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H I S T O R Y
OF
OTTOMAN POETRY
THE LATE
E. j .
"
w.N
‘
GIBB,M. R . A . 3 .
VOLUME V
EDITED BY
EDW ARD G. BROW NE ,M . A . , M . B
SIR THOMAS ADAMS, PROFESSOR OF ARAB IC AND FELLOW OF PEMBROKECOLLEGE IN THE UN IVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE ; FELLOW
OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY.
L O N D O N
LUZAC CO., GREAT RUSSELL STREET
1907
‘God hath Treasuries aneath the Throne, the Keyswhereof are the Tongues of the Poets.
’
H a d f s - i Sh e r f f.
ED ITOR’
S PREFACE .
The publication o f this fifth volume o f the History ofOttoman P oetry brings to a close the more essential part
of the obligation which I undertook, at the wish of the
mother and the widow o f my late friend , Mr . E . J . W . Gibb ,
now nearly six years ago, to edit and secure the publica
tion o f the great and masterly work to which his too brief
l i fe was devoted . A ll that he wrote is now accessible to the
Orientalist, the scholar, the student of literary history and
the general reader. Whatever else may be alleged against
the Ottoman Turks, i t can never again be asserted by the
candid and impartial reader that they are, or ever have
been , since their first appearance on the stage o f history in
the thirteenth century, indifl'
erent to literature . On the con
trary, their fault in our own days, as it seems to me , is
that they pay too much attention to l iterature , and expect
from it (I speak now especially of the Modern School , with
the protagonists o f which the present volume deals) a sal
vation and regeneration which it cannot give . I have late ly
been looking with some attention into the mass o f Turkish
tracts and pamphlets which belonged to my late friend , and
which were, with other literary materials, placed at my
disposal by Mrs. E . J . W. Gibb , and nothing connected with
them has impressed me more than the glorification o f Turkish
men o f letters, especially o f Ziya Pasha, Shimasi, Kemal
Bey, Ekrem Bey, Mu‘allim Naj l,
‘
Abdu’ l-Haqq Hamid Bey
and others o f the modern leaders o f Ottoman literature , and
the minute and almost meticu lous criticisms o f their works’
which form so considerable a proportions o f their contents.
Again and again I have exclaimed to myself, “Would that
the Tu rks had a literature comparable in value to those of
the A rabs and Persians, and would that the A rabs and
Persians had cultivated the art o f literary criticism to a
degree approaching that o f the Ottoman Turks !”
It is, as I observed in the preface to the last volume
(p. IX ), a matter for profound regret that Gibb did not l ive
to complete his account o f the Modern School, with which
he had a real sympathy, and for which he entertained a
genuine admiration such as can hardly be found since his
death outside Turkey . For this modern Ottoman literature,so far as EurOpe is concerned , is a kind o f No Man ’s Land .
The Orientalist by profession is disinclined to devote much
time or labour to a literature which is not only quite
modern but quasi-Eumpean, while the student of modern
literary movements rarely possesses a sufficient knowledge
o f a language which, even in the simpler forms afl'
ected by
the New School o f Ottoman writers, remains more diffi cult
than A rabic or Persian . Yet I begin to see (what I at first
was disposed to doubt) than this modern Turkish literature
has real value and merit ; and , though I cannot myself hope
to find leisure to exploit and appreciate it, I feel com
pelled to express an earnest hOpe that some other Turkish
scholar may arise in Western Europe who will once and
for all write its history and appraise its value .
Meanwhile I am stil l hopefu l that Gibb ’s unfinished work
may be completed by a very able Tu rkish man o f letters,
whose name I am not now at liberty to mention , and who
has fo r some time been engaged on this work . Personally
acquainted with most of the leading spirits of the New
School, knowing English well and French still better, and
animated by a genuine enthusiasm for his work, he has
already surveyed a large portion of the field which Gibb
did no t l ive to cu ltivate. Yet,1
owing to the atmosphere of
suspicion which now broods over Constantinople, and , in
part icular, the d isfavour with which the political ideas of
the “Young Turks” (to whose ranks most o f the adherents
of the New School of Literature belong) are regarded, his
task is one of extreme diffi culty, since even the works of
Kemal Bey, the brightest l ight o f that school while he
‘ l ived , are banned by the Government and can hardly be
i seen in Constantinople. That this supplement will be finishedin time I have l ittle doubt, but the date of its completion
remains so uncertain that is seemed to me best to complete
Gibb ’s work without further delay by publishing the three
chapters which he had written on the Modern School ,together with the very full and careful Indices prepared bymy friend and colleague Mr. R . A . N icholson ; to follow
up this fifth volume with a sixth containing the Turkish
texts o f all the poems translated by Gibb ; and to add later
the seventh volume containing my Turkish collaborator’ssupplement, shou ld this be finished and safely reach my
hands. The sixth volume, conta ining the Turkish texts, is,I may add , complete in manuscript, and is now in the press,whence 1 1 2 pages of it have already been received in type ,so that, i f all goes well , it shou ld be publ ished next year.I am glad to say that ultimately, after many a laborious
search through the manuscripts, printed books and note-books
of my late friend , I have succeeded in recovering the original
texts of all the translations contained in these volumeswithout exception.
My labours are therefore almost finished , and I am thank
ful that this is so, and that I have so nearly fu lfilled thearduous duty which I undertook in December
, 1901 . My
chief regret is that my late friend ’s mo ther did not l ive to
see the accomplishment o f the work in which she took so
profound and affectionate an interest ; my chief satisfaction ,that I have been enabled to render to a great and single
minded scholar, whose friendship and sympathy I shall ever
remember with gratitude and pleasure , that service which
of all others he wou ld have valued most.
A u g u s t 1 , 1907 . EDWARD G. BROWNE .
The Modern School o f Ottoman Poetry, that in which
the inspiring genius is no longer o f the East , but o f Western
Eu rope , falls into two periods , the one o f Preparation , the
other o f A ccomplishment . The first begins in 1 27 5 ( 1 8 59)with the publication o f Shimasi Efendi ’s Translations from
the French poets ; the second in 1 296 ( 1 879) with the
appearance of Hamid Bey's Sahra.
CHAPTER I .
THE DAWN OF A NEW ERA .
1 27 5— 1 296 ( 1 859
We have now to tell the story of a great awakening.
We have traced the cou rse of poetic l iterature amongst the
Ottoman Turks during five centuries and a half. We have
learned how, throughou t this long period , no voice has
ever reached it from outside the narrow school where it was
reared ; how, Persian in its inception , Persian in substance it
has remained down to the very end , driven back after a
blind struggle to win free, bafli ed and helpless into the
stagnant swamp of a dead culture . But now all is on the
verge of change ; A sia is on the point of giving place to
Europe, and the tradition of ages is about to become a
memory o f the past. A voice from the Western world rings
through the Orient skies like the trumpet-blast of Israfil ;and lo , the muse of Turkey wakes from her death- like
trance, and all the land is j ubilant with life and song, for
a new heaven and a new earth are made visible before the
eyes of men . Now for the first time the ears of the people
are Opened to hear the speech of hill and valley, and thei r
eyes unsealed to read the message of cloud and wave . The
heavy fetters of secular tradition and convention are broken
and cast away , and the poet finds himself at last a free
man,free to seek his inspiration where he will , free to voice
what is within him as he pleases.
The time is not yet come when it is possible fu lly and
adequately to write the history of this Renascence . It has
shot up and burst into glorious flower under our very eyes.
We are too near to the great events that have brought it
about to see these in true perspective ; we cannot j ustly
determine the relative importance o f mighty changes effected
while we are looking on . Moreover, we are still , perhaps,
somewhat bewildered and dazed by the suddenness and
completeness o f the revolution , while even were it otherwise ,the materials necessary to write a satisfactory account of
its development are not yet available . The chief actors have
been , as we shall see, more or less intimately concerned
in the demand for political reform that has sprung up in
the newly-awakened nation , and such accounts of them and
their work as have yet appeared have been so mutilated
and travestied by the j ealous suspicion o f the official censor
as to be well nigh useless . I can , therefore , in the following
chapters attempt no more than to ou tli ne the story of this
great l iterary revival . To my successors must be left the
task of producing the finished picture . More remote from
the actual crisis and with ampler materials at their d isposal ,
they will doubless be able no t only to complete , but in
many points to correct, my sketch .
It took the po ets twenty years to attain that freedom o f
which I have spoken ; and it is to the consideration of these
twenty years during which the way was being prepared that
I propose to devote the present chapter . During these two
decades, from 1 8 59 to 1 879, the Europeanising movement
initiated by Selim the Martyr and fostered by Mahmud the
Reformer and his sonc
Abd-ul-Mej fd , was becoming more
than a mere external matter modifying the machinery o f
the administration and revolutionising the titles and costumes
o f the official world ; i t was striking its roots beneath the
surface and beginning to exercise a powerful influence on
the ideas and opinions of the more thoughtful of the people.
The closer connection between Turkey and the Western
states, brought about by political and commercial relations
and the greater facilities of communication, naturally gave
rise amongst intelligent Ottomans to a desire to form some
acquaintance with a civilisation which enabled its possessors
to achieve such brilliant success in so many diverse directions.
This in its turn led men to undertake the study o f the
French language as the key to this new treasure-house o f
knowledge . And here we strike the true fountain head o f
all the development that follows . From the moment when
the study of a Western language became general, trans
formation o f the whole intellectual outlook was inevitable,
and the only question remaining was when and how this
should be accomplished .
The admission of the French language into the educational
curricu lum is the most revolutionary measure in the history
o f Ottoman culture . There has been nothing in any way
resembling it in the past. This culture was, so to speak,
born and reared in that o f Pers ia ; it d id not adopt this
latter,but grew up encompassed by it, unconscious of the
existence o f any other, so that it has sometimes been regarded ,
and not altogether un fairly, rather as a branch thereof than
as an independent growth. The passage from one Persianist
school to another has marked no revolution , but only the
several steps in a process of development , or, i f the word
be preferred, o f decline . The Romanticist revolt e ffected no
radical or permanent change , but, fo r lack of gu iding principle ,
soon Spent itself, so that nothing was left but to fall back
into the slough o f Persianism . But now fo r the first time
an entirely new world o f ideas is Opened out before the
Ottoman mind ; and with that genius for assimilation which ,
as we have so often noticed , is characteristic o f the race ,
this new revelation is made part and parcel o f the intellectual
l ife, so that to the Turk o f to-day the ghazels o f‘
A rif
Hikmet and his school have come to seem as remote as
do the poems o f Gower or Occleve to ourselves.
Even when regarded from the literary side alone , the
results of this measure have been stupendous. The hoary
traditions o f five hundred and fifty years, traditions which
appeared ineradicably interwoven with the genius o f the
people, have been all reversed ; what were formerly looked
upon as merits are now held for faults, and what were once
held for faults are now looked upon as merits. Not only
have the canons o f taste been revolutionised , but the whole
conception o f poetry has become absolutely changed . In the
old time poetry was before all th ings an art, and whosoever
knew and followed the rules of that art was called a poet ;
but he who would earn such title now must be the interpreter
of the heart o f man. In prose the change has been as complete
and came earlier ; while two entirely new forms of l iterature ,
the drama and the novel, the very names of whi ch were
unknown before,have been introduced and are now fu l ly
naturalised .
But the effects o f the new education have been by no
means confined to l iteratu re ; the force o f the revolution it
produced has been felt all along the intellectual line , notably
in science and in politics. Indeed , in the earlier years of<z
Abd
ul-Mej fd’
s reign, the few who then undertook the study
o f French did so almost exclusively for purposes o f diplomacy
or science, the literary possibilit ies it opened out being
still , except in two memorable instances, practically ignored .
Hence it comes that the earlier historical and scientific
treatises o f Jevdet and Munif Pashas, produced about the
time o f the accession of are written with
modern knowledge but in the old style. In science, the new
learning has transported Turkey from the middle ages to
the present day ; i n politics, i t has created the ‘Young Turkey’
party . This party, whose aims are l iberty and progress, was
called into existence by the same men who founded the
new literature, and the stories of the two are closely l inked
together. 80 swi ftly grew the demand for political reform
which it evoked among the people, and so powerfu l d id this
become , that hardly a dozen years had passed ere the Sultan
was forced to proclaim the Constitution . And although this
Co nstitution is for the time being in abeyance , suppressed by
the present reactionary régime, it is still theoretically the
only lawful form o f government in Turkey.
The new culture is spoken of by the Turks as ‘
gharbf’
that is ‘western ’ or ‘occidental ’, and is contrasted with the‘sharq i’ , that is the
‘eastern ’ or ‘oriental ’ . A s a matter o f fact it
is borrowed almost exclusively from France, the other western
countries, England , Germany, Italy etc. , having contributed
little or nothing. Ti l l about the middle of the nineteenth
century the Turks who knew French were few and far
between ; but nowadays every person , man or woman, with
any pretensions to education , knows something o f the language
and can speak and read it with more or less facility . An
immense number of works, both li terary and scientific, have
o f late years been translated from French into Tu rkish , thus
enabling even those whose knowledge of the former language
is defective to form some conception o f ‘western ’ ideas .
French philosophers, French dramatists, French novelists,
French poets, are now the models of the Turkish man ofletters ; indeed we might almost say that what Persia was
to the Ottomans o f bygone years France is to their descendants
o f to -day. The reason why France , o r rather the French
language and literature,occupy this position o f overwhelming
predominance may be found in the fact that French, being
the language of diplomacy,wou ld naturally have the greatest
claim on officials such as were the first Turks who turned
their attention to things western . The French language would
thus get a start ; the riches which, as was soon discovered , i t
enshrines would commend it to the scholarly, while its great
utili ty as a lingua franca wou ld readily be appreciated by all .
The first clear note o f the revo lu tion Was not struck ti l l
1 8 59, but c ircumstances had for long been preparing the way
for the coming change . We have seen how poetry was in
a desperate plight , withou t compass and witho ut rudder,
tossed to and fro between Persianism and Romanticism ,in
sore need o f some gu id ing light. The changes introduced
during the last fifty years had gradually accustomed men ’s
minds to the once distaste fu l idea of adopting anything
European ; the suspicion born of ignorance had now in great
measure passed away . Then the foundation of the Enjumen- i
Danish a few years earlier showed that there was some stir
in the intellectual world ; the l iterary revival could not
therefore be far behind . Thus all was ready ; the need was
great , the remedy at hand ; nothing was wanting but the
man who could apply it.
Meanwhile he and his two lieutenants had been qu ietly
preparing themselves for their great work . These three
men — and the ir names are amongst the most illustrious in
the history o f modern Turkey are Shinas f Efendi , Kemal
Bey and Ziya Pasha . It is primarily to these three that the
transformation o f Ottoman literature and the creation o f the
Young Tu rkey party alike are due . In the following chapters
we shall consider the work o f each of these three reformers
o f those days writers enj oyed a considerable amount o f
liberty .
Abou t two years after Shinasi had started his j ournalistic
work he was joined by Namiq Kemal, then a young man
of some twenty summers. This young man , who was destined
to develop into one o f the most brilliant writers Turkey
has ever known , at once became the devoted disciple of
Shinasf, whose aims and principles he adopted with enthusiasm ,
and whose ideals he eventually realised with a brill iancy
and power far beyond anything which the master himself
could ever have achieved . Indeed , when Kemal Bey died in
1 888 , at a comparatively early age, he left Ottoman prose,
which he had found a chaotic welter, without ru le or gu id ing
principle , a powerfu l and delicate instrument capable o f
expressing with precision , force and grace the mani fold
complexity of modern thought.
While Shinasf was sti ll maturing his schemes and Kemal
was yet a lad in the provinces writing reams of verses in
imitation of Nef‘ f and Fehfm , the third o f the group,Ziya
,
then a secretary in the Palace, was independently and entirely
on his own account, wo rking in the same direction , translating
French classics and constructing fo r himself a Turkish prose
style modelled thereupon . Later on he j oined forces with
Shinasi and Kemal , and in 1 867, when his quarrel with°A lf
Pasha, the all-powerfu l vezi r o fC
Abd-ul-"
A z fz,made it
inexpedient for him to remain in Constantinople, he accepted
the invitation o f the Egyptian prince , Mustafa Fazi l Pasha,
to j oin him in Eu rope, and along with Kemal and some
others o f the Young Turkey leaders he fled from his native
co untry. The sojourn of these reformers in the West , which
lasted till the death o fc
A lf Pasha some four years later,
had naturally considerable in fluence in the development of
their ideas both literary and political . Thus the aims of the
party grew more precise ; a definite demand for constitutional
and responsible government took the place of the previous
somewhat vagu e cry for reform ,and a newspaper was
established in which Kemal and Ziya could not only give
expression to their views and aspirations but continue to
practise that art of the l iterary craftsman which to them
was hardly less dear .
It is then to the labours of these three men that the
creation o f modern Ottoman prose is due . The application
of the new principles to poetry does not come till later,
not till Hamid Bey writes h is Sahra. It is with the appearance
of this epoch-making booklet in 1 879 that the true Modern
School of Ottoman poetry begins . Shinas f, Kemal and Ziya
did indeed all write poetry,the last’ two , and particu larly
Kemal , being further poets o f great merit and distinction .
But partly because their chief aim was uti l itarian , and partly
because the bent of their genius lay rather towards prose
than poetry, they did not bestow the same attention on the
latter . Of the three, Kemal alone l ived to profit by the
change ; fo r Shinasf was dead and Ziya dragging out the
last year or two o f his l i fe in virtual exile at Adana, when
Hamid Bey inaugurated the new poetry o f Turkey . The
revelation came too late for them ; but Kemal at once saw
the potentialities it enshrined and applied himself to its
cu ltivation with the splendid success that attended his every
literary effort. It is because of his great success in the new
poetry that I have in the following pages placed him amongst
the poets of the true Modern School rather than alongside
o f his colleagues Shinasf and Ziya .
The typical poetry of the twenty years under review finds
its best exponent i n Ziya, Shinasf
’
s work in verse being
small’
in extent and of comparatively little moment . The
d istinguishing feature of this typical poetry is a combination
of the modern spirit with the traditional machinery. The
range of subj ect remains practically the same , the external
form is wholly unaltered , but the point of view has changed .
The poet looks at much the same things as did his ancestors,
and speaks of them in much the same way , but he sees
them in a new light and approaches them from a di ff erent
direction . His knowledge , too , of things in general has grown
more mature , so that if he still sometimes speaks about the
Seven Spheres, he does so merely as a figu re of speech ,
not because he is in any way ignorant o f the nature of the
solar system .
But although the more truly representative o f its time
and , as lead ing directly to the coming development, infinitely
the more important,the poetry of this type is far from
forming the bu lk o f the verse now produced . Most of the
poets during these twenty years continued to work upon
the l ines of the Persianist reaction that had set in during
the preceding Period . Nef°f is still on the whole the favourite
model ; but the poets are eclectic , and no single style is
really predominant . The work they produced is o ften good,
and , by the increased clearness and accu racy in thought which
it occasionally displays, shows that the writers were not
wholly insensible to the influences o f the time ; but its
interest is l ittle more than that o f a survival, as the true
voice of the age speaks elsewhere . None the less it is not
withou t a certain pathos ; for it is the swan-song o f the o ld
Oriental genius as it passes away before the all-conquering
spirit o f the west.
A s I have already said,the study o f French led to the
introduction into Ottoman literature o f two absolutely new
forms, the novel and the drama . The first o f these has
no connection with poetry, and so perhaps l ies somewhat
outside our sphere ; but as its appearance is an interesting
I 3
event in the histo ry of Turkish literature, it may be permis
sible to say a few passing words concerning it. Up till now
there have been no true novels, nothing but some romances
of the A rabian N ights type, the best known o f which are
the Qirq Vezir o r Forty Vezirs, l thec
Ibret-numa , or Monitor,.
of La’
1m i°
f,2 and the Mukhayyalat, or Phantasms, o f
°
Alf
c
Az fz.
3 In 1 279 ( 1 862) Yusu f Kamil Pasha published in a
very graceful though naturally old- fashioned style a trans
lation o f Fenelon ’s Télémaque . This was the first western
work o f fiction ever turned into Turkish . A few years later,
when the number of those who knew the language increased ,there began a rush o f translations of novels o f every description
which continues unabated down to the present day , the resu lt
being that modern French fiction is now very fairly represented
in Turkish . The Turks had of cou rse no name for compositions
of this kind , so they have adopted the French term and
call a novel, whether original or translated , a ‘roman .
’
These
French novels represent of course a manner o f l ife fo reign
to Turkey ; but i t was not long befo re Ahmed Midhat Efendi ,
an eminent man o f letters , conceived the idea of writing
similar stories which shou ld depict local l ife and manners.
So in 1 287 ( 1 870- 1 ) he began to publish a series of novelettes ,
under the collective title of Leta’ if- i Riwayat or Pleasant Tales,
This collection o f tales,the earliest Turkish version o f which is at least
as old as the time of Murad I I,was translated and published by me in 1 886
,
under the ti tle o f the ‘History o f the For ty Vezirs’ . Nothing is known o f theau thor or compiler
,who is variously styled Sheykh-zade and Ahmed-i Misri
,
i . e . Ahmed the Egyptian (or Cairene) , both perhaps names o f a singleindiv idual. The book is generally called Qirq Vezir Ta’rfkhi ‘ the H istory of
the Forty Vezirs ’ ; its correct title is Hikayetu-Erbacfna Sabahan ve Mesa
‘
an,
“The Story of the Forty Mom s and Eves .
3 This is Lamici the Suleymanic poet an account of whom is given in
vol . iii,ch . 2 .
3 GiridlicAlf
“Azfz
, or°Ali
‘Azfz the Cretan
,died in 1 2 1 3 ( 1 798 His
Mukhayyalat consists o f three ‘Phantasms’,one o f which was translated and
published by me in 1 884, under the ti tle o f ‘The Story o f Jewad’.
which deal for the most part with Ottoman subjects, and in
so doing he laid the foundation of the now flou rishing branch
o f l iterature known as the ‘m illn’ roman ’ o r
‘national novel ’ .
The drama , though at first exclusively and always more
generally written in prose , was chosen by Hamid Bey as
the form into which to cast some o f the most noble o f his
poems, and therefore concerns us more closely than does the
novel . The rise of the Ottoman drama proceeded naturally
enough along the same lines as the rise of the Ottoman
novel . In 1 286 ( 1 869 the celebrated Ahmed Ve ffq
Pasha published translat ions of three o f Moliere ’s comed ies,
namely ‘George Dandin ’ , ‘Le Médecin malgré Lu i’
, and‘Le Mariage Forcé
’
. In these translations, which are made
with great ability and much spirit , the Pasha very cleverly
adapted the scenes to Eastern l ife by here and“
there slightly
modifying an incident o r a phrase , and by re-christening the
characters with Tu rkish o r Levantine names. Thus George
Dandin appears as a Greek with the name Yorgi Dandini ;
Sganarelle , the doctor by constraint, becomes the Turkish
peasant c
Iwaz ; while the Sganarelle of the forced marriage
figures asc
Iwaz Agha. These three plays, which are entitled
Yorgi Dandini , Zo raki Tab ib, and Zor N ikahi respectively,
were shortly afterwards produced upon the stage,their
representation being the first true dramatic perfo rmance ever
given in Turkish . The expenses of their production were de
frayed by a subscription raised amongst those Turks interested
in literature and culture ; and notwithstanding the inevitable
shortcomings o f the Turco-A rmenian troupe charged with
the representation , the performances were very highly ap
preciated . Late r on a permanent theatre for the representation
of Turkish plays was established at Gedik Pasha in Stambou l ,and this continued to be the chief temple of the Ottoman
drama till its destructio n by fire some years ago .
I S
In 1 288 ( 1 87 1 two years after the appearance of
Ve ffq Pasha’
s translations o f Moliere, Ebu-z-Ziya Tevffq
Bey, in collaboration with Kemal Bey (whose name, however ,did not appear) published the first o riginal Turkish drama .
This was not a comedy l ike Veffq’
s translations, but a
tragedy having for ti tle Ejel- i Qaza or‘The Fated Doom ’
.
Ebu -z-Ziya Tevffq Bey, who is thus closely connected with
the introduction of the drama into Ottoman literature , has
frequently been mentioned in the course o f our History.
A lthough not a poet, this scholarly and accomplished gentle
man , with whom I have the pleasure o f being personally
acquainted , has played so great a part in the new l iterary
movement and rendered such impo rtant services to its develop
ment, that any sketch thereof, however fragmentary, wou ld be
grie’
vously defective were his labou rs passed over unrecognised .
Early associated with Kemal Bey in j ournalistic work, TevffqBey soon became the intimate friend and warm admirer of that
great reformer, and about 1 874—5 , when Sultan
°
Abd~u l~°
A ziz, alarmed at the popularity of the latter, as shown by
the enthusiastic reception o f his play ‘The
swept down upon the little group of pioneers and summarily
banished them to different corners of the Empire, TevffqBey was hurried ofl
'
, an exile to the island of Rhodes. There
he employed his time in the compilation of a work which
has had a great and beneficial influence on the later l iterature .
This work, the first o f its kind in Turkish, has often been
referred to in the preceding chapters. It is called Numune -i
Edebiyyat- i
°
Osmaniyya or Specimens of Ottoman L iterature ,
and consists o f a series o f selected extracts from the works
o f the most remarkable Ottoman prose writers, beginning
at the fifteenth century.
2 These selections have been care
Watan, yakhod Silistre. The first edi tion was published in 1 289 ( 1 8 72
3 In the las t edition,that of 1308, the authors represented are : Sinan
fully made , partly with the view of showing the development
o f Ottoman prose , but chiefly in order to supply the y oung
literary aspirant with a series o f models which he may study
with real advantage . This being the case , the pretentious
and w ilfu lly obscu re writers of the old time are naturally
conspicuous by their absence ; there is no word from the
Humayun-Name o r the She ffq-Name , while Nergisf and
Veysi, those paragons o f the Persianists , are mentioned only
to be condemned . For no t the least valuable and certainly
the most interesting featu re of the work is a preface and
series of critical articles on the authors represented , contri
bu ted by the compiler himself. In these , which form the
first serious attempt at l iterary criticism in Turkish, and
which are written in a style notewo rthy not only for its
originality but fo r its vigour and directness, Tevffq B ey
succeeds in compelling the attention o f his readers by the
new light in which he presents the literatu re of his country
and by the alternately luminous and suggestive character
o f his remarks. This work, the preface of which is dated
from the Knights ’ Castle in Rhodes, where the author was
imprisoned , was first published in 1 296 i t has passed
through several editio ns, each in one way or other an
improvement on its predecessor.
In 1 299 ( 1 88 1 ) Tevftq Bey , who h along with his colleagues,
had been recalled from exile by Murad V during his
brief reign , established in Galata a printing-press which very
soon gained a high and deserved reputatio n . The founder,
who is a man of cultivated and refined taste , with a keen
appreciation of all that is artistic , has from the ou tset taken
the greatest interest in the productions of his establishment,
Pitsha,Fuzul i
, r hi Bey, Na‘fma
,Nedfm
,m 1
,Haqq i Pasha
, o u Segban
Bashi, MuterjimCAsim
,
cAlcif Pasha
,Reshid Pasha, Fu
’
ad Pasha,Edhem Pertev
Pasha,Shini sf
,
‘Ziya Pasha,Sa
cd-u llah Pasha
,and Kemal .
1 8
but later on, when semi-o fficial and private newspapers were
established , each of these had its own press, at which it became
the practice to print books either on account of the proprietor
of the paper, or, as a matter of business, for private persons.
Such books were generally issued at a comparatively low
price, and their cheapness, combined with the facil ity of
obtaining them, soon began to develop a taste for reading
among the public, so that M . Belin , writing of the position
of letters in Turkey in 1 866, speaks of the numerous reading
rooms and literary societies which were then being established
both in Constantinople and in the provinces. It was not
ti ll some years after this that printing-presses wholly uncon
nected with any newspaper and destined solely for the
production of books were established . But between 1 296 and
1 299 ( 1 879—8 1 ) a considerable number of such were founded ,one o f the earl iest and most important being that of the
A rmenian Mihran Efendi , from which many valuable and
creditably executed works have issued . Most o f the founders
of these presses are, l ike Tevflq Bey and Mihran Efendi,publishers as well as printers ; but so far there were no
publishers who were not printers.
Thus du ring these twenty years which we have been
considering the moral and intellectual condition of Turkey
was being profoundly modified ; and although the full efl'
ects
of the great change then being prepared have not yet
appeared, the signs of it are v isible on every hand . A new
conception of Duty has arisen . In old times religion was all
in all. The Turk never thought of himself as a Turk ; he
was a Musu lman , and that was enough. The idea o f nationality
hardly existed for him . When he went forth to war, it was
not that he might exalt the glory or extend the boundaries
of ‘Turkey’ , for which indeed , strictly speaking, he had not
even a name ; when not from mere love of conquest, his
I 9
military expeditions were undertaken that infidel or heretic
might be brought into obedience to the Servants o f God .
Of patriotism , as the West understands it, he knew absolutely
nothing ; he would no more have thought, as some one has
said , of dying for his country than o f dying fo r his merid ian
of longitude .
But now this too is changed , and no word is dearer or
more sacred to the modern Turk than that which has been
taken to stand fo r ‘Fatherland ’ . Here again we come upon
the hand o f Kemal Bey ; till his time the word ‘watan ’ had
been without associations and comparatively seldom used ;
but when he raised it from a vague signification hovering
between ‘home ’ and ‘birthplace ’ to be the equ ivalent o f the
French ‘patrie ’ , i t became a sacred watchword in the hearts
as on the l ips o f men . Similarly, another word ,‘millet ’ ,
which used to mean a religious community, such as the
Roman Catholic or the self-styled ‘orthodox ’ Greek , has
been made to do duty as representative of ‘the nation ’ o r
‘the people ’ in the modern European acceptations of these
terms. That is to say, ‘millet ’ now means either one individual
nation among the family o f the nations,‘
o r the mass o f the
community in contradistinction to the sovereign and his
court, both o f which conceptions are new in Turkey. Yet
another word which at this time acquired a new and precious
significance , and which forms with ‘watan’
and ‘millet ’ the
sacred triad of the Ottoman patriot o f to -day, is ‘
hurriyyet’
,
that is ‘l iberty’ or‘freedom .
’
The Fatherland , the Nation , L iberty, these three words
are the legend on the banner o f Young Turkey , and the
ideas they represent form the very core of the true and
l iving faith o f the regenerated people . This faith, which is
now that of practically the whole of the educated portion of
the younger generation, and which counts amongst its already
mighty army of martyrs some of the very noblest of the
race,is the most momentous and in e ffect far-reaching of
the many changes born at this cataclysmic time . A ided by
the general spread o f education among both sexes and all
classes , it has relegated to the background the o ld dogmatic
Muhammedanism ,j ust as in Western Europe the old dogmatic
Christianity has been rudely shaken by the popularisation
of science and the wide d iffusion o f all kinds o f knowledge .
The modern Turkish gentleman still indeed calls himself a
Muhammedan , but there is little difference between his
attitude towards Islam and that of the typical European
scholar of to-day towards Christianity.
In our own immediate subj ect, a notable , though inevi
table result o f this has been the deposition o f the °
u lema
from their o ld position o f leaders and arbiters of literature .
Under the old system , as we have abundantly seen, by
virtue of their being generally the most highly educated
members of the community, these j urists had always taken
a foremost position in every matter connected with learn ing
or cultu re. But any body at all resembling a priestly
caste though it be as remotely as the °ulema seems
by a law o f nature ever to be reactionary. So the Cu leme’t
found no place in their curriculum for the new learning ;they could not or would not adapt themselves to the altered
condition of affairs, and therefore to -day they are held o f
no account, while their former place is taken by men o f
the world, the diplomatist, the publicist, the j ournalist.
This period o f twenty years is thus the turning-point in
the evolution of the new civi lisation of Turkey ; all that
has gone before since the days of the martyred Selim has
been leading up to the revolution now accomplished , what
follows is its development . In 1 8 59 the Turks were still
practically a .medieval community ; in 1 879 they had become
a modern nation . Shinasf, Kemal and Ziya had pointed out
the way that they should go ; the heroic though unavailing
struggle against the hordes of Russ ia had fanned into white
heat the nascent flame of patriotism ; the triumph of the
constitu tional party and the creation o f an Ottoman Parliamen t
had come the seeming crown and accomplishment of men ’s
dreams o f l iberty. For the moment all boded fairer fo r the
moral and intellectual advancement of the Turkish people
than ever before in the course of their long history.
CHAPTER I I .
SHINASI EFENDI .
1 242— 1 288 ( 1 826-
7
Ibrah im Shinasf Efendi , the master who laid the foundations
o f the new learning, was born in the Top-Khane division
o f Constantinople in 1 242 ( 1 826 When little more than
a year o ld he lost his father, a captain in the artil lery, who
was killed at the defence of Shumla against the Russians
in 1 828 . The child was brought up by some o f his mother ’s
relatives, the deceased Offi cer, who was a native o f Boli
in A sia Minor, having probably no kinsfolk in the capital .
A fter attending the parish school, Shinasi entered the Office
of the Imperial A rsenal , where he formed a friendship with
an elderly and learned clerk named Ibrah im Efendi , with
whose assistance he acqu i red the A rabic and Persian tongues,
and at whose suggestion he committed to memory more
than half of the huge A rabic dictionary called the Qamus.
Amongst the European officers at this time employed in the
A rsenal was a certain Chateauneuf, who afterwards adopted
Islam and became known as Reshad Bey. From him Shinasf
received some lessons in the French language , which created
in him a great desire to become more intimately acquainted
with the culture and civilisation Of the West. His Opportunity
23
was not long in coming, for shortly afterwards he heard that
the authorities were looking for a young man o f his own
age some seventeen years who might proceed to Europe
for the pu rpose o f studying certain branches o f western
science . Shinasi ’s difli cu lty was how to bring himself under
notice, for , being of a shy and retiring disposition, he had
always avoided paying court to the great, and consequently
was without a patron to push his interests. His friend Reshad
Bey came to his assistance , and advised him to apply directly
to Fethi Pasha the governor o f the arsenal, suggesting to
him at the same time how and when he should do this.
So in conformity with Reshad ’
s plan , one day when Su ltancAbd-ul -Mejfd was visiting the Arsenal, and Fethi Pasha was
standing in the exercising-ground in full view o f the Imperial
Kiosqu e, Shinas f stepped forward , and , having saluted the
governor in mil itary fashion , represented how he had studied
hard , and , besides acquiring A rabic and Persian , had learned
a little French , and how it would be a good and advantageous
thing to se lect him to be sent to Europe . The na‘
ivete o f
the young man ’s speech pleased the Pasha, who promised
to find an opportunity to lay his case before the Su ltan .
So when shortly afterwards Fethf Pasha was summoned
into the Imperial presence,c
Abd-ul-Mej fd, who had seen a
young man in the dress of a clerk come out into the
exercise-ground and exchange some words with the governor,
asked the Pasha who his interlocu tor was and what he
desired . The Pasha accordingly represented to His Maj esty
the young clerk’s request ; and that same day Shimasi was
received in audience by the amiable c
Abd-ul-Mej fd, who
spoke to him in kindly and encouraging terms. A week
later Shinasf was sent to Paris with a monthly allowance
o f 750 francs, and the future o f Ottoman l iterature was
determined .
24
In t he French capital the young Turk made the acquaintance
of the family of the great orientalist De Sacy, who some
dozen years before had himself befriended Resh id Bey, the
illustrious Reshfd Pasha o f later days, on his arrival as a
stranger in the western world . Introductions soon followed
to many o f the leading men o f letters in Paris, including
Ernest Renan and the poet Lamartine ; and in their society
Shinasi found ample means to gratify his taste fo r Eu ropean
culture, while at the same time he assimilated the principles
which were to gu ide him in the great work o f his l ife . For
although Shinasf did not neglect the ostensible obj ect of his
soj ourn in France , and we read of his studying the economic
and even the physical sciences, it was to literatu re and
things literary that the best, because the sincerest, efforts
of his mind were directed .
On his return to ConstantinOplel Shinasf was off ered by
Resh fd Pasha, then Grand Vez ir, employment in both the
Ministry o f Public Instruction and the Treasury, but he
contented himself with a post in the first only of these
departments . He was also made a member o f the Enjumen- i
Danish, the Imperial A cademy o f Science and Literature ,
which had j ust been established under the auspices o f Sultan
But, being a protégé of Reshfd Pasha, Shinasf
incurred the ill-will o f that statesman ’s rivals, Fu’ad and
°
Alf Pashas, who took advantage of Reshfd’
s deposition from
the Grand Vezirate to accomplish his client ’s dismissal from
I The biographers do not mention the dates of Shinasf’s departure from
and return to Constantinople,neither do they tell us how long he stayed
in France. We know that he was there as late as 1 266 ( 1 849 for some o fhis letters from Paris bearing that date have been published ; and as he wason his return made a member o f the Enjumen-i Dan ish (opened in theShevwal of 1 267 (August 1 8 5 1 ) which is spoken o f as having been/thennewly formed, it is probable that he returned about the end o f 1 85 1 or
beginning .o f 1 85 2 .
26
j unction with a friend named Agah Efend i , a newspaper
which he called Terjuman-i Ahwal o r‘The Interpreter of
Events ’ . A fter six months he withdrew from this paper,
and in the year 1 278 ( 1 86 1 he began to publish his
far more famous j ournal, the Tasvir- i Efkar or ‘Tablet of
Opinions’ .
Towards the end of the following year, 1 279 he
was joined by Namiq Kemal Bey, whose youthful allegiance
he at once and for ever secured , and whom he trained to
be not only the doughtiest champion o f the new learning,
but the greatest master of Turkish prose who has ever taken
pen in hand .
The publication of this second newspaper marks an epoch
in the history both Of Ottoman literature and o f the Otto
man language . Not merely was it the first unofficial j ournal
in Turkey ; it is the first utterance o f the Modern School ,
that School which was destined in the brief space of twenty
years to sweep from the stage the crumbl ing débris of five
centuries o f Asiaticism . Here for the first time an Ottoman
man of letters, conversant with and appreciative of a great
European language and literature, deliberately sets to work
to reconstruct from its very foundations the whole edifice
of Turkish literary style . How he went to work upon this
noble but stupendous task, and with what measure of success
his efforts were attended , we shall ere long see .
Even those who Opposed Shinasf’s principles were compelled
to admit his courage and ability ; and it is pleasant to
know that Fu ad Pasha, who was at heart a friend to progress,
l ived not only to regret the part he had formerly played ,
but to receive Shinasf into his circle , and solicit and obtain
his co -operation in establishing the ‘Military
Thanks to the esteem o f Fu ’ad Pasha and the patronage
Jerfde-icAskeriyye .
27
of Yusuf Kamil, the ill-will o f°
A li Pasha was overcome ;
and it was determined to make Shinasf a member Of the
Supreme Court, and at the same time to promote him to
the First Grade . But Shinas f loved freedom and hated office ,
and so , to escape having to accept an honour which he
could not well refuse , he quietly slipped o ff to Paris, leaving
the young Kemal Bey in charge o f his j ournal .
This occurred in 1 28 1 ( 1 864 and during the next
few years Shinasi remained in the French capital busying
himself with the compilation o f a huge lexicon o f the Turkish
language, in preparing and arranging the materials for which
be examined nearly all the Oriental books likely to be o f
service that are preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale .
This gigantic work was however, never completed ; Shinasf
was compelled to stop half way, at the letter 3 . Of the
fourteen great volumes,each comprising a thousand pages,
in which the author ’s manuscript is contained, some are in
the possession o f the French A siatic Society, of which Shinasf
was a member, while some found their way into the library
of the Hungarian collector Daniel Szi lagyi, and are now
preserved in the university of Buda-Pesth .
When Sultan °Abd-ul-
°A z iz visited Paris in the summer
o f 1 867 , Fu’ad Pasha, who was in the Imperial su ite , had
a private interview with Shinasf in that ci ty during which
he entreated him to return to Turkey and assume the
governorship of the province of Smyrna. Fu ’ad ’s persuasions
were apparently successfu l ; but soon after Shinasf’
s arrival
in Constantinople he induced the Pasha to allow him to return
to Paris to collect some documents he had left behind and
to arrange certain private affairs. While he was absent ,
Fu ’ad died at N ice (Shevwal 1 28 5 = February so
Shinasf remained in the French capital til l the outbreak o f
the Franco-German war in July 1 870, when he again returned
28
to Constantinople . There he died on the 5 th of Rejeb 1 288
( 1 3th September 1 87 1 ) o f inflammation o f the brain, brought
on, it is said, by the arduous nature o f the work on which
he had been so long engaged . His death Occurred exactly
a week after that o f °
A li Pasha.
Shinas fwas, we are told, of a quiet and meditative disposition ,
speaking but little and in short sentences. When he did
speak, his language was terse and concise , and his words
were straight to the point . He was very patient and gentle
when talking with ignorant o r prej udiced people, but used
to be displeased if during a serious conversation anyone
tried to turn the subject into jest, a proceeding which he
looked upon as equivalent to a confession o f defeat.
Shinasf is justly regarded as the true founder of the
Modern School o f Ottoman literature, since he was the first
who seriously and systematically strove to raise that literature
from being as hitherto a mere plaything for the amusement
of the learned into an instrument for the moral and intel
lectual education of the whole people. The way in which
this change might be most surely and most readily eff ected
was the great lesson which Shinasf learned from the West.
That way was , briefly, the substitution of the natural for
the artificial, involving the subordination o f manner to matter,
and the adj ustment o f style to subj ect . But to accomplish
this end it was necessary profoundly to modify the existing
Turkish literary idiom . Shinasi felt this, and himself indicated
the lines along which such a modification should be made .
Other writers before him had indeed endeavoured, though
hardly with his obj ect, to refashion the literary idiom, and
had at times even met with a partial success. But their
success had never been more than partial, and never very
far-reaching in result . This was because their efforts had
necessarily been only - tentative ; those would-be reformers
29
had known of no guide whom they could unhesitatingly
follow ; all their l ight had come from within ; and it is
doubtful whether any one among them had ever quite realised
either what his ultimate Object was , o r in what manner it
was to be attained .
Where Shinasf differed from all his predecessors was that
he knew exactly what he wanted to do, and how to accomplish
it. In the literature of France he had a model which displayed
to perfection all that he desired . He found there an idiom
at once concise, clear and elegant , admirably adapted to
convey with happily-mingled simplicity and grace those moral
and intellectual lessons which he held to be the true end
of li teratu re .
His work then lay plain before him ; it was to create in
Turkish a corresponding literary id iom . This Shinasf began
to do ; and his successors have most ably carried on the
work. But the method they have followed is very unlike
that adopted by the early Turkish scholars who, when they
thought to Persianise their language, annexed the whole o f
the Pers ian dictionary and practically the whole o f the
Persian grammar. Shinasf and his followers have not sought
to introduce French words and French grammatical rules
into Turkish (though some such have almost accidentally
crept in) ; they have looked rather to see how ideas are
expressed in,French and what standards of l iterary taste
there prevail , and have striven in the light o f the lessons
thus learned to make. their language at once simpler and
stronger, and to fit it to hold a place among the languages
of modern Europe.
The great principle underlying this revolution is , as I
have said, the predominance of the natural over the artificial .
