrelations are likely to be dynamic -the situation of acculturation and assimila- tion that characterizes relations between Maori and Pakeha (Europeans) in New Zealand.

The Maoris, a Polynesian people, did not engage in substantial trade with Europeans or see missions until the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and New Zealand was not colonized by Europeans until the middle of the nineteenth century. The Wakefield scheme, which brought colonists to New Zealand, was an effort to ease urban unem- ployment in England and to settle displaced agricultural workers. In spite of all the good intentions of the British on the one hand and the adaptability of the Maoris on the other, colonization was accompanied by pro- longed Maori warfare, both intertribal and with the British, and by epidemics among the Maoris. By 1900 the indigenous population had declined to about 46,000, perhaps less than half its precontact size. In brief, the Maoris rapidly became a numerical minority and a subordinate population. But since the beginning of this century, the Maoris have made a demographic recovery. Between 1926 and 1956 they increased from 64,000 to 137,000, and the ratio of non- Maoris to Maoris declined from 21 in 1926 to 15 in 1956.

The population elements that are neither Maori nor European are so small (20,624 in 1956 or 0.95 per cent of the total) as to be of no consequence. This fact simplifies analysis, and data dichotomized as Maori-non- Maori or Maori-European may be freely

interchanged. It is as if the white-nonwhite and white-Negro dichotomies in the United States were substantially the same, as if nonwhites did not include American Indians and Asians.

Propositions and Hypotheses. New Zealand census reports and vital statistics publications make it possible to compare Maoris and non-Maoris on religion, occupation-industry, spatial distribution, fertility, and mortality at five points in time: 1926, 1936, 1945, 1951, and 1956. (Prior to 1926 only a few characteristics of the Maori population were reported in census publications.) The data for these five years form a diachronic series, but treating New Zealand as though it were a different society at each point in time provides a basis for testing the principle in question. Further tests should consider comparisons between different countries, since the principle is intended to apply both diachronically and synchronic- ally. Diachronic comparisons are currently more feasible in international research because census data are more often comparable over time in one country than they are between countries.

The initial step in the test of the principle was to restate it in terms of specific propositions and to test these propositions in the form of hypotheses. The propositions and related hypotheses are as follows:

Proposition I. Differentiation of achieved statuses is directly associated with spatial differentiation.

Hypothesis 1. Religious differentiation of Ma- oris and non-Maoris varies directly with their spatial differentiation.

Hypothesis 2. Occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris varies directly with their spatial differentiation.

Proposition II. Differentiation of a given achieved status is directly associated with differentiation of all other achieved statuses.

Hypothesis 3. Religious differentiation of Ma- oris and non-Maoris varies directly with their occupation-industry differentiation.

Proposition III. Differentiation of achieved statuses is directly associated with fertility and mortality differentials.

Hypothesis 4. Religious differentiation of Ma- oris and non-Maoris varies directly with fertility differences.



260 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Hypothesis 5. Occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris varies directly with fertility differences.

Hypothesis 6. Religious differentiation of Ma- oris and non-Maoris varies directly with infant mortality differences.

Hypothesis 7. Occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris varies directly with infant mortality differences.

Proposition IV. Differentiation of achieved statuses is inversely associated with biological amalgamation.

Hypothesis 8. Religious differentiation of Ma- oris and non-Maoris varies inversely with their biological amalgamation.

Hypothesis 9. Occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris varies inversely with their biological amalgamation.

MEASUREMENT OF VARIABLES

Religious Differentiation. Table 1 shows the percentage distribution of Maoris and non-Maoris among the major New Zealand religious professions in 1956. The Maoris,

TABLE 1. MAJOR RELIGIOUS PROFESSIONS OF MAORIS AND NoN-MAORIS IN NEW-

ZEALAND, 1956 a

Percentage Distribution

(Y) Major Religious (X) Non- (jX-YI)

Profession Maori Maori Difference

Church of England 38.57 41.73 3.16 Roman Catholic' 19.22 16.35 2.87 Ratana 16.37 0.05 16.32 Methodist 9.14 8.57 0.57 Latter Day Saints 8.58 0.19 8.39 Ringatu 4.37 0.00 4.37 Presbyterian 2.67 27.24 24.57 Brethren 0.69 1.23 0.54 Protestant, undefined 0.17 2.71 2.54 Baptist 0.13 1.91 1.78 Missions 0.09 0.02 0.07

Total 100.00 100.00 65.18

like the Pakeha, are highly represented in the Church of England and the Roman Catholic church, but a substantial propor- tion of Maoris adhere to the chief nativistic variants of Christianity-Ratana and Ring- atu-and these two religions have almost no Pakeha adherents. The reverse is true for Presbyterians, almost entirely a Euro- pean denomination. Presbyterians are con- centrated in the South Island, where there are few Maoris but many Europeans of Scotch ancestry. The Mormon church appears to be an unusual case; through missionary efforts over recent decades, it has gained many Maori adherents but few non- Maori.