Shinasi at once perceived that this entailed the development
of the hitherto neglected Turkish core of the language, the
30
first step towards which was the clearing away o f the huge
mass of useless accretions and false embell ishments under
which so many centuries o f Persianism had well nigh smothered
whatever was vital in the written speech . And such was
the hearty good-will wherewith the reformer set about this
work o f stripping o ff the tattered tinsel of the past, that
Tev ffq Bey has somewhere described him as the Death-Angel
o f l iterary solecisms. The development of the
Turkish core of the language, then , has all along been one
o f the obj ects of the Modern School ; but this has been
sought by natural , not by artificial means. There has been
no attempt to replace long-establ ished and thoroughly na
turalised Persian or A rabic words by half-forgotten Tartar
wraiths ; a mirror is still called ayna, not gOzgii ; Paradise
is still named j ennet, not uchmaq . What has been done is
to study and systematise the heretofore absolutely neglected
Turkish grammar, to discover and then tu rn to account the
resources latent in the native idiom, and to give literary
form to many a forceful and idiomatic turn o f speech hitherto
confined exclusi vely to the vernacular.
‘
In attempting thus to revolutionise the literatu re of his
country , Shinasf was to outward appearances running counter
to the spirit o f his time, but in real ity he was acting in
harmony with its deeper tendencies. Apparently he was
running counter to the spirit o f his age, for we have seen
that at this time a Persianist revival held the field , and
any recrudescence of Persianism necessarily implied the
strengthening o f the artificial . But'
that his labours were in
truth in harmony with deeper-seated and more lasting ten
dencies, though as yet these were working beneath the
surface silently and in secret, is proved by the completeness
One o f Sh inasf’s m inor innovations was the introduction o f punctuation
into Turkish writing and printing.
31
of the revolution whereby within a decade of his death the
whole current literature o f Turkey prose and poetry
alike was transformed and remodelled upon the very
lines that he laid down .
When we reflect upon the magnitude o f Shinasf’s services,
how he led Turkish literature back to healthy and vigorous
l ife from the very gates o f death , pointing to the great
masters, Truth and Nature , and showing where the lessons
taught by these were to be most fully and freely learned ,
and how he ennobled for his countrymen the aim and
purpose of literatu re, we can well understand the intense
admiration with which he is regarded by his disciples, and
are ready to excuse those loyal followers if at times in the
enthusiasm of their gratitude‘ they attribute to their beloved
and revered master more than the critic further distant and
less beholden may find it easy to allow.
It in no wise detracts from the very high credit which
is most j ustly Shinasi’
s due , neither is it the slightest
disparagement to the unquestionably great value of his
work,to say that had that illustrious reformer never arisen ,
the revolution which he inaugurated wou ld none the less
have come about, and that almost at the moment when it
did . The reforms of Sultan Mahmud ’s reign had familiarised
men with the idea o f change , and when the study o f the
French language and literatu re became fairly general among
the educated classes, i t was inevitable that ere long some
man should arise possessed of sufli cient insight to see that
salvation for Tu rkish literature, as for all things Turkish,
was to be found in the assimilation , so far as that was
practicable, of the spirit o f the West, and endowed with
sufficient energy and courage to carry his convictions into
practice . If any proof were required of this assertion,it
would be enough to point to Ziya Pasha who was at this
32
very time independently developing a literary idiom from
the same models as Shinasf, and with hardly less success.
Again , it is rather thro ugh his example and precept than
through anything he actually achieved that the influence o f
Shinas f has been e ffective ; and here his positio n is curiously
analogous to that o f his predecessor Ahmed Pasha, who
brought about the Classic movement by drawing attention
to the methods o f Newa’ i and his circle, not by the excel
lence of the work he himself produced .
Leaving out of sight the uncompleted Lexicon which ,
never having been published , can have had no effect, the
amount o f Shinasf’
s written work is comparatively small .
A ll his most serious efforts, moreover, are in prose , and
consist almost entirely of articles political , l iterary, and
social, which he wrote for di fferent newspapers, notably for
his own journal the Tasvfr- i Efkar.
The intensely practical turn of his mind and the strong
feel ing that he had for precision were unfavourable to the
cultivation of poetry . Verse was with him merely a relaxation .
His own best efforts and those of his immed iate followers
were directed to the creation o f a prose style ; poetry was
not looked upon by them as a very serious matter,and for
the time being was left to shift for itself.
It is therefore not surprising that Shinas i ’s work in verse
is limited in extent and for the most part playful in tone.
He has , however, a few religious pieces, especially one
hymn, characterised by considerable power and dignity.
But his most remarkable work is the series of translations
which he made from the French . With the exception of
one of La Fontaine’
s Fables, The Wolf and the Lamb,
which is rendered in its entirety, the passages translated
are mere fragments, chiefly from Racine and Lamartine .
No attempt is made to preserve either the metre or the
34
and the Fox ’ , ‘The Young Eagle and the Crow’
,and ‘The
Mosqu ito and the Bee ’ . These , especially the first two, are
written in very homely, even colloqu ial language ; there is
nothing qu i te l ike them before in Turkish poetry.
Something o f their manner is to be observed in several
among a group of little pieces which we may describe as
occasional verses. These deal with very various matters,and
are often very short, sometimes consisting of a single couplet .
The language is generally quite simple , and in a few instances
the poet has amused h imself by using only pure Turkish
words, avoid ing everything borrowed from A rabic o r Persian .
A similar effect wo uld be obtained in English by the exclusive
employment o f words of Teuton ic origin and the rej ection
of all derived from French , Latin or Greek. In neither case
could the result be anything beyond a tour de force . It
should , however, be said that in the selection of his Turkish
words Shinasf has shown good taste , and so his verses are
not marred by the uncouthness which disfigures those of
certain of the Romanticist poets. These occasional verses
are, along with the Fables, the most characteristic of their
author’s metrical works ; they are pervaded by a genial and
playfu l spirit , but of true poetic feeling there are few traces .
For the rest, Shinasf’
s l ittle D iwan contains a few qas idas
and ghazels and a fair number o f chronograms . These are
all in the Old style, of which they are poor examples, pos
sessing neither interest nor merit . The ghazels especially
are particu larly frigid and lifeless ; so earnest an advocate
o f l iterary sincerity was hardly likely to be at his best where
conventional ity was the standard of success.
Shinasf’
s series of translations from the French is by a
long way his most important work so far as the history of
Ottoman po etry is concerned ; but an English translation of
Turkish verses which are themselves translations from the
35
French would obviously illustrate nothing . Instead there
fore of offering such , I shall give further on a selection
of the French verses translated by Shinasf, the Turkish
renderings of which will be found in their place among the
texts in another volume .
This is the Hymn which I have mentioned as being
probably the finest of Shinasf ’s poetical works.
Hymn [45 9 ]
God the Highest, He the Monarch o f the world o f majesty,
Omnipresent is ; no throne-room in His palace may there be.The vast Kingdom of Eternity is His
,and His alone ;
Numberless the everlas ting stars that always there have shone .Lo
,the edifice of Earth and Heaven stands, His wisdom’
s sign ;Void and peopled
,all existen t
,is His hand of power’s design.
All the angels laud His splendour and His majesty and might,
Low the Sphere in adoration bows before His glory bright.As He biddeth
,ever onward day and n ight careers the earth
,
Seasons change,and bounteous springtide blooms again in freshened birth .
Sun and moo n are sparks o f radiance from His mercy ’s fostering beam,
From His anger if from aught is l itten the infernal leam .
Yon efl'
ulgent stars are flashes o f His majesty most h igh,
’Tis their lustrous sheen that gildeth all the cupole o f the sky;
Fixed are some and others wandering by the Omn ipotent decree ;Each one is a shining proof that God in very tru th doth be.Though to prove His be ing where the need of this terrestrial ball
,
When one rno te by Him created were enough,enough for all?
All too weak to see His Essence is His creatures’ earthly sight,
Yet the vision of the understanding may perceive His Light.To my intellect ’
tis needful to confess His Un ity ,To my heart and soul ’
tis n eedful to adore His Majesty.Fain am I before His Signs in ecstasy to bow me low,Learn ye thence what else I fain would for my loved Creator do.0 Shinasf
,deep the fear o f God is burned into my soul ;
Though my lips may smile, the tears o f blood forth from my heart’
s eye roll.Penitence for my transgression doth my spiri t overbear ;
36
What can I? I dare no prayer for pardon with this fell despair !What said I? Oh ! I repent me ! that too was a deed of guile
,
This excuse that I have proff ered than my sin is yet more vile !How should not the Light of Mercy bid my sad face smile again?Which is greater
,God’s Compassion or my foul rebellion ’s stain?
Does not then His boundless Graciousness the whole wide world embrace?Else does this poor slave
,though in the world
,find in the world no place?
Though His servant's faul ts,for all his frailty
,great and grievous be
,
Does not His compassion o’er His anger gain the v ictory?
From His servant’s native frailty ’tis his errors still proceed
,
In the World Unseen He therefore for His folk doth intercede.Grace of God
,divine and free, to pardon me will well avail ‘
Deem not,God forefend ! that Mercy limitless shall ever fail .
The Ass and the Fox is the most interesting of the
poet’s original Fables.
The Ass and the Fox
From a v ineyard once an aged ass was slowly toiling downWith a load of ‘beauty ’s faces" he was hearing to the town .
Lo behold,just then a hungry fox before his eyes appeared,
Eager longing for the luscious grapes had all his vi tals seared.Kicked a bit at first the donkey when the other came him nigh,But his waywardness and coyness were not long in passing by.
The Fox
‘0 my lion,brave and mighty, may not I approach to thee,
‘So that I may see thee near?Thy loveliness dumbfounders me !‘May the shadow of the favour o f my lord abide for aye !
‘Wheresoe’er yon blessed fee t have trodden,blossom roses gay.
‘Yonder tail so sweetly scented all would rarest musk suppose ;‘Fain I ’d smell i t
,if my master would not kick me on the nose .
‘In those speaking eyes thine inward v irtues and thy culture shine ;‘Words poetic and melodious well beseem that mouth of thine !’
Ru-
yi Nigar, ‘beauty ’s face’,is the name of a variety of grape of a light
pink colour.
37
Hereupon the donkey m ightily delighted brayed a dealJust as though he ’d seen a tender thistle or a melon-peel. ‘
The Fox :
9‘Ah
,that charming voice hath reached e ’en to the very heart o f me ;
‘While if thou art silent,lo
,another lovesome joy have we ;
‘For the n ightingale hath heard thee,and to steal thy notes is fain
,
‘Singing so that to the listener comes a gentle sense of pain .’
Thus the fox went on a-prattling, laughing slyly at his fere,Ti ll that he had brought the donkey where a well was deep and clear.
The Fox :
‘Down there is a lovely stable where are feeds in goodly store ;‘But alack ! one cannot enter laden
,narrow is the door.
‘Pleasures many such as sleeping and as resting still are there ;‘Eating feeds and drinking water are the only toil and care.‘Then the lady do nkeys dwelling there have qu ite a spec ial grace ;‘Just look in
,but see thou be not smitten by some pretty face.’
Then the ass went near and gazed down on the liqu id mirror bright,
Saw his face therein reflected,
watered then his mouth forthright.
The Ass
‘Yes indeed,a face all lovely and all gracious there I see.
’
The Fox
‘Call her then to come beside thee that thy playmate she may be.’
All excited,loudly bellowed out the donkey’s ‘Come thou here !’
From the well his words te-echoed fell upon his wildered ear.
The Fox
‘Hear’st thou not how to that noble banquet they are calling thee?‘Sore I wonder is there ne’er a place as servant there for me?
I In Turkey donkeys are of ten given melon-peel, of which they are very fond.M l
( ju t) ;
‘Like an ass that has seen a melon-skin ’ , ispopularly said of one who is taken up wi th a trifle
,the figure being derived
from the donkey ’s habi t of making for any p iece of peel which he may see
on the roadside and from which it is difficult to get him away .
38
‘Leave thy burden here,and free from all impediments descend,
‘I shall follow straight behind thee there as lackey to attend. ’
Then the donkey cast his load to earth,himself into the well,
Thus unto the fox to heir him and to pray for him I i t fell.
A ll the following are examples o f what I have called
Shinast’
s occasional verses. The special names which some
of them bear is a new feature in Turkish poetry ; it is of
course adopted from the French . The love-poem which fol
lows is mere badinage ; but it is quite original both in
language and expression , and contains a number o f fancies
and sim iles that are absolutely new.
Declaration o f Love
My heart hath chosen for its love a matchless beauty bright,And j ealous is it grown , alack
,e’en o f my very sight.
How passing well do yonder breasts beseem her bosom fair,As
’twere two guelder-roses that a tender branchlet bare.Though yonder bosom into mine at times is ardent prest,Think not thereby the pang of love is driven from my breast.More dainty than the jessamine yon shapely figure slight ;I f ivy
-like I clasp i t,it will bend to me forthright.
Since I have held heart-converse with that charmer young and free,
I seek none other,houri fair or angel though she be.
When overcome of fond desire,those eyes
,a-fainting, swoon
,
They waken when my tears are o’
er her lovesome face bestrewn.Shall not the heart w ithin me melt when smile those languid eyes?The sweet words from her lips that flow bid all my yearn ing rise.A-blush at her own beauty
,10
,her cheeks with crimson glow ;
To veil that bash ful face of hers the tresses o’er it flow.
I ’m fallen sick of yearning ever dreaming o f her hair ;W as
’t thus, I wonder, Mejnun did for Leyla frenzied fare?
1 To pray for the repose o f his soul. Certain passages from the Koran,notably the 36th chapter
,that en ti tled Ya Sin
,are frequently read o r recited
fo r the repose of the souls o f the dead.
I’
ll give my l ife to her and toss no more in mortal pain ; 1What right has he who loves a dear to spend his life in vain?I’d dig my grave before I d 1e the martyr o f her love
,
And with my tears o f blood I d write upon the stone thereof .
During his co nversatio ns with the European savants Shinasf
doubtless heard something about the speculations of Darwin ;probably he never really understood the theory of the great
naturalist ; at any rate the doctrine of the mutabil ity of
species seems to have been little to his l iking.
A Tale o f Transm igration
A sham philosopher o f scan t esteemW as wont himself Pythagoras to deem.
The transmigration of the soul h is creed,
Disintegration o f the frame his rede.He said : ‘The beas t that sticketh up h is tail ’‘Will come in human form withouten fail.’
A wise man heard the words that 011 3 did say,
And wi th this answer stopped his mou th with hay : ‘‘How can I question this rel igion ’s tru th‘With thee thyself alive to prove its sooth ?’
To an Artist'
s W ife
‘Tis meet that on my heart the image o f thy form I trace,
E’en as the artist on his canvass limns an angel ’s face.I marvel
,is it thy fair face, o r is it thy sweet soul
,
That to his hear t who looks on thee reveals Celestial grace?
1 A reminiscence of the proverb dual w as“ ? 0‘Tis better to die than to be in the throes of death.’3 To stick up or erect the tail (as dogs do when they approach eachothe r) is familiarly said of a man who assumes an aggressively haughty air.
Shinasf would here show h is contempt for what he conceived to be theinsolence and presumption o f those whose views he is ridiculing.3 A stupid fool is sometimes called an
‘ox ’ in Turk ish,as he is an
‘ass
’
or a‘goose’ .
4 ‘Shut him up’.
The fo llowing four lines are amo ngst those‘
in which Turkish
words alone are employed ; I have imitated the original by
using only Teutonic words in the translation .
Verse
Who sees the gleaming of thy brow amid thy dusky locksWould deem that midst o f darkl ing clouds the sun is risen fair .
Would not he say who sees me by thy side in tears of blood,‘Lo
,yonder
,one whom the sea-maid ! hath drowned a-ly ing there.’
This ‘quatrain of condo lence ’, sent to a bereaved friend ,
is one of the prettiest things that Shinast wrote .
Quatrain
May the God of might and glory deck the Heavenly garden-closeWith the fru itage of thy hear t that Death now in the dust bestows !Ah ! how Death is like the bi tter blast that all untimely blows,Tearing from the branch the blossom which amid the mire it throws.
Here are two independent couplets.
Couplet
My being cloth to my Creator’s being witness bear ;Superfluous were other proo fs, however strong they were.
Couplet written in Paris
Though I am far from my dear home,why should I fee l distrest?
Thus runs the proverb : God doth build the stranger bird a nest. 2
Su q izi ‘ the sea-maid’,or more commonly
,su malikesi ‘the sea-queen ’
,is
the mermaid or siren . The Turks derived their notions of such a being fromtheir Greek neighbours. The Persians know noth ing o f her
,so she does not
figure in their literature,and consequently not in that of the old O ttomans ;
but the men of the Modern Schoo l,carry ing out and extending a practice
begun by the Romanticists,adopt into their verses beautiful fancies or legends
wheresoever they find them, so the ‘
sea-queen ’ is pretty of ten to be met within the newer poetry .
3 LU] Gi n ) :‘God builds the stranger bird’s nest
,
’
a well-known proverb meaning that God is the helper of the helpless.
( 1 829 j ust three years after Shinast. Some forty years
afterwards when he had mastered French and created for
himself a charmingly simple and lucid style , Ziya Bey made
a translation o f Jean Jacques Rousseau ’s ‘Emil ’ . To this he
prefixed a preface of his own , dealing with the education
question in Tu rkey, in the course of which he gives a most
interesting account of his own childhood . This I shall translate
in its entirety, not only for the sake of the biographical
details it contains and the glimpses of Turkish child - life
it affords, but because it will serve to show something
of the marvellous change which even then had been effected
in the character of Ottoman prose . ’
‘My father ’ , begins Ziya , ‘who was a clerk in the Galata
custom-house , was a thrifty man who understood his business
and was content with his salary. During my childhood we
lived summer and winter alike 3 at Qandilli on the Bosphorus.
My father bought a Circassian slave-boy, called‘Omer, who
was some seventeen or eighteen years o f age , to accompany
me to school and to do the household errands. As this slave
had in his own country been brought up to thieving, he
This is the date given by Fatin Efendi. Tevffq Bey gives 1 24 1 ( 1 825Both authorities knew Ziya personally ; but in this case I prefer the former
,
as the date he gives tallies better with Ziya’
s statement in the preface tothe Kharabat that at the time he was wr iting he had passed his forty-fourth year.Th is would give 1 289 ( 1 8 72—3) as the date o f the preface ; the Kharabatwas published in 1 29 1 ( 1 874 Had Ziya been born in 1 24 1 , h is forty.fourth year would have fallen in 1 28 5 ; but we know that from 1 284 to 1 288
he was in voluntary exile in Europe, while the Kharabat was not compiledtill after his return to Turkey.2 This preface was publ ished in the second volume of Ebu-z-Ziya
’s Magaz ine
(Mejmuca-i Ebu-z-Ziya) under the title o f ‘Ziya Pasha
’s Story of his Childhood’
64 .“ l
“f ad ing
O’D’ K i fi lg La o . The portion trans
lated occurs in Nos. 1 4 and 1 5 , issued respectively on the and 1 51h of
the Latter Reb ic 1 298 (March,3 No t removing into Constantinople for the winter, as is usual .
43
used when the cherr ies and grapes were ripe , to take m e
along with him to the vineyards and steal such fru it as he
cou ld reach , which we would eat together. One day, when
I must have been six o r seven years old , we went together
to a vineyard called the Tank Vineyard (Hawuzlu Bagh ) ,which was one of those above Qandilli belonging to the
ex-Grand Admiral Damad Khal il Pasha . As this vineyard
was protected by thorny shrubs which su rrounded it on
every side, the slave could find no way to get in . So he
parted the shrubs with a stick that he had , and made a
little hole. “ I can ’t squeeze through there said he to me ,
“ but you are little ; in yo u go, pull the grapes from the
vines near you ,hand them o ut to me, and we
’ll eat them
together.” “All right” , said I , and pushing my way in , I set
to work to gather the grapes.‘Now it happened that j ust then Khal il Pasha had come
into that particular vineyard to practise shooting, and as it
so chanced that the jug for the mark had been set up at
the very spot where I was making my raid , he saw me in
the distance. Now there was in his household a qawas 2 called
Qandillili Ahmed Bey3 who had tremendous moustachios
which used to frighten me whenever I met him . On that
day he was in attendance on the Pasha, who pointed me
out to him and told him to bring me before him . As fo r
me , I was quite unconscious o f the presence of anyone and
was busy pulling grapes and handing them through the
hedge to the slave, when all of a sudden some one came
I An ordinary earthenware jug is a very common target for practice withthe musket . Many of the earlier poets have chronograms on the ‘breaking o f
the jug’ by some royal or distingu ished marksman .
3 A qawas (originally qawwas ‘a bowman ’) was formerly a man-at-arms
attached to a great man ’s household ; nowadays the name is given to certainarmed servants attached to the public oflices and foreign embassies.
3 That is, Ahmed Bey of Qandilli .
up from behind and caught me in his arms. Far from seeking
to frighten me, he managed to reassure and quiet me, and
so brought me up to the Pasha who pushed in front o f me
a plate of grapes that was lying before him , and invited
me to eat some . This kindly act of his quite removed my
fear and shyness, and I began to eat without more ado . He
then asked me whose child I was and where our house was
situated , and I told him . Then he asked how I came to
be stealing grapes, whereupon , conceal ing nothing, I told
him all that the slave had taught me to do. My candour
and tru thfulness were quite apparent and they pleased the
Pasha, so he put some money into my hand and sent me
home in charge of Ahmed Bey .
‘
‘Some time after this, my father freed the slave and sent
him back to his own country ; while I was sent to the
School of Humanities, ” which had recently been Opened
l Ziyai Pasha has here the following note ‘During the late KhalilPasha’s last Grand-Admiralship I was
,as Fate determined
,in the personal
service o f the Sultan . One day the Pasha came to the Imperial palace, and
while I was conversing with him the incident mentioned above came into mymind
,and I said, ‘Do you remember how
,some sixteen or seventeen years
ago , when you were practising in the Tank Vineyard at Qandilli, you oncesaw a child in a green gown stealing grapes
,and sent the qawas Ahmed
Bey to fetch him,and how you treated him w ith great kindness?
’ The Pasha,who was very intelligent and sharp-witted
,at once remembered and said
,
‘Tothis day I am sorry for that child
,fo r h is father
,whoever he was
,had
entrusted him to a thief o f a slave ; but as fo r the child himself,I could
see no signs o f anything bad in h im,for he told me all abou t the matter
,
hiding nothing,and he pleased me much . Ahmed Bey, too , afterwards cor
roborated what the child had said. But how come you to know anythingabout that child o r that affair?’ I answered
,
‘That child whom you treatedw ith such undeserved kindness when you caugh t him stealing grapes in yourv ineyard is now a bearded man
,and it is he who has the honour of addressing
you .
’No sooner had I said this than the Pasha blushed, so great was his
modesty,as though it were he who had been the thief, and not permitting
me to thank him,he overwhelmed me with his graciousness. ’
3 The School o f Humani ties Mekteb-i Edebiyye was in i ts day a
well-known educational institu tion ; it is no longer in existence.
45
near the Suleymaniyya Mosque under the direction o f the
late Imam-zade ; and a lala, ! whose name was Isma‘il Agha
and whose age was from fifty-five to sixty years, was engaged
to superi ntend my education .
‘My lala,who was a native of a village in the district of
Qaysarjyya,“ had served as page to certain vez irs in the
provinces at the time o f the janissaries, and had seen many
things and knew the world fairly well ; he was in truth a
competent and experienced man . He was most anxious to
be reunited to his children ; indeed his thought and care
day and night was how to gain a few piastres so that he
might some day return to his own country and pass his
closing years amongst his family. So when it came to the
question o f money the lala would forget all his duties as a
man . Thus although my father’s first injunction both to the
lala and myself was that I shou ld not go into the mosque
courtyard and play with the little ragamuffins, we used
every day when I came o ut o f school to go for a turn with
my companions in the courtyard of the Suleymaniyya Mosque .
If the lala looked as though he might prove a little fractious,
I would take from my pocket twenty or thirty paras, what
remained of the daily allowance given me by my father,
and slip them into his hand , whereon he would smile and
say,“Oh dear ! I have not said the afternoon prayer
,go
and play while I say it . And after the prayer he would
most often fall asleep amongst the worshippers o utside the
mosque, and leave me to myself for an hour or two. A fter
wards we would together arrange some story to tell my
father, shou ld he on our return ask why we were late .
I There is no English equivalent to the Turkish lala, who is a male slaveor man-servant to whom the care of a child is given, in short a kind o f malenursery-governess.3 In the original the name o f the village is given as
46
‘Bu t fo r all this my lala was never remiss i n encouraging
me in every way he could to apply myself to my studies
and to strive to surpass the other children in my class.
Indeed my beginning to write poetry was owing to the
influence o f this man, and as it was brought about in a
cu rious way, it may no t be without interest to relate it here .‘My lala was very fond of poetry ; for all that his spell ing
was so bad that it was difli cult to read what he wrote , he
was for ever, in season and out Of season, reciting verses
which he knew by heart from <‘
Ashiq c
Omer and Gevheri. ‘
A t t imes too he would compose things something like qit‘
as
o r ghazels, which occas ionally contained lines in metre. This
is the opening couplet of a ghazel o f his
“The anguish o f my heart do I w ith pen unto th is page declare ;“Let ’s see what thing will hap, what i t w ill say unto the rose-lipped fair.” 3
‘A teacher of Persian named cisa Efendi had been appointed
to my school , and came on the Tuesday o f each week.
Some of the children took lessons from him ; but as this
counsel which my father gave me when I was sent to the
school , “Take good heed that you do not learn Persian , for‘who Persian read lose half their hung like an
earring in my ear, I , far from having any hankerings after
Persian , looked upon those who learned it as infidels.
‘My lala, who was aware of this, explained to me privately
how Persian was necessary fo r everything ; how it was pos
sible to learn it without hurt to one ’s religion ; how every
I [CAsh iq (Lover) is the ti tle given to a class of wandering half erotic
,half
mystic poets to which the two troubadours here named belonged. E. G . B .]
at“
can:
P95 P .
This well-known j ingleexpresses the w ide-spread prejudice against Persian which used to exist amongignorant Turks, who looked upon it as the special language of heresy and
o f the mysticism which to them was atheism .
2
47
one who read Persian was not an infidel,°Isa Efendi , fo r
instance, being a very pious and religious man ; how he him
self regretted that he had not learned it long ago, and
would , i f that were possible , learn it even now when his
beard was white ; how if I did not learn it I should be
beaten by my companions when the examination-time came ;how my father’s counsel to me was due to his own ignorance
of Persian ; and how if I were now to learn it unbeknown
to him , I should not,Only surprise but delight him by
coming out first in the examination . Persuaded by such
arguments, I resolved to learn Persian ; and that very week
I began my studies , borrowing, as though I were commit
ting some secret crime, a copy o f the Tuhfe—i Vehbibelonging to the schoo l .
‘ 1 ' well remember that one night, before I had quite
finished the Tuhfe , I was seated Opposite my lala, for we were
grinding wheat for bulghur 2 in a hand-mill . It came to my
turn to work the mill , and as I was doing so I saw that
tears were roll ing from my lala ’s eyes ; he was weeping. I
asked him the reason . He replied , “You are still a child ;you could not understand .
” I pressed him till he was forced
to answer,“Do you know what that mill is saying with
its silent tongue?” As up to that moment I had never
heard o f a mill speaking, I looked in the lala’
s face in
bewilderment and said , “ Pray tell me
’
how the mill, speaks .”
‘The lala heaved a deep sigh and said , “Yes, the mill
speaks, and speaks far more eloquently and sensibly than
we ; but one needs ears to hear it. Aye , this mill is saying
with its silent tongue , ‘0 ye heedless who look at me , open
I The t imingPersian-Turkish vocabulary by Sunbul-zade Yebbi . See Vol .IV
,pp . 25 7—8 .
3 Bulghur is wheat deprived of its husk by boil ing and pounding ; it isused in making soups and pilaws.
your eyes and look well at me, for I am a symbol of the
world . The grains that you put i n me are as the men who
come into the world . Bru ising these grains between two
stones, I break them and grind them small,and when they
have been brought to that state of fitness in which they
become bu lghur, I cast them out and busy myself with
those that take their place . Even so does the world crush
the men who enter it with all manner of trials and sorrows
between (the stones of) earth and sky til l they are made
perfect that is, till each has received his share, when
it casts them out into the grave and busies itself with
others. Yes, and there have occurred to me ,” added the lala ,
“some verses to this e ff ect.” Then he improvised a few couplets
of which, alas, nothing but this l ine remains in my memory
‘I looked upon that Harmony which makes the mill to turn .’ I
‘As I was not of an age to understand the import o f
these words, I was more impressed by my lala’
s talents and
accomplishments than by the mill ’s pretty speech, and my
desire to learn Persian and so know the meaning o f the
words asyab and abeuk was increased . Moreover, the way
in which the lala worked his eyes and eyebrows, and the
melody of the poetry, which he recited in a fashion I
understood not, “ delighted me yet more than the meaning,
and I besought him to explain to me the po etic art. “W hat
they call Poetry , answered he, “ is a d ivine gift granted to
some alone ; it does not come by study and application . If
God has decreed,it for you , you will be a poet ; otherwise
you can never attain to that glory. Can Khoja Nu°man
The ‘Harmony ’ referred to is of course the Divine Scheme o f things.
3 In the lala’s hemistich the Persian words asyab (mill) and ah enk (harmony) are used .
3 I . e. hav ing regard to the metre,etc.
50
down a crowd o f things that were heaped up in my mind .
Think ! go on ! think ! not a thing wou ld come into my
head . Where were metre and prosody? even common
words had fled from my mind as though they had feared
to be taken and thrust by force into the fetters of metre .
In short, I could think of absolutely nothing. And so the
dawn came ; I had not slept for a moment. Then saying
to myself, “Let come what will , I wrote down on the
paper a few l ines of nonsense ; but I d id not forget to end
each with ‘O apostle of God !’ I read these over a hundred
times, and found them all to my own thinking correct in
metre and very fine ; but it never occurred to me to give
any thought as to thei r meaning.
‘As soon as i t was l ight I ran full of joy to my lala ’s
room and caught him performing his ablution , having j ust
risen from bed . I thrust my paper triumphantly into his
hand . He cast his eye over it, then handed it back to me
and said with a smile, “This is not bad ; but poetry must
be metrical, that is, the movements and pauses must be
equal in every line ; now not only are some of these Fé‘ ilétun
and some Muste f‘ilun,
l but there is no sense to be made
out of any one of them . The words glare at one another
like mad bu lls. Now sense as well as metre is an essential
o f poetry. Keep these ; but try to write as I told you last
night, and to -mo rrow we shall see .
”
‘Then I read my poem over again and saw all the fau lts
the lala had pointed out. Who could care for lessons
any longer ! To become a po et was more desirable in my
eyes than to be King o f all the world . So I thought about
poetry all that day in school ; even when playing walnuts “
I This word is the paradigm o f the prosodic foot l —v - l .
3 W alnu ts are used for play ing many games,
some o f which resemblethose played with marbles by boys in this country .
in the mosque courtyard I was dreaming about poetry.
Again I worked hard all night till morning and managed
to scribble something. Next day I showed it to the lala,
and whi le he was glancing over it,my heart beat fast, and
I looked at his eyes, wondering what he would say. I do
not know whether it was to encourage me , or whether the
metre and sense were really correct, or whether they seemed
so to my lala, but in any case he clasped me in his arms
and said , “Well done ! I no longer doubt that you will be
a poet ; your father or whosoever will may forbid , but I
no longer fear.” These words fanned , as it were , the fires
of eagerness in my heart . Saving up from a few days’
allowances, I went secretly with my lala to the booksellers
and we bo ught a collection of cAshiq
c
Omer’
s verses which
I diligently studied in the evenings.
‘I very soon began to discover which of the verses the
lala used to compose and recite were out of metre , and
even to make ‘parallels’ to the couplets I liked best in thec
Ashiqc
Omer and Cevheri that I was reading. But I did
no t pay much attention to sense until I became acquainted
with the late Fatin Efendi . ‘ I had been fancying myself a
full-fledged poet and the worshippedcAshiq
c
Omer an erudite
master whose l ike had never been seen on earth when the
[ aforesaid Efend i was the means of rectifying my errors.
’
A t this point the autobiographical portion of Ziya Bey ’s
preface ends. It was written to introduce and i llustrate what
follows it, a series of reflections on the education of children ,
the subj ect of Rousseau ’
s work to the translation of which
it is prefixed . There is however a section in the preface to
his anthology , the oft-quoted Kharabat or Tavern , in which
Ziya describes how he came to be interested in poetry, and
of which, as it supplements the story j ust told , I shall here
I The author o f the Tezkire which has been so often quoted.
5 2
give a translation . The original is in verse , but for brevity’
s
sake I shall render it in prose , omitting whatever is irrelevant.‘Before I was fifteen years of age I busied myself with
verse ; what first gave me the taste therefor was the braying
of the street-poets. Sometimes I would read Gharibi or be
stirred up bycAshiq Kerem ; at other times I would take
up cAshiq
°Omer and be confounded by his erotic speeches .
But I was not content with admiring ; sometimes I made
bold to pilfer, and I would try to write ‘parallels’ . What
productions they were ! May all ears be spared hearing such
things, and all l ips uttering them ! Yet I wrote them in myl ittle d iwan , and would , if I could , have carved them on
the rocks . Whoever cast the stone of derision at my verses
got himself into trouble with me, and I answered the
critic iser with a satire. A year or so passed thus when I
became possessed of a treasure in the shape of one o r two
Old printed d iwans, and when I got these I entered into
ano ther world . Gevheri’
s sl ippers were now thrown aside. 3
I admired Vehbi and Wasi f, and strove to imitate them .
W hen reading I wou ld say,‘What magic ! what a miracle !
Can any speech surpass this, so sweet in language , so bri l
l iant in conception?Look at that cypress, that form and
figure ! How charming the connection o f rose and nightingale !
Surely the moth is indeed the taper’s lover !” But as yet
I was unable to discriminate . However, when I read the
I Literally ‘public-square poets’ (maydan shu‘arasi) that is, men who
for money sing or recite verses from the popular poets such ascAshiq
cOmer
in public places.
3 Gharibi andCAshiq Kerem (Kerem the M instrel) , popular poets o f the
type o f‘Ashiq c
Omer and C evheri .3 M I
.)kg fi lg
‘His slippers have been thrown on the roo f,’ isa prov erbial expression mean ing ‘he has fallen from the high esteem in which hewas held ( some other hav ing taken his I t is often said o f a first childwhen a second is born . Here Ziya would imply that his youthfu l allegiancewas transferred from C evheri and the folk-poets to Vehbi and wasif.
S3
Gu l istan ' I began to discover what language is . Just then ,
too, I was assisted in my stud ies by certain poets, 2 one o f
whom induced me to read a considerable part o f Hafiz .
My whole natu re was enthralled by what I read ; it was as
though my closed eyes were opened . The Persian poets
became my masters, and I gathered gems from many of
thei r Khamsas and Diwans.
’
Such were the circumstances under which Ziya s poetic
talents were developed . I have given them here in detail
and in the author ’s own words ; for, apart from its personal
interest , the narrative may be taken as typical . No other
Ottoman po et has left a similar record , but , save that Ziyawas probably more than usually fortunate in his lala, the
story which he tells was doubtless in its main outl ines that
of many a Tu rkish poet born in a non- l iterary family. A
natural talent for poetry first awakened by the songs and
rimes o f the folk-poets heard in public places from the l ips
of °ashiqs o r wandering minstrels, followed by attempts at
versifying modelled with more or less accuracy upon the
poems in any stray d iwan the young enthusiast might lay
hands on , refined and corrected by intercourse with literary
friends won to interest by his manifest abil ities, and matured
by study of the great Persian classics , such must have
been the steps by which many a Turkish poet of bygone
times scaled the slopes of the national Parnassus.
In the biographical and critical notice which Ebu-z-Ziya
Tevfiq Bey has prefixed to the selections from Ziya’
s prose
works in his Specimens o f Ottoman L iteratu re 3 we find
many interesting particulars o f the poet ’s subsequent career.
I The famous Persian work by Sheykh Sacdi o f Shiraz which is held as a
classic throughout the East.3 No doubt Fatin E fendi is one o f those referred to .
3 Numune-i Edebiyyat-i ‘Osméniyya, edition o f 1 308 .
S4
The information from this source is of special value, as
Tevfiq Bey was personally acquainted not only with Ziya,but with many o f that author’s friends and associates. The
following details may therefore be regarded as scarcely less
authoritative than the story j ust related .
In 1 262 when Ziya Bey was some seventeen years
of age, he received an appointment in the offi ce o f the
Chief Secretary of the Grand Vezirate . It was very soon
after he entered upon his duties at the Porte that he made
the acquaintance of Fatin Efendi , to whose assistance he
confesses that he owed so much . Encouraged by him and
by other literary men whom he soon got to know, he worked
assiduously at his poetry, producing verses which Tevfiq
Bey declares to be equal , if not superior, to the best of
those of his most distingu ished contemporaries.
His li terary efforts for the next nine years or so were
d irected exclusively towards poetry, and the amount of
verse written by him during this period must have been
considerable . Indeed his friend and counsellor Fat in Efendi ,
writing in 1 27 1 says that by that time Ziya had
composed ghazels enough to form a d iwan . But all this
work was in the old style, chiefly in the then fashionable
manner o f the c
A rif Hikmet group, so that what has been
preserved of it is now of little account, having been altogether
eclipsed by the far more original and brill iant work which
the poet produced later on under the influence of the new
learning.
During these nine years when Ziya Bey was employed
at the Porte and was exercising his poetic talent in the
production of Neo -Persianist verses, he was leading a wild
and gay , not to say dissolute, life . This was perhaps inevitable ,seeing that it was in the taverns and other places of debau
chery where drinking-parties used to be held that the young
SS
poets of those days made thei r rendezvous .
‘A las !’ cries
Tevfiq Bey,‘some o f those who used to frequent those
rendezvous have since roamed the wastes of madness,
‘ while
others still in their youth have been snatched away by the
hand of death.
’
Tevfiq Bey then mentions as being o f the
number o f these unhappy ones, whom he never saw, but
whose sad story he heard from their boon-companions,Hafiz
Mushfiq andcA li ; while amongst those whom he himself had
met were Ghal ib and Halet Beys and Em in F irdevsi. 2 But
w hether it was that he possessed a stronger constitution , or
that he had the good sense to temper self- indulgence with
moderation , Ziya Bey , although he associated with such
men as these and shared in thei r merry-makings and dis
sipations, escaped the untoward fate by which so many
among them were overtaken .
Yet this same Ziya Bey, who spent his nights in the
tavern carousing with his boon-companions, passed his days
in his office at the Porte, where, owing partly to his self
reliance and partly to his ambition to outstrip his co lleagues,
I This perhaps refers to the poet Haqqi who went mad.
3 The men whose names Tevfiq Bey mentions here as being among Ziya’sgay compan ions were mostly journalists connected wi th the Jeride-i Hawadis,the well-known Turkish semi-oflicial newspaper. Hafiz Mushfiq was born inConstan tinople in 1 22 1 ( 1 806 and is said to have known the Koran byheart when eight years old . He was in the C iv il Service
,was for a time
editor o f the Jeride, and wrote a volume which he called Mushfiq-name, the
Book of Mushfiq ( i . e. of the Compassionate one) . cAlf Efendi , who was
likewise a native o f Constantinople,was also in the C iv il Service, and at one
time edi ted the Jeride . The Ghalib Bey referred to is probably the poet whois generally known as Lesqo fchali Ghalib Bey . Halet Bey was born in 1 25 5
( 1 837—40) and when quite young contribu ted to the Jer ide . He was in
Aleppo when the local ofi cial journal Furat, The Euphrates, was started,
whereon he brought out a private paper which he called Ghadir-ul-Furat,The Poo l of the Euphrates. When he returned to Constantinople he starteda literary magaz ine called Do lab
,The Cupboard. He wrote a life o f Fu’ad
Pasha, also a volume of poems entitled Halet-ush-Shebab, The World of
Youth. He died in 1 295
56
he soon made his way and attracted general attention . His
devil -may-care a irs, his dissolute l ife , his familiarity with
disreputable characters, the satires and lampoons which he
launched against high and low, all were notorious ; but
so keen was his intelligence and so bril liant were his talents
that everything bes ides was overlooked . His colleagues in
the Chief Secretary ’s office , when they saw the extraordinary
ease and grace with which he composed in that highly
elaborated and wonderfu lly involved offi cial style to write
in which was sore travail to even the oldest o f his fellow
clerks , were, whether they would or no , constrained to
acknowledge and admire his marvellous ability.
For all this, Ziya made no money by his pen ; his father’s
purse had to provide fo r all, from the clothes upon his
back to the expenses o f his nightly revels.
‘ This, however,
gave but little concern to the young Bey, all of whose
serious efforts were directed to the increase and advancement
of his own cu lture . The way in which he set about aecom
plishing this may at first sight seem pecu liar ; but we must
remember how, as Tevf iq Bey points out, it was in the
taverns that the mo re bril liant o f the younger l iterary men
o f those days were in the habit o f holding their symposia,
and how consequently it was thither he who would share the
pleasu re or advantage of their society must go .
‘We too ’
,
continues the biographer, ‘have our Giim ii sh-Halqali (SilverR ing), our Serv il i (Cypress- Inn) , and our A ltun-U luq (Golden
cabarets which are now looked upon as places of
historic interest, even as the Café Procope , the Café Moliere
o r the Chat-Noir in Paris, once the resorts of Mol iere,
I I t should be mentioned to Ziya’s credit that after he had ‘ranged him
self ’ he set about repaying his father with interest all the money which hehad caused him to disburse .
3 These are the names of taverns frequented by Ziya and hi s friends.
58
then marshal o f the Su ltan ’s household , noticed the depres
sion of Ziya Bey, and strongly urged him to seek relief
from it by turning his attention to the study of French.
The Bey followed this advice, and , devoting all his energies
to this new pursu it , acqu ired in six months so good a
knowledge of the French language that he was able to
translate into Tu rkish an historical treatise by Viardot on
the Moors in Spain . This work , the Turkish title o f which
is Endelus Tarikhi , The History of A ndalusia, is the first
o f Ziya’
s prose productions important from a l iterary point
o f view. Of course, the evidences of the translator’s training
are apparent in every sentence . The style has more affinity
with the bureaucratic idiom of the Sublime Porte than with
the simple and graceful manner o f the translator’s maturer
works. Not even a Ziya Bey could at once master a foreign
language and evolve a new literary style in the brief space
of six months.
For several years Ziya retained his position in the Imperial
household , and durmg the whole time he worked continuously
at his French studies, translating numerous books, and ever
seeking to make for himself a more and more perfect literary
style, by assimilating and applying those principles which
he recognised as lying at the foundations of the idiom and
the literature that he was studying. There is nothing to
indicate that in so doing Ziya was in any way influenced
by the very similar efforts that were then being made by
Shinasi. The two reformers appear, independently o f one
another, to have attacked the same problem with the same
weapons at very nearly the same time, a not unnatural
occurrence under the circumstances, and one which confirms
what has been said as to the inev itableness o f the rise of
the Modern School in Ottoman literature at this particu lar
j uncture .
59
Amongst the French works mentioned as having been
translated by Ziya during these years are Moliere ’s ‘Tartufe ’ ,
a ‘History of the Inqu isition ’,Fenelon ’s ‘Télémaque
’
, and
La Fontaine ’s ‘Fables’ , the last being rendered into verse .
But as there was little demand for such literature in those
days, these works remained unpublished , and with the
exceptions of the ‘Tartufe" and the ‘History of the Inqui
sition’
,
2 which were issued shortly after the translator’s death ,
they appear to have been lost. The translation o f Rousseau ’s‘Emil ’ is probably later ; at least the preface , a part of which
we have just read, is dated 1 sth Muharrem 1 287 (Apri l
and was wr itten at Geneva where Ziya was then living in
quasi-exile .
A lthough so busy wi th prose, Ziya was not neglect ing
po etry. A large number of his lyric poems, including the
best known of all , a Terj ic-bend
,were written during his
tenure of office in the Palace. The effects of the author ’s
European studies are very noticeable in these verses, alike in
the clarity and directness of the tho ught and in the relative
simplicity and sobriety o f the expression. The outlook on life ,
too, is Western rather than Eastern , though the external form
and mechanism of the verse remains Oriental throughout.
I Zlya’s translation o f the ‘Tartufe ’ is entitled Riyanifi Enjém i ‘The Resul to f Hypocrisy ’
,and was issued in 1 298 the year after his death, from
the printing-oflice o f the W aqt newspaper. I t is rendered li terally , line forline
,in a kind of b lank verse wi thou t regular rime or metre. The printed
edi tion begins abruptly in the middle o f the sixth scene of the first act.Perhaps the first few pages o f the manuscript were lost.3 The Inkizisyon Tarikhi or
‘H istory of the Inquisi tion was published in1 299 ( 1 882) by Ebu-z-Ziya Tevf iq Bey, who says in a prefatory note thatthe translation was made twenty-two years ago , and that on the au thor’sdeath his heirs
,who were ignorant of its real value
,sold the manuscript at
Adana for a quar ter mejidiyye (about one shilling) , and that he, unwillingthat the public should be deprived of a precious work
'
by so great an author,
bought the manuscript for four hundred times the price at which it had
been sold,and published it.
60
The story of Ziya’
s later life cannot be given here in any
detail . The materials out of which to form it have not yet
been publ ished , nor are they l ikely to be under the present
repress ive regime ; for the Bey became one of the most
prominent members o f the Young Turkey party, no word
concerning which is allowed to issue from the Ottoman press.
Some time after the accession o fcAbd-ul-
“Aziz, which
occurred in 1 277 (June the Bey ceased to be a member
o f the Imperial household . This change was in all probability
a result of the hostility which existed between him and cA li
Pasha, whose influence had become all powerfu l with the
new Sultan .
c
A li and his colleague Fu’ad Pasha had , as we
have seen , been the rivals o f Resh id Pasha and the perse
cutors o f Shinasi , and Ziya bitterly resented the growing
power o f the former. He had more than once tried to bring
about the fall of his enemy by representing to Sultan “
Abd
ul-‘
Aziz howcA li was in real ity usurping the imperial power,
a proceeding which naturally roused the resentment of the
Pasha, and eventually entailed the dismissal of Ziya from
his position as secretary to the Sultan .
A fter his removal from the Palace, Ziya was appointed
to a succession o f more or less nominal offi ces ; and it was
during this time that he , in conjunction with several of the
better educated and more talented o f his younger contempor
aries, laid the foundations of the Yo ung Turkey party .
These young men , among the most prominent of whom was
Kemal Bey, had begun to real ise the unhappy and back
ward state o f their country, and were filled with an over
mastering desire to do something to bring about a brighter and
better state of things. Their aim was the regeneration ofTurkey
and her establishment as one o f the great civilised powers
o f the world . Among the most important of the means by
wh ich they sought to accomplish this end was an idea, at
first not very clearly defined , of substituting for the absolute
despotism which had hitherto prevailed a constitutionalrégime under which the Sultan should ru le conjointly with
a parliament du ly elected from all the nationalities within
the Empire . The reformers flooded Constantinople and the
provinces with tracts and pamphlets setting forth their views
and drawing attention to the evils o f the existing system .
This brought them into coll ision with Z iya’
s o ld enemy , the
then all-powerful Grand Vez ir “
Ali Pasha, who, although
sincerely desirous of the welfare of the country, did not
approve of the revo lutionai'y schemes of the reformers, holding
that such reforms as were made must be compatible with
the principle o f absolute monarchy which was in harmony
with the genius o f the East. Hoping therefore to check the
new movement and nip in the bud any aspirations after
Freedom, as that word was understood in the West, he
thought to break up the party by banishing under one
pretext or another its lead ing spirits from the capital and
scattering them in remote provinces. A large number o f
suspected persons were thus got rid of in the spring and
summer o f 1 867 .
Ziya was natura lly amongst those singled out fo r banishment ;and so he received the titular appointment o f Governor o f
Cyprus, but before he could be shipped o ff to Famagusta,
where he believed he would be secretly poisoned , he contrived
to elude the authorities and escape to Europe along with
his colleagues Kemal , Nuri and R if‘at Boys, and
°
Ali Suc
av i
Efendi . This took place at the beginning of the year 1 284,
that is, in the early summer o f 1 867 .
Some at least o f the refugees who at this time made
their escape to Europe had been invited by the Egyptian
Prince , Mustafa Faz il Pasha, to join him in Paris, whither
he had fled from Constantinople some little time before on
account o f a quarrel between himself and °
Ali Pasha. Until
June 1 866, when the direct succession to the Viceroyalty
was granted by the Sultan, Mustafa Faz i l had been the
heir to the viceregal throne,and this alteration o f the law,
which resulted in his exclusion from his hereditary rights,
had naturally incensed him against its authors. In order to
carry out his scheme of revenge by attacking the Imperial
government through the, press, he desired to have with him
in Europe some able Turkish writers who were Opposed
to the Grand Vez ir and the system he represented . Hence
his invitation to the leaders of the Young Turkey party.
The Prince was enormously wealthy,and he promised to
maintain as long as they lived those men who came to
Europe at his request , a promise which he soon afterwards
broke, as ere long he made his peace with the Ottoman
court , and , leaving his protégés to shift fo r themselves as
best they could,.returned to Constantinople where he was
]/reinstated in high favour, for all of which he is bitterly
reproached by Ziya in his famous satire called the Zafer-name .
A fter a time Ziya and his companious found it advisable
to move their camp from Paris to London , which city they
accordingly made their head-quarters . While in the West
they brought out two Tu rkish newspapers, named respec
tively, the Mukhbir o r‘Correspondent ’ and the Hurriyyet
or In these papers, very many copies of which
were smuggled into Turkey, they continued their propaganda
in favour of a limited monarchy and representative govern
ment ; and many o f the articles contributed by Kemal and
Ziya were most ably and eloquently written .
From London Ziya went to Geneva, where he was in
I In 1 894 the Hurriyyet was revived in London in the interest of theO ttoman consti tutional party under the editorship o f ‘Djiwanpire
’
(Juvan-
pir) ,i. e . Selim Faris Efendi.
63
the spring of 1 870, and whence, as we have seen , he dated
the preface to his translation of ‘Emil ’ . About this time the
fugitives who had been pardoned by the Sultan for their
unceremonious departure began to return singly to Constan
tinOple ; but Ziya did not dare to set foot in Turkey so
long as his enemy ‘
Ali Pasha lived . A t length, however ,
in 1 288 (September the Grand Vezir died , whereupon
Ziyal
adressed to the Su ltan a qasida in which, after praising
him in the conventional extravagant and fulsome manner,he apologises for his fl ight , which, he says, was exclusively
due to the rancour of an enemy who sought to banish him
to Cyprus in order to kill him there, and humbly craves
the Imperial pardon . A lthough it is not likely that Ziya’
s
palinode had much effect on Sultan c
Abd-ul-‘
A z iz, his prayer
was granted , and he shortly afterwards received the much
desired permission to return .
Back in his native country, Ziya was once more enrolled
in the government service , being employed , after the fashion
of the Porte, now in one capacity and now in another. His
leisure was given to the compilation of his great anthology ,
the often-mentioned Kharabat o r‘Tavern ’ , the publication
of the three volumes of which extended from 1 29 1 ( 1 874—5 )to 1 292 ( 1 87 5On the accession of Sultan c
Abd-ul-Hamid in Sha‘ban
1 293 (August Ziya Bey was promoted to the rank
of Vezir, and so acqu i red the title of Pasha, whence it has
been usual to speak o f him since then as Ziya Pasha. A tthe same time he was nominated governor o f Syria
,the
suspicious and nervous monarch who now occupied the
throne wishing, perhaps, to get one who had been so
intimately connected with the constitutional party removed
to a safe distance from the capital . Like Kemal, Ziya wasnot permitted to stand as a candidate for the Parliament
64
to the creation of which his influence had so greatly con
tributed . From Syria Ziya Pasha was transferred to Qonya,and from Qonya to Adana , where he d ied early in the Latter
Jemazi of 1 297 (May worn with disease and broken
hearted at what he deemed the failure of his l i fe-work .
Ziya Pasha is described by his friend Ebu-z-Ziya TevfiqBey as having been a bri ll iant conversational ist and delightful
companion , gifted with a great command of language , a
ready wit and a keen sense o f humour.
Besides the translations from the French already referred
to , Ziya wrote in prose a number of articles and treatises
on various political and social questions. In such of these
as were produced after he had perfected his style, we find
an ease and an absence of visible e ffort such as Shinasi
never attained . Shinasi set out upon his wo rk as reformer
with greater earnestness of purpose,Ziya with greater bril
liancy of native ta lent. The superio rity of the purely l iterary
gift of the latter is beyond question , and shou ld it be asked
how Shinasi and not Ziya has come to be regarded by the
modern writers as the founder of their school, the answer
must be sought in the all-powerfu l influence o f Kemal Bey.
It was the extraordinary literary genius and unvarying
1 lo ftiness o f purpose of that great writer by many held
to be the greatest Turkey has ever known that brought
about the wonderfully swift and complete success of the
Modern School ; and all Kemal’
s contemporaries and suc
cesso rs have ever been at one in looking up to him as
their master and their greatest glory . Now Kemal was the
disciple of Shinasi, the inspiring influence of whose precept
and example he never lost an opportunity of gratefully
acknowledging . Ziya, on the other hand , became known to
Kemal only later on, and then no t as teacher but as fellow
worker. Kemal is the chief captain of the Moderns, Shinasi
And so in most of the poems written about this time we
can see in one form or another traces of the author’s
Occidental studies. In the pas t the general tendency had
been to consider poetry either as a sort of intellectual play
thing or as a medium for the expression of transcendental
ideas. Ziya thought to bri ng it more into harmony with
modern life by employing it, much as he employed prose,as a vehicle for expressing what he, a man of the world
and no mystic , regarded as practically the truth . The French
poets had taught him that serious and earnest poetry m ight
be written without flying o ff into the regions o f mysticism,
that the hopes and fears common to all men , if treated
with sympathy and s incerity, would yield material for the
noblest efforts of genius. Ziya’
s lyrics, then, diff er widely in
purpose from those of most of his contemporaries and prede
cessors ; there is little attempt at prettiness, still less at
transcendental ism ; ‘ his obj ect is to state things as he believes
them to be , and to give voice to his own views regarding
them . In his attempts, however, to avoid the futil ities of
the cArif Hikmets on the one hand and the enigmas of
the Esrar Dedes on the other, he at times stumbles into
yet a thi rd ditch . So great is his respect for common-sense
that sometimes his verses are l ittle else than rather ordinary
prose thrown into metrical form . The language of these
poems is in keeping with their substance, simple and straight
forward ou the whole , with little that is merely decorative,nothing that is wilfu lly obscure .
A lthough the pervading spirit is Western , the imagery
remains Oriental . It is the same with the external form ;
there is no attempt at any innovation in the mechanism o f
I So far as I have seen,it is only in the hymn which opens the preface
to the Kharabat that there is any trace of the dervish mysticism in Ziya’s poetry.
verse. Ziya’
s Diwan contains nothing but what is quite
orthodox, qasida and ghazel , terj i‘ and sharqi, all as in
the past. The next step, the introduction into Tu rkish poetry
of European verse- forms and rime-schemes was reserved for
another and a greater than Ziya.
While inspired by the genius of the West, Ziya s work is
never an imitation of Eu ropean poetry ; he did not attempt
to write French poetry in Turkish words , as did certain o f
his successors , who thus unconsciously walked in the footsteps
o f those ancestors o f theirs whose aim had been to manufacture
Pers ian poetry out o f the same materials. These poems o f
Ziya are the expression o f a mind which , without ceas ing
to be, or seeking to cease to be, essentially Oriental , has
been open to the influences of Eu ropean culture . And in
this respect they are unique ; what has gone before has been
exclusively Eastern, while from that which fo llows the
Oriental element has been in great part deliberately el iminated .
Ziya’
s Diwan forms the link between the purely Asiatic work
of the Old School and the Europe- inspired poetry of the
Modern . It might be taken either as the last word of the
former or as the first word of the latter . The qasidas alone
are wholly Eastern ,“
and these form the least important
section of the Diwan , being neither better nor worse than
hundreds o f their kind .
When I spoke in a previous chapter of Ziya’
s poetry
being in an eminent degree typical o f the twenty years
between 1 8 59 and 1 879, it was more especially this Diwan
that was present in my mind ; for in it more particularly
we feel that the author is struggling to deal with modern
themes,yet can find no means of utterance but that of the
by-gone generations.
No edition of Ziya s lyric poems was published during
his life-time ; but in 1 298 a year after his death, a
68
selection o f these edited by his brother-ia- law Commander
Hamd i Bey was brought out under the title of Esb‘ar- i
Ziya or ‘Poems of Ziya. ’ It is this selection which I have
spoken of as the ‘Diwan ’ ; but the author has very many
poems not included therein . Some of these are to be found
in his own anthology the Kharabat ; but the majority, espe
cially those that touch on political affairs, have never been
printed and still c irculate in manuscript alone.
Among the best known of these prescribed poems is one
which, according to the story, was found among the author’s
papers after his death . In form this too is a terji°-bend ,
which, l ike the poet’s earl ier work of the same class, is pes
sim istic in tone . But here the note is more personal. Ziya
Pasha d ied in the'
belief that the great work to which he
had devoted his l ife and his splendid talents had ended in
hopeless fai lure . He had worked hard and suffered much in
his country ’
s cause ; and now at the end he saw the old
evil Byzantinism again triumphant, and the infant constitution
strangled by despotic hands ; while the champions of l iberty,
slain, imprisoned , or, like himself, in virtual exile , were power
less to strike one blow or raise one cry on behalf of freedom .
And the people the people for whose sake they had
toiled so hard and borne so much stood still and did
nothing. Instincts born of centu ries of unquestioning sub
mission to a ruler ’s will were not to be wholly done away
by a brief propaganda, however earnest and gifted might
be the preachers ; but Ziya, disappointed in his dearest hopes
and racked with su ffering physical and mental,thought not
o f this, nor had he faith to foresee that the seed which he
had sown would yet ere many years were past bear a rich
and abundant harvest. And so he arose and with almost
his dying breath denounced his people and his country, and
anathematised his own efforts made to save them .
69
‘Naught but sorrows on the loyal to this Empire ever‘Sheerest madness is devotion to this People and this
Such is the refrain o f what is probably the saddest poem
in the Turkish language.
In many respects the most remarkable of all Ziya s writings
is his famous satire the Zafer-Name . This work stands by
itself in Ottoman literature ; there is nothing the least like
it in the past, and as yet no one has attempted to imitate
it. Several of the earlier poets, it is tru e, wrote what they
were pleased to regard as satires ; but the verses of this
class composed by such men as Ne f‘ i and Sururi are l ittle
else than strings of grossly abus ive epithets, exercises in
vulgar vituperation , the grotesque abominations of which
serve only to disgust the reader with their fo u l-mouthed
authors . The work of Ziya is very di fferent ; the Zafer-Name
is really a satire as that term is understood in modern
Europe . A lthough it is not qu ite free from personal allusions,which are at times in somewhat dubious taste , there is no
trace , however fa int, o f the outrageous scurril ity o f the ‘Shafts
of Doom ’
; the poet seeks his purpose either through bitterly
ironical praise o f his victim, or by holding up to ridicule
his pretentious ignorance . Here again the influence of the
West is evident ; had Ziya known nothing of French literature ,the Zafer-Name wou ld either never have been written , or
it would have been quite other than it is.
The satire is directed against the political enemies of the
Young Turkey party, who for the most part were also the
personal enem ies of the author . While the chief victim is,
of course , the Grand Vez ir' c
A lf Pasha, many o f his colleagues
and flatterers, notably Fu’ad Pasha , are incidentally attacked .
The name Zafer-Name or ‘Book of Victo ry ’, (we might
translate it as‘The which is a very common title
in o ld Turkish and Persian literature for an account, in
70
either prose or verse, o f the military triumphs o f some great
warrior or monarch, was chosen by Ziya on account o f the
irony o f its suggestiveness . The poem which he so called
is in form a qasida , and is composed in a strain of the
most exaggerated and bombastic eulogy. I ts ostensible object,and that to which it owes its name, is the celebration o f
the Grand Vezir ’s expedition to Crete in the autumn o f 1 867in order to bring to a close the rebell ion which had for
some time been devastating that island ; but its scope is
really much wider, the whole o f the Vez ir’s policy being
passed in review, always in the same tone of ridiculously
extravagant laudation.
The satire would have lost much of its point had Ziya
avowedly written it himself ; he therefore attributes it to
one of cAli Pasha ’s warmest partisans, Fazil Pasha the Bosnian ,who was then mutesarrif or governor o f Izmid . In thus
making him the author of this absurd panegyric on his
patron , Ziya deals a by-thrust at the old Bosnian, with
whom he had a crow to pluck. For when the reforme rs fled
from Constantinople,this Faz il
,wishing yet further to ingra
tiate himself with c
A li Pasha, had written some verses on
the subj ect which, if we are to bel ieve Ziya, so pleased the
infuriated Vez ir that he straightway appointed the writer
mutesarrif o f Izmid .
But the Zafer-Name qasida by no means completes the
satire ; in order to reinforce his attack on“
A li Pasha, and at
the same time to wing a shaft against another adversary,Ziya wrote a takhm is on the qas ida, which he attributed to
Khayri Efendi , a retired employé o f the quarantine depart
ment. Even this was not enough ; the sati rist crowns the
whole by a prose commentary on the qas ida thus turned
into a mukhammes, which he fathers on an adversary to
whom he owed a very special grudge, Husn i Pasha,c
Ali’
s
7 I
Marshal of Police . ‘ In this extraord inary production Ziya
pushes home ru thlessly and relentlessly his attack alike oncAli and Fu ’ad Pashas, on Faz il, Khayri, and Husn i, as well
as on a host of minor foes.
Faz i l , Khayri and Husn i had all three dabbled in poetry,hence the appropriateness of the ascription to them of the
three parts o f the mock-eulogy. This ascription was not
made by Ziya with the least intention that it should be
credited ; still less was it prompted by any notion of screening
himself, for when he wrote the work he was safe in Europe,far beyond the reach of any adversary . The threefold
attribution not only enabled him to hold up to rid icule the
three fict itious authors, but heightened the whole effect of
his work by imparting to it an air o f verisimilitude which
would otherwise have been lacking.
In conform ity with their feigned authorship, qasida, takhm is,and commentary are al l written in the old style, or rather
in the old style travestied . But'
while the first two , that is
the verse portions of the satire, are presented as the work
of men who, though they may be shameless flatterers and
very mediocre poets, are at least educated , as education was
understood in the school to which they belonged , the prose
commentary, on the other hand , displays its suppositious
author not only as a bare-faced sycophant, but as a rid iculously
pretentious and grossly ill iterate clown .
The Qasida consists of sixty-six couplets , which, when the
po em is extended into a mukhammes, give as many five
line stanzas . The first dozen of these are taken up with the
mock-heroic panegyric on°
A li Pasha ’s doings in Crete .
This is followed by an ironical eulogy of the Grand Vezi r’s
li terary ski ll, notably as shown in the report which he
I Zabtlyye Mushiri.
72
presented to the Sultan on his retu rn from the Cretan
expedition. This again leads to a consideration o f the Pasha’s
other accomplishments, which, i n its turn , opens the way
to a review of the whole of c
Ali’
s past policy, more especially
of the various financial arrangements that he made, and of
his deal ings with the several foreign and quasi-foreign questions
that arose between 1 860 and 1 868 . References to a number
of personal matters follow, and the poem is wound up , in
imitation o f the orthodox usage , with a kind of burlesque
prayer for the continuance o f the great man ’s prosperity and
welfare .
Even cleverer than the verse, and certainly far more
amusing, is the prose commentary. Here Ziya had a much
wider field for the exercise of his talents, and he availed
himself o f the opportunity to produce what is probably the
wittiest piece o f writing in Turkish literature . It is of con
siderable length, as Husni Pasha is made to follow the time
honoured practice o f the Eastern commentator , who takes
stanza by stanza, explaining first the indiv idual words in
each , with continual digressions more or less relevant, and
then giving an explanatory paraphrase of the complete verse .
This method of elucidation applied to the sixty-six stanzas
o f the mukhammes occupies 1 2 5 out of the 1 35 pages o f
which the l ithographed edition o f the satire consists. It is
therefore impossible to give more than a succinct account of
it here ; bu t some further idea o f certain of its features may
be gained from the portions incorporated in the notes to
the translated extracts from the poem .
Husn i Pasha, the nominal author, was, as has been said ,
Marshal of Police when the Zafer-Name was written . He had
much to do with the repressive measures adopted by the
Government to check the new political movement,and was
consequently in exceptionally bad repute with the would -be
74
I did amiss !) I impriso ned some of those connected with
the leade rs of this society, while some I sent into exile . When
they were being examined , I could not restrain myself for
my anger, and cursed and swore at every one of them like
a street rough . I gave much money to spies and agents whom
I found amongst the Greeks, and multiplied detectives beyond
what was required ; and though in view of the present state
of the treasury this useless expenditure may be deplored ,yet, in accordance with the saying ‘necessity maketh lawful
the forbidden ," my heart could grudge nothing, since the
peace of the inspired mind of my bounteous benefactor was
dependent on the accomplishment of this serious business.
Yet the miscreants still found a thousand ways and means
to smuggle their papers into Constantinople ; and so my
heart bleeds for that while I have been the obj ect of so
much boundless favour and kindness, I have up till now
been unable to perform this important service which would
be acceptable to His Highness.
‘Now the other day the Zafer-Name which my brother 2
Faz il Pasha, the ex-governor o f Izmid, has versified upon
the Cretan victory came into my hands. A thousand times
I read it, laying it down and taking it up again, and I was
amazed at its eloquence and beauty of style . Then I saw the
graceful takhm is which Khayri Efendi , the retired quarantine
secretary, has coniposed on that delightful poem, and I was
so impressed by the pearls o f rare words and the lustres of
strange fancies that it contains that the dungeon of my
desolate heart was fil led with the rays of desire and zeal
and enthusiasm . And I sa id to myself : ‘That fool o f a Bosniac,
I A well-known Arabic phrase equivalent to
‘necessity knows no law.
’
3 I. e. my dear friend, or my colleague.
7 5
Faz i l Pasha , showed his devotion to the vezirial throne by
you qit‘a he composed when Ziya Bey went to Europe,
and thereby obtained the governorship of Izmid ; Khayri
too , though fit for nothing, while sitting at home with a pension
of piastres,praying God for the prosperity of His
Highness the Grand Vez ir, gave proof of his claim to clientship
by making a chronogram on the departure of Ziya Bey and
Kemal Bey and Su‘av i Efendi ; yet I , who, though unworthy,have, through the special favour of that lofty-purposed one , ‘
obtained this rank and this office , and who am , moreover,
amongst the il lustrious poets of the age and formerly wrote
a commentary on Ziya Bey’s terj i°-bend , I sit still , as though
now I could do nothing ! What assishness is this !’
And so the Pasha, determined no t to be behindhand ,
resolves to write a commentary on this poem in praise o f
his illustrious patron .
In the commentary on the first few stanzas Ziya s object
is to hold up to ridicule the crass ignorance o f the nominal
writer. Thus, whenever any somewhat unusual A rabic or
Persian word occurs, acquaintance with which wou ld imply
some little cu lture , Husn i is supposed to turn up his Qamus
or Bu rhan , when out of the several meanings shown in the
dictionary he invariably selects a wrong one , so that when
he comes to the paraphrase of the stanza he writes the
most ludicrous nonsense, which has not the slightest resem
blance to the real meaning. But Ziya soon leaves o ff this
fooling, persistence in which wou ld have grown wearisome,
and begins to use the commentary as a channel for the
ind irect expression of his own views . The language , indeed ,
continues uncouth, is sometimes even gross, such as the
real author deemed appropriate for the mouth o f the feigned ;
things are still put in a whimsical fashion , and laughable
I I. e. cAlf Pasha.
76
blunders yet occur from time to time , but these are only
incidental, and never intrude where they can affect the meaning
of the passage ; it is now Ziya himself who is speaking through
the voice of Husn i . The commentary is a very skilful dev ice
to enable the satirist to extend his attack ; in the mukham
mes, owing to inherent limitations, only<’
A li and Fu ’ad
Pashas and the two fictitious authors are directly assailed,
but in the prose part of the work , where there are no such
limitations, not only is the attack on the two most prom i nent
victims renewed and driven home , but a number o f other
more or less important persons, including the Egyptian
Mustafa Fazi l Pasha, are brought under the lash, while
Husni , the tool of the Oppressor, is gibbeted for ever as the
type of ignorant and brutal o ffi cialdom .
That.
the chastisement meted out by Ziya in this satire
was on the whole well-deserved may be allowed , but at
the same time it is impossible to deny that he is on occasions
very unfair to c
Ali Pasha. Apart from the bad taste displayed
in twitting him with his humble o rigin and his short stature ,
it is preposterous to lay to his charge all the misfortunes
that befell the Empire while he was connected with the
government. Ziya Bey knew perfectly well that many of the
unfortunate arrangements to which he alludes were none of
the Vez ir ’s choosing, but that he was bu l lied into them by
the European ambassadors ; and in upbraiding him with
these, the poet only weakens his otherwise powerful satire.
It must, on the other hand , he remembered that if Ziya
sometimes lets his resentment get the better of his j udgment,
it was owing to cAli Pasha that he was then an exile, that
c
A li Pasha was his bitter personal enemy and the determined
opponent of constitu tional government in which, as the author
truly saw, lay the only hOpe for his country .
The Zafer -Name is no t to be criticised as poetry ; the
77
greater part of the work is in prose , while what is in verse
is purposely exaggerated to the point of becoming absurd ;
but it is the one great satire in Turkish literature .
The date of the composition o f the work is nowhere given ;but a reference in the commentary to Fu ’ad Pasha as having
died ‘ last year ’ enables us to fix it as 1 286 ( 1 3 April 1 869
3 April
As might be expected , the circulation o f the Zafer-Name
is, and always has been , prohibited in Turkey ; l ithographed
copies are , however, none the less easily procurable .
The last volume of the Kharabat or Tavern , the great
Turkish, Persian and A rabic anthology compiled by Ziya
after his return from Europe , was published just four years
before the true Modern School of Turkish poetry was inau
gurated by the appearance of Hamid Bey’
s Sabra. This
work o f Ziya marks the last endeavour o f the old Asiatic
cu lture to retain what was left of its ancient supremacy in
Ottoman literature . Never again can the dead past be held
up,as it is here , as the model to which the living present
must conform . But for this final effort all the forces of
re-action are mustered . Side by s ide with what the anthologist
held to be the most bril liant examples of Turkish poetry
from the Birth-Song of Suleyman Chelebi down to his own
Diwan, these are here presented to the young Ottoman poet,to evoke his admiring fealty and incite him to emulation
,
those famous and glorious masterpieces o f the old A rabian
and Persian classics which his fathers had ever regarded as
the topmost pinnacles in the temple of human speech,the
matchless paragons to approach which must be the aim of
every poet. But all was in vain ; ‘when comes the true , the
false departs," and this last barrier raised by a once mighty
.. oI .
£2
o-a
Kor’an xvn,83 : you?u p .) M ! as .
78
but now dying spirit fell almost without a struggle before
the destructive cr iticism of Kemal and the creative genius
o f Hamid .
That Ziya the reformer, Ziya the satirist of the Zafer-Name ,shou ld appear as a champion of the moribund past mayseem strange ; but it must be borne in mind , firstly that
Ziya had by this time lost much o f his old energy, and
secondly that he does not set himself up as a defender of
the Old School o f poetry against the New,which latter indeed
was not yet in existence . If Ziya was to make an anthologyat all, it must necessarily be compiled from the works of
the Old School ; yet the making of such at this j uncture
and the offering o f it as a textbook to young poets was in
fact , if not in intention , a defence of the Asiatic School .
The work consists o f three volumes, the first of which
was published in 1 29 1 ( 1 874 and the remaining two in
the following year. The first volume contains the long and
elaborate preface in mesnevi verse , and the selection of
Qasidas, those in Turkish coming first, arranged in the
alphabetical order of the poets ’ names, those in Persian fol
lowing, while those in A rabic come last . The second volume
consists likewise o f three parts, Turkish, Persian and Arabic ,
each of which is divided into several sections, as follows
Terk ib-Bends and Terji°-Bends (includ ing Mukhammeses and
Museddeses) , Oit‘as, Rubé
‘
is, Ghazels and selected couplets
from such . The third volume conta ins extracts from famous
Mesnevis, in two parts, Turkish and Persian .
The preface to the Kharabat is very interesting. It opens,
according to old custom, with a hymn to God followed by
one in honour o f the Prophet. Then comes the ‘Reason of
the Compilation .
’
This begins with the writer’s account o f
his early interest in poetry which has already been translated .
After studying the Persian masters he tells us that he tu rned
79
his attention to the critical examination of the Turkish poets,
all of whom , starting w ith their protagonist the Chaghatay
Mirc
Ali Shir, he found to be imitators of the Iranians .
Next we have a few remarks on the inj ury done to Turkish
poetry by those early writers having substituted the Perso
A rabian prosodic system for the native ‘finger-counting
’
or
syllabic metres, and on the relations thus established between
the poetry of the Ottomans and that of the Persians and
A rabs. Ziya then mentions his great desire to be a poet,
and states that though his studies may not have enabled
him to attain this honour, they have at least given him a
critical knowledge of the art. He is now past his forty-fourth
year, and reflecting on the transitoriness of l ife, he is fil led
with longing to leave behind him some memorial which will
preserve his name from oblivion , when he bethinks him of
the story of Qitm ir the dog of the Seven Sleepers o f Ephesus,2
and how his name, though he was only a beast, has been
handed with theirs down the ages by reason of his faithfu l
service to these noble men . Ziya will therefore follow his
example , and do a service to the illustrious poets. When
during the course of h is reading he came across any verses
which specially pleased him, it had been his custom to copy
them into an album . He now set to work to arrange this
collection as an ordered anthology . He has preserved , he
says, the old spell ing ; while as Chaghatay is, so to speak,
the ‘mother ’ of Ottoman Turkish , he has felt bound to grant
it a place. He has passed the poets in review, and critic ised
each according to the best of his j udgment . He has also
included the best-known works of his contemporaries. He
I This would give 1 289 or 1 290 as the date of the preface to the Kharabat,
allowing Ziya to have been born in 1 245 .
3 The Seven Sleepers o f Ephesus are reckoned as saints by the Muslims ;they and their dog Qitmir are mentioned in Sura xvii i o f the Koran .
has inserted in his collection all his favourite pieces ; yet
in order to show both merits and fau lts, he has given examples
of every style . He then bids the reader think how many
books he must have read and how much labour the compi
lation must have cost him . This section of the preface winds
up thus : ‘Since the topers ‘ meet therein , I have named
this book the ‘Tavern ’ ; none would have given credit had
I entitled it the ‘Mosque ’ , as not many poets frequent
that place .
’
In the next section , ‘Concerning the Conditions o f Poetry
in Turkey,’ the author gives a brief acco unt of the develop
ment o f Ottoman poetry as he understood it . He ignores
all the archaic writers and begins with Ahmed Pasha, Nejati
and Zaiti , who , he says, laid the foundations of Turkish
l iterature . A lthough the matter o f these early poets is good ,
their language is uncouth , and owing to the changes that
have taken place, their idiom is only with diffi cu lty intel
legible nowadays. The advancement o f the language was
much assisted by the encouragement which Su ltans Sel im I
and Suleyman I gave to the poets, notably to Baq i, who ,
although obsolete words sti ll occur in‘
his verses, may j ustly
be entitled the first reformer o f the language . A fter his
time the literary idiom became more thoroughly Persianised,
chiefly through the influence of Ne f‘ f and Nabi , the resu lt
being that it grew to be the most c0pio us in the world .
3
Sabit and Sam i, however, introduced a number of prosodial
solecisms, which , being adopted by Raghib andc
A sim , became
the rule for subsequent poets.
The section which follows deals with the necessary quali
I The old poets were fond of speak ing of themselves as‘ topers .
’
a
{3}(35 9 4.
3 Perhaps thi s is true ; during the seventeenth century,at any rate
,every
word in the Persian and Arabic dictionaries was a possible O ttoman word.
Huseyn Bayqara . The wo rds of true poetry are eternal ; the
shifts and changes of time cannot destroy them . Whosoever
can utter such words is an emperor in the realms of culture ;
his d iwan will abide ti l l the end of time ; and while his
enemies will pass away and be forgotten , his name and fame
will endure for ever, and i n this lies his revenge.
In the succeeding section , ‘On the Characteristics of the
Ottoman Poets," Ziya passes in review a considerable number
o f the more important o f his predecessors, devoting a few
lines to the criticism of each in turn . As almost all these
criticisms have already been discussed when dealing with
the several poets to whom they refer, it is unnecessary in
this place to do more than remark that it is hard to imagine
by what princ iple Ziya was gu ided when deciding whom.
to
mention. The critical remarks are prefaced by a few lines
in which we are told that those who have studied the
subject divide Turkish poetry into three periods : the Early,
which ends with Baqi (beginning presumably with Ahmed ,Nejati and Zat i, whom a previous section describes as having
laid the foundations) ; the Middle, which goes down to Nabi ;and the Later, extending to the writer ’s own time . W e are
fu rther informed that during the first and second of these
periods poetry suffered no deterioration ; but that during
the third , poets have become rare .
This section is followed by two others similar in character,but of less extent, dealing respectively with the Persian and
A rabian poets.
The preface to the Kharabat is brought to a conclusion
by an epilogue in which Ziya,after saying that his collection
does, as it were , prefigure the Judgment Day,the poets of
many lands and ages being gathered together to receive
‘
m d’r‘ “
83
sentence according to thei r works, offers his anthology as a
gu ide to aspirant poets and as a souvenir to the ‘men of
heart. ’ He then seeks to d isarm adverse criticism by reminding
the would-be cavi ller that poems which appear trivial to
him may be dear to others, that the world is not confined
to him alone, and that a single couplet which appeals to a
man , or which meets his case , is of more value to him than
a whole d iwan . Again , the present collection is but a
compendium , it does no t profess to contain everything that
is good ; ‘ I plunged into an ocean full o f j ewels, I took j ust
as many as I was able, the sea is still brimfu l . ’ And last
of all the compiler claims indu lgence on the score o f his
fail ing health .
‘When the body no lo nger enjoys health the
mind cannot remain unaffected ; when I made this book my
body was racked with pain and my heart was ful l o f anguish ;
all my days have passed in troubles, and su ffering has been
the fru it that I have gathered ; I have written as I could ,
well or ill ; is not the plight o f the sick man known?I trust,
therefore , that the courteous and refined will hold my excuse
worthy of acceptance . ’
I/
These excuses and entreaties o f Ziya availed but littleI with the most i llustrious o f his whilom colleagues. The first
volume of the Kharabat was published in Shacban 1 29 1
(Sept.—Oct. before the year was o ut Kema l Bey had
penned and sent to the compiler, from Famagusta i n Cyprus,
where he was then involuntarily residing as nominal governo r,
an attack upon the book , which fo r bitterness o f tone is
scarcely inferior to the Zafer-Name itself. Ziya had indeed
laid himself open to criticism ; he was not much o f a critic
nothing where Kema l came ; and his selection of poems
is no doubt a long way from being the best that could
be made ; his preface , moreover, is crude and ill-digested ,
o ften inconsequent , sometimes self-contradictory ; but all this
84
is insu fficient to account fo r the acrimony of the attack .
The real motive of this violent onslaught o f Kemal was
threefold . In the first place , he held and held rightly
that at this time of day a man of learning and a professed
reformer like Ziya had no business to set up as models o f
l iterary excellence many of the pieces included in theKharabat.
I n the second place, the critic , ever a sturdy defender of
the national cause , was disgusted at the sycophantic poems
which , since his return from Eu rope , Ziya had been in the
habit o f addressing to Sultan c
Abd-ul-‘
A ziz, and o f which
several are printed in his collection . In the third place, Kemal
felt it as a personal sl ight that,whilst all the other contempo
rary poets includ ing the compiler himself were largely
quoted , he was represented only by three rather feeble
juvenile couplets, although he had', as Ziya knew perfectly
well , written a great number o f poems, many o f which were
o f high merit. W hatever may have been the reason for this
shabby treatment o f an old fellow-worker, whether Ziya
was j ealous of his friend ’s greater poetic gift, or whether,
as is more likely, he dreaded offending the Palace by quoting
one who was anything but a persona grata, certain it is
that Kemal took the matter to heart, and did not hesitate
to avail himself of the opportunity which a criticism o f the
book o ffered to take revenge fo r what was to him an unmerited
personal aff ront.
Under such circumstances strict fairness is no t to be looked
for ; none the less, along with much that is beside the mark,
being obviously written with the deliberate intention to wound ,
there is in this review a great deal of pure literary critic ism
which is extremely valuable and suggestive . The l iterary
instinct in Kemal was to o true and too strong to permit of his
writing anything that had no t in some degree a real and
enduring value ; and while we cannot but think it would
8 5
have been better for the author ’s fair fame had he magna
n imously ignored an o ld ally ’
s discourtesy, i t is neverthe
less true that had this review no t been written , Turkish
literature wou ld have been the poorer by o ne o f its best
and most remarkable essays in cr iticism .
On the appearance of the second volume in the following
year , Kemal wrote on it another similar review.
I have been assured by Turks who were personal ly
acquainted with both Kemal Bey and Ziya Pasha that no t
withstanding the unpleasantness o f this incident the two
poets remained good friends down to the death of the latter.
So long as Ziya l ived these letters remained unpublished ,but in 1 298 a year o r so after his death , they were
printed in Ebu- z-Ziya’
s Magaz ine, the first under the title
of Takhrib- i Kharabat ‘The Demolition o f the Tavern ,’ the
second under that o f .Ta°
qib‘The Pursu it ."
In spite o f all the strictures o f Kemal Bey , the Kharabat
is an extremely useful book. It is unquestionably the best
anthology o f Old Turkish poetry in existence ; and in its
three volumes it presents a fairly adequate pictu re o f the
achievements o f the A siatic School . No doubt every reader
thinks with Kemal that he could improve the selectio n by
omitting this and inserting that ; but such is the common
lot of all anthologies. A graver drawback is the evident
haste and lack of care with which the preface was written ;
this, which has led to several inconsistencies , seriously impairs
the value of a piece o f work which , fo r all its fau lts, is yet
I The Takhrfb runs through six consecu tive numbers o f the Mejmu‘a-i
Ebu-z-Ziya,beginn ing with No . 1 9 in the Second Volume , the issue for 1 5
Jemazi-ul-Akhir 1 298 . The Tac
qib begins in No . 30 in the Third Volumethat for 1 5 R ebf -ul-Evvel 1 300 and runs on to No . 36. Both articleswere afterwards ( in 1 303) published separately by Ebu-z-Ziya Tevfiq Beyamong the volumes o f his ‘Library ’ (Kutub-Khane - i Ebu-z-Ziya) .
86
fu ll of interest. But here the state o f the author ’s health
may be pleaded in extenuation .
Less easy to forgive is the egotism which has led the
compiler to insert among his selections page after page from
his own d iwan , and that to so disproportionate an extent
that he holds a position of exceptional prominence in a col
lection where the canons o f taste should have ru led precisely
the reverse . It might perhaps be u rged in excuse that , no
edition of his poems having at that time been published ,
the author was naturally anxious to ensure for his favourite
verses such immortality as he could . But here his case was
in no wise diff erent from that of many probably ‘Of
most of his contemporaries, i ncluding Kemal Bey him
self. From the beginning it had always been the exception,
rather than the rule,for a Turkish poet to collect his own
d iwan, or even to see it collected during his lifetime . It
was much more usual to defer the collecting and arranging
of a poet ’s works until after his death , when the task generally
devolved upon some enthusiastic disciple or admiring friend ,
of which practice we have seen many examples in the course
of this History.
Brave and earnest , talented and industrious, Ziya rendered
signal and enduring service alike to the cause o f progress
and to the new learning . But he was lacking in stamina ;if he did not fall , he at least grew faint in the heat of battle .
The years of exile wrecked his health and broke his spirit.
Poo r Ziya, he had overestimated the strength that was in
him ! Yet but for him , the li terary revolution had not been
the swift success i t was ; while had he only been the leader,it wou ld have d ied, a mere flash in the pan .
Ziya’
s famous Terj iC-Bend consists of twelve stanzas, ten
of which are here translated ; the remaining two are omitted
as they are somewhat commonplace and tend to detract
87
from the e ff ect o f the poem . The refrain is an ancient A rabic
couplet here used by the poet as a sort of commentary on
his own reflections, in fearfu l submissio n, in bewildered con
sternation , o r in bitter irony, as the reader will . Since
Ziya’
s employment o f it, this d istich has become a household
word among the Turks.
Terjf -Bend
How passing strange a school this workshop of creation shows !Its every fabric doth some script o f the unknown expose .The whirling heaven is a mill whose y ield is agony ;Bewildered man is e ’en the grain it grinds the wh ile it goes. I
Like to a demon fierce and fell its off spring it devoursH'ow strange a nest doth this old hostelry o f earth disclose !
I f one should heedful scan the shows o f all existen t things,
Behold a dream,a phantasy
,a tale of joys and woes.
All things soever in the world are borne towards an end ;Spring in to autumn glides
,and summer’s heat to winter’s snows .
Belike ’tis man will never win Eternal Tru th unto ;
All fai ths and creeds appear to reason vague and fu tile shows.
0 wherefore, Lord, is all this bi tter stress and strife o f pai n,
The while a crust o f bread is all the need man really knows?There is no buckler underneath yon dome o f turquoise hue ; 3
Each atom is the butt ’gainst which fierce Fate his arrows throws.The scheme o f the Everlasting Will is working out its end ;Bu t means are all the seeming good and ill that e ’er arose.All things ex istent are the work ings o f some mighty Power ;No c irclings of the Heaven’s wheel, no tricks o f Fortune
,those .
‘Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
With spheres beyond all reckoning the boundless sky is dight,Compared to which this earth were scarce an atom in our sight .
I As Tevf iq Bey points out,the figure in this couplet recalls the incident
w i th his lala which first directed the author’s ch ildish thoughts to poetry .3 The sky.
A t housand blazing suns are there,a myriad shining moons
,
A hundred thousand stars,and many a wandering planet bright.
Each sun with its own satelli tes is journeying on its road,Whilst other satellites in turn attend each satellite.Each sun a special v irtue o
’er i ts own dependents sheds
,
While ever hidden from its feres is each dependent’s plight .Around its centre every system ceaselessly revolves
,
In its own orbi t every sphere Eternal Grace doth sight.Myriad existences are scattered through each system vast
,
In every spac ious sphere a thousand worlds I are brought to light.Each several being for a thousand beings is the source ;Each several world suggests a myriad other worlds forthright.In every atom lies a virtue special to itself
,
In every frame according to its nature is the spright.The changing seasons and the years are different in each world ;Nay, every land a different reckon ing o f time doth ci te.I n brie f
,this boundless ocean is an ocean that doth lead
On every side into the dizzy whirlpool o f aff right.‘Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose m ight the wisest stand amazed !’