If the differences between the percentage of Maoris and the percentage of non-Maoris in each religious category (last column, Table 1) are summed and divided by two (E X-YJ/2) the quotient is the percentage of Maoris who would have to change religions for the Maori distribution to be identical with that of the non-Maoris.3 This measure has been applied to all of the kinds of differentiation examined in this paper.

Column 1 of Table 4 shows a declining trend in the measure of religious differentiation from 1926 to 1956.4 Except during the economic depression of the 1930's, each census recorded a decline in the religious differentiation between Maoris and non-Maoris. In view of the fact that Mormon missionary activities during the 30 years were a differ- entiating influence, the overall decline in religious differentiation is impressive.

Differentiation by Occupation and Indus- try. Our experience is that the problem of comparability in census data is nowhere greater than with occupations and industries, and historical comparisons of Maoris and

a Source: New Zealand, Population Census, 1956, Vol. 8, pp. 16 and 54, and Vol. 3, pp. 13-14. Each of the religious professions shown accounts for more than one per cent of either the Maoris or the non-Maoris stating a religious profession at any one of the five census years: 1926, 1936, 1945, 1951, and 1956. The figures exclude persons with other religious professions or with no religion, and persons with an unstated or unspecified religion. In this and subsequent tables "Maoris" include persons enumerated as "half-castes."

b Including Catholic undefined.

3This measure has been described and is called an "index of dissimilarity" in Otis Dudley Duncan and Beverly Duncan, "Residential Distribution and Occupational Stratification," American Journal of Sociology, 60 (March, 1955), pp. 493-503.

4Religious professions are reported in great de- tail in the New Zealand census reports. (See New Zealand Population Census, 1956, Vol. 3, Table 2, and Vol. 8, Table 14.) The major professions are not the same for each census year, i.e., some are dropped from the list and others added. To compare the same professions over time, we included all professions of more than one per cent Maori or non-Maori in any census year.




TABLE 2. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBuTION OF ACTIVELY ENGAGED MAORI AND NoN-MAoRI MALES, BY

OCCUPATION, NEW ZEALAND, 1926 a


(Y) (IX-Yl) (X) Non- Dif-

Occupations Maoris Maoris ference

Fishermen and trappers 1.33 0.63 0.70 Agricultural and pastoral 42.21 26.47 15.74 Forest occupations 7.79 1.41 6.38 Miners and quarrymen 0.72 1.67 0.95 Workers in stone, clay,

earthware, lime, cement, glass, etc. 0.07 0.45 0.38

Workers in processes re- lating to chemicals, animal and vegetable products, n.ei. 0.15 0.66 0.51

Workers in non-precious metals, electric fittings, etc. 0.77 5.88 5.11

Workers in precious metals, jewelry, scientific instru- ments, etc. 0.00 0.22 0.22

Makers of ships, boats, and conveyances, etc. 0.20 1.72 1.52

Workers in fibrous materials, textiles, etc., other than clothing or dress 0.43 0.78 0.35

Workers in clothing and dress,etc. 0.04 1.42 1.38

Workers in harness, sad- dlery, and leatherware (excluding boots and shoes) 0.01 0.22 0.21

Workers in food, drink, and tobacco 1.13 2.76 1.63

Workers in wood, n.e.i. 3.07 5.70 2.63 Workers in paper, printed

materials, and photog- raphers 0.05 1.10 1.05

Workers in other materials 0.02 0.13 0.11 Workers in building and

construction 4.87 5.31 0.44 Workers in the supply of

gas, water, electricity, or power 0.23 0.74 0.51

Workers in transport and communication 3.21 9.42 6.21

Commercial occupations 0.57 12.07 11.50 Public administration 0.18 1.95 1.77 Clerical and professional

occupations 3.37 9.64 6.27 Occupations connected with

entertainment, sport, and recreation 0.26 0.71 0.45

Personal domestic- occupa- tions, hotelkeeping, etc. 0.36 2.11 1.75

Labourer, n.o.d. 28.96 6.81 22.15

Total 100.00 99.98 89.92

non-Maoris illustrate some aspects of the problem. Only males are considered in the following discussion because the term "actively engaged" is ambiguous when applied to females in cross-cultural comparisons.