This mighty mote o f earth’s a mote on such wise fashionedThat separate therefrom not any mote may fix its stead.
A fiery ball it is whose heart is scorching lambent flame,Whose crust is scarred wi th many a river-course and ocean-bed.I ts crust
,if thou compare it with that heart o f raging fire,
Is even as the vines that over dome o r cupole spread.This crust it is that night and day fo r every living thingProvideth all that needful is and yieldeth daily bread.What time the fiery subterranean dragon breatheth forth,The burning mountains
,showering flame
,make earth to quake for dread.
Even as by a shade o f glass a lamp is circled round,
By limpid air this giant mote is all encompassed.From o ff that world-embracing board it is that every dayAll creatures that have breath
,whate ’er their rank o r power
,are fed.
This dot it is that marketh o ff the left hand from the right ;
I By ‘worlds’ is meant ‘Kingdoms’ o f natural objects,such as plants, animals
and so on .
Of old time beau ty,wisdom
,love were all as gods revered ;
I
For many a year in every land were idols served alone .A t length the season came wherein God ’s Unity was learned,But e’en through that a thousand strifes
,dispu tes and feuds were sown .
The mind now thought Creator and Created one, now two,Believed now endless difference
,now final union.
Some held the Substance man ifold,the Attribu tes as one
,
Then in one Origin did many an origi n depone .Each one desires to slnpe a God conformable untoThose thoughts and aspirations which in tru th are all his own .
As diff erent as mind ani matter each from other is,
So di fferent the varied faiths and creeds the world hath known .How passing strange that every folk holds others’ creeds in scorn
,
And deems the way of righteousness belongs to it alone,
While yet wi th all this diff erence the aim o f every sectI s but with true devotion one Creator’s rule to own !
‘Glory to Him before wh ose work all intellect is dazed !‘G lory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
The roses smile,the nightingale breathes out his life in sighs
,
His fee is all the leech’s thought the while the sick man dies.
The corpse o f him who riches had is e ’en as carrion ,Like vultures are the lavers and the heirs wi th greedy eyes.Upon the couch of luxury the city lord reclines
,
The stranger starves within the dust of scorn in wofu l guise.The smil ing taper sheddeth radiance o
’
er the joyous feast,
Amidst its flame,with crippled wing, the moth unheeded dies.
Garlic and on ion freely smile like tulip or narcisse,
While prisoned close in narrow vial sweetest perfume lies.
The sordid fool reposeth glad on cushions of del ight,
Whi le in the stoke-hole o f contempt croucheth the good and wise.Earthly prosperity is o ft the lot of ignorance,What time the world a crust for wisdom’
s even ing-meal den ies.
The banquet of society receives the false and vile,The spirit o f the world doth o ft the true and leal despise .The gifted poet many a time becomes the jest of fools,
I As by the anc ient Greeks.
9 1
The wise and learned many a time the idiot ’s mirth supplies.The feeble and Opprest must often want for daily breadWhat whi le a cruel tyrant ’s deeds to fame and glory rise .
‘Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
O Lo rd,how comes it every man of learning here below
Must through the curse o f knowledge ever rest and peace forego?O Lo rd
,why is it that with every wise man here on earth
The measure of his gifts is still the measure o f his woe ?
His peace o f mind is gone,whatever side he turn his glance ;
His understanding is abased,where ’er his thoughts may go .
W ith knowledge as the only weight fo r understanding’s scalesI s
’
t possible the utmost truth of things to weigh and know?Thus impotent may any vision ever win to see
The final veri ty o f all the things and haps that show?And then
,as though the burden of this sorrow were too light,
From fools’ o’erbearing tyranny in blood his v i tals flow.
I know not ; is it ordered in the canon of the worldThat ever upon earth the bru tish folk shall prosper so?
Since e’er the world hath been the world this rule hath still prevailed,
Before the vi lest lent the man of heart is humbled low.
The dullard prosperous and courted lifts on high his headContemned and destitute the sage must ever humbly bow .
Fair Fortune doth caress the fool,crown ing his every hOpe,
While fickle Fate the wise and good to beggary doth throw.
I
“Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
The Father of Mankind was cast from Eden ’s happy plain ;As place o f trial for Abraham his offspring’s neck was ta’en ;The dole of separation from his son made Jacob weep ;The saintly Joseph’s hiding-place was e
’
en the well o f bane ;Ailments and aches of frame and limb made Job to groan full sore ;
I These five last couplets have a pecul iar appropriateness in the East, wherenot unfrequently those in authority are both ignorant and overbearing .
92
And Zacharias to the saw must needs his head constrain ;I
John the Apo stle 3 was beheaded by fell tyranny ;Jesus the Fatherless endured full much o f grief and pain ;A t Ta'if were the Prophet ’s shoon to ruby turned
,3 and then
Yon lustrous pearls were on the Day o f Ubud broke atwain ; 4
For hunger’s pangs he bound the stone fast to his blessed waist,5
Full li ttle recked the Lord o f Humankind of wordly gain ; °
Poisoned,from hence unto the O ther World set forth the Leaf ; I
I According to the Muhammedan legend,Herod
,when he had determ ined
to slay John, was fearful lest some evil should overtake him through theprayers o f his victim ’
s father the saintly Zacharias. He therefore determinedto murder the old man before slay ing his son . Zacharias
,becom ing aware of this
purpose, fled,and while on h is way, saw a tree the trunk o f which was spl it
Open as if to ofl'
er him a hiding-place . He concealed himself therein,whereon
the trunk closed upon him,but a corner o f h is robe remained
‘
hanging out.
Herod ’s emissaries passing by met an old man who,having enquired their
errand,told them that he whom they sought was concealed in the tree
,
showing them the corner o f the robe that was hanging out. At the instigationof this old man who was Satan in disguise they got a great saw and
cut longwise down through the trunk o f the tree,so that the saint was
cloven in two from the crown downwards.3 John the Baptist is referred to .
3 A t Ta’ if the Prophet Muhammed was stoned by some heathen and wounded inthe legs, so that they were stained with the blood which ran down over his feet.
4 At Ubud the Prophet was struck on the mouth by a stone thrown byI bn-Abi-Waqqas
,and two o f his front teeth were broken.
5 Referring to the hardships the Prophet underwent during his wanderings .
In a former note ( vol . i i i, p . 56, n . 1 ) the custom of ty ing a stone against thestomach to repel hunger has been already spoken o f . The poet Sami h intsat this practice in the following rather pretty little conceit on a q ibla-name( for q ibla-numa) , as the Turks call a particular kind o f compass arranged topoint out the direction o f Mekka ; the compass i tself is here likened to a
p ilgrim-lover seeking with fear and trembling the dwelling o f his loved one,
the needle being his staff ; and the china face on which the d irections are
marked,his ‘contentment stone. ’
us as “rs“
asst? La »
.
0971
”
a ll km of t,‘Stone against i ts m iddle bounden , and with iron staff in hand
,
‘Trembling sore,the compass ever seeketh out the Loved One’s land .
’
There is also a proverb, 6 M “ U
z i-b “ Ii-bfOM ?’ ‘for hunger he
has bound the stone against his navel .3 Referring to the Prophet ’s simple l ife .I Es-Siddiq ‘ the Leal ’ was the ti tle bestowed by the Prophet on his father
94
Who gave Su fyan I and Jacda
,3 Ibn Muljem,
I aye; and Shimr ‘
The hardihood the foullest o f all infamies to dare?Who sent Nasir-ud-Din of Tris to counsel HulAgu?
Who caused Mustacsim all h is trust w ith Ibn c
Alqam to share ?5Who makes the sick man stand in need of physic and o f drug?Who makes the balm remedial its healing v irtue wear?From whom is it the bee hath learned the geometric art?
Who is it that hath taught the n ightingale his plain tive air?
Who is it round th is Work-shop draws the veil o f mystery?Who is it that inspireth man to search this everywhere ?
‘Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
He changeth morn to even and He turneth n ight to day ;He maketh summer winter and He maketh au tumn May.
From the death-three He bringeth life, He makes the dead to l ive ;He turns the clay to man
,He turns the body back to clay .
For Abraham His might transformed the Fire into the Light ; 5
To Moses did His wisdom high the Light as Fire display.I
I Ebu Sufyan,though he eventually embraced Islam
,was for long among
the most determined o f the Prophet’s Opponen ts.
3 Jacda
,Hasan’s treacherous wife and murderess.
5 Ibn Muljem,the murderer o f
cAli.
4 Shimr,a commander in Yezid
’
s army which defeated Huseyn at Kerbela,and the repu ted slayer o f the martyr Imam .
3 Nasir-ud-D fn of Tus,a very famous philosopher and astronomer
,was at
tached to the serv ice o f Hulagu the Mongol conqueror, whom he urged tomarch against Baghdad . Ibn
cAlqam ( properly Ibnu ’
l-‘AlqamO, the treacherous
vezir of el-Musta‘sim billah
,the last Caliph o f the house o f
cAbbas, was the
means o f admi tting into Baghdad the Mongols, who thereupon murdered theCaliph, massacred the people, and la id the city in ru ins. All these historicalallusions are o f course familiar to every educated Muslim .
5 Referr ing to the legend according to which Nimrod cast Abraham intoa huge blazing furnace for blaspheming h is divinity, whereupon God sent theAngel Gabriel who changed fo r Abraham the fire into a garden o f flowers .
The story is practically the same as that o f Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego in the Book o f Daniel .
I In the Bu rn ing Bush . Wi th the mystics the terms Fire and Ligh t areused to typ i fy respectively the Aw fulness and the Beauty o f the D ivin ity.
95
Showing the Leyla-beauty Shirin-sweet before his eyes,
For dole o f love He made Ferhad Mejun-distracted stray .
He makes a heart beref t of peace for long through some des ire ;For some fond hope He makes a soul for years to thole dismay .He overthrows a kingdom for some greedy tyrant’s sake ;He cas ts through some intriguer a whole nation in deray.
He fosters in all luxury a body many a year,
And then at las t He y ields it to the clutch o f death as prey .He maketh one a treasure-hoard o f knowledge year on year
,
And in the dust sepulchral at the end He doth him lay.
Ziya,the sage is he who doth his helplessness confess
,
And taketh warning by the things that pass before him aye .
Throughou t His Kingdom ever ru les the Truth ‘e’en as He will’
The un iverse,e ’en as He please
,He makes or doth away .
‘Glory to Him before whose work all intellect is dazed !‘Glory to Him before whose might the wisest stand amazed !’
The following little ballad was written by Ziya in imitation
of the Tu rkis or folk-songs ; the curious inconsequence , the
lack of apparent connection between the lines even of a
s ingle stanza, is characteristic o f the type .
Turki
The sun is sinking,and the evening-dusk is falling now
,
And from the vale the shepherd-lad is pip ing soft and low.
May He who made thee keep the safe,fo r very young art thou
Come,join the flock
,my little lamb , the wolf might seize on
Parted at last from thy dear love, my l ittle one, thou ’lt be .
Since that the Lord ha th made o f me thy slave for aye and aye,
Where’er thou treadest it were meet my face and eyes I lay.
Be not dece ived by rivals’ craft,but heed the words I say.
Come,join the flock
,my little lamb
,the wolf might seize on thee
Parted at last from thy dear love, my little one, thou ’lt be.
The mist wraps all the mountain round,the rival can ’ t be seen ;
One may not win unto one ’s love,the hunter ’
s laid his gin .
96
Wine is not drunk in company o f faithless friend,I ween .
Come,join the flock
,my little lamb
,the wolf might seize on thee
Parted at last from thy dear love,my little one
,thou’lt be.
Of the sixty-six stanzas of the Zafer-Name I have trans
lated thirty-three . These thirty- three have been selected as
being either characteristic o r interesting ; and , taken as a
whole,they give a fairly adequate idea o f the poem .
From the Zafer-Name [4
Lo ! what a royal triumph ! glorious ! splendid ! o f high degree !Lo ! what a joyous conquest ! lo ! what a banner of victory !’Twere meet that Zdl and Rustem I cry in Heaven, as they wondering see‘God bless us all ! what a meteor bright of loftiest radiancy !
‘God save us all ! what a wondrous triumph crowned by Fortune free !’
Here is the history of the past,i f of argument there’s need ; 3
The fights that have been fought on earth are many and many indeed ;But thus say men below, with angels bright above agreed‘The truth is this
,that never since the spheres began to speed
“Hath any ever won so brave a victory to see !’
In dread looked the earth to the sky, the sky looked to earth in dismay ;And each in its terror sought some place where to hide away ;The peoples o f earth and sky wailed and cried in dire affray ;The welk in shook with the shou ts : ‘God grant him to live for aye !
’
And quaked the earth with the cries : ‘Exalted on high be he !’
Let us search all records through since history hath begun ,E’en from the furthest East to where sinks the westering sun .
Heroes and conquerors bold have arisen many an one,
But ne’er to a triumph grand like to this hath any won,Iskender nor Hulagu, Hannibal nor Caesar, nay!
I and Rustem,the legendary Persian heroes.
3 I. e . I f the greatness o fcAli Pasha’s victory over the Cretan rebels be
questioned,we appeal to history to show a more brilliant triumph .
98
While safe and sung was his home in the midst of his maidensAnd while with his servants’ jests h is nights enlivened were, IUnbidden did he all such delight and peace forswear ;He chose this hard campaign in the winter-tide to share
,3
W hile never an one had wished o f him to be rid or free.
There were vessels twenty-and-five h is high commands to obey ;He took one Greekish steamer
,the frui t of a year’s essay. 3
Although he ne’er had studied things naval till that day,He wrought that on the squadron nor slight nor stigma lay ;Full worthy he an admiral of the English fleet to be.“
When forth to that bi tter war did this valiant champion go,The very thought of his sword made the paynim hordes how low.
I Ziya here takes the opportunity to deal a blow at some of h is opponents,notably at h is old patron Mustafa Fazil Pasha who had played h im false.Husni is made to say in his Commentary : ‘That is
,h is servants such as
Yebbi Molla, Sa’ib Bey, Bilki ri Mehemmed Efendi,
°Omer Fa’iz Efendi,Khalil
Bey and Mustafa Fazil Pasha, whose nights are usually spent in drinking and
making merry at the private feasts of His Highness our benefactor,and
who, when their pates get heated, amuse His Highness wi th ribaldries of
which larrikins would be ashamed .
’
3 cAli Pasha arrived in Crete on the z8th of September 1 867.
3 The Greek steamer Arkadi,after having repeatedly run the blockade
bearing arms for the rebels and landing filibusters, was taken by the Imperialvessel c
I zz-ud-Din.
3 The ‘Summary of the Meaning’ which winds up the commentary on
this stanza is a good example o f Ziya’s satirical praise . ‘When he who is
versed in all learn ing and science,to wit
,His H ighness the accomplished
‘Ali Pasha, set in motion the wheel of departure to conquer and restore Crete ,that island was blockaded by twenty-five government vessels. Notwithstandingthis, the steamer Arkadi and Russian and Italian steamers were pufiing abou tbearing stores to the island rebels. At length
, after a year’s untold eff orts,he succeeded in capturing the aforesaid steamer
,and by this marvellous
victory he saved the honour o f the fleet from any hurt. Now when one whonever in all his life had seen any sea excep t the Bosphorus o r any shipbeyond a row-boat is able to achieve so glorious a triumph solely throughhis own energy and ability
,is he not worthy to be an admiral in the English
navy?For the English naval chiefs are more skilful than those of any othernation ; but while they have to study a long time in their schools and do not
become adm irals until after forty or fifty years,our benefactor has attained
to this degree of perfection through his inborn genius or through the sheergrace o f God . 0 happy Empire !’
He held the'
soldiers back, no r let one pursue the foe ; I
How ‘Pardon is the alms o f victory ’ he did show, 3Nor swept from the face o f earth the dastard rebel crew.
His skill in all arts that be unto everyone is known ;But in letters more than all is his wondrous talent shown.E
’en supposing we could not prove these pretensions one by one, 3
That Note 3 o f his which recounts all the deeds that he hath doneUnmatched and unri valled stands for its rhetoric ’s brilliancy .
No eye may pierce to h is reed wi th art invested fai r,
For circling o’er its head doth the halo o f wisdom flare.
I In the Commentary on this line Ziya says through his monthpiece Husn iPasha : ‘When that M ine o f Magnanimity ( i. e. c
Ali Pasha) was in Crete, theGreek rebels used often to attack the guard-houses held by the Muslim troopsand to se ize captives whom they murdered with all kinds of tortures, and tocome down into the environs of the towns and destroy the vineyards and
orchards. In brief, there is not a brutality that they have left undone ; still HisHighness forbade the troops to pursue them. It was even as in the Montenegrintrouble
,when
,though the mountaineers used to cut OK the noses and ears of
the Muslim soldiers,our lord ‘
Ali Pasha would permit no attack on them,in order that the quest ion might be settled by diplomacy.’
Of course, cAli Pasha’s abstention from chastising those malefactors as
they deserved was really brought abou t by the pressure put upon the Porteby certain o f the European embassies. Ziya knew this perfectly well, and
his reflections on the Vezir’s conduct in this and some other similar casesare unfair. None the less an O ttoman minister who seems to yield over muchto foreign insolence can hardly expect to stand well wi th his countrymen
,
who naturally and justly can see no reason why they should not deal withtheir revolted subjects in the same way as Englishmen have deal t withrevolted Indians, Frenchmen with revolted Algerians
,and Russians with
revolted Poles and Turcomans.o o 30 .
3JAE-II 8K} j i -J I ‘Pardon is the alms o f Victory ’
,is a hadis.
1! These pretensions,i . is. our claim that he is skilled in all the arts that be.
3 The Note which ‘Ali Pasha presented to the Sultan on his return from
Crete. In it he gave an account of all he had done in the island and ot
the measures he had taken to ensure tranquility. I t was published in theConstantinople newspapers . Hav ing satirised c
Ali’
s exploits in Crete,Ziya
now proceeds to turn his li terary and other accomplishments into ridi cule .‘Ali Pasha was not, and did not pretend to be, a man of letters ; there i s,however, a ghazel by him ( the only one known) in Fatia ’
s Tezk iré.
This verse from his Victory-Book I read thou with heed and careIn questions and upon points that touch the loved one’s hair 3The threads suggestive coil at his pen ’s foot verily .
Whatever thing he writes,the world is compelled to praise ;
Whatever thing he doth,the people admire always.
How could it be that his works should not all men amaze?Mumtaz 3 and Fu’dd 3 applaud and extol his every phrase,Gazette 5 and Journal 5 both proclaim his doings aye .
Sharpen he but his wits anything whate’er to do,In one or another way he is certain to pull it through,E
’en matters held by all for impossible hitherto.Such is his might and power that if he but choose pursue,Impossible things by scores to possibles changed will be. I
IThat is this qasida called Zafer-Name or Victory-Book, which Fazil Pashais feigned to have wri tten
,and on which Khayri Efendi is here supposed
to be mak ing a takhmis.
3 xi i a}; xv ii-I)‘To touch ( caress) the locks of the beloved,
’is a
proverbial phrase meaning either to wound the susceptibili ties of some oneby touching his sore point
,or
,as here
,to attack indirectly the policy of the
government or o f some great man . The phrase is quoted in the followingcouplet of Munff :
W e ) : vus gae J-e u a-A Lem maf tsfi y
b vj -l d d)" Tis as though played the breeze wi th the loved one’s locks,‘Once again is there qualm and throe in my heart. ’
Ebu-z-Ziya Tevfiq Bey, who cites this couplet in his book o f proverbs, hasfollowed a manuscript in which the last line of this d istich has been transposed with the last line of the preceding one
,the result being that the quotation ,
as he prints it,is meaningless. The preceding couplet
,which is mystic
,is :
M)I, U I_o—! I I
fQ M M H—m fl éfi r
fi l gé‘A mote inexistent o f Love am I ;‘Yet suns by the myriad glow in my heart.’
3 Mumtaz Efendi,a government official of those days.
3 Fu ’ad Pasha, cAli
’
s famous colleague .3 Taqwim
-i Vaqayic
,the O ttoman omcial Gazette.
5 Jeride-i Hawadis,‘the Journal o f Events’, the well-known Constan tinople
paper with which so many o f Ziya’
s early associates were connected.I Iusni Pasha is made to say that th is is of course a poetical exaggeration
then commander-in-chief,to despatch two of these with all speed to Rumelia’
Ahmed Pasha replied that owing to the intrigues of some foreign priests,and especially o f the French consul in Damascus
,signs of ill-feeling
between the Muhammedan and Christian citizens had for some time beenapparent
,that it was difi cult to maintain order even wi th the four battalions
that he had, and that i f the half of these were wi thdrawn,a tumul t among
the people was almost certain to occur. He added that should the despatchof these battal ions he insisted on
,he would pray that he might be allowed to
resign his post and that another might be appointed thereto,as he would
not be responsible for any evil resul ts that migh t ensue . To these wordsTheir Excellencies the M inisters paid not the slightest attention ; they withdrew the battalions from Damascus and they did not replace Ahmed Pasha.
Not long after this they demanded further one o f the two battal ions which stillremained. Ahmed Pasha, who then foresaw what would happen, wrote an
answer a copy whereof was sent to the Imperial Palace and so must belying pigeon-holed there in which
,after describing in an almost prophetic
manner the disastrous events which would occur in Damascus,he categorically
announced his resignation,as should this other battalion be wi thdrawn
,he
declared himself unable to preserve order in the ci ty ; while should hisresignation he declined
,he would none the less look upon himself as having
resigned, as he would in no wise accept responsibility for the future . Thisreply was discussed in the cabinet, yet the bat talion was wi thdrawn . Threeor four days later the tumul t broke out. The cry
‘ the Muhammedans are
murdering the Christians !’ made Europe jump up, and there was a tremendousuproar. Fu ’
ad Pasha was despatched,investigations were made
,the upshot
being that one hundred and sixty-eight innocent Muhammedans were executed,while they shot Ahmed Pasha
,whom they reproached
,saying
,
‘why did younot go out o f the palace during the riot and let them tear you in pieces?’Requisitions were made on behalf of the Christian families who had suff ered
,
and the Treasury indemnified them to the extent of purses ; and in
such fashion was the matter closed. Many different reports were current concern ing the execution of Ahmed Pasha ; some people declared that on theoccasion o f a drunken quarrel between him and Fu ’ad Pasha
,when they were
on service at Bucharest,Fu ’ad said to Ahmed
,
‘Thy death shall be at myhands !’ and in order to make good his words sacrificed him at Damascus.O thers maintain that c
Alf Pasha had for long borne ill-will to Ahmed Pasha,
and,using this question as a pretext, brought about his death ; and indeed
when,during the course o f the investigations
,Ahmed Pasha was brought to
Constantinople, cAli Pasha urged h is being sent back to Damascus
,ostensibly
for the completion o f the investigation , but really,it is said
,that he might
complete the term o f his life . Others again are of opin ion that ‘Ali Pasha
sacrificed Ahmed Pasha as a sop to Europe, and especially to the Emperoro f the French ; while, according to some, there was in addition to these reasonsa rivalry for office between Riza and Ahmed Pashas. But
,be all this as it may,
although the unfortunate Ahmed Pasha had fully and carefully instructed the
And thus did he heal the hates that clave the folk in twain.I
He granted the Nazarenes in the Lebanon to reign .3
government as to the state o f affairs in his province, the authori ties paid no
attention to h im, and the arms that he had and the troops that were withhim were taken away
,and he himself was afterwards shot. As our lord
‘Ali Pasha was then re igning supreme as Grand Vezir and Foreign M inister,the orders in these matters were execu ted at his instructions. Now be fore theoccurrence of these events none would have believed it possible had it beensaid that such a state of affairs should arise
,that a Marshal of the O ttoman
Empire should be shot like a brigand, a sacrifice to the rancour of cAli Pasha,that one hundred and sixty-eight Muhammedans should be butchered
, and
that several hundreds of households should be driven into exile,and their
women and children left to perish. Yet the might of our lord cAli Pasha has
brought these seemingly impossible occurrences into the field o f possibility !’I This line is of course ironical , racial and religious enmity not being
extingu ishable by the blood of any number o f W dlis.
3 In consequence of continued fighting between the Druses and Maronites,a body of French troops under General Hautpoul and o f Turkish troo psunder Fu ’ad Pasha marched upon Mount Lebanon in the au tumn of 1 860.
Later on the district was, through French influence, formed into a se parateprovince, the governor o f which must be a Roman Catholic
,that is
,a co
religionist of the Maronites. Here is Ziya’s account of the business as giventhrough the Commentary : ‘Ano ther instance of the power o f our lord ‘
Alf
Pasha to make possible the impossible is the plac ing of the government ofthe Lebanon in the hands o f a member o f the Catholic sect. As is generallyknown, unti l the question of the Lebanon arose
,those parts were under the
admin istration of the go vernors of Sidon and Beyrli t. The inhabi tants of theMountain are of two peoples of difl'erent religions who are called Druses and
Maron ites. The Maroni tes are Catholics, and so they have always had themoral support of France ; but as the Druses
,who have a special creed o f
their own,are the more numerous, they are unable to put up with the priv i
leges of the Maronites. Consequently there is never any cessation of strifeand quarreling between them ; the more especially as the Cathol ic priests
,
seeking to drive the Druses into the Catholic sect,and the French consuls
,
hoping some day to annex those districts to France like Algiers, never leaveofl
' exci ting hostil ity be tween the two peoples. A t length, af ter the troublein the Lebanon
,it was dec ided to give over the government of those parts entirely
over to the Catholics by plac ing the administration in the hands of a mushi rwho mus t belong to that sect. A number o f privileges were also grantedwhich do not prevail in other provinces. The governorship
,along with the
rank o f mushir,was conferred first on Dawud Efendi
,who had been chargé
d’afl
'
aires at Berlin and had wri tten a book in the German language,and who
was moreover one o f the most steadfast in obedience and humility among
104
In Egypt-land a change in the heirs did he ordain. lHe made a captain Prince of Roumania to be.
’
Ten thousand Muslim households,obeying his command
,
Abandoned hearth and homestead and fled their native land.That there should float our banner with this condi tion grandTo Servia the fortress of Belgrade did he hand : 3Thus perfectly be preserved the Empire’s integri ty ! ‘
All Pasha's servants. But after some years certain indications of thoughts ofindependence were perceived in him, so he was brought under a clever pretextto Constantinople
,and the notorious Franco Efendi
,one o f Fu ’
ad Pasha'ssycophants, was made mushir and appointed governor of the Mountain in h isstead . As Maronites and Druses alike are savage mountaineers
,honest and
trustworthy men are exceedingly rape among them ; while very plentiful arethe likes of Rizq-ullah Hasun , wlfo , while chief secretary o f the tobaccocustoms
,was for well-known reasons put in prison, whence he escaped and
took up his abode with his compatriot Ghadban,the O ttoman consul in
London . Now before these events would it have been thought possible thatthe Mountain should have been thus placed under a practically independentgovernment which is virtually under the control of France?But 10
,the might
o f our lord cAli Pasha has achieved this !’
Direct succession to the Khedivial throne was granted in 1 866 to theViceregal fami ly o f Egypt, in place o f the O ttoman system which had prevailedsince the time o f Mehemmed
cAli Pasha. By the change thus effected
,Mus
tafa Fazil Pasha,Ziya
’
s former patron,lost his chance o f succession ; and it
is in the commentary on this line of the Zafer-Name that the poet takes hisrevenge on his fai thless friend, by making Husni bring forward many chargesagainst him ostensibly to justify “
Alf Pasha in sanction ing this change in thesuccession on the ground o f Mustafa Faz il
’
s being an imbecile and conse
quently unfit to reign .3 Prince Charles o f Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen
,elected in 1 866.
The Imperial government maintained a garrison in the c itadel of Belgradetill 1 867 , when the troops were withdrawn, and the fortress handed over tothe Servians. It was stipulated that the Ottoman flag should continue to flyover the citadel
,a barren recogn ition o f the Sul tan's suzerain ty which
the Servians did not very long respect. The first two lines o f the stanzarefer to thc Muhammedan inhabitants o f Belgrade
,who
,unable to trust the
native government, had to leave their homes when the troops that hadhitherto protected them were wi thdrawn.4 Referring to the o ft quoted phrase ‘ the integri ty and independence of the
Ottoman Empire .’
106
For of Greeks and Armenians both doth he make Bey and Mushir ;The equali ty of rights ! to perfection brought hath he.
3
O
Though the purpose of Fu’ad was to win at Damascus fame,What need a wholesale slaughter of the Muslims to proclaim?3Were ’
t not enow had he acted like him of noble name?‘Such are the deeds they do who at lasting glory aim ;
ls’t meet to defile Zemzem though one would remembered be?3
Were it strange at all that he ° who doth Fortune’s charger ride,
When armed with the whip of zeal, should the wall l ike a donkey guide,‘
3
What else could have brought such weal wi thin so brief a tide?Had ever the steed of Empire so swift unto progress hied,Had he not urged it on wi th the spur of his energy?
3 The equality of rights between the difl'erent races subject to the Sultan.
3 This stanza is followed by three in which cAll Pasha’s financial arrange
ments are cri ticised.3 A return to Fu’ad Pasha and the Damascus executions.4 That is, Fu ’ad should have acted at Damascus as
cAll did in Crete.
3 Referring to a legend of a certain fil thy and foolish fellow who defiledthe Zemzem
,the sacred well at Mekka, in the hope that by thus doing what
none had ever done before,he might immortalize his name. ‘And in truth
,
because of that villainy of his,wi ll the name of that accursed one be mentioned
wi th execration while the world lasts. 3 3 3 3 The wri ter o f the poem, attributingFu’ad Pasha’s proceedings in Damascus to a desire to perpetuate his name,compares him to the fellow who defiled the Zemzem ; the humble commentatorwould say that as Yezid is al so, like the defiler o f the Zemzem
,amongst those
who have made a name at Damascus, it would have been most appropriateto have compared the Pasha to him. Alas , that the metre would not admi tof it !’ The Yezid here mentioned was the son and successor of the usurpingCaliph Mu‘a’wiya
,and is loathed and execrated abo ve all others by the Muslims ;
indeed he holds in the Muhammedan world much the place occupied byJudas Iscariot in the Christian. I t was by his orders that the martyrs ofKerbela were slain
,and it was he who most cruelly insulted the hapless
survivors o f that fatal day when brought into his presence at Damascus. One
Muslim can cast no more bi tter reproach at ano ther than to compare himto Yezid.
3 I. e. cAll Pasha.
A reference to a l egend concern ing the saint Hajj i Bekwsh,which says
that when that holy man desired to go from one place to another he usedto mount a wall which carried him whi ther he would be.
To his private audience none may win who is base or lowHe doth on the ‘
ulema whate’er they desire bestow.
No scorn of the Prophet ’s race would he in public show ;So great a lord is he
,did the Dean of the Sheri fs ‘ go
Up to his audience-hall,his place would the shoe-rank be.
3
The Arab and Persian Kings are eclipsed by his high renown ;The titles of royal ty he appropriates as his own
,
By the style of Son Altesse in the Moni teurs he is known. 3
Is it much though to Europe’s lands his eagle-fame is flown?Were it strange should a vulture fly to Beyqoz from Geybize?3
Should he but his holy ire to the raging lion show,
I ts body would fall in bi ts for the dread it were sure to know,
So let not the evil beasts in heedless surety go ;As yet they have felt not his wrath, but should they once do so
,
Not a wolf would the mountain roam,not a mouse o
’
er the ceiling flee !
Although he may harshly deal with the righteous men and wise,’Tis but as a father acts when he doth his son chastise.For alum from sugar well enough can he recogn ize. “
3 The Naq -ul-Eshraf or Dean of the Sheri fs, the registrar of the descendants o f the P rophet in a province or city . The Dean o f the Sherifs forConstan tinople is a much venerated ofl‘icial.
3 The shoe-rank ( safl-i ni‘al) is the place by the door of an Oriental roomwhere shoes are left on entering and where servants wait. See Browne ’s remarkson this subject in the 17. R . A . S . for 1 895 , pp . 805—808 .
3 By the ‘Moniteurs’ the European press is meant.3 Beyqoz is a village on the Bosphorus
,Geybize is a small town between
Scutari and Izmid. ‘The humble commentator would say that if the comparisonof the passage of our benefactor’s fame into Europe to the flight o f a vulturefrom Geybize to Beyqoz appear somewhat vulgar
,this results from the fact
that the au thor of the poem is a prov incial. As is well known“Never is the country beau ty dainty
,e’en though fair she be.”
I t will be borne in mind that the pseudo-au thor o f the Zafer-Name qasidais Fazil Pasha the Bosn ian . The line Husn i is made to quote is from a ghazelof Nabi
fig ga
b-L: m 3
)! N
JLJ “sl
ab
ay’all C935 g j
flm his} C alm ‘He can tell between alum and sugar,’
is a proverb.
Full many a fair and cultured home would he pulverize,Did not his noble heart incline towards clemency.
The Turkish virtues old are all,alack
,undone ;
The ancient Turkish zeal abideth in ne’er an one ;The Turkish glory o f yore is past away and gone ;The Turkish State is come into such a plight that noneThe signs and porten ts sad of approaching doom can see.
Though to show what is naught as aught doth no little talent need,Harder yet than the juggle is to get it believed indeed .
‘
For all that many a hap hath occurred the work to speed,What skill is thine that it doth these twenty years succeedIn cheating Europe still and deceiving the world alway ! 3
The King o f earth unto thee subjected boweth low ;Supreme in his name thou ’
st ruled since many a year ago .
All manner o f wonderment and amaze were it meet to show .
How happy-starred,for so long
,with all the world thy foe,
To sit all uncon trolled on the throne of mastery !
No longer confiding now in thy promises full fair,
Regarding thy notions wise as though they but follies were,
And seeking each evi l plight to thee alone to refer,
At thee swear the Muslims all, and at thee non-Muslims swear ;Alack
,there is never an one who knoweth the worth of thee !
Relying on thine indulgence,extended to those who claim
,
Faz il 3 hath sung thy lauds,while Khayri ‘ details the same
(Never did he when young vi tuperate thee o r blame.) 3Although in his dotage
,sti ll will Fazil they praise proclaim ;
Though his teeth be gone,will the dog of race still of service be. ‘
Difficult as the actual juggle is, i t is yet more difli cult so to execute itthat people may never guess there has been any juggle at all.
3 From this stanza the poem is addressed directly to clltlf Pasha.
3 Old Fazil Pasha the Bosnian,the pretended author o f the Zafer-Name qasida.
4 Khayri Efendi,the pretended author o f the Takhmis on the Zafer-Name.
3 From th is it seem that Faz il at one time opposed cAll
,which Khayri
here takes credit to himself for never having done .6f -
‘EM L‘O ”M f g -3 GM M ‘The dog of race willattack even when his teeth are gone
,15 a proverb. ‘The humble commentator
As the month of May is the tide of health ( so physicians say) ,For them who would blessings crave the time is the dawn of day ; 'So now let us to the Lord with loyal devotion pray .Desist from thy toil and moil, and cast thy reed away
,
And Meklta-ward bow thy head wi th all sinceri ty.3
So long as the Salamander in his fiery dwelling lies,
So long as the Phoenix doth from his ashes heavenward rise,
So long as the Stellar Eagle 3 circling and soaring flies,
So long as Huma and Simurgh do wing them through the skies .
May the partridge o f his pomp ’scape the hawk of adversity !
May nothing that is or is not e’er his noble heart ofl'end
,‘
cured by a decoration set with j ewels. That Khayri Efendi is enti tled to ask
for some favour on account o f his takhmis is self-eviden t,but the exigencies
o f metre have prevented him from making any request ; there is, however, nodoubt that he too will get his desire through the channel of His Highness’ssons.
’ Husni Pasha is elsewhere made to hint at his eagerness for a decoration(presumably the Mejidiyye, since the ‘Osmaniyye order was not instituteduntil 1 288 : A . D . 1 87 t
—z) . Thus when speaking,in the commentary on a
preceding untranslated stanza,on the usual penuriousness and jealousy o f poets,
he says : ‘As the present wri ter likewise ( though he has no claim thereto) isreckoned among the poets
,for all that he is Marshal of Police, he has been
unable to escape from penuriousness, and although there is no jealousy inhis soul
,yet were he to say that he feels no pangs when he sees minis ters
on whose breasts is the decoration in question , he would tell a lie.
’
3 The old poets used to say that the prayers uttered at dawn were themost efl'ectual.3 In these two lines the poet addresses himself. The two stanzas whichfollow
,which are the last of the po em
,contain the prayer for ‘
Alf Pasha’sprosperity .3 That is the constellation Aqu ila ; it will noticed that they are all fabulous animals the continuance o f whose existence is to be the measure of “AllPasha’s spell of prosperi ty.3 ‘The humble commentator wou ld say that seeing how as it is impossiblethat the heart o f any man , so long as he is in this world
,should always be
free from every actual or possible trouble,to express such a wish concerning
one is a poli te way of expressing a desire that he may depart to the Hereaf ter ; bu t that the intention o f the author o f the poem must be to declarehis hope that the ears of our lord c
All Pasha may be strong .
’ ‘May the earsof So-and-so be strong’ is a whimsical way o f praying that he may continueto enjoy good health.
And him may God exempt from the spite of the envious band ! 3W hile e
’en as his stature, far may ever his shade extend ! 3
An d like to his boundless grace, may his li fetime know no end !And great as his p ity is
,may his fortune and favour be !
3 ‘Seeing that so long as man lives he is an object of envy, and that solong as he is an object o f envy he is exposed
'
to spi te,exemption from the
envier’s spite is only possible with death. But the au thor of the poem meansthat His H ighness ‘
Ali Pasha ought not to be worried.’ (Commentary.)3 °Alf Pasha was short of stature .
ends the Author’
s manuscr ipt. The continuation and
completion of the book, under taken by a Turkish man of letter s,w ill f orm the seventh and concluding volume of the work.)
E . G . B .
1 14 INDEX I .
AbucAbdu llah of Samar
cand , Khoja, IV 92 .
Abt’
i Bakr ibn Sacd ibn Zang i,V 8 1 n . 3.
Abt’
1 Han ifa, I II 2 50 n . 3.
Abu -l-Hashim ,I 53 n . 2.
Abt’
t Ishaq of Sh iraz, I I
335 33 7Abu - l-Mahésin Jemal-ud
D in Yusuf ibn Taghr i-bard i,I I 358 n . 3.
Abt’
i Nuwas, I I I 1 1 5 n . l .Abyssinia, I I 1 58 ; IV 228 .
A chiq Qazi , I I 289.
A cre, IV 220 seq .
°
Ad , name of a king, I 28 1 .
°
Ad, tribe of, I 326 n . 5 ,
389 n . 2 ; I I 270.
Adam, I 1 19 n . 5 , 233 n .
4. 236. 353. 362 n 6. 399 ;
II 1 5 1 , 2 1 5 n . 10, 25 3 n . 4 ,
28 1 n . 2, 329, 339 n . 1 ; IV
2 1 1 n . 1 .
c
Adana, I 204 ; III 1 63 ; IV266 seq. ; V 1 1 , 59 n . 2, 64.
Adem Chelebi , I II 1 19 .
c
Aden I 326 n . 5 ; II 89 n2, 278 n . 9 and 1 1 ; II I 230 n .
2, 300 n . 2 ; IV 265 n . 1 .
c
Adeni, I I 25 n . 3.
cAdli, pen -name of Bayez id
II , I 4 1 7 n . 1 ; I I 28 ,88 n . 6.
c
Adli, pen-name of MahmudPasha, I I 25 , 31 , 32 11 .
8 5 , 88 n . 6.
c
Ad lf, pen-name of Muham
c
Adnl, pen-name, I I 25 n .
3, 28. 32. 33 n 3. 37. 8 5Adrianople, I 1 14, 252 , 25 5 ,
256 , 263, 299 n . 1 , 38 1 , 382
n . 2 , 387 , 4 1 5 , 427 , 428 ; I I
16. 30: 42» 49 , 50, 73 33 I .
93, 1 39, 1 72 , 232 , 234, 25 1 ,
272» 273 33 2 » 337» 347 » 349»
350. 352. 370 ; 111 50,
60, 6 1 , 11 . 1 7 5 , 202, 204,
222, 294, 31 2 , 31 3,
IV 65 n . 4, 2 1 1 , 2 1 8 , 309
32 1 , 326 seq., 332 .
Adrianople Gate, the , I I
353 ; I II 50. 1 35 , 194.
Adrianople Gate Mosque ,the, II I 194.
Aesop , I 389 n . 2.
t6 5 i,name of a village V
45 n . 2 .
A frasiyab , I I I 269 n . 3.
A fyon , I II 89.
Agah Efendi , V 26.
c
Ahdi, I I I 8 , 19, 52,
57 : 72 : 76: 79, 89: 90: 308 :
109, n . 1 , 1 27, 138 , 165 , 167 ,
1 73, 1 7 5 , 1 86, 1 87, 198 .
Ahi , I 107 , 306, 31 1 ; I I108 n . 1 , 286 sqq.
, 370, 376 ;
I I I 2 1 , 52 ; IV 1 8 1 n . 2.
Ahl i of Sh iraz, I II 23.
A hmed , personal name of
Kemal-Pasha-zade, I I 347 , 357n . 3.
Ahmed , name of Muham
med the Prophet , I 377 ; I I
57 n . 4 , 220 n . 1 . 239 n . 1 ,
357 , n . 3; IV 23 n . 8 .
NAMES or PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
Ahmed , personal name o f
Nedim , IV 30.
Ahmed , hero ofYahya Bey’
s
Sha'
h u Gedd , I I I 1 23.
Ahmed (old Turkish poet) ,I 225 , 226, 260, 427 .
Ahmed , Prince, son of Bziyezld I I , I I 1 25 , 1 29, 1 35 , 228 ,
257. 259. 266. 367Ahmed I , Su ltan, I 4 1 7 n .
1 ; I I I 2, 165 , 20 1 , 205 sqq. ,
209, 252, 263.
Ahmed II,Sultan
,II I 233
n . 1 , 302.
Ahmed III, Sultan, I 4 1 7n. 1 ; I I 142 n . 1 ; 111 2 , 1 5 5n . 3, 202 , 205 , 233 n . 1 , 245 ;
IV 3, 4, 8 , 1 1 sqq ., 24, 29-
31 ,
37» S3» 6 3: 67 : 7 5 : 77 33° 5 :
8 1 , 88 , 107 , 108 , 1 10 sqq .,
243» 279Ahmed , Su ltan , Mosque of,I 237 n . 2 .
Ahmed Bey, V 43 seq.
Ahmed-i B ljan, I 396 sqq.,
406.
Ahmed Burhan-ud-Din. SeeBurhén-ud-Dln , Cadi .Ahmed-i Dé‘ i, I 2 1 1 , 249,
253, 256 seq .
Ahmed Dede, IV 37 n . 1 .
Ahmed Jelziyirf, Sultan , I207 n . 2 .
1 1 5
Ahmed Neylf Efendi . SeeNeyl i.Ahmed Pasha, the p0et, l 1 28 ,
228—230, 231 n . 1 , 4 16 ; II 10,
16, 1 8 , 25 , 31 , 32, 40 sqq.,
8 5 . 88 n . 2. 93. 94. 95 . 104.
106, 109, 1 23, 229, 230 n . 1 ,
277. 284. 288. 365. 368. 37 1 ,
388 ; I I I 53: 8 5 : 1 79 11 . 2: 32 5 3
IV 99 ; V 32 , 80, 82.
Ahmed Pasha, ex-governorof Baghdad , IV 93.
Ahmed Pasha, governor ofDamascus, V 10 1 n . 4.
Ahmed Pasha , governor o fSalonica, I I I 294.
Ahmed el-Qudurf, IV 342 .
Ahmed Rétib Pasha, IV
1 25 n . 3.
Ahmed Re flca Efendi , IV
2 1 1 .
Ahmed bin Shemsi, personal name o f
c
Ahdi, I II 8 .
Ahmed , Sheykh , I 304
n . 1 .
AhmedVe ffa sha,V 14, 1 5 ,
Ahmed W asif Efend i IV279 n . 1 .
Ahmed-i Yesevl, I 7 1 , 76,
92, 95 , 104, 169.
Ahmed i , I 108 , 2 1 1 , 228 ,
253, 25 5 , 260 sqq. , 299, 308 ,
31 1 . 336. 4 14. 427. 429. 436.
Ahmed Midhat Efendi,V 1 3. 443, 444 ; I I 19, 5 1 , 5 2, 200,
Ahmed- i Misri, I 430 n . 1 ;
V 1 3 n . 1 .
Ahmed Mukhtar E fendi , I I I1 7 1 ; IV 1 5 1 , 349.
377 ; II I 86, 1 7 1 n . 1 .
A l-Ahqaf, I 326 n . 5 .
Ahr1man , V 89 n . 2 .
Akbar, Su ltan, I I I 190 n. 4 .
1 16 INDEX 1.
Akhf-zade c
Abd-ul-Hal imEfendi , I I I 233.
c
Akif Pasha, IV 323 sqq .,
333 ; V 1 5 n . 2 .
C=
A la'
t-ud-Dln , personal nameof Sabit, IV 14 .
c
A lai -ud-Din , Seljuq Su ltan ,I 1 76 178 n . 1 ; I I 72.
°
A lé~ud-Dinc
Alf, I 406 n . 1 .
cAla-ud-Din
c
A rebi , I 300.
Ala-Shehr , I I I 208 . 2 1 1 .
A lbania , I I 226 ; IV 228 .
c
A lem -Sha’
th, name of a boy,I I 2 53 n . 8 .
A leppo, 1 205 , 346, 349 ; I I29: 74, 1 39: 39 I 5 I I I 284 : 294 1
326, 330, 332 ; IV 1 7 , 66, 10 1
n . 3, 108 , 192 , 228 , 242 seq . ;
V 5 5 n . 2 .
A lexander the Bicorned,
II I 209.
A lexander Borgia (PopeA lexander VI) , I I 8 1 .
A lexander the Great, I 144n . 3, 149 n . 1 , 1 72 n . 1 , 266
sqq., 296 n . 1 , 330 n . 4 ; II 10,
11 . 5 , 1 26 n . 1 , 1 37 n .
2 , 270 n . 2 ; III 9 n. 2, 1 5 2 n .
2, 209 n . 1 , 324 n . 2 ; IV 103
n . 3, 1 1 1 n . 6, 31 7 n . 1 . SeeIskender.
A lexander, the W aywoda ,
IV 160 seq.
A lexandria, I 278 , 283, 284 ;IV 327 .
A lgiers, IV 228 ; V 103 n . 2 .
c
A ll Efendi , author of theKunh-ul-Akhbar , I 1 39, 140,
147 , 1 64, 165 , 166, 1 77, 1 78 ,
205 , 208 , 22 5 , 226 n . 1 , 228 ,
230, 231 n . 1, 232 n . 3, 233
238 , 25 1 , 2 54— 258 ,
268. 300. 302. 303. 307. 31 2
m I : 343, 346: 354, 3S I
384 n 5. 390. 39 1 . 393. 395.
406. 4 1 1 .4 1 3—429 ;
I I 84, 86, 90, 95 , 102 , 103,
106, 107, 109, 1 28 , 140,
19 1 n . 3, 263 n . 1 , 266, 269,
272, 276, 277 , 283, 292 , 294,
31 7, 31 8 n . 1 , 319, 320 n . 8 ,
322. 323. 324. 350.353—356 ;
I II 1 19.
c
A ll Efendi, Editor of the
f er ia’
e, V 5 5 n . 1 .
c
A ll Pasha, V 10, 24, 25 ,
27 , 28 , 60 sqq ., 69 sqq. , 96
sqq .
°
Alf, son- ia-law o f the Prophet, I 63 n . 2, 1 87 n . 3, 2 16
n . 2 and 3 ; I I 4 1 , 82 n . 1 , 1 50 ;
II I 105 n . 2, 19 1 n . 2 and 5 ,2 1 5 n . 10, 28 1 n . 2 , 33g n. 1 ;
IV 1 1 1 n . 2, 1 23 n . 2 ; V 93,
94 33 3cA lf, a lawyer, III 276.
c
Ali (poet) , I 72 seq., 76, 92,
95 » 104~c
A ll, personal name ofC
A
Shiq Pasha , I 1 76.
c
Ali , grand father of Lém i‘
l,
I I I 20.
c
A li b . Abl Tal ib . See cA li,
son- in- law of the Prophet.c
Ali of Adrianople , II 370.
c
A lic
A zfz , V 1 3.
1 1 8 INDEx I .
Anvari , I 144 .
Aq-‘
A lem , name of a girl ,I I I 1 8 5 n . 4.
Aq-Qazi-oghli , I I I 334 n . 1 .
Aq-Qoyunlu (White Sheep) ,
name of a dynasty, I 204.
Aq-Saray, IV 2 1 3 n . 1 .
Aq-Shehr, I 304 n.
III 275 .
Aq-Shems-ud-Din, Sheykh,
I 31 2 ; I I 1 28 n . 2, 1 38 sqq .,
1 50 ; I II 17 1 .
c
Arab, Monla, II I 23.
A rabia, 11 260 ; V 97 n . 2 .
c
A raq, I II 89.
A ras (Araxes), river, I 320,
323.
A raxes, river, I 320.
Archipelago, the , IV 228 .
A rdesh ir, K ing, I 284 I II
358. 360c
A rif, Chelebi Emir, I 145
n . 2, 42 1 .
cA rif Hikmet Bey, 111 277 ;
IV 34. 336. 350 sqq. ; V 6.
9, 25 : S4: 57 : 65 : 66 °
°A rifi , Persian poet, III 23.
cA rifi Ahmed Pasha, IV 93.
cA rfsh, I I 1 56.
A ristotle, I 53n. 2 , 69, 266,
270, 27 1 , 276, 280.
A ristt’
i (A ristotle) , I 270.
Arkadi, name of a steamer,V 98 .
A rmenia, 31 5 sqq.
Armenians, the, IV 228 , 235 .
Arnold , Matthew, I II 1 5 2
n . l .
Asaph , I I 39 n . 1 ; I II 1 8
n . 1 , 179 n . 3 ; IV 48 n . 1 .
Ashqar, name of Behrém’s
horse, I II 365 .
c
Ashiq Chelebi , I 1 39, 164,
166, 169, 226, 227 , 231 , n. 1 ,
238 , 25 5 , 256, 260, 265 , 268 ,
300—303. 306. 307. 31 2 m 1 .
343. 348. 384 n 5. 392. 4 16.
427 , 429, 431 n . 1 ; I I 25 n .
3, 28 , 32 n . 1 , 33 n . 2,
4 3: 44 : 45 : 58 :
7 1 , 72 n . 8 , 78 , 84, 86,
93. 95. 97. 98. 102.
106, 108, 109, 1 24 n . 1 , 1 26,
1 28 , 1 29, 1 31 , 135 , 1 36, 14 1 ,
148 , 1 74, 1 86 n . 1 , 190, 19 1 ,
199, 200, 226, 227, 229, 231 ,
237, 238 , 263 n . 1 , 269—272,
275 , 276, 286, 288 n . 1 , 289,29 1 , 294, 295 , 31 1 , 31 2, 31 8,
339. 320 33 3» 322—324. 345 .
353» 35 5—358 : 372: 380 0 ° 31
383, 385 ; I II 7 seq., 59—62,
7 1 , 72, 1 23 n . 1 , 1 38 , 162 , n .
4, 200.
cAshiq Kerem, V 52 .
c
Ashiqc
Omer, V 46, 5 1 ,
5 2: 73cAshiq Pasha, I 108 , 14 1 ,
176 sqq ., 202, 2 10, 2 1 3, 235 ,
267. 268. 308. 37 1 . 392. 436 ;II 1 24 n. 1 , 388 ; I I I 349.
cAshiq Qas im, I I 27 1 .
Ashji-zade Hasan Chelebi,I I 358 .
Asia Minor, I I 259 ; I II 17n . 1 , 38, 29 1 , 303 -
n . 1 .
NAMES or PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
A sia, W estern, I 25 .
cAsim Efendi (Chelebi-a ide) ,
I 1 2 1 ; I II 329 ; IV 38 , 58.
74 sqq . 98. 143 ; V 80.
c
Asim Efendi, translator ofthe Qamus, IV 248 n . 1 V 65 .
c
Asim Muterjim , V 1 5 n . 2.
See c
Asim Efendi, translatoro f the Qcimus.
Aspuzi, I II 31 2, 31 7 , 31 8 .
cAsqala
'
tn, I I 1 56.
°Assar, I II 22 1 .
Assyria, I 357.
cAta
’
. (historian) , 1 4 1 7 n . 1 ,
4 19 n . 1 ; IV 222 .
cA tzi of Uskub, minor poet,
II 19 1 n . 3.
A tabek, the, V 8 1 . See Abt’
t
Bakr ibn Sa‘d .
cA tét
’
i I 100, 109, 1 10, 232
n. 3, 4 1 1 , 4 1 5 seq. ; II I 140,
166, 1 7 1 , 1 73, 1 74. 1 80 n . 1 ,
205 , 206, 209, 2 10, 223, 224,
226 n . 1 , 227 , 232 sqq. ; IV20, 192, 231 . See Nev‘ i-zade
c
A tzi-ullaih, name o f°A ta’ i.
I II 232 .
c
Atif Efendi, IV 68 sqq .
cAtike , name of a girl , IV
292 n . 1 .
A t Meydani (At Meydan) ,III 1 23, 368 .
c
A ttzir, Ferid-ud-Din , I I 7 ,242 n . 2, 243 n . 6 ; IV 190.
See Ferid-ud-Din-icA ttair.
c
Attair, minor poet, I I 37 5 .
Avars, the, I I 9 1 n . 6.
1 19
Avy Sultan Muhammed , I II
302 .
c
Avni, pen-name of Sultan
Mehemmed II , I 4 1 7 n .
e l-‘
Awfi, Jemal-ud-Din, I I
102 n . 2 .
Ayas Pasha , I II 1 86.
Ayaiz Pasha, I I I 6, 193.
Aydin, I 142, 249, 260 n .
1 ; II 5 2 n . 1 , 79, 148 n . 2 .
Aydinjiq, I 431 .
c
Ayishe, name o f a girl,I II
1 83— 1 85 .
c
Ayishe , name o f Hubbi
Qadin , II I 170.
c
Ayishe Qadin, IV 267.
°
Ayni, the poet, I I 327 n .
1 ; IV 246, 27 1 , sqq.
See Hasan c
Ayn i Efendi .c
Ayn i, Bedr-ud-Dfn, I 206
n . 2, 207 , 208 , 2 1 2 ; IV 38 .
c
Aynt:i.b, IV 336.
c
Ayntaibi-zitde Mahmud , IV
324.
Aywén- i Kisra (Kisré
’
s Pa
lace) , IV 5 5 n . 1 .
A zad , 1 430 seq.
A zamia, I 357 .
c
A zaizll, I I 253 n . 3 ; I II2 16 n . 6.
A zer, I II 35 n . 2 .
’
A zerbayjan, I 204 ; II 374n . 2 ; I I I 75 .
’
A zeriyun, Princess, I II 366.
°
A z izi, I I 236 seq. ; II I 165 ,179 sqq . ; IV 1 82 .
°
A 21n i, I I I 22 1 .
c
A zm i-zzide Haleti, I 89.
1 20 INDEx I .
°
As ~zaide Mustafa, nameof Haletl, I I I 22 1 .
°
A zra, heroine o f the ro
mance d z'
q and M m, II I1 83 n . 4 ; IV 306. See W ei
m ig ana’ cAura.
‘A zra’ il, I 173 n . 3 ; 11 2 16
11 . 3 ; V 30.
A zraqi, I l l 37 n. 2.
Baba Chelebi , II 78 .
Baba I lyés, I 1 76 seq ., 1 78
n , 1 ; I I 1 24 n. 1 .
Babel, II 6 1 n. 3.
Babel, the Tower of, IV63 n . 4.
Baber, IV 96 n . 1 .
Baht] , II 6 1 n . 3.
Bahtl, the King o f, III 298 .
Babis, the , I 34 1 .Babylon, III 298 ; IV 1 56 n .
2 . See Babil.Badakhshan, I 333 n . 2 ; II
89 n . 2 , 25 5 n. 4, 340 n . 2 ;
IV 2 16 n. 1 , 265 n. 1 .
Baghban-zade, I 4 14.
Baghdad , I 2 1 n. 2, 280,
28 1 , 310 n . 2, 343, 344 n . 1 ,
377 ; II 1 1 2 n. 6, 1 1 8 n . 1 ,
1 38 n . 2 , 148 n . 2, 1 72 n . 3,
364 ; II I 5 , 6, 8, 9, 39, 60, 70
sqq., 83, 86, 106, 1 72, 1 86,
1 87 , 19 1 n . 2, 207 , 208 , 2 10,
250 n . 3, 274, 275 , 286 n . 1 ;
IV 42 n . 3. 1 34. 228, 243, 244 ;
V 94 n . 5 .
Bagh-i W efa, name o f a gar
den, IV 50.
Bakhsh i, said to be the personal name III 47 n . 1 .
Bakhti , pen-name o f AhmedI, I 4 17 n . 1 ; I II 208 .
Balat, quarter of Constantinople , II 269.
Bali, I 423. See °
Abai~push~i
Veli.Bali, minor poet, II 370.
Balikessi, I II 47 .
Balim, I 179 n . 1 .
Balkh , I 1 50 ; I I 1 1 8 n. 3.
Baltaj i Muhammed Pasha,III 326 ; IV 24.
Bal-yemez°Osman, II 268 .
Baq’
i, III 1 80 n . 1 ; IV 231 .
Baqi, I 86, 1 29 ; I I 16,
5 1 , 104, 1 23 ; III 2, 63, 70,
78 : I33 sqqu 205 :206, 223, 246
—248 , 258—26 1 ,
”
378. 279. 296. 305. 333; IV
7 , 259, 347 ; V 80, 82.
Baqlawaji Sheykh , IV 16 1 .
Barhad (Barbed) , I 31 5 , 302.
324. 325 ; III 354Barker, John, IV 10 1 n . 3.
Bartholomew, I 48 n . 2.
Bash Tokyo, I I I 27 5 .
Basiri, II 48 n . 2 ; 364 seq.
Bayez id, author of the epilogue to Sheykhi
’
s Khusrev
and Shir in, I 304, 4 14.
Bayezid Bey, I 264, 429,
430. See Bayezid,Sultan Y il
dirim.
Bayez id of Bista'
m , I 2 1 .
Bayezid Pasha, medrese of,II 288 .
1 22 INDEX 1 .
Beshik-Tash , I II 39 ; IV 90,
222 .
Beshir, I I I 357 .
Bevan , Professor A . A . , IV248 n . 2 .
Beylikjic
I zzet Bey, the, IV2 1 3.
Beyqoz , V 107 n . 4.
Beyram Pasha , I II 253.
Beyram i dervish-order, I 299n . 1 .
Beyrut, V 1 03 n . 2 .
Bibliotheque Nationale,V 27 .
Bicknell, Hermann, IV 273n . I .B idil, IV 143.
B ihishti, I I 148 n . 2 , 1 72 n .
3, 1 74 n . 2, 225 , 376 ; I II 24
n . 2, 86.
B ihishti Of Vize, I I 356 n . 2.
Bihzad , II I ‘
296 n . 2 , 36 1 .
Bikr Basha, IV 290 n . 2 .
Billt’
i ri Mehemmed Efendi ,V 98 n . 1 .
B i-Situn, Mount, I 322 ; II1 07 n . 2 ; III 99 n . 1 , 31o u .
5 ; IV 29 n . 2, 105 n . 2 .
B istam , I 2 1 .
B isyan, II 1 56.
Bithynia,I 14 1 .
Bitl is, I I 267 n . 1 , 379.
Black Sea, the , IV 1 14 n . 3.
Black Sheep , dynasty Of the,I 204, 250 .
Black Sheep Tu rkmans, I I260.
Bogha Khan , 429 n .
Bokhara (Bukhara) I 72, 232
n . 2 ; I I 374 ; IV 96 n .
n . 1 , 264 n . 2 .
Boli , I 164, 390 ; II 140 ;
V 22 .
Boqra Khan , I 7 1 .
Bosna-Seray, IV 1 5 .
Bosnia, I I 228 ; I II 1 19 ; IV228 ; V 105 n . 2 .
Bosphorus, the, II I 39 ; IV24 1 n . 1 , 277 n . 1 , 35 1 ; V
42 , 98 n . 4, 107 n . 4.
Boza, I I I 89.
Brahmans, City of the , 1 282.
Braz i l, I I 2 13 n . 2 .
Bes , I II 42,British Museum , I 1 39 n .
3, 5 , 140 n . 1 , 1 8 1 n . 3, 209 ;
I I 358 n . 1 , 376 n . 1 , 392 n . 1 .
B rockelmann , C ., II 178 n . 1 .
Browne , A rthu r, 11 287 11 . 1 .
Browne , Professor E . G., I
l 5 n . 11 . 1 , 24 n . 1 , 62
33 I : 337—340» 354» 370 33-4.
38 5 n . 5 ; II 20 n . 1 , 46 n . 2 ;
IV 1 72 n . 3 ; V 107 n . 2 .
Brusa, I 140, 228 , 232— 234,
236, 254, 25 5 , 26 1 n . 1, 300,
343. 4 1 5 ; II 4 1— 43. 46—48.
53 n . 1 , 73, 82, 94, 109, 140,
1 72 n . 3, 237, 288 , 319, 368 ,
37 5. 377. 390 n -4.
7. 20. 23. 24. 28. 36
1 59, 162 n . 4, 199, 222, 31 2,
31 3. 323. 363 ; IV 67. H 7. 1 34.
140— 2, 145 , 299 n . 2 , 327 .
Ed Han ifa. See Abt’
i Han ifa.
Bucharest, IV 160 V 10 1 n .4.
Buda, I I 358 .
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
Buda-Pesth, V 27 .
Bukhara . See Bokhara .
Bukhari, Sheykh, II 374 ;II I 20.
Bulaq, I 4 1 n . 1 .
Bu lgaria, V 97 n . 2.
Bulgarians, the , IV 228 .
Bu lghu r, V 47 n . 2 .
Buqrat (Hippocrates) , I 270.
Bulqiya, I 433 sqq.
Bu luqiya, I 433 n . 3.
Buraq, I II 336 ; IV 22, 23n . 5 .
Burhan -ud-Din, Cadi , 1 20 1 ,204 sqq ., 229, 236, 249, 28 5 , 336.
Burhén-ud-Din , Son of Jelal A rghun , I 424.
Bu rhan-ud-Din o f Tirm iz, I1 5 1 .
Bu rns, II I 67 n . 3 ; IV 33.
1 23
Caliphs, the Just. See Khulef a-
yi Rdshia’
in.
Callirrhoe, I I I 325 n . 2 .
Cambridge, the UniversityOf, II 1 72 n . 3.
Cam iniec, II I 327 n . 2.
Canaan , I I 1 54, 170 ; II I 1 2 5 .
Candahar, IV 265 n . 7 .
Canopus, I I 89 n . 3.
Cantemir, Prince, II I33 3: 333 sqq.
Canton , I 274 n . 2 .
Capella (star) , IV 209 n . 3.
Capua , I I 8 1 .Caria, I 142.
Cashmere, I 277 IV 264 n . 3.
Caspian Sea, the , I II 22 n . 1 .
Cathay, I 431 ; I I 1 1 2 n. 4,
1 37 n . 1 , 192 n . 2, 254 n . 7 ,
35 5
Burton, Sir R ichard , I 326 339 n . 8 , 36 1 n . 8 ; I II I n n .
11 . 5 , 331 n . 7, 389 n . 2, 432 2, 1 57 n. 1 , 268 n . 2, 282 n . 4 .
n . 1 , 439 n . 1 ; I I I 1 75 n . 1 ,
320 n . 4.
Buzu rg-Um id , I 305 , 31 1 ,
334: 337 : 339» 324» 325Byron , IV 33.
Cadi Burhan-ud-Dfn.
Burhan-ud-D in , Cadi .Cadi-Kyfiy, IV 325 .
Caesarea, I I 193, 198 .
Café Moliere, the, V 56.
Café Procope , the, V 56.
See
Cecilia, Saint, I I 6 1 n . 3.
Cettigne, V 105 n. 2 .
Chakeri, I I 148 n . 2.
Chalak, name o f a burglar,II I 37 1 sqq .
Chaldiran, II 30, 2 59, 267 .
Charles Of HohenzollernSigmaringen , Prince, V 104 n .2 .
CharlesOfSavoy, Duke, I I 80.
Charles I I , I 357 .
Charles X I I of France, I I 8 1 .
Chat-Noir (name of a ta
Cairo , I 207 n . 2 , 260, 26 1 ; vern) , V 56
I I 74, 8 1 , 1 78 n . 1 , 260, 374n . 2 ; I II 16 11 . 1 25 , 222,
274, 284, 290, 31 2, 316 n. 5 ;IV 93 n . 1 , 228 35 1 .
Chi teauneuf, V 22 .
Chaucer, I I I 249 n . 1 .
Chekraghi, I I 96.
Chelebi Bustan Efendi , 1 422 .
1 24 INDEX I.
Chelebi Em ir c’
A rif. SeeA rif, Chelebi Em ir.Chelebi FerrukhEfendi
,1422 .
Chelebi Khusrev Efendi , Jenab, I 422 .
Chelebi Mehemmed, theRe’ is Efendi , IV 74.
Chelebi Sultan Mehemmed.
See Mehemmed I, Sultan .
Chelebi- zade ”Asim , IV 74.
Chenarl i Medresa (the Planetree College) , II I 1 72 .
Chidem (name o f a woman) ,IV 302, n . 8 .
Chigil , I I I 1 1 1 n . 2.
China, I 276 ; I I 1 37 n . 1 ,
192 n. 2 ; II I 1 10, 1 8 5 n. 2,
268 n . 2 ; IV 56 n . 1 , 146.
China, the Great Wall Of,IV 103 n . 3.
China Sea, the, I 274.
Chinese Tartary, I II 1 57 n .
1 , 1 8 5 n . 2 .
Chingiz Khan, IV 42 n . 3.
Chosroes, the, I I 59 n . 1 , 62
n . 4, 63 n . 4.
Chosroes I , I 314 n . I .Chosroes I I , 1 3 10, 314 n . 1 .
Christ, IV 8 5 n . 1 .
Church oftheHo lySepulchre ,the , in Jerusalem , IV 24 n . 4 .
Chu rch ill , William , IV 32 5seq .
Circassians, the, IV 228 , 234.
College of Ibrah im Pasha,
I I I 40.
College Of Sultan Orkhan,
I II 4 1 .
College ofTrad itions, the , atAdrianople I II 4 1 .
Comorin , II I 32 n . 4.
Constantine,II I 2 14 n . 1 .
Constantinople, I 209 ; I I 25n . 5 , 26, 27 , 30, 31 , 43 n . 1 .
5 5 n . 58, 72, 73, 11 .
2, 95—97 , 104, 1 10, 1 26 n . 3,
1 32 n . 1 , 14 1 n . 1 , 194 sqq.,
226, 227 n . 3 and 4, 236, 237 ,2 57 , 258 , 264, 266, 267 n . 1 ,
269. 270. 286. 31 7. 319. 335
31 ° 7 : 352: 365 : 366: 370» 372 :
374: 382 ; I I I 8 : 38 ;
48 : 50: 59: 63: 70: 7 1 :
108 , 1 16, 1 1 8 , 1 19, 1 23, 1 33,
I 35 , 162 II . 4: [ 721 I 73: 1 7 5 :
179, 1 8 1 , 1 84 n . 6, 1 86, 194,
195 , 202, 2 1 3, 2 14 n . . 1 , 22 1 ,
222, 232 , 233, 2 52 , 274. 280
n . 2, 290, 294, 303, 304, 31 2,
31 3. 325 . 326. 330. 349. 368 ;
IV 26 n . 2, 65 n . 4, .8 1 , 10 1
n . 1 , 108 , 1 34, 1 38 , 1 52 , 1 59,
160, 1 75 , 1 77 , 207 , 2 1 3, 220
seq. , 228 , 235 , 240 n . 5 , 243
seq., 266, 267 , 279 n . 1 , 280,
283, 292 n . 3, 298 n . 6, 304,
305—308. 310. 31 1 . 324. 328
I1 . 2: 342} 349—35 1 ; V 9, 301 I 8 :
22, 24, 27, 28 , 4 1 , 42 n . 3,
57 , 6 1—63, 73, 74, 100 n . 6,
10 1 n . 4, 105 n . 1 .
Constantinople, the CannonGate Of, IV 79.
Court Of the Eight, the, I I I
4 1 : 42
Creasy, I I I 172 .
1 26 INDEX I.
Di laver cOsman W ahld, IV
103 n . 4.
Dilkushzi , Castle, II I 358 .
Dilpezir, Princess,I I I 35 8sqq.
Diogenes the Cynic,I 28 1
n . 1 ; III 9 n . 2 .
DiwanYolu, name ofa street,IV 193 n . 3.
Diyar-bekr, I 204, 343 ; I I260, 267 n . 1 , 379 ; IVSee
'
Amed .
Djiwanpire , V 62 n . 1 .
D’
Ohsson, I 237 n . 2 ; IV
356 n . 2 .
Doquzlar (name o f a village)I 30 1 , 302.
Doquzlu , I 30 1 n . 2 .
Dozy, I 4 14 n . 2 .
Druses, the , V 103 n . 2 .
Dschemalisade (Jemall-zéde) , I 428 .
Duc Jean , II I 1 1 7 n . 2 .
Dukagln, family of, II I 108 ,1 1 7 n . 2 .
Dukagln-zada Ahmed Bey
,
II I 1 1 7 n . 2 .
Duldu l, name ofC
A li’s mu le
,
IV 1 23 n . 2 .
Durr- i Bakht (Pearl ofFortune) , II 1 14 n . 1 .
oDurustl, Princess , I I I 366.
Dvorak, Dr. RudolfII 287 n . 1
Ebu Bekr, the Caliph , I I1 50 ; V 92.
Ebu Bekr Kant. See Kanl.Ebu Bekr Ratib Efendi . See
Ratib Efendi .
Ebu Eyyub, companion ofthe Prophet, 11 26, 1 39; II I 146.
Ebu’l-Feth , su rname o f Me
hemmed II , I I 22 n . 1 .
Ebu’
l-Hasenat, surname ofMehemmed II , I I 23 n . 1 .
Ebu Jehl , I I 357 n . 3.
Ebu’
l-Khayr , I II 332 seq.,
343 n . 4
Ebu3
l-Khayraflt, surname o fMehemmed I I , I I 23 n . 1 .
Ebu Sufyan, V 94 n . 1 .
Ebu-s-Su ‘ud , I II 108 , 1 16,
277. 294. 296.
Ebu -z-Ziyé Tevfiq Bey, I
394 n . 1 ; I I 25 n . 4 ; II I 7 1n . 1 , 1 82 n . 2, 208, 2 1 5 n . 5 ,
2 1 7 n . 3, 323 n . 2 ; IV 34, 35 ,16 1 , 163, 268 , 269, 272 ; V1 5 seq., 1 7 seq .. 30, 42 n . 1 ,
53—56, 59 n . 2, 64, 87 n . 1 ,
I OO n . 2.
Eden , Garden o f, I 37 ; II I
300 n . 2 .
Edessa, II I 325 n . 2 .
Edhem Pasha, V 57 .
Edhem Pertev Pasha, V 1 5n . 2 .
Edlb. See Mehemmed Ed ib .
Eflah,I I 1 5 5 .
Eflaki, I 145 , 1 5 1 .
Eflatun (Plato) , I 270.
Eflatun-zéde Mehemmed ,
I I 48 .
Efra5 1yab, IV 23 n . 2.
Egypt, I 205 , 278 , 28 1 ; I I8 1 , 83, 143, 1 54, 1 56 sqq. ,
260 ; III 42, 1 25 , 287 11 . 3,
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
290 ; IV 1 72 n . 5 , 2 1 7 n . 1 ,
332 ; V 97 n . 2, 104 n . 1 .
Egypt, meaning the Egyptian capital , II I 1 6 n . 2.
Egypt, the Grandee o f, I I
145 , 1 57 sqq. ; I I I 1 5 . See Po
tiphar and Q itf ir.
Eight Colleges, the, II 23, 30.
Ekmel-ud-D in , Sheykh, I26 1 .
Ekrem Bey, I 1 24 ; I II 14
n . 2,8 1 , 82 , 90, 143 seq., 203,
246, 257 , 262, 266— 268 , 27 1 ,
293, 327. 329. 331 ; IV 31 .
321 53» 7 5 , “ 8 , 1 8 1 !
1 83, 1 8 5 , 223.
Elbistan,IV 258 n . 2.
Elburz, Mount, I I 280 n .
5 ; 111 357 ; IV 53Elias , I 1 72 n . 1 .
Elmali , village, III 31 2 .
Emin Bellgh . See Beligh.
Emin F irdevsi, V 5 5 .
Em in Pasha, IV 332 .
Em ine , I I 39 n . 1 .
Emine Tuti, IV 30 1 n . 2 .
Emir c’
Adil, I 422.
Em ir c’
A lim ,I 422 .
Em ir Bukhérl, I I 374 n . 1 .
Em ir Su ltan , I 232 ; I I 47 .
Emrl, I II 1 33, 160.
Bmr-ullah o f Isparta, II 52
n . 1 .
Em r-u llah , son o f SheykhAq Shems-ud-Din , I I 140 n . 2 .
Endert'
mlc
OsmanWasifBey.
See Wasi f.England , IV 146, 228 .
1 27
Enver. See c
All Enver Efendi .Enveri Efendi , IV 1 76 n . 2 .
Ephesus, V 79.
Eregli, I II 1 30.
Ergene , town , IV 32 1 .
Erivan , IV 93.
Er-Toghrul, I 10, 1 4 1 ; II I 4.
Erzerum, I 86, 204 ; I I 259n . 2 ; II I 25 2, 273, 323 ; IV 162 .
Erzinjan J 204, 205 , 207, 249.
Es°ad , former pen-name ofSheykh Ghalib, IV 1 77 .
Esc
ad Efendi, I I I 274.
Esau , I I 1 5 1 .
Esed, tribe, I I 1 80.
Eshre f, Persian poet, II 243n . 6.
Eshre f Khan, IV 68 .
Eski Hammam (Old Bath) ,quarter, IV 35 1 .
Eski-Zaghra , IV 1 1 8, 244,
267 .
Esma Khamm, IV 30 1 n . 1 .
Esrér Dede , I 348 , 422 n .
2 ; I I 32 ; IV 1 79, 196, 207sqq. ; V 66.
Ethe, Dr. H.
, I II 22 n . 1 .
Etmekji, village , II 50.
Euphrates, the, II I 31 8 n . 2 .
Eve , I 339, 399Evhad-ud-Din, Sheykh , I I
193.
Evliya Efendi, I I 1 24 n . 1 ,
14 1 , 142 .
Evrenos Bey, II 348 n . 2 .
Evrenos-oghli Ahmed Bey,I I 348 .
1 28
Eyyub, place-name , I I 1 28n . 2 , 222 ; I I I 1 35 .
Eyyub Pasha, I I I 290.
Ezheri, I 4 1 1 , 4 14.
Ezra, I I 2 19 n . 1 .
Fa’ iq Keshad Bey, I 264 .
Fakhr, poet. See Fakhr- i
Jurjan i .Fakhr- i Jurjanl, II I 22, 27 ,
345 » 370 SQQ
Fakhr-ud-D in- i
38 1 seq .
Fakhshad , I 429.
Famagusta, V 6 1 , 83.
Faqlri II 237 seq.
Farisi , pen-name of Su ltanc
Osman I I , 1 4 1 7 n . 1 ; II I 208 .
Fasih Dede , IV 207 .
Faslhi, I I 376 n . 1 .
Fatih,su rname o f Sultan
Mehemmed I I , I I 22 n . 1 .
Fatima, daughter o f theProphet
,II I 105 n . 2, 2 1 5 n . 2 .
Fatima, daaghter o f Salahud-D in Feridun , I 1 5 1 .
Fatima Khatun , IV 1 50.
Fat in Efendi , I I I 200, 202 ;
IV 6 1 , 8 1 , 1 5 1 ,
162, 222, 266 n . 1 , 31 1 , 343,
352 , 35 5 ; V 42 n . 1 . 5 1 , 53
n . 2 1 54 : 65 , 99 n ’ 4°
Faylaqus (Phil ip) , I 270.
Fayz f, I 1 27, 1 29 ; I I I 247 ,263 ; IV 5 ; V 57Faz i l Ahmed , I I I 303 n . 1 .
Faz il Bey, I 109 ; IV 220
sqq., 252 n . 2.
c
Ajem i, I
INDEx I .
Fazil Pasha, the Bosnian,V 70, 7 1 , 74, 7 5 , 100 n . 1 ,
107 n . 4, 108 , 109.
Fazl- i Khuda, Persian equ ivalent of Fazl-u l lah , I 35 5 .
Fazl- i Yezdan , Persian equ ivalent o f Fazl-ullah, I 35 5 .
Fazl-u llah the Hurufl, I 253n . 2
, 336 sqq.
Fazl-u llah, son o f SheykhAq Shems-ud-D ln, I I 140 n . 2 .
Fazll, I 109 ; I I I sqq .,
206 ; IV 1 86.
Fazll, son o f Fuzul i, I I I 72.
Fehim , II I 245 , 290 sqq . ;
V 10.
Fenar, village, I 26 1 n . 1 .
Fenérl, Mevlana, I 261 ,
38 1 .
Fenéri-zade Qazi- ‘AskerShah Chelebi, I I 288 n . 1 .
Ferazdaq, IV 248 .
Fenelon , V 1 3, 25 , 59.
Ferhad, I 32 1 sqq. ; II 107n . 2 , 245 n . 2 and 3, 292, 386n . 8 ; II I 10 n . 2, 99 n . 1 ,
1 23, 19 1 n . 1 , 310 n . 5 ; IV29 n . 2, 105 11 . 2, 306 seq .,
314 n . 1 .
P erl, II I 357 sqq .
Ferld-ud-Dln-ic
A ttar, II 242
n . 2,243 n . 6 ; I I I 335 seq. ,
345 , 37 1 seq . See c
Attair, Fe
rid-ud-Dln.
Ferid t'
m, I I I 266 n . 6.
Ferkhar, city, I II 1 1 1 n . 2 ;
IV 265 n . 4.
Ferrukh-shad , I 430 seq.
1 3o INDEX L
256, 257 n . 1 , 260, 262 , 264, Ghiyas-ud-Dln Pasha Che265 , 269 n . 1 , 28 5
— 287 , 299, lebi , II 1 28 n . 2 .
302, 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 , 4 1 2 n . 4 , 423, Ghulam Muhammed, I 7 1
428 , 429, 442 ; I I 6, 147 . n . 2 .
Germiyan Bey, I 423 n . 2 . Ghur, name of a demon ,Gevheri, V 46, 5 1 , 5 2, 73. III 360.
Geybize , V 107 n . 4. Gilan-shah , I I I 334.
Geyikli Baba, II I 38 . Gipsies, the , IV 228 .
Geyikl i Baba, shrine o f, I II Giréy, Ghaz i, Khan Of the
364. Crimea , II I 207 .
Ghadban, V 103 n . 2 . GiridliC
A ll‘
A z lz, V 1 3 n . 3.
Ghafl'
ari, II I 278 n . I . Gobineau , Comte de, I 24
Ghalib Bey, IV 350 n . 1 , n . 2, 27 n . 1 .
353 ; V 5 5 . Goeje , M . J . de , I 274 11 . 2 ;
Ghalib Dede , IV 1 7 5 . II I 280 n . 2 .
Ghalib Edhem Bey. See Gog, I 277 , 287 n . 1 , 289
Edhem Bey. n . 2 , 399.
Ghalib, Sheykh , I 103, 107 , Gog and Magog , Dyke o f , I
1 1 5 , 146 n . 4, 422 n . 2 ; I I I 277 , 11 . 1 ; IV 103 n . 3.
14 n . 3, 87 , 205 , 236, 29 1 , 327 , Golden Horn, the , I I 227329, 336, 353 n I , 354, 374 ; n 3 ; I I I 298 ; IV 30 1 n 4,
IV 32, 35 , 175 sqq. , 207 , 2 1 1 , 302 n . 3.
2 1 3, 2 1 5 , 268 . Gower,V 6.
Gharam i , II I 1 33, 160. Greece,V 97 n . 2.
Gharib i, V 5 2 . Greeks, the , IV 228 , 234.
Ghazall o f Brusa, I I I 20, Gul Shah, heroine o f the
36 sqq. romance Verqa and Gul Shdlz,
Ghazéli, the Imam , II 102 ; I II 107 .
II I 162 n . 4. Gul-Shah (Princess Rose ) , IGhaz i Giray, Khan Of the 272 n . 1 , 309 n . 2.
Crimea, I II 207 . Gu lf, the Persian, I I 39 n . 2.
Ghazl Hasan Pasha, IV 220. Gu lgt’
xn (Rose-hued ) , name
Ghazna, the K ing o f, I I I of a horse , I 31 8 ; I II 231
360. n . 4.
Ghiyas-ud-Dfn II , Su ltan , I Gulshenl, minor poet, I I 192 ,I 76— 1 78 374, 378
Ghiyas-ud-Dln Muhammed,
Gulshenl, Sheykh . See IbraEm fr, I 337 , 344 , 35 1 , 356.
lhim Gulshenl.
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC . 1 31
Gumush-Halqali (S i lver Hajj i c’
Akif Pasha, IV 324,R ing) , name o f a tavern , V 56. See C'
Akif Pasha .
Giim iish Suyu , IV 26 n . 2. Héjji Bektésh J 1 65 n . 1 , 1 79Gurgan
,I I I 22 n . 1 . 357 n . 1 , 358 n . 2 ; V 106 n . 7 .
Gushtasb, I 433 n . 1 . Hajj i Beyram , I 299, 300,
Guwéhi, I I 1 24, 1 26. 390—392, 396,
Guy-A l lard , I I 80 n. 1 . II 1 38 , 1 39, 37 5 .
Guynuk, I I 140, 14 1 . Hajj i Hasan-zade, I I 264,
Guzelja Rustem Pasha , II I 273, 350 seq . , 357 .
193 n . 1 . Hajj i Ibrah im Pasha , I I I222 .
HabibEfendi, I 394, 420 n . 1 . Hajj i Khal ifa (Hajj i Khalfa) ,Habeshi-zada I 1 82 n . 6 ; II I 20 n . 2 , 28 n . 2,
him Bey, I I I 327 n . 4. 4 1 n . 3, 43, 109 n . 1 , 16 1 ,
Hadramaut, I 326 n . 5 . 162 n . 4, 2 54 ; IV 38 , 82. SeeHafiz, I 23, 1 27, 144, 163 Katib Cheleb i.
n . 2, 166 n . 3, 2 14 n . 6, 286 Hajj i Pasha, I 260, 26 1 ,
n . 1 ,—5 5 , 390.
89 n . 6, 106, 198 n . 1 , 280 Hakim (Sage) , surname o f
n . 6, 322 , 331 n . 1 ; I II 1 1 11 . Loqman , I 389 n . 2 .
3, 31 n . 6, 5 1 n . 1 , 77, 145 , Hakim-oghli (Hakim- zade)146, 1 79 n . 4, 224, 328 ; IV
c
A li Pasha, IV 90, 1 59 seq .
1 2, 2 59, 264, 273 n . 1 ; V Halebi College , the, I I 35 2.
53, 57 .O
Halet Bey, V 5 5 .
Hafiz M115 4,IV 267 . Halet Efendi , IV 305 .
Hafiz Mushfiq, V 5 5 . Haleti, I I II 205 ,Hafiz c
Osman, IV 78 . 206, 221 sqq . , 235 ; IV 209 .
Hafiz Pasha, II I 208 , 245 , Halim i, I I 267 n . 2 , 386 n . 10.
248 sqq. Halim i Chelebi , II 267 .
Hagar, II 87 n . 3. Hamadan , IV 73, 93.
Hajj a Khatun, II I 22 1 n . 2 . Hamd-u llah Chelebi , II 140.
Hajj i c
Abdu’
l-Wahid , IV Hamd i, I 107, 109, 238 , 306,273 n . 1 . 31 2 ; I I 138 sqq. , 234 , 2 54 n .
Hajj i Ahmed , father of 2, 357, 376 ; III 3, 1 2 ,
Seyyid Vehbi, IV 107 . 87 , 335 .
Hajj i Ahmed Hayati, IV Hamd i Bey, Commander ,258 n . 2. See Hayati. V 68 .
Hajj i Ahmed Pasha, IV 73. Ham i, IV 5 8 , 7 1 seq.
1 32 INDEX L
Ham id , prov ince , I 142 , 249.
Hamid Bey, I 1 33,
135 ; II I 209 ; IV 34 ; V 1 ,
1 1 , 14 , 77 , 78 .
Hammam Auasi , IV 303n . 4.
Hammer, JosephVOn ,I 1 39 n .
n . 1 , 1 77, 1 78 n. 1 , 1 79n . 3, 1 83, 202, 208 , 256 n .
4—6, 2 57 , 263, 3 1 2 n .
390, 4 14, 422 n . 2, 428 , 429,
433 n . 1 ; II 25 n . 3, 74 n . 1 ,
78 n . 3, 9O n . 5 ,
199 , 237 , 267 n . 2, 324 n . 4,
380 n . 3, 390 ; II I 1 , — 28 ,
36 n . 1 , 37 n . 2, 4 1 n . 3, 50
n . 1 , 108— 1 10,
1 8 1 , 1 8 2, 1 84 n . 6, 1 86, 202,
203, 206, 207 , 2 10, 2 19, 234 ,
2 54, 298 , 31 3 n . 1 , 314, 31 5 ,
374 ; IV 20 n . 1 , 37 ,
145 , 146 n . 1 , 1 76, 1 79 n . 2,
1 8 1 , 1 8 5 seq ., 233 n . 2 and 3,
242 n . 3, 270, 279 n . 1 .
Hamza, uncle o f the Prophe t,I 1 70 n .
Hamza Bey, Co llege of, atBrusa, I I I 199.
Hamzev i, I 25 5 , 260.
Han if- zada Ahmed , IV
38 , 8 2 .
Haqqi, the poet, V 5 5 n . 1 .
Haqq i Pasha , V 1 5 n . 2 .
Har ir i, author o f the [ ll a
qdma'
t, IV 82 , 342 .
Har iri, o f B rusa, II 368 .
Harun -ur-Rash id , I I 269,2 76 n . 1 ; IV 48 n . 3.