For census years 1926, 1936, and 1945, only figures on "occupation" (actually a mixture of industries and occupations) are reported for Maoris, while both occupations and industries are reported for non-Maoris. Fortunately, the same occupational categories are used for both Maoris and non- Maoris, and these are roughly the same for the three census years. Thus a measure of occupational differentiation may be computed for 1926, 1936, and 1945.5 Table 2 presents a detailed illustration of the measure for 1926.

Occupational categories used in the 1951 census were quite different from earlier censuses, being reduced to 11 categories that are more purely occupational than the categories for 1926, 1936, and 1945. The occupational categories in the 1951 and 1956 census reports are so different from those used earlier that serious problems of comparability would arise if measures of the occupational differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris were extended. Because the industry categories for 1951 and 1956 are more nearly comparable to the 1926, 1936, and 1945 occupational categories, and because industries were first reported for Maoris in 1951, a feasible solution to the comparability problem was to use industries instead of occupations for the computations. The industry categories used for the 1951 and 1956 measures are listed in Table 3. While the occupational and industry categories are not identical, the differences are not great. Thus, the 1926, 1936, and 1945 measures are based on the occupational categories of Table 2, while the 1951 and

5 All measures of occupational and industry differentiation exclude persons in the "not specified" category.

aSource: New Zealand, Population Census, 1926,

Vol. 9, pp. 44-50, and Vol. 14, pp. 51-56. Figures exclude 1,372 Maori males and 4,519 non-Maori males other than labourers in the category "other or ill-defined occupations." The 1,372 cases represent 7.8 per cent of all actively engaged Maori males, and the corresponding percentage for the 4,519 non-Maori males is 1.0.




1956 measures are based on the industry categories of Table 3.

The data in Tables 2 and 3 indicate that Maoris are overrepresented in primary industries, and in food processing, wood and furniture manufacture, and construction; they are underrepresented in services, commerce, and the manufacture of transport equipment and machinery. These differences are expected in a population still essentially rural and suffering great educational disad- vantages. But the second column of Table 4 shows a trend toward reduction of occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris in all intercensal periods except 1926-36. A similar decline in differentiation appears when measures for 1951 and 1956 are calculated solely on the basis of occupation."

Spatial Differentiation. The spatial distribution of Maoris and non-Maoris can be compared on the basis of urban divisions, counties, and provinces. We have used counties because they are the smallest terri- torial units that together comprise the whole of New Zealand and have comparable boun- daries over time. The measure of differentiation in this instance is like the one that was applied to religious professions, occupations -and industries, using counties in the rows of the table. A county table is not presented, but the five measures of spatial differentiation 7 based on the table are shown in column 3 of Table 4. Each figure is the percentage of Maoris who would have to move from one county to another to bring about a distribution like that of the non-Maoris. The figures reveal a moderate but steady decline in spatial differentiation since 1926.8 Even the 1956 figure, however, indicates a high degree of differentiation and, consequently, an impediment to further acculturation and integration of the Maoris.

Mortality and Fertility. Statistics on births and deaths of the Maori and non-

Maori populations over the years 1926-56 permit only one measure of mortality and one measure of fertility that are not seriously affected by differences in age composition. These measures are the fertility ratio and the infant mortality rate. For both Maoris and non-Maoris, the fertility ratio is the number of children 0-4 years of age per 1,000 women 15-44 years of age, and the

TABLE 3. DISTRIBUTION OF ACTIVELY ENGAGED MAORI AND NON-MAORI MALES, BY INDUS-

TRY, NEW ZEALAND, 1956 a


(Y) Industry Division (X) Non- (IX-YI) and Subdivision Maori Maori Difference

Fishing, hunting, trapping 0.65 0.42 0.23 Agriculture and livestock

production 28.73 18.34 10.39 Forestry and logging 2.18 0.46 1.72 Mining and quarrying 2.79 1.09 1.70 Manufacture of:

Food, beverages, tobacco 10.64 5.23 5.41

Non-metallic mineral products 1.34 1.17 0.17

Textiles 0.43 0.72 0.29 Footwear, other wearing

apparel 0.28 1.31 1.03 Leather and leather prod-

ucts, n.e.i. 0.29 0.22 0.07 Transport equipment 1.44 4.60 3.16 Rubber, chemical, petro-

leum, and coal products 0.80 1.29 0.49

Metals, machinery, and electrical goods 1.18 4.09 2.91

Wood, cork, and furniture 8.11 3.12 4.99

Paper, printing, and allied industries 1.08 1.91 0.83

Miscellaneous products 0.09 0.48 0.39 Construction 17.85 12.60 5.25 Electricity, gas, water,

sanitary services 1.64 1.51 0.13 Commerce 2.62 16.20 13.58 Transport, storage, and

communication 12.39 11.88 0.51 Services 5.47 13.38 7.91

Total 100.00 100.02 61.16

a Source: New Zealand, Population Census, 1956, Vol. 4, pp. 35-36, and Vol. 8, pp. 63-64. Figures exclude 885 Maori males and 2,329 non-Maori males with activities not adequately described. The 885 cases represent 2.8 per cent of all actively engaged Maori males, and the corresponding percentage for the 2,329 non-Maori males is 0.4.

I The 1951 measure of occupational differentiation is 37.66 for 11 occupational categories, and the 1956 measure is 26.47 for nine categories.

7 The New Zealand census is a de facto census and, therefore, the measures of spatial differentiation are not strictly based on residential distribution.

8 The measure of spatial differentiation based on provincial districts also declines: 1926, 42.25; 1936, 42.85; 1945, 40.98; 1951, 39.57; and 1956, 37.83.



SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION AND STATUS INTERRELATIONS 263 TABLE 4. DIFFERENTIATION OF MAORIS AND NON-MAORIS, AND PER CENT OF MAORIS ENUMERATED

AS HALF-CASTES, 1926-56 a

Measures of Differentiation of Maoris and Non-Maoris - - -- - Per Cent

Census Occupation- Spatial Fertility Infant of Maoris Year Religion' Industry1 Distribution' Ratio2 Mortality3 Half-Castes

1926 39.75 44.96 65.27 402 87.9 17.7 1936 42.53 48.80 63.59 531 72.3 18.1 1945 36.41 42.92 59.41 366 60.5 18.5 1951 33.64 32.64 57.05 344 51.6 20.1 1956 32.59 30.58 52.99 360 38.5 20.8

a Based on data from New Zealand census reports and vital statistics publications, 1926-56. 'Represents the percentage of Maoris who would have to move from one category to another in order

to bring about a condition of no difference. Occupation differentiation is used for 1926-45; industry differentiation, for 1951-56 (see text).

2 Fertility ratio is number of children 0-4 years of age per 1,000 women 15-44 years of age. The Maori fertility ratio exceeds the non-Maori ratio by the amount shown.

3 The Maori infant mortality rate exceeds the non-Maori rate by the amount shown. Differences between infant mortality rates are based on a three-year average centering on the census year, e.g., the 1926 figure represents the difference between the 1925-27 average annual rates of Maoris and non-Maoris.

data are drawn from census reports. The infant mortality rate is the number of deaths of children less than 1 year per 1,000 births, using data drawn from the New Zealand vital statistics publications. Each infant mortality rate is a three-year average centering on the census year, e.g., the 1926 rate is an average of the years 1925-27.

Infant mortality rates are probably fairly reliable for non-Maoris, but not for Maoris. There is reason to believe that the registration of Maori deaths improved over the years 1926-56 and that as a result of this improvement the actual decline in the Maori infant mortality rate was underestimated.9 As anticipated by the hypothesis, the difference between the Maori and non-Maori infant mortality rates has declined, not as a statistical artifact of the improvement in registration, but despite it. As the Maori infant mortality rate declined, the Maori fertility ratio became less influenced by deaths of children 0-4 years of age, and the result is to overestimate the real increase in Maori fertility. But the pattern anticipated by the hypothesis exists despite rather than because of the effects of improved registration.

A measure of the difference between the two populations was computed by subtract-

9 The influence of the improvement in the registration of Maori infant deaths on the infant mortality rate was partially offset by an improvement in the registration of Maori births.

ing the fertility ratio of the non-Maoris from that of the Maoris at five points in time. A similar measure was computed using infant mortality rates. In both cases, as shown in columns 4 and 5 of Table 4, the difference between the two populations declined over the years 1926-56.