Harut, IV 1 56 11 . 2 .
Harut and Marut, II 6 1 n . 3.
Hasan , personal name o f’
Ahi, I I 286.
Hasan , son o fc
A li, I 2 16
n . 2, 399 ; I I 4 1 ; III 90, 105
n . 2 ; V 93 n . 4, 94 n . 2 .
Hasan , yo unger brother ofFazi l Bey , IV 22 1 .
Hasan c
Ayni Efend i, IV 336.
See C
Ayni .
Hasan Chelebi , I 1 39 n . 5 ,
1 69 228— 230, 231 n . 1 ,
2 56—2 58 , 264, 265 , 268 , 300,
302, 303, 307 , 31 2 n. 1 , 349,
384 n . 5 , 392, 4 16 n .
II 25 n . 3, 33 n . 2 . 35 , 4 1 ,
45 1 47 1 48 : SI , 5 1 1 52: 53 n ’
1 , 56, 5 8 , 72 n . 8 , 73 n . 3,
78 , 82 , 86, 93 n . 1 , 94, 95 n .
2, 96, 102, 106, 108 n . 2,
109— 1 1 1 , 1 15 , 1 28 , 1 32, 1 36,
14 1 , 148 , 149, 1 74, 190, 199,
200, 230, 263 n . 3, 269, 270,
272, 273, 276, 29 1 , 292, 294 ,
295 , 31 8 n . 1 , 319, 320 n . 8 ,
322—324, 326, 35 5 . 357 , 358
n . 2 . 377 , 380 n . 3, 383 ; II I
199 .
Hasan o f Delhi , I II 5 1 n . 1 .
Hasan Qal‘a, III 25 2.
Hashmet , I 100 n . 1 ; IV10 1 n . 3, 1 33, 134, 140 sqq. ,
1 5 2, 1 53 n . 1 , 1 83.
Hasib Kerim-ud-D in, 1 433
n . 1 .
Hassan ibn-Thabit, I I 276.
Hatif Efendi , IV 343 n . 1 .
Hatifi , II I 22 .
1 34 INDEX I .
Husam-ud-Din , ancestor o f
Seyyid Vehbi, IV 107 .
Husém i, former pen -nameo f Seyyid Vehbi, IV 107 .
Huseyn , son of c
A li, I 2 16n . 2, 399 ; II I 23, 90, 105 ,
106 n . 1 ; IV 1 1 2 n . 1 , 350 ;
V 93 n . 5 , 94 n . 4 .
Huseyn Bayqara , I 1 27 , II8 , 10, 1 1 , 4 1 , 365 ; V 8 2 .
Huseyn Chelebi , I I 95 , 99.
Huseyn Efend i. See Vehbi,
Seyyid .
Huseyn [ ibn ] Mansur- i Hal
laJ , I z 1
n . 6. See Mansu r- i Hallaj .Huseyn Pasha, the GrandVez ir, III 332 .
Huseyn Vac
iz , I II 90.
Huseyn i, pen-name, II I 36.
Husni Pasha, V 70 sqq.,
97 sqq.
Huzni, former pen-name o fSu ruri, IV 266.
Huzuri I I 37 5 .
Hyrcania, I I I 22 n . 1 .
Iamblichus, I 39, 53 n . 2
Iblis, I 1 19 n . 5 , 339 ; II253 n . 3 ; II I 2 1 6 n. 5 .
Ibn cA lqam , V 94 n . 5 .
Ibn-ul- ‘A lqam i, V 94 n . 5 .
Ibn cA rab-Shah , I 207 n .
2 ; I I 102 n . 2.
Ibn-ul-Férid, II 2 1 2 n . 3.
Ibn-Hajar, I 205 , 206 n . 2
207 , 208 , 336.
Ibn-i Hus-“1m , I I 243 n. 6
Ibn-Kaitib (Son ofthe Scribe) ,patronymic, I 39 1 n . 3.
Ibn Kemal , I I 347 n . 1 . SeeKemal-Pasha-Zade .I bn -ul-Muhtesib
,I I I 1 62
n . 4.
Ibn Mu ljem , V 93 11 .
11 . 3.
Ibn- un-Nej j ar, IV 90.
Ibn-us-Selam , I I 1 80, 1 83,
1 84, 1 88 .
Ibn -Shuhne , I 206 n . 2 .
Ibn Teym iyya, III 162 n . 4.
Ibn-ul-Verd i, I 274 n . 1 .
Ibn -Abi-Waqqas, V 92 n . 4 .
Ibn-i Yem in, I I 243 n . 6.
Ibn-Yusu f, I 439.
Ibrahim (Abraham ) , III 35n . 2 . See Abraham .
Ibrah im , father of IshaqCheleb i, II I 40.
Ibrah im , father o f SheykhR iza, IV 89.
Ibrah im Agha,IV 79.
Ibrah im Chelebi , name o f
Jevri, I II 297 .
Ibrah im ibn-Edhem ,I I 1 1 8
n . 3.
Ibrah im Efendi,V 22 .
Ibrah im Gulsheni, Sheykh,II 374. 37 5 ; I I I 45. 6 1 n . 3;
IV 316 n . 1 .
Ibrahim Haqq i, Sheykh, IV162 .
Ibrah im c
I smet Bey, IV
350
Ibrah im Pasha, College of,I II 40.
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
Ibrah im Pasha, Grand Vezir under Ahmed III, IV 1 1 ,
1 3: I 4: 30» 34» 37: 471 53»
82 , n . . 8 .
Ibrahim Pasha, the GrandVezir, I I I 5 seq., 34 seq. , 49,
59 seq., 6 1 n . 3, 7 1 n . 2, 72,
1 1 8, 1 26.
Ibrah im Pasha, son o f Kha
lil Pasha, I I 348 .
Ibrahim Shahid i Dede, IV1 76 n . 3.
Ibrahim Shinasi Efendi , V22. See Shinasi.Ibrah im, Su ltan, I I I 245 ,
25 1 , 276, 290, 302, 304.
Iconium, I 10. See Qonya.
Idris, Monla, historian, I206 n . 2 ; I I 106, 267 n . 1 ,
35 1 , 364 ; II I 7 n . 1 .
Idrisi, I 274 n . I .
Ikhwan-uS-Safa. ( the Brethren o f Sincerity), I II 2 1 .
I lahi, Sheykh , I I 373 seq . ;
II I 6 1 .I lghin, I I I 29 1 .I lhém i, pen -name o f Sel im
III, I 4 1 7 n . 1 .
‘I lm i-zada Muhammed Che
lebi, name of Sabri, II I 286.
I lyas, the Prophet I 1 72 n .
1, 393. See Khizr.Ilyas, personal name Of Re
wan i , I I 31 7 .
Ilyas of Gallipoli,I 231
n . 1 .
Ilyas Pasha, I 423 seq.
c
Imafld-ud-D in ,Seyyid , I 343.
'35
Imams, the Twelve, II I 2 14n . 2, 2 1 5 n . 2
, 2 1 7 n . 5 .
Imam-zade, o f Yeni Shehir,IV 107 .
Imam-zade, principal of aschool in Constantinople , V 45 .
‘Imrén, IV 24 1 n . 5 .
Imru-ul-Qays , IV 246.
’Inas, I I 1 5 2.
India, I I 62 n . 7 , z 1 3 n . 2 ;
IV 228 , 24 1 n . 6, 264 n . 3.
Ind ia Off ice, the, I I 102 n . 2 .
Injili Chawush, IV 252 .
Innocent VIII, Pope, I I 8 1 .
Iqbali, pen-name o f MustafaI I, I 4 17 n . 1 ; II I 302 .
cI raiq, I 343, 344 n . 1 ; II
1 1 2 n . 6, 1 58 ; II I 1 88 .
c
I raq-i
cA rab, I I I 7 1 , 74.
I rem , I 326 n . 5 ; I I 59 n .
6, 1 1 3 n . 3 ; I II 1 5O n .
n . 5 , 265 n . 2 .
C'Isai , personal name of Ne
Jati, I I 56, 95 .
c’
I sai Efendi , V 46 seq., 49.
c”Isa, Prince , son o f Baye
zid I , I 250.
Isaac , I I 1 5 1 , 1 52.
Isauria, I 142 .
Isfahan, I I 29 1 n . 2 ; I II
328 n . 1 ; IV 243, 258 .
I sfendyarli (dynasty), I 142n . 2 , 4 1 5 n . 1 .
Ishaq , A rabic form o f Isaac ,II I 40 n . 2 .
Ishaq Chelebi,I I 105 , 27 1 ,
322 ; I I I 20, 40 sqq. , 8 5 .
1 36 INDEX 1 .
Ishaq Pasha Co llege, the ,II 35 1 .
Ishmael, I I 87 n . 3 ; IV 1 1 1
n . 9.
c
Ishqi , II 192, 22 5 , 368 , 377 .
Iskele Qapusi (the HarbourGate) Of ConstantinOple , I I 72 .
Iskender (A lexander) , 1 270 ;I II 1 5 2 n . 2 . See A lexander
the Great.Iskender Chelebi , son o f Si
nén Pasha, I I
Iskender Chelebi , the De f
terdér, III 6, 35 , 39, 59 seq.,
1 1 8 .
Iskender Pasha, II I 22 1 n . 2 .
Iskender- i Rum i (A lexanderthe Roman) I 149 n . 1 .
Iskenderus, I 282 , 284.
I slambo l, I I I 2 14 n . 1 .
Isma‘ il Agha, V 45 sqq .
Isma‘ il c'
Asim Efendi . See
Asim Efendi (Chelebi-zéde ) .
Isma il Bey, I 4 1 5 .
I smacil Bey, the Re’ is-ul
Kuttab , IV 243 seq.
Isma‘ il Ferrukhi, IV 8 1 n . 1 .
15mm Haqqi, I 392 n . 1 ,
398 n . 3, 406.
Isma‘ il Rusukhi o f Angora,IV 8 1 n . 1 , 1 78 .
Isma°il, Shah , the Safev i, 1204 n . 2 ; I I 30, 227 n . 4, 259,
260, 267 , 374 n . 2 ; II I 88 ,106.
Isma°ilis, the, I 34 1 .
Isparta,I I 52 n . 1 .
Israel, 11 1 5 1 .
Israel , the children of, I 396n . 4 .
Israfil , V 3.
Istambo l, I I I 280 n . 2 .
Istanbol, I II 2 14 n . 1 .
Italy, IV 228 .
I tfir, I II 1 5 n . 1 .
c
Iwaz, V 14.
°Iwaz, said to be the personal name o f Zéti, III 47 n . 1 .
cIwaz Agha, V 14.
C
Iwaz Pasha, I 4 1 5 .
c
I zairi, Mevlana, I I 369.
Izmid , IV 332 ; V 70, 74,
75 , 107 n . 4, 109.
Iznik and I zn iq (N icaea) , I I
380 seq. ; II I 4 1 .
c
I zz-ud-D in, name of a Tur
kish war-ship, V 98 n . 3.
c
I zzet Bey, IV 77 n . 5 .
c
I zzet Bey, the Beylikji, IV2 1 3, 2 1 8 .
‘I zzet Molla, I 109, 1 10 ; IV
1 5 1 , 268 , 279, 304 sqq . , 342.
Jaba,Isle o f, I 27 5 .
Jacob,11 1 5 1 sqq. , 254 n .
3 ; 111 287 11 . 3, 309 n . 3 ; IV
2 1 7 n . 1 and 2 .
Ja‘da, V 93 n . 4, 94 n . 2.
Jac
fer, the Barmaki, 11 269 ;IV 48 n . 3.
Ja‘fer Chelebi , I 306 ; I I 56,228 , 230,
24 1 , 243 n . 3, 263sqq .
, 326, 350 n . 1 , 378 ; I I I
47 , 48, 1 1 8 .
Jac
fer Pasha, the Admiral,I II 14 1 n . 3.
1 38 INDEX 1.
Jevri, I 39 1 ; I I I 245 , 297 and 3, 87 n . 2, 1 1 8 n . 2 and 3,sqq. ; IV 1 79. 178 ; IV 65 n . 4, 9 1 , 1 1 1 n .
Jews , the, IV 228 , 235 3 and 10.
Jeyhun , I 220 n . I I Kabul, I 434, 435 .
360 n . 7 . Kan‘
a, I I 257 .
Jihangir, Prince , son o f Su Kafur, name o f a Greek,leyman I, III 10, 1 1 . I I I 362 .
J ihan-Shah, I 434 sqq . Kaghid-Khéne (the Paper
J inj i Khoja , II I 276. Mill) , IV 44 n . 2.
Joachim , St, IV 24 1 n . 5 . Kami , Sheykh Jemal- zade,Job, I 389 n . 2. II 148 n . 2 .
Joe Miller, IV 276 n . 1 . Kamil , younger brother o fJohn the Baptist, V 92 n . Fazi l Bey, IV 22 1 .
1 and 2 . Kanghri, I I 369.
Jones, Sir Will iam , 11 102 Kani, IV 1 5 , 140, 159 sqq.,
n . 2, 232 . 1 76 n . 2, 1 83, 275 n .
.
1 , 303
Joseph , I 168 , 2 59 n . 5 ; II n . 5 ; V 1 5 n. 2.
1 2, 63 n . 4, 64 n . 1 , 1 1 2 n . Kan i Pasha, V 105 n . 2 .
2, 1 16 n . 4, 1 36 n . 2 , 142 Kashghar, 1 7 1 .
sqq. ,2 54 ; I I I 31 n . 1 , 5 5 n . Katib Chelebi , I 43 n . 1 , 179
1 , 87 , 236, 287 n . 3, 309 n . n . 3, 1 82, 202, 206 n . 2 , 207
3, 31 3 ; IV 1 72 n . n . 1 , n . 2 , 239, 2 56 n . 1 , 257 n . 1 ,
2 1 7 n . 1 , 265 n . 2 . 286, 302, 304 n . 1 , 31 1 n . 2 ,
Jouanin , M. , IV 333. 337 n . 3, 347, 386, 390, 39 1 ,
Judah, I I 1 53, 1 54, 1 70, 427—429, 439 ; I I 72 n . 3, 73
1 7 1 ; III 287 n . 3. n . 1,103 n . 1 , 14 1 n . 2, 148
Judas Iscariot , V 106 n . 5 . n . 2, 172, 190, 19 1 , 199,
Juliet , I 220 n . 1 . 289, 324 n. 3, 326 n . 1 , 380
Juneyd, I 377 n . 2. n. 3. See Hajj i Khal ifa .
Jupiter , I 259 n . 3 ; I I 1 25 Kétibi, II 19 1 n . 3, 368 .
n . 1 ; III 147 n . 4, 31 1 n . 2 . Kawa, I II 266 n . 6.
Jurjan , I II 22 n . 1 , 334. Kawus IV 1 36 n . 2.
Jurjan , the K ing o f, I II 31 , Kazim Bey, I 398 n . 3.
360 seq. Kecheji-zade Mehemedc
I z
Juvan-
pir, V 62 n . 1 . zet, IV 304. See c
I zzet Molla.
Kel im, IV 1 1 5 n . 2.
Ka‘ba, the, I 37 , 38 , 1 70 n . Kemal o f Berghama, II 368 .
1 , 243 n . 3, 28 1 ; I I 59 n . 2 Kemal Bey, I 1 32 ; III 1 ,
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC .
8 1 , 82 , 1 27 , 1 7 5 , 203, 205 , 2 57 ,
262 , 264 , 286— 288 , 29 1 , 296,
307. 319. 323 ; IV 4. 1 5 . 19.
30, 32—36, 6 1 , 7 1 , 98 , 1 10,
1 1 8,1 19, 280— 282, 31 1 , 35 2 ;
V 8 , 10, 1 1 , 1 5 , 19, 26, 27 ,
4 1 : 60: 83 Sqq'
Kemal-ud-Din IsmaC
il o f I S
fahan , I I 29 1 n . 2 ; I II 5 1 m l .
Kemal- i Khalveti, 1 4 1 1 , 4 1 2.
Kemal of Khujend , II 29 1n . 2 .
Kemal Pasha, I I 347 .
Kemal-Pasha-oghli, I I 347n . 1 . See Kemal-Pasha-zade .
Kemal-Pasha-zade , I 1 07 ;11 148 , 264 n . 1 , 288 , 347sqq. ; I I I 1 , 1 2, sqq .,
1 1 8 , 277 .
Kemal , Sheykh , II I 5 1 .
Kemal-i Umm i, I 4 1 1 , 4 1 3.
Keman-Kesh c
A li Pasha,I II 274.
Kerbela,I 2 16 n . 2 ; 111 90 ,
106 n . 1 ; IV 1 1 2 n . 1 ; V 93n . 5 , 94 n . 4, 106 n . 5 .
Kerim Khan~i Zend , IV 243
seq” 249.
Kerkuk, IV 1 34. 1 38 .
Kermanshah . See KirmanShah .
Kermiyan , I 142. See Germiyan .
Keshan , IV 279 n . 1 , 305 ,
308 sqq .
Keshf i, I I 375 .
Kesteli, Mevlana, I I 349.
Kevser, a river of Paradise,
1 39
I 36, 2 59 n . 4 ; I I [ 36 n . 3 ;
I II 1 83 n . 7 ; IV 65 n . 1 , 1 1 2
n . 3, 1 1 5 n . 4 .
Key, a legendary king o f
Persia, IV 1 36 n . 2 .
Key Ka’us, IV 23 n . 2 .
Keyani dynasty, the, I II149 n . 5 ; IV 1 36 n . 2 .
Keyd, K ing of India, I 272 ,273.
Key-Khusraw. See Key
Khusrev.
Key-Khusrev (Cyrus), 1 432 ;
I II 265 n . 8 ; IV 23 n . 2 .
Key-Qubad , I I I 149 n . 5 .
Keyumers, I 280.
Khadim CA li Pasha, 11 226
11 . 1 .
Khaki, I 4 1 1 , 4 1 5 .
Khal ifa, name o f a poet , 1
31 1 n . 2 ; 11 148 n . 2, 1 72 n . 3.
Khal il ibn-Ahmed , I 209 .
Khalil Bey, V 98 n . 1 .
Khalil Efendi , IV 14.
Khal il Ham id , Grand Vizier,IV 2 58 .
Khal il Khal id Efendi, I I227 n . 2 .
Khal il Nuri Bey, IV 1 76 n .
2 . See Nuri Bey.
Khal il Pasha , I I 348 n. 1 .
Khal il Pasha, IV 279.
Khal il Pasha . See DamadKhal il Pasha.
Khal i l i, I I 192, 379 sqq.
Khal il i, a mistake for Jelili ,I I 1 72 n . 3.
Khani Dudu, IV 304 n . 6.
140 INDEX I .
Khans, the Qipchaq, I 222n . 2 .
Khaqa'n OfTuran , the III 357 .
Khaqan o f Turkistan, the,I II 366 seq.
Khaqan i, Turkish poet, I109 ; II I 165 , 166, 193 sqq ., 299.
Kharij ites, the , I I 82 n . 1 .
Kharput, I 206 ; IV 66.
Khata (Cathay) , 11 1 1 2 n .
4 ; II I 1 1 1 m. 2.
Khata’ i, pen -name o f ShahIsma‘ il, I I I 106.
Khatem i, pen-name o f Mu’
eyyed- zade, I I 31 , 1 26 n . 2 .
Khat ib-zéde,Mevlané , I I 349.
Khat ib-zade Nasuh Chelebi ,I I 82.
Khaveri, I I 289, 370.
Khavernaq, Palace o f, I II28 , 365 sqq.
Khayali , an obscure writerin the time o f Sel im I , I I 1 72n. 3, 377 ; I II 62 n . 1
, 86.
Khayali Bey, I II 47 , 49, 5 8sqq ., 8o , 1 1 8 seq. 206, 297 ;
IV I 97.
Khayri Efendi, IV 16 1 ; V
70, 7 1 , 74, 75 , 100 n. 1 , 10 1
n . 3, 108 , 109.
Khazar, I 277 .
Khios, IV 1 1 3 n . 4 .
Khizr, the Prophet, I 1 72,
n . 1 , 27 1 , 282—284.370. 377 »
393» 423 n . 3. 430. 435 ; I I“ 2 n I . 1 37 n . 2 , 247 n .
3 ; I II 25 1 n . 1 , 299 n . 1 ,
31 8 n. 3.
Khizr-Agha-zade Sacid , IV
342 . See Sa‘ id Bey.
Khizr Pasha, I 423 seq .
Khizr u IlyasMaqame , nameof a mosque , I 393.
Khizri, I I 37 5 .
Khoj a Ahmed- i Yesev i. SeeAhmed- i Yesevi.
Khoj a Chelebi Efendi, theMufti, I I 272 .
Khoj a Nu ‘man , V 48 .
Khonaz , I I 148 n . 2 .
Khotan , II 254 n . 7 ; IV264 n . 3.
Khu ff i, 11 368 .
Khujend , 11 29 1 11 . 2 ; 111 5 1 .
Khulusi Efendi , IV 207 .
Khu rasan, I 1 76, 1 78 , 1 79
n . 1 , 203, 278 ; I I 139 n . 1 ,
374 ; I II 22 n . 1 , 1 56 n . 5 .
Khurrem ,King o f Jurj an ,
II I 336. 345. 370 sqq
Khurrem , Sultana, I I I 6,
1 1 , 1 19.
Khursh id , heroine of 7 amsizz
’
a'and Khan/dd, I 286.
Khurshid , heroine o f theK/zur slzid-rzdme, I 430 seq.
Khusraw o f Delhi , 11 8 , 107 ,19 1 n. 3, 29 1 , 292 ; III 238 ;IV 192. See Am ir Khusraw.
Khusraw Parw iz . See Khusrev- i Perviz .
Khusrev , I I 1 2, 29 1 , 31 1
seq . ; I I I 27 , 99 n . 1 , 236.
SeeKhusrev- i Perv iz andKhus
r ev and Shir in.
Khusrev- i Perviz (Chosroes
142 INDEX I .
n . 1 , 89, 90, 109, 1 10, 1 27 , Maghnisa , I 4 19 ; I I 97, 1481 33, 138 , 160, 161 seq . , 200. n . 2 ; II I 330.
Lavends (Levantines) the, Maghrib (Sunset Land) , 1
IV 1 14 n . 2 . 278 , 430.
Leander ’s Tower, IV 24 1 Magnesia, II I 37 , 109.
n. 1 . Magog, I 277 , 287 n . 1 , 289Lebanon , Mt
, V 103 n . 2. n . 2, 399.
Lees, W . N ., I 348 n . 2. Mahmud , personal name ofLemnos, I I I 313 ; IV 16 1 . Li mi ‘ i, I I I 20.
Leroux, M . , IV 233 n . 2, Mahmud c
Abd-ul-Baqi, III
328 n . 2 . 1 33.
Lesqo fchali Ghal ib Bey , V Mahmud Chelebi Efendi,I I
5 5 n . 2 . 287 .
Levantines, the, IV 1 14 n . Mahmud ofGhazna, Sultan ,2, 228 . I I I 1 53 n . 5 ; IV 24 n . 3.
Leyla (Leyl i) , I 220 n . 1 ; Mahmud Pasha, Grand ViII 1 2 , 1 7 5 sqq., 222 247 z ier, I 38 1 , 382 ; I I 25 , 28 n .
n . 4, 356 n . 2, 362 n . 9 ; I I I 2, 31—33, 35 , 37 1 ; I I 366, 369 .
66 n . 2 , 93 n . 3, 100, 10 1 , 236, Mahmud Pasha ibn-Qasséb,31 1 n . 2 ; IV 29 n . 1 , 204 n . I 40 1 , 402 n . 1 . See Mahmud2, 306, 343 n . 1 . Pasha, Grand Vizier.Leyla Khanim , IV Mahmud Pasha , College of,
sqq. I I 264.
Liqa i, 11 370. Mahmud, Prince, son o f
Lofcha, I I I 233. Bayezid 11, I I 96, 97, 102,
London , IV 326 ; V 62 . 1 1 7, 366 ; II I 7 .
Loqman , the Sage , I 389, Mahmud- i Shebisteri, I 1 8
4 14 n . 1 ; I I 38 n . 3. n . 1 .
Lutfi, Monla, I I 349, Mahmud , Sheykh, I 4 1 1 5 eq ,
Lutfi Pasha, II I 6. Mahmud , Sheykh , the CloisLu tf-u llah , son of Sunbu l ter o f, I I 353.
zada Vehbi, I I I 335 ; IV 2 54 Mahmud I , Su ltan , 1 4 1 7 n .
seq. , 257 seq,1 ; IV 1 3, 58 , 1 5 1 .
Lyall , Sir Charles, 111 1 74 Mahmud II, Su ltan , I 262
n . 3. n . 2, 4 1 5 , 4 1 7 n . 1 ; 11 268 11 .
Lycaonia , I 142. 2 ; IV 248 n . 1 , 305 , 31 1 , 323,
Lycia. I I 44 324. 326. 327. 333. 336 ; V
Lydia , I 142. 4, 31 .
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC .
Ma‘j un, name o f a character, II I 89.
Malatia, III 31 2 ; IV 66.
Malghara, I 392 n . 1 ; II I
1 72.
Malik , name Of a merchant,II 1 54 sqq., 1 59, 160.
Mal-Tepe, cemetery o f, IV 79.
Mac
mt’
tret-u l-‘
Aziz , province ,II 259 n . 2 ; III 31 2 .
Manes. See Man i.Man i (Manes) , II 3 1 3 n . 5 ;
III 66Mansur. See Mansur- iHallaj .Mansur-i Hallaj , I 2 1 , 168 ,
345. 347. 35 1 . 359 ; 111 286 11
1 ; IV 168 n . 5 ; V 93 n . 6.
See Huseyn Mansur- i Hallaj .Maqam- i Khizr (the Sta
tion of Khizr) , in the mosqueo f St Sophia, II 14 1 n . 1 .
Marcian, the column o f, IV292 n . 3.
Max-d in, II 260 ; III 31 2.
Maria, danghter o f Maurice ,I 32 1 .
Maritze , river, II 25 1 n . 3 ;
IV 305 .
Marmora, the Sea of , 11 43
n . 1 .
Maronites, the, V 103 n . 2 .
Mars, 1 297 n . 4 ; II 1 2 5 n .
I . 373 no 3 ; III 147n . 2 , 1 76 n .
Marut, IV 1 56 n . 2. SeeHarut and Marut.Mary , the Virgin , III 308n . 6.
143
Mas udi, II I 280 n . 2 .
Maurice , the Caesar, I 32 1 .
Mazdak , II 63 n . 4 .
'Mazenderan, I 277.
Me‘
éli Bey, III 290.
Meda’ in,I 270, 272, 31 6 sqq .
Med ina, I 2 16 n . 2 ; 11 31 7 ;
111 265 n . 3, 320 n . 4, 326,
327 n . 3 ; IV 220, 35 1 ; V
93 n . 4
Mediterranean Sea, the , IV
1 14 n . 3.
Mehabad , Castle o f, III 36 1 .
Mehd i, the, II 57 n . 4 ; III
2 14 n . 2 , 2 1 5 n . 2 .
Mehemedc’
Akif Pasha. Seec’Akif Pasha.
Mehemed Efendi ,Sheykh o f Islam , III 267 .
Mehemed Pasha, the Geo r
gian , II I 254 .
Mehemmed Bey , I I 353.
Mehemmed the Conqueror.
See Mehemmed II.Mehemmed the Conqueror,
Mosque of, III 1 33, 135 , 1 72 .
Mehemmed Edib, IV 16 1
n . 2 .
Mehemmed Em in Bey, I1 34 n . 1 .
Mehemmed Estar Dede . SeeEstar Dede.Mehemmed Fu
’
éd Bey, II 31 .Mehemmed Pasha , I 98 n . 2 .
Mehemmed Pasha, ambassador, IV 79.
Mehemmed Pertev Efendi .See Pertev E fendi .
the
144 INDEX I .
Mehemmed, Prince, son o f Meh in Band, I 31 5 , 316, 320 .
Bayezid I , I 250 . Mejd i, I 139 n . 7 ; I II 233.
Mehemmed Raghib Pasha. Mejnun, I 220 n . 1 ; 11 1 2,
See Raghib Pasha . 1 75 sqq . , 2 1 1 sqg., 222 n . 7 ,
Mehemmed Rashid Efendi , 247 n . 4, 28 1 n . 3 and 5 ,
the Re’iS-ul 356 n . 2 ; I I I 10 n . 2 , 66 n .
Mehemmed Sa‘ id Imam 2 , 93 n . 3, 100, 10 1 n . 3, 103
zade , Seyyid , IV 140 sqq. n . 1 , 1 23, 236, 31 1 n . 2 , 359 ;
Mehemmed Sa‘ id Ziver,IV 29 n . 1 , 204 n . 2 , 306 seq .,
Seyyid , IV 35 2. 314 n . 3, 343 n . I .Mehemmed Shems-ud-Din,
Me’
juj (Magog), I 287 n . 1 .
I 232 n . 2 , Mekka , I 37 , 1 70 n .
Mehemmed Sher if Efendi , n . 1 , 26 1 n . 1 , 28 1 ; II 25 11 .
IV 1 5 1 . 5 , 59 n . 2 , 72 n . 7, 74, 87 n.
Mehemmed Shevqi, IV 92 . 3, 9 1 n . 2 , 1 10 n . 2 , 1 1 8 n .
Mehemmed, Sheykh , son of 3, 1 78 , 2 1 7 n . 3, 31 7 , 3 19,
Salah-ud-D in the Scribe . See 386 n . 9 ; III 39, 1 1 5 n . 2,
Yazij i-oghli Mehemmed . 1 25 , 1 35 , 294, 326, 327 n . 3 ;
Me hemmed I, Sultan. I 2 50,IV 65 n . 4, 108 , 1 1 1 n . 3, 2 1 2,
26 1 n . 1 , 30 1 , 302, 4 1 3 n . 1 ; 305 , 324, 327 ; V 92 n . 5 ,
II 74 n . 1 , 77 n . 1 . 106 n . 5 .
Mehemmed II, Sultan , 1 229, Me latiya. See Malatia .
262 n . 2 , 31 2 , 38 1 , 40 1 , 4 16 Melek Qadin, II 286.
n . 1 , 4 1 7 n . 1 ; 11 2 1 sqq ., 31 , Melihi, II 42 n . 1 .
34, 40, 42 , 44 , 45 n . 1 , 47 , Melik Shah, I 269 .
49, 5o , 5 8 , 64 n . 2 , 70 n . 1 , Melioranski, M. , 1 2 13 n . 1 ,
72, 73, 84, 95—97 , 1 10, 1 1 1 222 n . 1 .
1 14 n . 3, 1 35 , 138 , 1 39, 192, Melitene , IV 66 n . 3.
258 , 263, 264 n . 1 , 267 n . 2 , Memduh Bey , III 82 ; IV289. 364. 37 1 . 377
—379. 398 ; 1 84
III 4 1 , 1 72, 199 n . 1 , 2 14 n . Memluks, o f Egypt , the, II1 , 325 . 39 1 ; III 42 .
Mehemmed III , Su ltan l Memluk Su ltans, the , 1 205 ,4 1 7 n . 1 ; III 1 35 , 165 , 207, 346.
Mehemmed IV , Su ltan , I Menteshe , I 142, 249 ; IV
357 ;III 302, 31 2 , 325 . 1 76 n . 3.
Mehemmed Veled Chelebi . Menz i l- i Hashmet (HashSee Veled Chelebi . met ’s Range) , IV 14 1 .
146 INDEX I .
Moore, Thomas, 111 14 n . 2 ; n . 2 , 1 50, 1 75. 190,
IV 265 n . 3. 197 , 2 10 n . 2 , 2 1 7 sqq ., 239
Morali- zade Hamid Efendi , n . 1 and 2,2 54 n . 5 , 274 n . 1 ,
IV 342 . 276 n . 1 , 287 , 340 n . 1 , 390 ;
Morea, the , I II 326 ; IV 1 2 5 II I 54, 90, 105 n . 2 , 1 1 3 n . 1 ,
n . 3. 1 23, 19 1 n . 2, 193, 194 n . 1 ,
Morocco,IV 228 . 195 sqq, . 2 1 5 n . 2 and
Moscow,I 222 n . 2 . n . 1 , 299, 30 1 n . 3,
Moses, I 1 56, 162 , 1 68 , 233 seq. , 332, 336 ; IV 19, 22 seq.,
n . 4 , 366 n . 1 , 372 n . 8 5 n . 1 , 90, 107 , 1 1 1 n . 2 and
II 316 n . 6 ; III 66 n . 6 ; IV 9, 147 , 1 82 , 11 .
8 5 n . 2, 104 n . 1 , 246 n. 2 , 32 1 n . 2, 35 1 ; V
Mosque Of the Three Gal 49, 78 , 92—94.
le ries, the, I 382 . Muhammed , personal nameMosul, I I 260, 267 n . 1 ; IV o f Beha
’
i, II I 294 .
244 . Muhammed , personal nameMo u radjea D
’
Ohsson . See o f Fazl i, I I I 108 .
D’
Ohsson . Muhammed , name o f GhaMu
c
awiya, I 2 1 6 n . 3 ; 11 8 2 zal i Of Brusa, I I I 37 .
n . 1 ; I I I 30 1 n . 3 ; V 93 n . Muhammed , personal name
4 , 106 n . 5 . o f Khayali, I I I 59.
Mu’
eyyed- zade C
Abd-ur Muhammed , personal name
Rahman Chelebi, I I 29 sqq ., Of N iyaz i, I I I 31 2.
48 n . 2 , 96—98 , 1 24, 1 26, Muhammed , name o f R iza,
1 29, 266, 270, 272 , 273 n . 2 , I I I 202.
276, 31 8 n . 3, 350 seq. , 364 n . Muhammed , personal name1 ; I I I 47 , 48 , 1 16. Of Sunbu l-za
’
de Vehbi, IV 242 .
Mu’eyyed
- zade c
Abd i Che Muhammed , son o f Sultanlebi
,II 31 8 . Ibrah im , III 25 2 .
Mughla, IV 1 76 n . 3. Muhammed ibnc
Ali al-B i
Muhammed . See also under qac
i, 111 1 62 n . 4 . See
c
Ashiq
Mehemm ed and Mehemed . Chelebi .
Muhamm ed , the Prophet , 1 Muhammed c
A li Pasha of17 n . 1 , 1 70 n . 3, 209 n . 11 . Egypt , I I I 31 2 n . 1 ; V 1o4 n . 1 .
—248 , 2 5 5 , 280, 363 n . 5 , Muhammed Bey, name Of
366. 373. 374. 376. 379 n 1 , Khéq’
én i. II I 193
396, 399—40 1 , 403 ; Muhammed E fendi, perso
57 n . 4, 59 n . 7 , 68 n . 1 , 98 nal name o f Tal ib , I I I 323.
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC . 147
Muhammed Es‘ad . See Gha al-Muqanna‘ (the Veiled Prol ib
,Sheykh . phet) , IV 265 n . 3.
Muhammed , Prince , son o f Murad Khan Ghazi , I 343.
Suleyman I , I II 10, 1 1 , 108 , Murad Pasha, Grand Vez ir,109, 1 26. II I 267 .
Muhammed Rashid . See Murad Re’ is, IV 140.
Rashid . Murad I, Sultan, I 1 79 n . 1
Muhammed ibn -R ize (R iza) and 3, 204, 206 n . 2, 226, 249,
ibn-Muhammed el-Huseyn i, 260, 262, 264, 336, 343 ; 11
IV 233 n . 3. 394 ; I II 1 29.
Muhammed ibn Suleyman , Muréd , I I , Sultan, I 232 11 .
name of Fuzul i, I II 7 1 . 3, 26 1 n . 1 , 299 n . 1 , 303,
Muh i- ud-Din ibn cA rebi, I 3 1 2
—314, 343, 382 n .
60 n . 2, 406. 4 13 n . 1 , 4 1 5 , 4 16, 4 1 7 sqq . ,
Muhi-ud-D in Mehemmed 431 ; I I 22, 4 1 . 42 ; 366» 377bn - el-Khatib Qésim ,
I I 19 1 II I 334 n . 1 ; V 13 n . 1 .
n . 3 ; I I I 1 62 n . 4 . Murad III , Sultan , I 82 n .
Muhibbi, pen-name o f Su 1 , 164 n . 1 , 4 17 n . 1 ; 164 n .
leyman I , I 4 1 7 n . 1 ; III 8 , 1 , 4 1 7 n . 1 ; I II 8 , 1 34, 165 ,
10 n . 1 . 167, 169 sqq ., 1 75 , 190 n . 4,
Muhiti, II I 2 1 8 . 198 , 199, 22 1 .
Muhtasham of Kashan , IV Murad IV , Sultan , I 4 17 n .
1 20. 1 ; I II 140, 165 , 166, 205—2o7 ,
Mucid i, I 31 1 n . 2 ; II I 1 33, 2 10, 233, 245 , 248 sqq ., 2 5 2
160. seq. , 264, 268 , 269 n. 2 , 273Mu
‘idi-zade, I 31 1 n . 2 . sqq. , 288 , 290, 294, 303 n . 1 .
MukhliS , Sheykh, 1 1 76— 178 . Murad V, Sultan, V 16.
Mukhlisi, pen-name, I II 1 1 . Murad , Sultan, the MosqueMumtaz Efendi , V wo n . 3. of, I I 82 .
Mun if, I I I 329, 332 ; IV 68 Murad i, pen-name of Muradsqq., 1 1 8 , 143 ; V 100 n . 2 . I I I , I 4 1 7 n . 1 .
Mun if Pasha, V 7 . Murad iya mosque, I I 47 .
Munkar, name of an angel, Musa, author o f the j dmesb
IV 297 n . 2 . N dme’
, I 431 .
Munqad, K ing of Merv, I I I Musa , Prince , son of Baye
360 seq. z id I,I 250.
Munzir, Prince, Of Hira, III Musalla, at Sh iraz, IV 1 2 .
365 . Musann ifek, I 406 .
148
Museum , the Bri tish . See
British Museum .
Mushku, Mushkuy, palaceof, I 317 seq.
Musl ih-ud-Din- i
I I 30.
Mustafa (Elect), a name o f
the Prophet, I 209 n . 2 , 244
n . 1 ; 11 92 n . 3, 2 1 8 n . 3 ;
IV 53 n . 1 .
Mustafa , personal name ofc
A z iz i, II I 1 80.
Mustafa , personal name o f
Nazim ,II I 3 19.
Mustafa ibn C
Abdu llzih, I
1 82 n . 6.
MustafaEfendi , molla, IV66 .
Mustafa Efendi , qad i-°asker,
IV 30.
Mustafa Efendi , personalname o f Munif, IV 68 .
Mustafa Efendi , name o f Safa
’
i, I I I 202 .
Mustafa Fazil Pasha, V 10,
6 1 seq. , 76, 98 n . 1 , 104 n . 1 .
Mustafa Mazhar , IV 324.
Mustafa Pasha , I I I 325 , 326,332 » 342
Mustafa Pasha, Grand Admiral , IV 1 2, 50, 54.
Mustafa, Prince , son Of Mu
rad II I , I I I 1 72 .
Mustafa , Prince, son of Suleyman I , I I I 7 , 10, 1 1 , 64,
108— 1 10, 1 19, 1 30.
Qastalan i,
INDEX I .
Nab i, I 108 , 109, 1 22 , 1 23,
1 29, 1 30 ; II I 14 n . 2 , 142 ,
205 , 206, 208 n . 1 , 245 , 246,
248. 259. 302. 305 . 323. 335
Sq 3491 155 1—354 1 370 5 1V
6: 1 5_ I 7 : 5 8 : 59: 6 1 1 67 ! 691
7 5. 87. 89. 92. 95—97. 109.
I ll9. 143. 164. 1 83. 1 8 5. 190
sqq ., 196, 246, 2 5 1 , 254 seq . ,
2 59, 27 5 n . 3 ; V 80,
11 . 4 .
Nablus, I I 1 5 5 .
Nadiri, IV 20.
Nahid , I I 6 1 n . 3. See Zuhre .Nah ifi, II I 58 , 78 sqq.
Na’ il i, I I I 206, 302, 303,
Mustafa Resh id Efendi , IV 304 sqq. , 350 ; IV 1 33.
1 7 5 .
Mustafa Sam i Bey . See Si m i .Na‘ ima, V 1 5 n . 2 .
Naj i,Pro fessor, 1 4 19 ; II
Mustafa I , Su ltan , I 4 1 7 n .
1 ; I II 1 65 , 205— 207 .
Mustafa I I , Sultan , 1 4 1 7 n .
1 ; I II 302 .
Mustafa I II , Sultan , 1 4 1 7n . 1 ; IV 94, 146,
243.
al-Musta‘
sim ,
c
A bbaisid Ca
liph, IV 42 n . 3 ; V 94 n . 5 .
Muta , I 2 1 6 n . 2.
Mutahhara Khatun, I 423seq.
Mutanabbi, II 2 1 2 n . 3, 299
n . 3.
Muterj tmC
A sim , V 1 5 n . 2 .
SeeC
Z'
ASim Efendi , translator
of the Qémzi s.
Mysia , I 14 1 .
Mysri . See Misri Efend i.
1 5o INDEX 1 .
Nejm i Chelebi , II 27 1 .
Nekir, name o f an angel ,IV 297 n . 2 .
Ne rgisi, I I I 208 ; IV 2 54,
35 2 ; V I 6.
Nerkis, name of a slave-girl,IV 94 n . 1 .
Nesh’et, Khoja, IV 1 76, 197 ,
207 , 211 sqq., 276 n . 3.
Nesim , name of a place , I
343
Nesim i, 1 2 1 1 , 253n . 2, 300,
336. 34 1 . 343 sqq 369. 376.
380. 383. 384 n 3.
I I I 41 1 7 3 52 1 104 3111 45 1 3 1 5n . 2 ; IV 168 n . 5 , 34 1 n . 2 .
Nesl i , 11 2 53 n . 2 .
Nesrin-nush, Princess , I I I
366.
Nestor, a monk , I 320.
Nevfel, 11 1 80 sqq .,
2 1 1 .
Nev‘ i, II I 1 36, 1 37 n . 1 ,
1 65 , 167 , 171 sqq . , 232.
Nev‘ i-zade c
A tzi’i, I II 1 7 1 ,
232 . Seec
Ata’i.
Nevres, IV 107, 133 sqq .,
140, 144 , 145 .
Nevres- i Qad im , IV 1 36.
Newa’i, I 1 27
— 1 29, 2 1 2 ,
28 5 n . 1 ; II 8 ,48 , 5 2 , 53, 148 n . 2, 365 ; I II27 , 87 , 16 1 , 237 n . 1 ,
248. 325 ; IV 99. 192 ; V 32.
Neyl i, II I 38 , 58 , 86 sqq .,
10 1 n . 3, 107 , 143.
N ice , 11 77 sqq. , 92 n . 4 ;
IV 306 ; V 27 ,
N icholay, N icholas, 1 356,
357N icholson , R . A . , I 53 n .
1 , 146 n . 2 , 169 n.
N icopolis, I I 286.
N icosia, I II 287 n . 1 .
N ida’i, II I 1 33, 160.
Nigéri , II I 1 33, 160.
N igisa, the maid o f Shirin ,I 320, 323, 324.
N ihal i Chelebi , I II 42 .
N i le, the , I I 1 56, 360 n . 7 .
N icmet-ullah o f Khonaz , I I148 n . 2 .
N i°meti, I I 148 n . 2.
N imrod , II 2 53 n . 7, 339
n . 5 ; IV 63 n . 4 ; V 94 n . 6.
N ishanji MeSjidi (the N is
hanji’
s Mosque) , I I 269.
Nishanji Pasha, the , 111 9 1 .
N ishapur, I 1 79 n . 1 I I 287 ,292 ; II I 37 n . 2 , 335 n . 1 , 370.
N issa, IV 2 59.
N iyaz i, also known as MisriEfendi , I I I 302, 31 2 sqq.
N iyazi, the earliest Ottomanlyric writer
,I 2 10,
2 1 1 , 228 ,
n . I .N izam-ul-Mu lk, I I 63 n . 4 .
N izam i, 1 1 26, 144, 145 , 268 ,303, 306, 309
—3I I : 3241 4431
446 ; 11 8— 10, 148 n .
I 74. 190; 2 1 5 n 3. 292. 376
n . 1 , 377 ; III 22 , 28 , 86, 87
n . 1 , 88 , 89, 160, 166, 234,
236. 238. 328. 336. 35 3. 365.
370 ; IV 1 5 1 , 1 8 2 11 . 1 , 1 89,
192, 193 n . 1 , 195 .
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
N izami- i ‘
A ruzi, I I 20 ; I II22 n . 1 .
N izam i of Qonya, I I 37 1 .
Noah, I 37, 2 19 n . 1 and 2,
376. 389Nour Sofi, I 1 78 n . 1 .
Nuh, asserted by some tobe the name Of Nejati, 11 56, '
94 seq .
Nuh Quyus i (Noah’s W ell) ,
IV 35 1 .
Nuc
man, K ing o f Hira, I II
365 .
Nu‘man- i Naz , Princess, II I
366
Nur i, editor o f Kéni’s Di
wdn , IV 164 , 176 n . 2 .
Nuri Bey, IV 176, 1 79 n .
2. 1 8 5 . 349 ; V 6 1
Nur-ud-Din, personal nameof Ezheri, I 4 14.
Nur-ud-Din, Sti fi, I 1 77 , 1 78n . 1 .
Nur-ud-Dinc
A li Of Cairo , II1 1 3 n . 6.
N 1’
1ru’
llah, I I I 363.
Nushirvan, Nushirewan, I270 n . 1 , 3 14 n . 1 , 31 5 ; I I63 n . 4 ; 111 22 n . 1 ,
11 . 5 .
Occleve, V 6.
Ofen , I I I 34.
Olympus, the Bithynian , I I
47 ; I I I 38 .
c
Oman , the Sea o f, 11 39
II . 2.
“Omar- i Khayyam, 1 89 ; 11
1 5 1
332 n . 2 ; I I I 224, 226 ; IV1 57 n . 3.
c
Omer, the Cal iph, II 1 50 ;
II I 266 n . 7 ; IV 1 1 1 n . 2 ;
V 93.
C
Omer, name o f Ne f‘i,I I I
25 2 .
c
Omer, name of a slave-boy,V 42 .
c
Omer Fé’
iz Efendi, V 98
n . 1 .
c
Omer ofMaghnisa, Sheykh ,I I 148 n . 2 .
c
Omer Pasha, IV 243 seq .
‘Orfa, I I 260.
Orkhan , Sultan , I 1 1 , 1 78 ,
1 79 n . 1 , 249, 262 n .
429 ; 11 46, 47 , 228 n . 1 , 348
n . 2 , 394 ; I I I 38 , 4 I ; IV 14 1
n . 1 .
Orkhan , Su ltan , College of,at I zn iq, I II 4 1 .Ormuzd , V 89 n . 2 .
Orontes, the river, IV 147n . 2 .
c
Osman, the Caliph , I I 1 50 ;V 93.
c
Osman , father Of Lam i‘
i,
I II 20 .
c
Osman, name o f Ruhi , II I1 86.
c
Osman, province, I 14 1 .
C
Osman Efendi , father OfSami, IV 58 .
C
Osman Efendi o f YeniShehr, IV 243 seq.
C
Osman Nevres Efend i , IV
4. I 36
1 52
c
Osman Pasha, the Lame ,IV 1 25 n . 3.
c
Osman, Prince , Son o f Mu
rad 111, 111 1 72 .
c
Osman, Seyyid , personalname of Su turi , IV 266.
INDEX L
Pembe Khanim , IV 293 n . 1 .
Pera , IV 30 1 n . 3.
Perez in , I I I 162 n . 4.
Persia, II I 207 n . 1 ; IV 228 .
Persians, the IV 234.
Pertev Efendi , IV 197 , 207 ,c
Osman , the Son o f Baye 2 1 3, 2 16, 2 1 8 seq .
z id I , I 207 .
C
Osman , Sultan , I 10, 14 1 ,
178 , 226, 249, 4 17 ; II 148 n .
2:260: 394 ; I I I 4: 38 1 I 3S:
167 , 207 , 2 1 2, 2 52 ; IV 268 .
c
Osman I I , Su ltan, I 4 1 7 n .
1 ; II I 165 , 204 n . 1 , 205— 208 ,
2 19, 25 2 .
c
Osma’tnjiq, I I 1 38 .
c
Osman-zade Ta’ ib, IV 103
n . 4.
Oxus, the, I 220 n .
See Jeyhun .
Paleologi, the, IV 31 1 .
Palmer, Professor E . H., IV
84 n . 2 .
Pamphylia, 1 142.
Paphlagonia, I 142 .
Parga, I II 5 .
Paris, V 9, 24 n . 1 , 25 , 27 ,
6 1 , 62.
Pasha Chelebi , I I 1 28 n . 2 .
Pavet de Courteille , I I 35811 . 2 ; II I 335 .
Payne , John , I 89 n . 1 , 432
n . 1 , 439 n. 1 ; I I 280 n. 6,
33I n . I . 333 n . S
Pechin, I I 5 2 n . 1 .
Pembe , name of a girl, IV
304 n. 5 .
Pertev Pasha, IV 2 19, 322,
325 seq. , 328 seq. , 332 sqq.
Perwana, K ing, 111 57 .
Pesheng , II I 269 n . 3.
Peter the Great, I II 326 ;IV 24 .
Peterwaradin, IV 37 .
Peyam i, II I 190 n . 4.
Pharaoh, I I 1 59 n . 1 ; I I I2 14 n . 4.
Philadelphia, 111 208 .
Philippine-Helene Of Sassenage , l I 80.
Philippopolis College, the,II 349.
Philo, I 42 n . 1 .
Phrygia, I 142 .
Phrygia Epictetus, 1 14 1 .
Piers the Plowman, 111 2 1 1 .
P ir, name o f a physician ,II I 35 8 sqq.
PirC
A li, Sheykh , I I I 172.
P ir Ilyas, II 1 24 n. 1 .
P ir Muhammed , personalname o f
c
Ashiq Chelebi , I I I 7 .
P iri Pasha, I II 47 .
P iron , IV 163 ; V 5 7 .
P ishdad i dynasty, the , I I
7 I IL L
Pisid ia , I 142 .
Piyala, Admi ral, 111 160 .
1 54 INDEX L
Qara- ‘Osman , I 206.
Qara-Qoyunlu (Black Sheep)dynasty , I 204 .
Qaraman , province , I 142 ,
166 n . 5 , 1 77 n . 5 ,
228 , 249, 2 56 n . 4, 4 1 3, 4 1 5 ,
4 1 8 ; II 6, 2 1 , 23, 70,
7 5 . 8 2— 84. 96. 1 17 n .
111 36 n . 1 .
Qaraman , town , I 1 5 1 n . 1 .
Qaraman , son o f Nur-ud
Din, I 1 77 , 1 78 n . 1 .
Qaraman i-zade Mehemmed
Efend i, I 86 ; III 1 33, 1 72 .
Qarasi, province , I 14 1 , 249 ;I II 47 .
Qarchi , IV 265 n . 3.
Qaren , III 30 1 n . 3.
Qasim Bey, I I 74 seq .
Qas im Pasha, place , IV 30 1n . 3.
Qasim-ul-Anwar, IV 1 70
n . 5 .
Qasr- i Sh irin (Castle-Shirin) ,1 31 8 n . 1 ; IV 5 5 n . 1 .
Qassab , father o f MahmudPasha, I 402 n . 1 .
Qassab c
Ali, I 390, 402 n . 1 .
Qastamuni, 1 1 64, 4 1 5 , 44 2
I I 70, 94, 107 sqq . , 1 35 , 267
n . 2, 368 , 387 ; I I I 7 , 1 6 1 .
Qavsi o f Tebriz, 111 107 .
Qays , perso nal name O f MCjmin , 11 1 7 5 sqq . ; II I 103 n .
1 ; IV 29 n . 1,204 n . 2 . See
Mejn t'
nn .
Qaysariya , I 205 , 249 , 383 ;
V 45 .
Qayt Bay, the Sultan o f
Egym. I I 74 seq
Qayzafa or Qaydafa, Queen ,I 278 seq. ; I I 270.
Qaz iqj i-Yegeni, IV 2 53 n .
1 , 262 n . 5 .
Qaz i- zade, I I I 1 33.
Qazwini , geographer, 1 274n . 1 , 392, 406.
Qinali- zadec
Ali, I 4 1 n . 1 ;
I I 45 , 47 , 94 , 106 ; II I 199,
200, 222.
Qinali- zade Hasan , I 4 1 n .
1 ; I I 47 ; I I I 7 , 8 , 1 3,
33: 135—37 : 4 I n' 31 431 45 1
471 501 52: 54 : 58 1 591 621 737
76: 77 , 79» 89: 901 1091 1 101
1 27 , 1 35 , 1 38 , 144 , 160, 16 1 ,
165 , 1 7 1— 1 73, 1 80,
199 seq. , 274, 277 , 279. SeeHasan Chelebi .
Qir im i Rahm i, IV 73.
Qir-Shehri , I 1 78 ,
11 . 4, 1 84, 1 8 5 .
Qirq Cheshme (Forty Fountains) , a district o f ConstantinOple , I I 319.
Qitfir (Potiphar) , I I 1 57 ;I II 1 5 .
Qitm ir, V 79.
Q iz-‘
A li, I I 2 52 n . 5 .
Q iz Qullasi (the Maiden TOwer) , IV 24 1 n . 1 .
Qiz Tashi (the Maiden’s Pil
lar) , IV 292 n . 3.
Qiz i l Ahmedli , province, I142. 164. 249. 4 1 5 n .
I I 2 1 , 23.
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES , ETC .
r hi Bey, V 1 5 n . 2.
o a Raghib , IV 92 . See
Raghib Pasha .
Qonya, I 10,
1 5 1 , 1 78 n . 1 , 1 8 5 , 422 ; II6. 5 2 n 1 , 7 1 . 72. 74.
11 . 2, 356 n . 1 , 37 1 ; I I I 1 1 ,
1 87 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 8 ; IV 1 5 ,
2 1 2 , 305 n . 1 ; V 64 . SeeIconium .
Qorqad ,Prince, I I I 37 seq.
Qosqa quarter of Constan
tinople , IV 95 , 10 1 n . 1 , 349
n . 2.
Qostantan iyya, name o f
Constantinople , I I I 2 14 n . 1 .
Queen Of the Serpents, the ,1 432 .
Qumér, I I I 32 n . 4.
Qureysh, the Prophet’
s tribe ,IV 1 1 1 n . 9.
Qutb-ud-Din, I I 349 n . 3.
Quzghunjuq, IV 35 1 .
Rabelais, IV 163, 27 1 .
Rébi‘
a, I 53 n . 2.
Rachel, 11 1 5 1 , 1 5 5 .
Racine, V 32.
Raghib Pasha , 1 98 n . 2 ;
11 1 8 ; I I I 329 ; IV 5 8 , 92 sqq .,
107 » “ 9: I 34» I 3S: I43» I 47 »
1 54.
Rah im i, I I I 1 33, 160.
Rahm i, IV 5 8 , 73.
Ra’ ij , Island o f, I 274 .
Rac
il, I I I 1 5 n . 1 .
Rakhsh, the charger Of Rustem, I I I 1 5 2 n . 1 .
I SS
Ramazan , personal name ofF ighan i, I I I 34.
Ram in . See Visa and Ré
mz’
n .
Ram in Shah , I I I 36 1 .
Ram la, I 5 3 n . 2 .
Rashid , the historian , I I I
31 3 n . 1 , 329 ; IV 1 2,
SCH -1 7 5 : I 3S. 143
Rash id Efendi , father ofSunbul-zade Vehbi, IV 242 .
Résikh ,poet , II I 323.
Ratib Efendi , IV 222, 232
Seq .
Ravza, the , at Med ina, I II
320 n . 4.
Rawha, A rabic name ofEdessa, II I 325 n . 2.
Raziya, Island o f, I 274.
Red Sea, the , I I I 300 n . 2 .
Redhouse, S ir J . VV. , I 14 5n . 2 ; II I 1 8 ; IV 28 5 n . 1 ,
314 n . 4.
Refi‘a Efendi , IV 2 1 1 seq .
Reffi . I 336.
369 sqq ., 424 n . 2 .
Refiqi, Monla, I I 35 5 .
Renan, V 24 .
Reshad Bey, V 22 .
Resh id B ey, V 24.
Resh id Efendi , father o f
Sunbu l- zade Vehbi, IV 242 .
Resh id Pasha, IV 326 seq . ;
V 1 5 n . 2, 24,25 , 5 7 , 60.
Resm i, I I 368 .
Reuben , I I 1 5 2 .
Kewan i, II 317 sqq ., 367,
378 .
1 56 INDEX 1.
Reyyén, King of Egypt , 11
1 57 , 168 , 1 7 1 .
Rhodes, I I 76, 77 , 79 ; I I I28 n . 1 , 253 ; IV 140, 222 ,
245 . 249. 250 ; V 1 5. 16
R ieu , Dr. Charles, I 1 8 1 ,
43l n . n . 1 ; II I 5 1n . 1 , 226 n . 2 .
R ifc
at Bey, V 6 1 .
R if‘at Efendi, 1 38 1 n . 2 .
Riyazi, I 1 39, 228 , 231 n .
1 , 31 2. 384 n . 5 ; I I 4 1 . 45 .
46, 52, 95 , 14 1 , 226, 270, 272 ,
277 » 324 3 ° 3» 347 n ’ 21 35 5 ,
356 n . 2 ; I I I 7, 8 , 1 80, 1 86,
198 , 200 seq., 245 , 284 sqq.
R iyaz i Efendi , I I I 226 n . 1 .
R iza, author o f the Taz
kir e, II I 1 86, 200, 201 seq., 29 1 .
R iza Pasha, V 10 1 n . 4.
R123, Sheykh , IV 58 , 39 sqq.
R izq-u llah Hasun , V 103 n . 2 .
R izwan , I 37 , 245 n . 2, 29711 . 3, 362 n . 1 , 364 n .
11 256 11 . 2 ; 111 30 1 11 . 1 ; IV
54 n . 1 , 1 1 5 n. 4.
Rodosto, IV 1 5 , 2 1 , 305 .
Rome, 1 149 n . 1 ; II 8 1 ;IV 25 n. 2, 265 n . 5 .
Romeo, 1 220 n . 1 .
Rope-dancer's Mosque
,the
,
in Constantinople, IV 108.
Rosenzweig-Schwannau, I I89 n . 6.
Rosetta , I II 199.
Ro usseau , Jean Jacques, V
42: SI » 59
Roxelana, 111 6 n . 1 .
Ru fa‘ i dervish-order, the, IV
322 n . 3.
Ruh i, 111 165 , sqq.,
207 , 299 ; IV 6 1 , 65 , 7 1 , 89
n . 1 .
Ruknabad , IV 1 2 .
Rum (Asia Minor) , 1. 10, 1 26,
149 11 . 1 , 1 77 , 1 78 , 226, 229,
2701 279: 343 5 H 93! 104» 105 »
1 38 , 1 58 , 1 74, 36 1 n . 7 , 374 ; II I
266 n . 3.
Rum , the King o f, i . e . , the
Su ltan of Turkey, I I I 44 n. 3.
Rumel i Hisar, IV 35 1 .
Rumelia, I 228 , 11 .
2 ; II 24, 30, 264 n . 1 , 350.
3521 374. 395. 399 ; In
7 , 1 23, 1 72, 222, 274, 294 ; IV
1 5 1 , 2 1 6 n. 1 , 228 ,
V 10 1 n . 4.
Rumi Mevlana, IV 1 25 n .1 . See Jelal-ud-Din Rum i.Rumilly, I I 80.
Ruqiya Khatun , I 283.
Ruschuk, II I 233.
Russia, I 276 ; IV 146, 2 1 3,
228, 2 50.
Russians, the , IV 235 .
Rustem , I 269 n . 1 ; III 1 52
n. 1 , 343 n . 3 ; IV 23 n. 2,
48 n. n . 2 ; V g6 a . 1 .
Rustem Pasha, I I I 6, 7, 1 1 ,1 1 8 seq., 193.
Rycaut, Sir Paul , I 356 359.
es-Sa‘b the Himyarite, II I209 n . 1 .
Szibit, 1 1 10, 1 30 II I 142,
1 58 INDEX 1.
SalihEfendi , IV 304.
Sélih ibn -Jelal , 11 1 72 n . 3,
Séliha, Princess,'
IV 94.
Salihiyya, II I 4 1 .
Salim , biographer, II I 200,
202 .
Salonica , II 348 n . 2 ; 111 294.
Samarcand , 1 278 ; II I 201 ; IV 264 n . 2, 265 n . 7 .
Sam i, I 1 19 ; I I I 1 88 , 206,
3 19, 329 ; IV 19, 5 8 sqq. , 1 1 8 ,
143, 2 59 ; V 80, 92 n . 5 .
Sam i Bey , I 1 77 n . 4, 222
n . 2 ; 111 4 1 11 . 3.
Sanca,II I 300.
Sapo r, I 3 1 5 n . 3.
Saqariya, the river, I 165 .
Saiq i (Cup-bearer) , name ofa Character, II I 89.
Saqiz (Scio ) , IV 28 5 n . 2 .
Saqiz Adasi (Mastic Isle) ,a name fo r Scio , IV 1 1 3 n . 4 .
Sara , name o f a young lady ,IV 259.
Sari‘
AbdullahEfendi , IV 79.
Sari-Bey Oghli , IV 302 n . 1 .
Sarij a Kemal , I I 368 .
Sam -Khan , I 142, 249 ; 11 96.
sasanian dynasty, the , II I148 11 . 5 and 6, 265 n . 8 , 266
n . 5 : 354» 365 °
Sassenage , Castle of, 11 80.
Satan , 1 1 59 n . 6, 362 n .
6 ; 11 67 n . 5 , 1 54, 2 53 n . 3
and 4, 329 ; 11 1 339 11 . 1 ; V
92 n . 1 . See Ibl is.
Satu rn , I 297 n .
n . 4, 1 76 n . 4 , 1 79 n . 2 .
Sava , I I 29 1 n . 2 .
Séya Khan , 1 319.
Sche fer, C ., 11 63 n . 4 , 1 84.
Scio , the Isle o f, IV 1 1 3
n . 4, 249, 28 5 n . 2 , 302
n . 5 .
Scutari , I I I 1 1 7 n . 2, 2 1 8 ,
2 19, 326, 327 n . 3 ; IV
73: 24 1 n . I . 244 . 249. 3SI ;
V 107 n . 4 .
Sedd - i Iskender (A lexander ’s Dyke) , IV 103 n . 3. See
Gog and Magog, Dyke o f.
Sedd- i Ye’
juj u Me’
juj (theDyke o f Gog and Magog) , IV
103 11 . 3. See Gog and Magog,Dyke Of.Seh i Bey , I 1 39 ; 11 1 1 ,
25 n . 3, 28 n . 2, 34, 35 . 4 I .
42 n . 1 , 44 , 4 5 n . 2. 5o n . 1 ,
7 1—73, 7 5 n . 1 , 78 n . 2, 84.
86. 93. 95. 97— 104. I SS» 1 35 ,
147 , 1 7 2 n . 3, 226, 230, 263
n . 1 , 29 1 n . 1 , 293, 31 7. 31 8
n . 1 , 32 1—324, 347.
11 . 5 , 367 , 368 , 370, 380 n . 3 ;
I II 7, 16 1 .
Selam Of Baghdad , I I 1 88 .
Selaman , III 354 sqq. SeeSeldmdn and [ 1&d
Selamit, Island o f, I 27 5 .
Selefke , 1 1 78 n . 1 .
Sel im ,poet
,IV 1 1 5 n . 2 .
Sel im , uncle o f Mejnun , I I
1 87 .
Sel im Fan s Efendi , V 62 n . 1 .
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC . 59
Sel im Giray, Khan Of the I 36 ; I I I 76 n . 2, 317 n . 1 ;
Crimea , IV 2 1 . IV 5 2 n . 1 , 1 1 2 n . 6.
Sel im the Martyr. See Se Seméfi, pen-name of Sultan
lim II I , Su ltan. Diwan i, I 424 n . 1 .
Sel im , Prince, afterwards Senai’
i, Hak im , 1 428 .
Sel im I , II 2 57 seq. , 3 1 8 , 367 . Sena’ i of Qastamuni, I I 368 .
Selim, Prince, afterwards Seraglio, the , name of a paSelim II , I II 8 . lace , I I 58 .
Sel im I, Su ltan , 1 204 n . 2, Seraglio Point , 11 26, 45
257 n . 1 , 262 n . 2, 4 1 7 n . 1 ; n . 1 .
I I 29, 30, 86, 1 72 n . 3, 228, Serend ib , I 27 5 .
238 , 257 sqq ., 266 sqq.,
276, Seres, I 228 ; I I 72 n . 7 ,
277 , 288 , 290, 319, 320 n . 8 , 73 n . 2 .
325. 329. 347 . 352. 356. 358. Se rkis. IV 94 n . r
364, 369, 370, 374 11 . 2 , 384, Serpents, King o f the, 1 433.
—44, Serpents, Queen of the , I
48 , 49, 62 n . 1 , 86, 88 , 160, 433 n . 2 .
162 n . 4, 167, 262 ; V 80. Servia, IV 259 ; V 97 n . 2 .
Selim II , Sultan, I 257 n . Servil i (Cypress- Inn) , name1 , 4 1 7 n . 1 ; II I 5 , 8 , of a tavern, V 56.
108, 109, 1 34, 1 5 1 , 165 , 167, Sevda’
i , I I 1 72 n . 3, 377 .
17 1 , 206, 233. Seven Sleepers, the, of E
Sel im III , Su ltan , 1 4 1 7 n . phesus, V 79.
1 ; IV 1 5 1 , 16 1 n . 2 , 178 5 eq., Seven Towers, Castle of the ,22 1 sqq., 226, 245 , 350 ; V 11 43 n. 1 .
4, 20. Seven Towers, Gate of the,Sel im i, pen-name o f Sultan I I I 1 80.
Selim II, 1 4 17 n . 1 . Seyf-ul-Mulk, I 439.
Seljuqs, the, 1 10 seq. , 14 1 ; Seyf-ul-Muluk, 1 439 n . 1 .
IV 31 1 . Seyyid cImaid, a name given
Selman ,Kh aJa.See Selman- i to Nesim i, I 35 1 .
Savej i. Seyyid- i Sherif, title ofSelman , M ir. See Mir Sel
cA li- i Jurjan i, I I 349 n . 3.
man . Seyyid Vehbi. See Vehbi,Selman- iSavej i , Persian poet, Seyyid .
I 28 5 , 286 ; I I 72, 29 1 ; I I I Sganarelle , V 14.
79, 1 39, 1 79 n. 5 . Sha‘ban, the dynasty o f, IV
Selsebil, a river of Paradise, 226 Seq.
1 6o INDEX L
Shad-Kam , City of, I 282,
290 11 . 1 .
Shadrach, V 94 n . 6.
Shah Chelebi, I 424.
Shah Isma‘
il , I 204 n . 2 . See
I sma'fil, Shah , the Safevi.
Shah Khandan , I 345 .
Shah- i Martin (K ing of theSerpents) , I 433 n . 2.
Shah Mehemmed Chelebi ,son of Shah Chelebi , 1 424 sqq.
Shah-Qu li , I I 227 11 . 4.
Shah Su leyman , K ing OfGe fm iyan , I 264, 429, 430.
Shahi, pen-name Of PrinceBayez id , a son Of Su leymanI , II 86 ; II I 1 1 .
Shahidi, author Ofthe Tuhf e,IV 176, 257 , 258 n . 2 .
Shahid i, poet, I I 73, 1 72,
1 74 11 . 2, 376 ; IV 197 .
Shahin Giray, Khénof theCrimea, IV 245 , 250.
Shah-zade, the parish of, IV292 n . 3.
Shakspere , I 1 1 5 .
Sham i-zade Muhammed,II I
304.
Shams-i Tabriz . See Shemsud-Din o f Tebriz .
Shan i-zade MuhammedcAtai-nlléh Efendi, IV 248 , 252 .
Shapur (Sapor) , anotherform Of Shawur, I 31 5 n . 3.
Shapur I , the Sasanian , I I
324 n . 1 .
Shawkat . See Shevket.
Shéwur, 1 31 5 sqq. ; 11 31 2 .
Shebd iz, name o f a horse ,I 3 1 5 sqq. ; I I I 231 n .
Sheddad, the K ing ofc
Ad,
I 326 n . 5 ; 11 59 n . 6 ; III2 14 n . 5 .
Shehd Band, Princess, I 273n . 1 .
Shehdi , I I 370.
Shehr-Banu , name o f a princess in Ahmedi
’
s I skender
Ndme, I 273.
Shehr-Bami , name of a princess in Lam i
ci’
s Visa é Ré
min, 111 31 , 360.
Shehrev, I I I 360.
Shehr- r i’
i z , I 283.
Sheker , name o f a lady, I
323.
Shem‘
, Princess, I II 57.
Shem‘
(Taper) . See Slzem‘
12 P ar r/cine.
Shemci,I 202.
Shems-Banu , Princess, I I I
36 1 .
Shems-ud-Din Ahmed Ibn
Kemal , I II 1 2 sqq. See KemalPasha- zade .Shems-ud-Din Mehemmed- i
Fenéri, I 26 1 n . 1 .
Shems-ud-Din Of Tebri z, I146, 1 5 1 ; II I 293 n . 1 ; IV
1 25 n. 1 .
Shemse , I 435 .
Shems i II 383 sqq.
Shemsi Chelebi , I I I 1 7 1 .
Sheref, Son o f Hayziti, IV 259.
Sheref Khanim, IV 336,
349 seq
162 INDEX 1.
Sidon, V 103 n . 2 . Sivri-hisar, II 72 n . 8 , 349Sidqi , II 293 n . 1 , 3oz
'
u . n . 1 , 383 ; 111 38 , 2 1 8 .
2 ; IV 1 50. Siwas , I 205 seq .,
Sifi'
in, the Battle of, 11 82 n . 1 . 264 ; I I 259 11 . 2 ; IV 306,
Silistria, II I 233 ; IV 160, 31 1 , 343.
2 1 8 . Siyawush, a character in theSilver Stream, the , IV 26 Kkur skid-N dme, 1 431 .
n . 2 . Slavonia, II 9 1 n . 6.
Simav, I I 373. Sm irnov, Professor, II 1 32 .
S imurgh, the, II 280 n . 5 , Smyrna, I II 31 2 ; IV 248 n .
300 11 . 2 ; III 67 11 . 7 ; IV 53 I ; V 27 .
11 . 3. Socrates, I 270.
S ina- chak (To rn-Bosom), So leyman the Magnificent ,surname, III 6 1 n . 3. I 35 8 . See Suleyman I
,Su ltan .
S inai , Mt., I 168 , 366 n . 1 ; Solomon , I 379 n . 2 ; II 39I I 316 n . 6 ; IV 8 5 n . 2, 104 n . 1 , 7 1 , 386 n . 5 ; II I 1 8 n .
n . 3, 2 10 n . 3. 1 , 56 n . 5 , 148 n . 3, 1 53 n .
Sinan , Cad i, 11 148 n . 2 . 2, 1 79 n . 3 ; IV 42 n . 2, 48
S inan , personal name of n . 1 , 276 n . 3.
Sheykh i, 1 299. Somnath , IV 24 n . 3.
Sinan Pasha, 11 2 5 , 1 24, 295 , Soqo llu Muhammed , I II 7.
349 n . 1 . Spain, IV 228 .
Sinan Pasha, Admiral , 111 Sprenger, I 348 n . 2 .
160. Stambou l . See Istambol and
S inan Pasha, the Grand Ve Constantinople .z ir, I I 270. Su
cav i Efendi, V 73 n . 3.
Sinan ibn-Suleyman,perso See c
A li Sucavi Efendi .
nal name o f B ihishti, 11 148 Sudan, the, IV 228 .
n . 2 . SLICII, I 202.
Sindbad , I 274 n . 1 . Suha, name o f a star, 111
Sinimmar, III 365 . 1 7 n . 2 .
S ipah i, poet, IV 1 1 5 n . 2 . Suhrab, I II 1 5 2 n . 1 .
Siraj -ud-D in Mahmud .Qaz i, Suhreve rd, 11 1 38 n . 2.
11 349 n . 3. Suhreverdi . See Shihab-ud
Sirat, the Bridge , 1 174 n . D in- i Suhreverd i.
3 ; 11 369 n . 4 . Suleyman , father o f KemélSiro es, I 314 n . 1 . See Shi Pasha- zade , 11 347 .
r tiya. Su leyman , personal name
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC .
o f Nesh’
et, IV 2 1 1 , 276
n . 3.
Su leyman- i Bursevi , I 232.
See Suleyman Chelebi .Suleyman Chelebi, I 108 ,
225 , 228 , 232 sqq . , 268 , 307,
308 , 392, 11 5 1 , 190,
I 9 I ; I I I 54 ; V 77
Suleyman Dede, I 232 n . 1 .
See Suleyman Chelebi .Suleyman Fa’ iq Efendi
,IV
245 .
Suleyman , Mir. See M ir Suleymain .
Su leyman Nahifi. See Nahifi.
Su leyman Pasha, I 4 1 1 .
Suleyman , Prince, son o f
Bayez id I, I 249, 2 50, 252,
2 5 5— 257 , 259 n . 1 , 260, 263,
265 , 267, 269, 28 5 , 287, 297 ,
4 1 7 , 427, 428 ; III 334 n . 1 .
Suleyman Shah, ( father o fErtoghrul, the first Sultan o f
the Ottomans) , I 10, 14 1 .
Suleyman Shah, a memberOf the royal house OfGermiyan ,I 423 seq.
Su leyman I , Su ltan, I 140
n . 1 , 204 n . 2,
n . 2 : 239 n . 4. 2 57 : 347 1 35 2.
358. 376. 395 . 399 seq. ; 111
I sqq' o 2 5 1 27 1 361 49’ 59’ 63?
7 1 n . 2, 72, 7 5 , 83, 86, 106 ,
108 , 1 1 8 , 1 19, 1 23, 1 23, 1 26,
I 33. I 34. I 35 . 146. I 47. 1 5 I
sqq ., 1 6 1 , 163, 1 86,
204— 206, 233 ; V 80.
163
Su leyman II, Sultan , I I I
302 ; IV 1 5 , 2 1 .
Suleyman iye Mosque , the ,11 399 ; V 45
Sulman, M ir. See Mir Selman .
Su ltan Ahmed , the Mosqueo f, I 237 n . 2 .
Sultan Ahmed el-Jeléy1ri,1 207 n . 2 .
Sultan D iwan i, mystic, I
424 n . 1 .
Sultan Mehemmed the Con
queror. See Mehemmed I I,Su ltan .
Sultan Murad, the Mosqueo f, I I 8 2.
Sultan Orkhan , College o f,
at I zniq, II I 4 1 .
Sultan Shujac
, mystic , I 4 1 3.
Sultan Veled, I 108 , 14 1 ,
15 1 sqq ., 1 68 , 1 8 5 , 2 10, 2 1 3,
235 , 268 , 308 , 42 1 , 423 ; I I
7. I 4
Sultan Y ildirim Khan, 1
256 n . 1 .
Sultana Mihr-u-Mah, Col
lege of III 1 72 .
Sultan-Oni, I I 47 .
Sunbu l-zade, patronymic,IV 242 .
Sunbul-zade Vehbi, I 86 ;II I 272 11 . 2, 334 ; IV 108 ,
1 10, 1 19, 1 24 242 sqq .,267,
268 , 27 1 , 272, 289 11 . 3, 302
n . 1, 336 ; V 47 11 . 1 ,
Sun ‘ i, I I 97 , 99 n . 1 , 10 1 ,
366 n . 1 .
164 INDEX 1.
Sun ‘ i-zada, the Sheykh ofIslam, I I I 307.
Sunset-Land , the , I II 1 5 , 32n . 1 . See Maghrib.
Sun°-ullah Efendi , I II 1 35 .
Suqrat (Socrates) , I 270.
Sururi, I 99, 202 ; II I 1 1 ;
IV 1 1 , 1 79 n . 2 , 245 , 246 sqq .,
257. 265 Sq V 69
Sururi- i Mu’errikh (Sururi
the Chronogrammatist), IV266. See Sururi.Suwari, I I 370.
Su-Yo lju - zade , IV 253 n . 1 .
Sti zi, 11 375 .
Sweet Waters of Europe,the, 1 96 ; IV 44 n . 2 .
Syria , 1 53 n . 2 , 205 ; II1 58 , 260 ; IV 228 ; V 63, 64,
10 1 n . 4.
Szigeth, I I I 9, 1 54 n . 2.
Sz ilagyi , Daniel , V 27 .
Taberi, the historian , I 310 ;I II 1 5 n . 1 .
Taberistan, I 310 n . 2 .
Tabr iz . See Tebriz .
Tagharun, the land of, I277.
Tahir c
Omer, IV 220.
Tahir Selam Bey, IV 336,
342
Tahmasp, Shah , 111 63, 88 .
Tahmuras, K ing, 111 360.
Taht-al-Qal ‘a, name o f adistrict in Constantinople, II227 n . 3.
Ta’ if, V 92 n . 3.
Taj-ud-Din A hmed, I 260.
See Ahmed i.Taj i Bey, I I 263.
Taj i-zade , patronymic ofJa‘fer Chelebi , 11 263, 270.
Takhta-Qala, II 227 n . 3.
Tal ‘at, name o f an Afghan,
IV 2 10, 32 1 n . 5 .
Talib, I I I 302, 323 seq . ;
IV 96 n . 2.
Tal ib- i Jajarm i, 111 23.
Téli‘i, I I 105 n . 1 , 366
n . 1 .
Tamburlaine , 1 222 n . 3.
Tamerlane , I 222 n . 3.
Tamghaj Khan , King ofChina , 1 276.
Tamtam , name o f a demon,
II I 372 .
Tapduq Imre, I 164, 165 .
Taq- i Bustan Garden A rch) ,
I 322 n . 2.
Taq- i Kisra (the Arch o f
the Chosro es), I 270 n. 1 ;
11 59 11 . 1 ; IV 5 5 n . 1 .
Taraz , II I 1 1 1 n . 2 .
Tartars, the , II 1 20 n. 1 ;
IV 228 .
Tartary, 11 1 1 2 n . 4, 1 1 5n . 6, 240 n . 5 , 254 n . 7 .
Tash-KOpri, district, 11 387 .
Tash-KO’
prizade , I 1 39, 164,165 , 1 67, 176, 1 78 , 1 80 n . 2,
1 82 , 205 , 207 , 208 , 226 n . 1 ,
260, 263, 265 , 300, 302, 303,
358 n 2. 380. 382. 390. 39 1 .
393 n . 3. 403. 406 ; I I 4 1 .43.
44 11 . 148 , 1 74,19 1 , 276,
166 INDEX 1 .
Turan , I I I 269 n . 3, 36 1 .
Turan , the Khan of, III 36 1 .
Turi Qahraman , K ing ofBalkh, I II 35 8 .
Tus, V 94 n . 5 .
Tusi, Mevlana, 11 374 .
Tusi of Rum, the, a namegiven to Nejati, I I 105 .
Tuti, nam‘
e Of a woman, IV
302 n . 4 .
Ti’
1ti Qadin , I I 50 ; 111 1 36.
Uch Shu rfeli Jaim ic
(theMosque of the Three Galleries), I 382 11 . 2 .
U ftade , Sheykh, 111 2 19.
Ubud , V 92 n . 4.
U lugh Bey, 11 25 n . 5 .
c
Ulvi of Brusa, 11 377 ; 11124 n . 2.
°
Ulwan Chelebi, I 1 80.
c
Umar el-Hi fiz er-Rum i,111 162 n . 4.
c
Umer Khayyam . See ‘
O
mar- i Khayyam .
Umeyyads, the, I I 172 ; V
93 n . 4~
Ummi, I 4 1 3 ; I I 38 n . 3.
See KemaI- i Umm i. Vadi- i Eymen (the MostUmm-ul-Veled- zade ‘
Abd Blessed Vale) , I I I 66 n . 6.
ul-‘A z iz, I I 100. Vale
,the Most Blessed , I I I
Unj i -zada Mustafa Chelebi , 66 n . 6.
personal name of Fehim , 111 Valley o f D iamonds, the ,290. I 27 5 .
c
Unsu ri, Persian poet, I I 376 Valley of the Sweet Waters,11 . 1 ; I II 22, 26. the
,I I I 298 ; IV 298 n . 1 .
U r o f the Chaldees, I II 32 5 . Vambéry, Hermann , I 7 1
Urfa, II I 325 . n . 1 , 1 52.
C
Urfi Of Shiraz , 1 5 , 1 27 ,
1 29 ; I II 247 , 260,263, 328 ;
IV 5 , 1 20, 352.
'Urba i, I I I 32 5 n . 2.
Ushitza, IV 14 n . 1 .
c
Ushshaiqi, place , 111 31 2.
c
Ushshaiqi-zzide , I II 233 n . 1
Usicza, IV 14 n . 1 .
Uskub , 11 19 1 n . 3, 35 1 ;
II I 40, 4 1 , 160, 162 n . 4,208 ,
233.
Usu l i, I I I 20, 45 , 59, 6 1 .
cUtba, historian , I 207 n. 2 .
al-‘
Utbi, historian , I I I 1 53n . 5 .
c
Uthma’
m, the Cal iph, V 93.
Seec
Othman .
Uveys Bey, I I I 86 n . 2.
Uveys ibn Muhammed ,name o f Veysi, I I I 208 .
Uveysi, I I I 2 10 sqq .
UweyS-i Qaren i, I 2 16 n .
3 ; I I I 30 1 11 . 3.
Uzicha, IV 14.
Uzun cAli, II I 59.
Uzun Hasan, I I 25 n. 5 .
Uzun-KOpri , IV 32 1 .
NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES, ETC . 167
Van Gaver,IV 333. Verqa, Verqa, III 107 .
Van der Lith, M., I 274 n . 1 . Vesuvius, MI
, 11 77 .
Varanes VI , 1 314 n . 1 , Veyrev, II I 360 .
319 11 . 1 . Veys Bey, II I 86.
Vardar Yenijesi, I I 374 ; Veys- i Qaren i, II I 30 1 n .
111 45 , 59, 6 1 . 3. See UweyS- i Qaren i .
Varna,I 4 19. Veysa, II I 27 n . 1 .
Vatican,the , I I 8 1 . Veysi, II I 205 , 208 sqq . ,
Vaughan, Henry , II I 272 n. 2 . 31 5 , 334 ; IV 254, 35 2 ; V 16.
Ve fiq Pasha . See Ahmed Vez ir KOprisi , II I 303 n . 1 .
Vefiq Pasha . Viardot, V 58 .
Vehbi, Seyyid , I I 1 72 n . 3 ; Vienna, I 1 57 n . 1 , 1 58 n .
111 206, 329 ; IV 1 2, 38 , 86, 4 ; II I 5 .
107 sqq ., 1 35 , 143, 242 seq., Virgil, I 166 n . 3.
260. Virgin Mary, the, IV 24 1
Vehbi , Sunbul-zade . See 11 . 5 .
Sunbul-zade Vehbi. Vis, II I 27 n . 1 .
Vehbi Molla, V 98 n . 1 . V isa, III 27 n . 1 , 31 . SeeVei led Prophet, the , Ot o Visa and Ramin.
rasan, IV 265 n . 3. Voltaire, V 57 .
Vejd i, I II 302, 303 seq.
Veled Chelebi, I 7 1 , 149,
1 50, 1 5 2 n . 1 , 163, 1 65 , 1 82
n . 5 , 202, 203 n . 1 .
Veled , Su ltan . See SultanVeled .
Vel i Sultan Bayez id (SultanBayezid the Saint) , 11 28 . SeeBayezid II , Sultan .
Vel i-ud -D in, father of Ahmed Pasha, I I 4 1 .
Vel i-ud-Din, father of N izam i o f Qonya, I I 372 .
Vel i-ud-Din-oghli, 11 4 1 . SeeAhmed Pasha.
Venetians, the, I I I 31 3.
Venus, II 6 1 n . 3 and 4, 1 2511 . 1 , 3 1 1 n . 1 ; I I I 147 n . 4.
Wahid , a friend o fc
I zzet
Molla, IV 310.
Wah id , poet , II 237 .
W aihid, son o f Sultan Veled ,I 422 .
W aihid i, pen-name of Haj j iHasan-zade, I I 264 n . 1 .
W ahyi, Khoj a, IV 2 1 3.
W éli, poet, I I 293, 295 sqq.
Wallachia, IV 160, 356 n .
2 ; V 97 n . 2 .
Wallachians, the, IV 228 .
W ém iq. See Vamz'
q andc
AZ f d .
Waq-Waq, Isle o f, I.
274.
W arsaqs, the , I 166 n . 5 .
Washington, T., I 357 n . 2.
168 INDEX 1 .
W aisif Bey, I 97 ; IV 73 n . 352 ; IV 19, 30, 34—36.
2, 279 sqq., 31 2 ; V 52. Yahya, Sheykh, grand fatherW e fa, Sheykh, I I 97 n . of Hubbi Qadin, II I 1 7 1 .
Wefi , Sheykh , the Mosque Yani , the Greek form o f
o f, I I I , 1 73. John , IV 1 63.
W efa Meydani , I I 97 n . 2. Ya‘
qi’
i b Bey, I 264 .
See W e fa Square . Yaqut , call igraphist, 11 282W efa Square , in Constan n . 2 ; II I 220 n . 2 .
tinOple , I I 97 , 98, 319 n . 2. Yéziji-oghli , patronymic, IW hinfield, E . H., 1 17 n . 2, 39 1 .
1 8 n . 1 ; I I I 272 n . 2. Yaziji-oghli Ahmed- i B ijan,
White Sea, the , IV 1 14 n 3. I 390, 392, 395 sqq. See Ah
White Sheep dynasty, the , med - i Bijan .
I 204, 206 n . 1 , 250 ; 11 260. Yaziji-oghl i Mehemmed, I
W ickerhauser, Moriz, 1 1 57 389, 390, 39 1 sqq . ; II 5 1 .
n . 1 , 438 ; I I I 24. Yedi Qule, I I 43 n . 1 .
Witches, Land o f the, I 282. Yegen Mehemmed Pasha,W o -Kwok, a name of Japan , IV 1 60, 163.
I 274 n . 2 . Ye’
j tij (Gog). I 287 n . 1 .
Wyclif, II 1 59 n . 1 . See Gog and Magog.
Yemen , I I 89 n . 2 and 3,Yagh Qapani, IV 30 1 n . 4. 1 58 , 30 1 n . 3 ; I II 230 n . 2,
Yagh qapani iskelesi, name 300, 30 1 n . 3 ; IV 146, 2 16
o f a landing-stage , IV 30 1 n . 4. 11 . 1 , 228 .