The decline in the difference between Maoris and non-Maoris in mortality and fertility is not due to changes in the Maori rates alone. Over the years 1926-56, infant mortality declined among both the non- Maoris and Maoris, while the fertility ratio increased in both. For the years 1926, 1936, 1945, 1951, and 1956, the rates and ratios are as follows: Maori infant mortality rates -127.4, 103.8, 88.6, 74.1, 58.3; non-Maori infant mortality rate-39.5, 31.5, 28.1, 22.5, 19.8; Maori fertility ratio-831, 870, 803, 902, 927; non-Maori fertility ratio-429, 339, 437, 558, 567. Both the composition of the non-Maori population and the general economic conditions confronting it have changed since 1926, and it is not surprising that non-Maori fertility and infant mortality have changed. Similarly, we would expect Maori fertility and mortality to change as Maori statuses change. The fact that changes have occurred in both populations does not alter our interpretation of the decline in differences between them: the principle and propositions in question anticipate a con- vergence of Maori and non-Maori fertility and mortality rates as the statuses of the two populations converge.




TABLE 5. SUMMARY OF TESTS OF NINE HYPOTHESES

Occupation- Differences in Differences in Per Cent Industry Spatial Fertility Infant Mortal- of Maoris

Differentiation Differentiation Ratios ity Rates Half-Castes

Religious Hypothesis 3: Hypothesis 1: Hypothesis 4: Hypothesis 6: Hypothesis 8: Differentiation Direct Direct Direct Direct Inverse

Relation * Relation * Relation * Relation * Relation *

tau=1.00 tau=.80 tau=.80 tau=.80 tau=-.80

Occupation- Hypothesis 2: Hypothesis 5: Hypothesis 7: Hypothesis 9: Industry Direct Direct Direct Inverse Differentiation Relation * Relation * Relation * Relation *

tau=. 80 tau=. 80 tau=. 80 tau=-. 80

*Predicted relation between the measures reported in Table 4. For a description of the statistic tau see Margaret J. Hagood and Daniel 0. Price, Statistics for Sociologists (Rev. ed.), New York: Holt, 1952, pp. 469-72.

Biological Amalgamation. The social correlates of sexual relations, with or without marriage, concubinage, etc., may vary from one situation to another, and interracial in- tercourse may not result in amalgamation because of contraception or infanticide. In this context, we are not concerned with the social characteristics of sexual relations between Maoris and non-Maoris, but rather with the biological fact of amalgamation, that is, an increase or decrease of Maoris of mixed ancestry. The best available index is the percentage of Maoris enumerated in the New Zealand censuses as "half-caste Maoris," i.e., persons of Maori and Euro- pean ancestry. The percentages of the Ma- oris so identified are given in the last column of Table 4. The figures show a steady increase over the years 1926-56.

TESTS OF THE HYPOTHESES

All nine of our hypotheses were tested by computing the statistic tau to express the relations between the variables in Table 4.10 The results of the tests are summarized in Table 5.

The statistics in Table 5 support each of the nine hypotheses. Since the data do not represent a random sample, we cannot eval-

uate the magnitude of the tau's in terms of statistical significance, but all of the rela- tionships are in the predicted direction, and none is less than .80. In fact, in all but one instance tau falls short of unity only because the increase in religious and occupational differentiation during 1926-36 was not accompanied by a corresponding change in the dependent variables. This particular dis- crepancy accounts for the similarity in tau values. The findings, therefore, strongly support the hypotheses and the related propositions.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

This paper develops a research strategy that may be widely applied in the study of social differentiation. Propositions and hypotheses relevant to fundamental aspects of social organization were formulated. The hypotheses were tested on data from New Zealand-a country characterized by marked but fluid social differentiation. Direct relations were hypothesized between change in the religious differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris and their differences with regard to occupation-industry structure, spatial distribution, fertility, and mortality. Direct relations were also hypothesized between change in the occupation-industry differentiation of Maoris and non-Maoris and their respective spatial distributions, fertility, and mortality. Inverse relations were hypothesized between change in biological amalgamation and religious and occupation-industry differentiation. All observed associations are in the predicted direction.

10 Since New Zealand is treated as a different society at each census date, we are not concerned with the more complicated aspects of a time series analysis, e.g., correlating fluctuations about the trend lines, with adjustments for trend. See Fred- erick E. Croxton and Dudley J. Cowden, Applied General Statistics (2nd ed.), Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1955, Chs. 11-16 and 22.




Although the data are from the censuses and vital statistics of one country, we offer this report for possible replicative studies, in the hope that our strategy may be applied wherever suitable data are available and thereby make possible systematic international studies of social differentiation. Cen-

sus data, unlike survey data, are not tailored to scientific problems and they therefore im- pose obstacles to the kind of analysis at- tempted here. Nevertheless, our experience shows that the obstacles are not insuperable and the potential returns warrant the re- quired effort.