Yaghma, II I 1 1 1 n . 2. Yeni Jamic ( the New MosYahya, the Musl im fo rm of que) , in Constantinople, 11
John, 111 273 n . 2 . 227 n . 3.
Yahya, name o f Nev 1, I II Ye i‘
ii Qapu (New-Gate) , a1 72. district of Constantinople, IVYahya Bey, 1 107, 109, 1 10 ; 1 7 5 .
I I 148 n . 2, 239 n . 4 ; III 3, Yeni Shehr (Larissa) , I I60,
64 n . 5 , 67 n . 1 , 237 ; IV 107 . See Larissa.
sqq ., 206, 236, 237, 353, 354, Yeni - zada Mustafé Efendi,
374. name of Né’ ili, II I 304 .
Yahya Efendi,the Sheykh Yesev i. See Ahmed- iYesev i .
o f Islam , I 1 10 ; I I I 206, 226 Yeshil Melek (Green Angel) ,11 . 1 , 236, 245
—247, 259, 273 nickname , I I 253 n . 1 .
sqq., 286, 296, 305 , Yesi , I 7 1 n . 2 .
INDEX L
Zeyneh, poetess, I I 1 23, 1 10, 1 1 8 , 1 19, 1 8 5 , 196, 2471 35 sqq . n . 1 , 25 1 , 28 1 , 31 1 ; V 8 , 10,
Z idan , IV 220. 1 1 , 1 5 n . 2 , 2 1 , 31 , 41 sqq.
Z ihn i,II 148 n . 2 ; I II 98 Z iz im , Z iz im i , European
11 . 4. form of Jem , I I 76 n . 1 .
Zihn i Efendi , IV 1 5 1 , 343. Zoroastrians, the, 11 44 n . 4.
Zinjiri , I I 370. Zubeyde , personal name o fZ irek-zade, 11 288, 290. Fitnet Khanim , IV 1 5 1 .
Ziya Bey,V 4 1 . See Ziya Zuhre , I I 6 1 11 . 3 and 4 ; I I I
Pasha. 356 seq . ; IV 1 56 n . 2 .
Ziya Pasha, I 1 2 1 , 235 n . Zn-l-Qadr dynasty,the
,I
1 , 239, 307 ; I I 5 2 ; 111 5 z sqq ., 204, 206, 250 ; I I 260.
57 , 63, 8 1 , 1 27, 142 sqq., 1 88 , Zu-l-Qarnayn (the Bicorned) ,1 89, 195 , 203, 2 1 5 n . 5 , 237, surname, I 270 ; I I I 209 n . 1 .
2 59, 262 , 279, 284—287 , 29 1 , Zulaykha, Persian pronun
296 , 306, 319 , 323, 329 sqq cia tion of Ze likha, I I 143 11 . 1 .
335 sqq. ; IV 4, 19, 34—36, Zvorn ik , I I I 1 19 .
60, 69, 7 1 , 7 5 , 80,
I N D E X 1 1.
BOOKS, JOURNALS , POEMS , ETC .
A .
Academy , tile, III 326 n . 1 .
c
Adam Qasidasi (the Qasidao f Nothingness) , IV 329 sqq.
Advice, a Mot/zer ’
s to Iter
Dang/zter , IV 28 5
°
n . 1 .
Altadz'
s (Traditional Sayingsof the Prophet) , collected andtranslated by Baq i, III 146.
Ahmediyye ofHamd i, II 199 .
Ahmed n Mahmfid Of Zat i,
I I I 50, 53.
‘
Aj d’
io-nl-Maklzlnqat (Marvels o f Creation) of Qazwin i,translated by Ahmed - i B ijan ,I 392 , 406.
Ak/zldq-i cAlci
’i ( the Exal
ted Ethics) , 1 4 1 n . 1 ; 11 45 .
Aklzlaq- i fifeldli , I I 28 n . 1 .
Akizter , Pers ian newspaper,I 359 n . 1 .
c'
Alem-numa (World-Displayer) , title of
c
A ta’
i’
s Saqi
Name, I I I 235 .
Alf zyya n Sitalfiyya , I II 37 .
Ancient Ar abian P oetry ,111
1 74 n . 3.
Anemone, the B lood- red, I II
4 1 n . 3. See 1 ’eony , t/te Cr im
son and S/taqa’ iq-nu-N u‘
md
Antimachus of Colopbon and
Me P osition of W omen in
Greek P oetry , 1 64 n . 2 .
Anvar - i t eyli (Lights OfCanopus) , 111 90 n . 1 .
Arabian N ig/zts, tlze, I 274
n . 1 , 331 n . 7 , 432 sqq. ; I I1 1 3 n . 6, 331 n . 4 ; I I I 1 7511 . 1 ; IV 48 n . 3 ; V 1 3.
c
Ar sIz-N aime (The Book o f
the Throne) , I 337, 376, 38 5n . 5 .
Ar t of P oetry, the, by Puttenham , IV 273 n . 1 .
c’Asli iq P asha D iwani (Di
wan o fc’
Ashiq Pasha) , I 1 83
n. 1,
c'Asiziq n Ma
‘slznq, mesnevi
wrongly attributed to Zat i, 111
5o 11 . 1 .
Ass and tlze Fox , Fable ofthe, V 33, 36 sqq .
’
AtesIz-Kede (The Fire-Temple) , IV 247 n . 1 .
Atltenaenm , the, I 1 5 2 n . 1 .
c
Aaliyya , name of a qasidaby Nab i, I II 332 .
1 72
B alzar istdn (Spring-Land )
INDEX 11.
n . 1 ; IV 145 n . 1,231 , 248
n . I ; V 65 , 7 5 .
B ustan of Sacdi , I 1 59 n .
o f Jam i, II 8 , 1 1 , 357 n . 5 ; 6, 202, 203 11 . 1 ; I I I 1 25 .
I I I 37 n . 2, 16 1 .
B akr -ul-G/tara’ ib (The Seaof Wonders) , I I 386 sqq .
C .
Caravan of tbe P oets, I IIB ahr -ul-Ma
‘
dr zf (The O 4 1 n . 3 ; IV 20, 1 1 8 .
cean of the Sciences) by Sururi
,II I , 1 1 n . 1 .
El-B alzr -uz -Zaklzklzdr (TheF lowing Tide) , I 1 77 n . 3.
B all and B andy , I I 1 2. See
Guy u Clzevgan.
Catalogue of the P er sian
Manuscr ipts belongi ng to the
Univer sity of Cambr idge, byProf. E . G . Browne , I 337 n . 2 .
Catalogue of tbc Tarbisli
Manuscr ipts in tlze B r itislt
B atman appan B ar tlzolome, M useum , by C . R ieu , I 1 8 1
itis B ooke “De P ropr ietatibus n . 2, 393 n. 1 . 431 n . 2 ; II
Rer um ,
” I 48 n . 2 .
B eauty and Hear t, 11 1 2 . SeeHusn u Dil.
26 1 n. 1 ; II I 1 60 n . 2 , 226 n. 2.
Clzalzdr Maqdla (Four Discourses) , Prof. E . G. Browne ’s
B eauty and Love, 1 1 1 5 . See translation o f, I I 20 n . 1 .
Husn uc
Aslzq.
B elzdr -i Ej bar
Spring) , IV 31 1 .
B elzeld and B elzolder , I I 1 2.
B eng u d a (Nepentheand Wine) , II I 88 , 104.
B erber -Name (Barber-Book)of Sabit, IV 2 1 .
(Fancy’
s
B erber -Name Barber-Book
o f Beligh, IV 1 2 1 .
B eslzar et-Name (Book OfGlad Tid ings) I 344 , 369 sqq.
B ible, tlze, I 162 n . 4, 166
n . 3, 1 7 1 n . 4, 444 seq. ; II
140 n . 3.
B abe of tbc Duchesse, III249 n . 1 .
B ur/za’
n- i Qa'
ti‘
, 1 1 2 1 , 29 1
Cli engi-Name (The Book of
Dancers) , IV 223, 235 seq.,
242 11 . 2 .
Clim b-Name (The Book Oi
the Harp), I 256 n . 6.
C/tute des Feuilles, IV 329.
Contention between tlze P ar
r ot and tlte Crow , by Nev‘i ,
I I I 1 37 11 . 1 .
Cour se of Literature, byEkrem Bey, IV 1 1 8 , 1 8 5 . See
Cr imson P eony, the. SeeP eony, tlte Cr imson and Sna
qd’
iq-un-N u
‘manzyya .
Cr own of Clzronicles, the,
II 273 n . 2 ; I II 199. See Tajnt Tewa
'
r iblt .
1 74 INDEX II .
D iwan of Sheykhi , I 305 .
D iwan of Sultan B a’
yezid, 11
SI 5 99
Diwcin of Sultan Mehem
med , I I 31 .
Diwan of SultanSelim I I 26 1 .
Diwan of Sultan Suleyman
I , I II 8 sqq.
D iv/tin of Sultan Veled, I1 63.
Diwdlt of Sunbul-zcide Vehbi ,IV 245 sqq.
, 249.
D iv/an of Zati , I II s4 .
n . 1 .
Djem -Sultanj ftude sur la
Question a"
Or ient 21 la F in da
X V: Siecle, I I 70 n . 1 .
Dolcib (The Cupboard) , V
5 5 n . 2 .
Duhhter - i H indu (The Indian Maid) , I 1 33 n . 2 .
Ed-Dur er -ul-Kam ine (The
Hidden Pearls), I 205 .
Dnr r et-ut Ta’
j fl S ir et- i Sci
hib- il- J/tcraj (The Pearl o f theCrown concerning the Life o fthe Lord of the A scension) ,111 208 n . 1 .
Dur r - i Mehnnn (the HiddenPearl) , 1 406.
Dur z'
tb-ul-Emsal, 111 2 1 5 11 . 5 .
E .
Edebiyya’
t- i l sla’
mzyya (Mus
lim L iterature ) , an article byMehemmed Ve led Che leb i, I1 50 n . 1 .
Edhem u Humd , IV 20,
2 1 , 2
Ej el- i Qaazi (The FatedDoom) , V 1 5 .
Elf Ghuldm ve Ghulzim (The
Thousand and one Youths) ,IV 233 n . 3.
Elf 7ar iye ve (The
Thousand and one Damsels) ,IV 233 n . 3.
Em il, V 42, 59, 63.
Endelus Tar ihhi (The Hi
story o f A ndalusia) , V 58 .
Enis-ul-‘
Ushshaq (The LO
vers’ Familiar) , I I 199 n . 2 .
Enwdr -ul-"
Ashigin (Lights
for Lovers) , I 395 n . 2, 396
sqq . , 402, 403 n . 1 , 406
n . 3.
Epistle to the Cor inthians ,
the First, 11 140 n . 3.
Esam i (B iographical Dictionary) , by Professor Naj i , I I I162 n . 4.
Esh‘dr -i Z iya
’
(The Poems
Of Ziya) , V 68 .
Etudes l r aniennes, by J . Dar
mesteter, I I 324 n . 1 .
Examples of Literatur e, byEbu -z-Ziya Tevfiq Bey, IV
35 . See . N umhne-i Edebzyydt-ic
Osmciniyya and Specimens ofLiter atur e .
Eyler Qasidasi (The“D0th
”
Qasida) , I II 263.
F .
Fables of La Fontaine, the,
V 32. 59 .
Al-Fahhr z’
, IV 246 11 . 2 .
BOOKS, JOURNALS, POEMS , ETC .
Famous W'omen, IV 1 5 1 .
Ferah-N a'
me (The Book o f
Gladness), I 2 56 11 . 1 .
Fer ah-ur -R i’
th (The Joy ofthe Sou l) , I 406.
Ferhdd -N dme (The Book ofFerhad), I II 22 , 27 , 28 , 353,
354.
Fer r ukh-Name (The BookOf Ferrukh) , by Sheykh-Oghli
,
Fer r ukh-Name (Ferrukh
Book) , by Zat i, I I I 50, 53.
F ira’
q-Name (The Book Of
Severance) , I I 380 n . 3.
For ty Vez ir s, History of the,1 430 n . 1 ; I I 1 1 3 n . 6 ; V1 3 n . 1 .
Furat (TheEuphrates) , nameo f a j ournal , V 5 5 n . 2 .
Furqat-Name (The Book of
Severance) , I I 380 sqq.
Fnsz’
ts-ul-Hikem (The Gemsof Philosophy) , 1 60 n . 2, 406 ;
I II 1 73.
Futuhat-us-Siyam (The Victories of Fasting) , 111 1 70.
G .
Genesis, Book of , I I 146,
1 59 n . 1 , 1 70.
Genj ine- i Rdz (Mystic Treasury) , 1 109 ; II I 1 1 7 n . 2 ,
1 2 1 , 1 22 , 1 26, 236.
Genj -Name (The Book ofthe Treasure) , by Jelal A rg
hun, I 424.
Gerq'
-Nd7ne (The Book Of
I 7S
the Treasure) , by Refi‘
i, I 376sqq .
George Dandin, V 14.
Geschichte der Ar abischen
Litter atur , by C . B rocke lmann,
II 1 78 n. 1 .
Geschichte der Osmanischen
Dichtkunst, by Von Hammer,I I 237 n . 1 ; II I 374 .
Geschichte der P er sischen
Litter atur , by Paul Horn , 11
335 n . 7Ghadir -ul-Fura
’
t (The Poolof the Euphrates) , V 5 5 n . 2 .
Ghar ib-N cime (The Book ofthe Stranger) , I 108 , 1 81 sqq. ,
202. 235. 236. 308.
11 388 .
Gospel, the, I 375 n . 2, 376 ; I I105 n . 2 ; II I 19 1 n . 3, 2 1 5 n . 2 .
Gr undr iss der [ r anischen
P hilolog ie, II I 22 n . 1 .
Guldeste-i R iyaz- i
c
l rf dn
(Posy from the Bowers of Culture) , I 140.
Gul-i Sad-B erg , (The Hun
dred -Leaf Rose) , o f Beligh,
IV 1 17 n . 2 .
Gul- i Sad-B erg (The Hun
dred-Leaf Rose) Of Jelil i, 11290 11 . 2 ; II I 160 .
Gul—i Sad-B erg (The Hun
dred -Leaf Rose) , o f Mesih i I I230.
Gulistan (Rose-garden ) ofSa‘d i , 1 1 9 1 n . 1 ; I I 8 , 5 5n . 4, 2 1 5 n . 1 , 357, 386 n . 4 ;
111 109, 1 36 ; V 53, 8 1 .
1 76 INDEX 11 .
Gulshen-ic
Ashq (The Garth Hadiqat-ul Vuzera (The
o f Love) , IV Garden-close o f the Vezirs) ,Gulshen- i Enwa
’
r (The Rose IV 103 n . 4.
bed of Radiance) , 1 109 ; III Halet-ush-Shebab (The
1 1 7 n . 1 , 1 22 , 1 26, 236. World o f You th), V 5 5 n . 2 .
Gu lshen-ush -Shu‘
ara (The Hamma’
m -Name (The Book
Rosebed o f the Poets) , I II 8 . of the Bath) , IV 1 2 1 , 1 27 .
Gal u B ulbul (Rose and Nigh Hasb- i Hal (Plaint) , by Be
tingale ) , I 109 ; I I I 1 10 sqq. ha’
i , I II 296.
Gal u Khusrev (Rose and Hasb-i Hal (Plaint) , byKhosroes) , I I 29 1 11 . 1 . Nevci , I II 1 74.
Gul u N evruz (Rose and Hef t Awrang , (The SevenNew-Year) , II I 160. Thrones) , I I 8 ; III 22 .
Gal u Saba (Rose and Zep Hef t Khwan, (The Sevenhyr) , I I 10 1 sqq. Courses) , I I I 234.
Guy u Chevgdn (Ball and Hef t Manzar (The SevenBandy) , of
"
A rifi, I I I 23. Belvederes) , I II 22.
Guy u Chevgan (Ball and Hef t P eyker The SevenBandy), of Lam i
ci , I II 22, 28 , Effigies) , by Lém i
‘i, II I 22,
2 53 24. 27 seq. 353. 365 sqq
Gz’
cy u Chevgan (Ball and Hef t P eyker (The SevenBandy) , of Talib- i Jajarm i , Effigies) , by N izami, I 144
I I I 23. n . 3 ; II 377 ; I I I 22, 224 n .
3, 266 n . 5 .
H ’
Hef t P eyker (The Seven
Habib-as-S iyer , IV 82 n . 1 . Eifigies) , byc
Ulvi of Brusa,Hada
’
iq-ul-Haqzi
’
iq f i Teh II I 24 n . 2 .
m ilet- i sh-Shaga’
iq (The Garths Hes/i t B ihisht (The Eight
o f Truths in Completion of Paradises), by Mevlana Idris,the Peony) , II I 233 n . 1 . II 106, 267 n . 1 .
Hadiqa (The Garden) , 1 Hesht B ihisht (The Eight
428 n . 6. Parad ises) , by Seh i Bey, III 7 .
Hadiqat—ul-5
’ewdm i
°
(The Hew s-Name (Book Of LoveGarden of Mosques) , I I 14 1 Desire) , I 307 ; I I 56, 265 ,
n . 1 . 27 5 , 284, 378 , 380.
Hadiqat-as-Su
‘
add (The Hezelzyyat (Facetiae), by Su
Garth of the Blessed ) , 111 90, rt'
i ri, IV 270 sqq. , 276.
105 H ikdya’
t- i Deli B ircider (Bro
1 78 INDEX 11.
Ehl- iz-Zeman (The Necklace 7dvida’
n( -Ndme) -i Kebir , Io f Pearls concerning the Hi 337 n . 2, 38 5 11 . 5 .
story o f the Men of the Time) , yawarn ic-ul-H ikaydt wa La
1 206 n . 2 ; IV 37 . wa'
m ic-ur -Riwaya
'
t, II 1 02 n . 2 .
I saiah, the Book of, II 140 7 emshid and Khur shid , byn . 3. Ahmed i, I 286.
I shdq-Ndma (Ishaq-Book) , 7 emshid and Khur shid , by
111 43. Khwaj a Selman, I I 72.
c
l shret-N a'
me (The Book of fi nk-M ime (The Book o f
Wassail) , by Rewéni , I I 322 , War) , I 256, 257 n . 1 .
324 sqq . , 378 . 7 er ide- ic
Asker iyye (The Mi[ skender -N zime, OfAhmed i, litary Gazette) , V 26.
I 108 , 253 11 . 2, 263 sqq ., 305 , f er ide- i Hawadis (The Jour
308 , 309 n . 2, 336, 429, 436, nal o f Events) , IV 325 n . 2 ;
443 ; I I 377 . V 5 5 n . 2, 100 n . 6.
I skender -Name (Book o f f e wcid, the Story of , V 13
A lexande r) , by Jam i, I I 10. n . 3.
I skender -Name (Book o f fi‘ezir e-i Mesnev i (The IsleA lexander) , by N izam i, I 144 Of the MCSRCVI). I I I 299n . 3. 7 ezm i , historical romanceI skender -Name (Book o f of, by Kemal Bey
,I I I 1 7 5 .
A lexander) by F ighani o a 7 ihein-N umd (Belvede re), Iraman, I 284 ; I I I 36 n . 1 . 43 n . 1 .
[ stiwa-Name (Book of the 70seph and Zelikha, bycA li,
Ascent) I 337. 344. 35 1 . 369. I 72. 76. 92. 95. 1 94.
38 5 11 . 5 . and Zelikha of B ibishti, I I 376 n . 1 .
J ‘
f oseph and Zelikhd o f
5’abir -Name, III 28 n . 2. Hamd i. 1 306 ; I I sqq..
7 ahrbiicher der Liter atur ,173 sqq .
, 190, 199 n . 3, 201
I 1 57 n . 1 . sqq ., 224 seq. , 357 , 376 ; III
ydmesb-N dme (Book Of Ja 3, 1 2, 87 .
mesh), 1 3 10 n . 1 , 431 sqq . yoseph andZelikha , by Jam i,yami
c-ul-H ikdydt (The Col 1 1 5 ; I I 9, 142 sqq . ; II I 22 ;
lector of Stories) , 11 102 IV 225 n . 1 .
seq. 703441. and Zelikha o f Ke
9’avidan-Ndme (Eternal mal-Pasha-zade, I 306 ; I I 358 ,
Book) , 1 337 , 37 5 , 376, 386. 376 ; III 12 sqq
BOOKS , JOURNALS , POEMS . ETC .
Si oseph and Zelikhci o f Yah
yé Bey , I II 1 20, 1 22 , 1 25 .
7 oseph and Zelikha of Zihni,II I 98 n . 4.
yoseph and Zulaykhd ofF irdawsi, II 142 sqq .
yournal Asiatique, I I 78 n .
3 ; I II 37 n . 2 .
yournal of the German
Or ie ntal Society , I 73 n . 1 .
yournal of the Royal Asia
tic Society, I 337 ; V 107 n . 2.
K .
Kef shger -N cime (The Bookof the Shoemaker) , IV 1 2 1 .
Kerem Qasidasi (The GraceQasida) , I I 43.
Keshf -uz -Zunun, I 1 79 n .
3, 1 82 n . 6.
Khamsa , (Quintet) , ofc
A ta”i,
II I 234 sqq.
Khamsa (Quintet) , of B ibishti, I I 148 n . 2, 1 72 n . 3,
376 n . 1 ; I I I 24 n . 2 .
Khamsa (Quintet) , of Fuzul i, I I I 7 1 , 89.
Khamsa (Quintet) , o f Jam i,II . 10.
Khamsa (Quintet) , of Nergisi, I I I 208 .
Khamsa (Qu intet) , o f N i
zam i, I 144 n . 3, 145 ; I I 8 ,148 n . 2 , 190, 376 n . 1 ; I II89, 160, 365 ; IV 1 82 n . 1 ,
193 11 . 1 .
Khamsa (Quintet) , o f YahyaBey, II I 1 2 1 sqq.
Khamsa - i Rum i , I I 324 11 . 3.
Khar ciba’
t (Tavern) , 1 235
n . 1 , 240, 305 11 . 2, 307 ; I II
52 , 54 ; IV V 42 n .
1 , 5 1 , 63, 66 11 . 77 sqq.
See Tavern, the.
Khar -N a’
me (The Book ofthe Ass), 1 302, 303, 305 .
Kha’timat-u i W eir idcit (The
Postscript to the Inspirations) ,IV 9 1 11 . 2 .
Khatt u Khattatcin (Calligraphy and Call igraphists) , I
394 n . 1 ; II I 220 11 . 2, 273n . 1 , 297 n . 1 .
Khayrabad, the, by Nab i,III 329. 330. 332. 335 seq ..
345. 349. 353 n I . 354. 370
sqq . ; IV 1 83, 190 sqq .
Khayr iyya , the, by Nabi,II I 332 sqq» 337. 343. 35 1 .
352 ; IV 246, 254, 2 56.
Khayyat-N a
’
me (The BookoftheTailor) , IV 1 2 1 , 1 25 , 1 29 .
Khazan- i'Asar (Labour
’s
A utumn) , IV 31 1 .
Khir ed-N a’
me (The Book of
Wisdom) , I 302 , 305 .
Khuban-Name (The Bookof Beauties) , IV 222 n . 1 , 223
seq., 227 sqq.,236.
Khuldsat-ul-Eser , I I I 224.
Khurshid u Fer r ukh-Shad,
by Sheykh-oghli , I 428 sqq .
Khur shid u Fer r ukh-Shad,
by Prince Jem , I I 72.
Khur shid u 5‘emshid, byAhmed i, I II 1 7 1 n . 1 .
1 80 INDEX 11.
Khur shid u 3’emshid, by n. 1 , 2 19 n . 1 , 230 n . 1 , 233,
R ubbi, III 1 7 1 . 234 n . 1, 236 n . 1 , 240,
245
Khur shid-Name (Book o f n . 1 , 2 57 n . 2 , 287 n . 1 , 289
Khurshid) , 1 430. n . 2, 297 n. 1, 326 n . 5 , 337
Khusrev u Shir in, Of'
Ahi, n . 3, 338 , 339, 340 n . 3, 34 1 ,
I I 287 sqq. , 29 1 sqq ., 31 1 350 n . 1 , 353, 36 1 n. 5 andsqq., 376. Of 7, 362, 363, 364 n . 3, 365 ,
Khusr ev u Shir in, o f Jel il i, 366, 369 n . 1 , 370, 372, 374 ,
I I 1 72 n . 3 ; I I I 1 59. 375 , 376, 389n . 2 ,
Khusrev u Shir in, o f Kha 399, 406, 423, 444 seq ; 11 45 ,lifa, II 148 n . 2 , 1 72 n. 3. 46 11 . 1 , 59 n . 7 , 6 1 n . 3, 65
Khusrev u Shir in, of Mir n . 4, 89 n . 7, 100 n . 4, 105c
All Shir, I I 10. n . 2, 1 1 7 11 . 4, 1 36 n. 2, 146,
Khusrev u Shir in, o f Mu°
id i, 1 57 11 . 1 , 197, 198 n . 1 and
I II 1 60. 2, 206 n . 5 , 2 1 1 n . 3, 2 1 3 n .
Khusrev u Shir in, o f N i 9, 2 1 7 n . 6, 2 1 8 n . 6 and 8 ,zémi, I 144 n . 3. 2 19, 249 n . 8 , 254 n . 4, 270
Khusrev u Shir in, of n. 3, 334 n . 4, 354, 369 n . 2,
Sheykh i, I 303 sqq., 386 n . 2 and 5 ; III 35 11.
11 . I . 437. 443 ; I I 147. 234. n . 2. 5 5 n 2. 56 n 5 . 6 1 n .
287, 29 1 11 . 1 , 369 ; 111 2, 1 1 2 n . 4, 1 1 3 n . 1 , 19 1 n .
354. 3 and 5 , 195 , 196 11 . 1 , 198 n .
Khwa’
b-Name (The Vision), 1 , 209 n . 1 , 2 14 n . 5 , 2 1 5 n .
by Veysi , III 209. 2, 223 n . 2 , 224 n . 4, 289 n . 1
,
K im iya-i Sac
adet (Elixir of 295 11 . 3, 31 8 n . 5 ; IV 19, 22 n .
Felicity) , 11 102 seq. 1 , 76 n . 1 , 8 5 n . 2, 1 1 1 11 . 5 ,
K itab-ut-Tanbih wa - l- l sh 147 , 1 56 n . 2, 1 62, 192, 24 1
rdf , o f Masc
udi, II I 280 11 . 2 . n . 5 , 316 n . 2 and 4, 34 1 n .
K itab-i Ushl (Book o f Prin 2 ; V 38 n . 1 , 5 5 n . 2, 77 n .
ciples) , II 239 n . 4 ; 111 1 2 1 , 1 , 79 n . 2, 93 n . 2 .
1 22, 125 seq ., 236. Kulliyyat (Collected Works)Koran , the, I 22 , 24, 34 n . of Lém i‘ i, 111 24 n. 4, 354.
2, 35 , 36 n . 3, 37 n . 2, 53 n . Kunh-ul—Akhbzir (the Ess1 , 57 n . I , 6 1 n . 2
, 1 1 2, 1 19 ence o f Histories) , I 140.
n . 5 , 1 59 n . 3 and 4, 1 7 1 , 1 72 K us-Name, II 27 5 .n . I , 1 73 n . s, 1 74 n . 3 and 4, Kutub-t ine- i Ebu-z-Z iya1 80 n . 2, 1 82 n . 1 , 1 84, 1 87 (Ebu-z-Ziya
’
s L ibrary), V 1 7 ,
n . 4, 1 88 n . 3, 1 89 n. 8 5 n. 1 .
1 82 INDEX 11 .
ents Of Radiance) , II 349n . 3.
Mat/ac- ul-Enwa'r (R ising
point Of Radiance) , II 19 1 n . 3.
Matthew , St., the Gospel of ,I 162 n . 4 ,
M édecin malg réLui , le, V I 4 .
M ej alis-nu-N ef a’
is (Partieso f the Elegant) , IH 16 1 .
Mejalis-ut Tef cisir (TheReunions o f the Commentaries), II 140.
M ej mzi‘
a - i Ebu -z-Z iya (Ebuz -Ziya
’
s Magazine) , V 1 7 , 42
n . 2, 8 5 .
M ej mzi‘a - i [ If/acallim (The
Professor ’s Scrap-Book) , 11 5 5n . 1 ; 111 273 n . 1 , 294 n . 1 .
M ej mzic
a - i M untakhabdt—i'Asar -i
°
Osmdnzyya (Turkish
Chrestomathy) , II I 32 11 . I .M enziqib
-ulc'
Ar if in (The
A cts of the Adepts) , 1 145 n . 2 .
fli endqib- i Ghazali (TheAnec
dotes o f Ghazal i) , I I I 37 n . 1 .
j lf endqz’
b-ul- lVdsi/in (TheA cts Of the A ttainers) , 1 35 1 .
M eshei‘
ir -ush-Shu‘
ar zi , 111
162 n. 4 .
M esnevi , the, Of Jelal-ud -Din
Rum i, I 1 7 n . 2, 53 n . 1 , 108 ,
146, 149 sqq., 1 62 n . 4, 169, 406,
42 1 , 422 ; II I 297 , 299, 349 ; IV
79 sqq ., 1 2 5 n . 1 , 1 78 seq.
,
1 82 , 1 89, 193 seq . , 2 1 2 seq . See
Masnavi i Ma‘
navz.
fli esnevi , Response to the, I I
374
M evlid- i yismdni u Mevlid- i
Ruhani (The Corpo real Birthsong and the Spiritual Birthsong) , 11 190.
Ill evlid-i 7 2'
smdni u .Mevr id - i
Enhaut (The Co rporeal B irth
Song and the Spiritual A rriving-Place) , I I 190.
M evlid- i N abi (B irthsong onthe Prophet ’s Nativity) , by
Hamd i, 11 190,2 17 sqq.
M evlid- i N abi (Hymn on theProphet ’s Nativity) , by Suleyman Of Brusa, I 108 , 232 sqq .
,
308 .
Ill if tah-ul-Hidaya (Key ofGuidance) , I II 37 .
M ihnet-Keshan, I 1 10 ; IV1 5 1 , 279 n . 1 , 305 seq., 308
5 99-1 314
M ihr uMa'
h (Sun and Moon ),11 10 1 sqq.
llf ihr u I
’
lfl ztshter i (Sun andJupiter) , II I 22 1 , 226.
M ines de l’
Or ient, II I 1 8 1 ,
2 10, 2 13 ; IV 10 1 n . 3.
M ic
rdj zyya (A scensionSong) , by Sébit, IV 19, 22 .
M oniteur , the, V 107 n . 3.
Mosquitoand theB ee, the,V 34.
M u‘
allaqa’
t, the, I 83 ; 111
1 74 n . 3.
Ill udhikat- i Surur i - i Hezzci l
(The Dro l leries o f Su t uri theWag) , IV 27 1 .
Ill uhammedzyye, the, by Yaz iji-oghli Mehemmed, 1 392 n .
I 396 sqq.
BOOKS, JOURNALS , POEMS , ETC . 1 83
Muhammediyye, the, by
Hamd i, I I 190, 199.
Mukhtasar -ul Vileiye, IV 92.
I ll ulhima (Revealer) , by Jev
ri, II I 298 .
M ulhima ,by Salah-ud-Din,
I 390.
M undzara - i B ehcir u Khazdn
(Contention o f Spring and Au
tumn), I I I 2 1 n . 3.
M unazara -i B ehar u Shita
(Contention Of Spring andWinter) , 111 2 1 , 24 n . 4, 28 ,
291 88 1 1 101 353’ 354 , 363 Sqq'
M unazara - i Ton u Zagh
(The Contention Of the Parrot and the Crow) , 111 1 74 .
M unazara - i Gul u Khusrev
(The Contention o f the Roseand the Chosroes) , I I 1oo sqq.
M u’nis-ul-
c
Ushshdq (The LO
vers’ Familiar) , I I 148 n . 2.
Al unshe’
at, the Letters o f
Nabi, I I I 327 n . 4.
{Plushf zq-Name (The Booko f Mushfiq) , V 5 5 n . 2.
N akhlistan (Palm- land), 111109 .
N aqd’
id (Flytings), IV 248
n . 2 .
N asihat- i I slambol (A MO
0 .
c
Osmanli Shei‘
ir lar i (Otto
nition to ConstantinOple) , I II man Poets), I I 5 5 .
2 13. Ottoman Grammar , by JevN azm -i yewcihir (The String det and Fu
’ad Efendis, V 65 .
o f Gems) , IV 338 . Ottoman P oems tr anslated
N ef ahat-ul Uns (The Brea into Eng lish ver se, IV 250 n . 1 .
ths o f Intimacy) , I 1 5 1 ; I I
1 29 11 . 1 ; I II 2 1 .
zVef hat-u i Esha'
r (The Waft
Of the Flowers) , I I O I . 109 ;
I I I 234 sqq.
'
efat-ul Ghar iq (The RescueOf the Drowning) , II I 2 19.
N eta’
ij-ul-Funhn (The Re
su lts Of the Sciences) , 111 1 73.
N ewddir -uz-Zur ef ci (Anec
dotes Of Wits), IV 1 5 2 n . 2 .
N igar ista’
n, by Ghaffari, I II278 n . 1 .
N igar-Name (The Book Of
Beauties) , I I 237 .
N och E inmal die Seldschu
kischen Ver se, I 1 5 7‘ n . 1 .
N otting H ill H igh School
Magazine, IV 27 5 n . 3.
Eu -N uj um-uz-Zahir e (The
Shining Stars) , 11 358 .
N ukhbe- i Vehbi (Vehbi’
s
Selection) , IV 257 sqq.
N uits, les, IV 1 8 5 .
N umber s, the B ook of , I I
1 1 7 n . 4.
N umuna -i Edebiyydtc
Os
mamyya (Specimens o f Ottoman Literature) , 111 7 1 n . 1 ;
V 1 5 . 53
1 84 INDEX 11.
Ottoman Sultans, History of Naj i, 111 50. See Mejmz’
c"
a -i
the, by B ihishti, I I 376 n . 1 .
Ottomans, History of the,
by Kemal-Pasha-zade, 11 35 8 .
Our P oetesses, by AhmedMukhtar Efendi , IV 1 5 1 , 349.
See Sha'°ir Khanimlar imiz .
P end-N cime (Book o f Counsels) , by Guwéhi , 11 1 24 .
P enj Genj (Five Treasures) ,Of N izam i, I I I 365 .
P entateuch, the, I 37 5 n . 2,
376 ; I I 105 n . 2 .
P eony, the Cr imson, 1 262 ,
263, 264, 265 , 299, 300, 380,
390, 406, 4 1 3 n . 1 ; 11 44 n .
1 , 1 39 n . 1 , 140 n . 2, 14 1 n .
2 , 148 , 1 74 , 190, 199, 273 n .
2, 276, 348 , 354 ; 111 140, 162
n . 4 , 1 7 1 , 233. See Shaqa’iq
un
P ersians , a Year amongst
the, I 1 5 n . 1 , 62 n . 1 ; I I 46n . 2, 334 n. 7 , 336 n .
n . 1 , 34 1 n . 8 ; IV 1 72 n . 3,
225 n . 1 , 293 n . 1 .
P oems , the Suspended, I I I174 n . 3. See tlf u ‘allat .
P oeseos Asiaticae commenta
r ior um libr i sex, 11 232
n 1
P osy f rom the Gar ths ofCulture, by Beligh Of Brusa ,IV 1 1 7 . See Guldeste-i Rzyaz-i
Ill uc
alh'
m
P salms, the, 1 37 5 n . 2 ,
376 ; I I 105 n . 2 ; I II 1 8 n .
1 , 19 1 n . 3, 2 1 5 n . 2 .
R .
P aq s-Name (Book ofDanP r of essor
’
s Magazine, by cers) , IV 235 n . 2 .
Q .
Qeibus-Nama , II I 334.
Qahraman-Nama , 111 14911 . 6.
Qanhn-N zime (Book o fLaws) ,I I 2 1 .
Qamus, the, I 1 2 1 ; IV 231 ,
248 n . 1 ; V 22 , 65 , 75 .
Qasida-icAzliyya (The De
posal Qasida) , I I I 342 .
Qasida , the Hyacinth, 111
1 33.
Qasida- i Tannana (The Resonant Qasida) , IV 244 , 249sqq” 264.
Qasida-i Tayydra (The V0lant Qasida) , IV 245 , 249 sqq .
Qasidet-ul-B urde (The Mantle-Poem) , IV 82.
Qastamuni-N a’
me (Qastamuni-Book) , I I 108 ; I I I 16 1 .
Qirq Vezir Ta’
r ikhi (TheHistory o f the Forty Vez irs) ,V 13 11 . 1 . See For ty Vezirs,History of the.
Qudatqu B ilik (The Auspi
cions Knowledge) , 1 7 1 , 78 ,104 seq.
1 86 INDEX 11 .
newspaper, I 1 50 n . 1 ; I II
307 n . 1 .
Shaf ts of Doom , the, II I 253.
See S iham- i Qaza.
Shah u Dervish (King andDervish) , by 11 11411, 111 1 22 .
Shah u Gedzi (The King andBeggar) , by Yahya Bey, 1
109 ; I II 1 2 1 , 122 sqq . , 1 26,
353. 368 MW 374.
Shah-Nama, the, by Firdawsi, I 7 1 , 105 , 226, 269,
272 n . 1 , 289 11 . 1 , 433 n . 1 ;
I I 142 n . 2, 390 sqq ; 111 25 ,
36 n . 1 , 1 5 2 n . 1 , 160,269
n . 3, 34 1 n . 1 ; IV 23 n . 2 ,
48 n . 2.
Sha‘
ir Khdnimlar imiz (OurPoetesses) , 111 17 1 . See OurP oetesses.
Shagri’iq
-nu-N u‘
maniyya
(The Crimson Peony) , I 1 39 ;
I I I 162 n . 4, 233. See P eony ,
the Cr imson.
Shebistdn- i Khayal (TheN ightchamber Of the Fantasy) ,I I 287 n . 1 ; II I 5 2.
Shef ig-Name, V 16.
Shehr -engiz Ofc
Ashiq Chelebi
,II I 162 n . 4.
Shehr -engiz ofcA ziz i, 111
I 79 5 99
Shehr -eng iz of B r usa , byLam i
c
i, II I 23, 28 .
Shehr -eng iz, by Mesihi,I
1 07 ; I I 1 7 , 231 sqq., 249 sqq.
Shehr -eng iz of Vardar Yeni
j esi , by Usul i, I II 4 5 .
Shehr -eng iz of Adr ianople ,by Zat i, II I 50.
Shemc
u P er u/cine (Taperand Moth) , by Ahl i, I II 23.
Shem"
u P erwane (Taperand Moth) , by Lami
‘i, 111 22 ,
28 , 353, 362 seq.
Shemc
u P erwane (Taper andMoth), by Mu
c
idi, II I 1 60.
Shem‘
u P erwiine (Tape rand Moth) , by Zati, I 107 ;
In so. 53 seq.. 57. 354.
Shemszyye (Solar Poem) , ofSalah-ud-Din, 1 389 seq ; II I298 .
S her ef -ul- [ nsdn (The NO
blesse Of Humanity), II I 20,
2 1 , 24 n . 4, 27 .
Sher ef -N dme (BookOfGlory) ,1 144 n . 3.
Shevq-Engi z (The Provoker
Of Mirth) by Sunbu l-zéda
Vehbi, I I I 272 n . 2 ; IV 246
seq., 252 sqq., 262 n . 5 , 289
n . 3.
Shif a-ul-Esqdm ve Dewd-ul'
Aldm (The Healing o f Ills andthe Cure of Pains) , 1 260 n . 1 .
Shikayet-Nama (Plaint) , by
Fuzul i, I I I 9 1 .
Shir in, a mesnevi attributedto Zaiti, I II 50 n . 1 .
Siham - i Qaza (Shafts OfDoom) , III 2 53 n . 1 , 273 ; IV272 ; V 69.
Silsilet-uz-Zeheb, (The Chaino f Go ld ) , by Jam i, I 231 n .
I ; 11 I O.
BOOKS, JOURNALS, POEMS , ETC . 1 87
S imac-Khane- i Edeb (Audi Surur i the Chr onogr amma
tory o f Culture) , 1 422 n . 2 ; tist, by Ebu- z-Ziya TevfiqI I I 294 n . 1 , 297 n . 1 . Bey
,IV 268 .
Siret-nu-N ebi (Biography ofthe Prophet), by Veysi, 111
T
208 n . 1 . Taber i , the Annals of , IS iyiisat-N iima , 11 63 n . 4. 310 n . 2 ; II I 1 5 11 . 1 .
es-Szydset-ush-Sherciyye, III Tableau General de l
’
Emv
162 n . 4. pir e Othoman, I 237 n . 2.
Styer - i N ebi (Acts Of the Takhr ib-i Kharabat (TheProphet) by Zéti, I I I 50. Demolition o f the Tavern )Siyer -i Veysi (Veysi
’
s Li fe) , V 8 5 .
II I 208 . Tiij -ut-Tewar ikh (TheSong of the Reed, the, IV Crown o f Chron icles), 1 164
84 n . 2. n . 1 ; II I 20 n . 2 . See CrownSpr ing , Ode on, by Mesihi, of Chr onicles, the.
I I 231 seq., 238 sqq . Tac
lim- i Edebiyyci t (Course.
Story of the N ations’
Ser ies, of Literature) , by Ekrem Bey,11 26 n .
'
3 ; IV 229 n . 1 . I 1 24 ; II I 14 n . 2 , 8 1 n . 1 ,
Snbhet-ul-Ebrar (Rosary o f 1 16, 266, 267 , 293, 329. See
the Just) , 1 100 ; 11 9 ; 111 Cour se of Literatur e.
234 , 236. Tac
qib (The Pursu it) , V 8 5 .
Suhbet-ul-Ebkar (Commu Taqwim-i Meskz
'
tkat- i°
Os~
nion of Virgins) , 1 100, 109 ; mdniyya (Essai de Num isma
III 234 sqq. tique Ottomane) , I 225 n . 1 ,
Suheyl u N ev-B aha’
r (CanO 262 n . 2 ; I I 73 n . 5 .
pus and Vere) , of Ahmed , I Taqwim- i Vaqdyi
‘
, the Ott226, 427 . oman Official Gazette, V 100
Suleyma’
n-Name (The Book 11 . 5 .
of Su leyman ), I 286. Tar ikh- ic
Atci (‘A ta’s His
Sulhiyya , the, 111 332 . tory) , I 4 1 7 n . 1 ; I I 78 11 .
Supplement aux D iction 3, 84 11 . 1 .
naires Ar abes, I 4 14 n . 2 . T(i r ikh-i Chelebi -edde, IV
Stir -Name (The Book of the 7 5 n . 1 .
Festival) , by Hashmet, IV 147 . Tar ikh- i Qamincha , III 327Sur -Name (The Book o f the n . 2 .
Festival ) , by Seyyid Vehbi, Tar tuf e, V 59 .
IV 1 10. Tasvir - i Ef kdr (The Tablet
1 88
o f Opinions) , V 26, 32, 33
n . 1 .
Tavern, the, by Ziya Pasha,I II 142, 1 89, 1 95 , 237 . See
Kharabat.
INDEX 11 .
Tuhf et-ul-Haremeyn, I II
327 n . 3.
Tuhf et-ul- [ rshdd (The Gi ftof Guidance) , IV 9 1 n . 2 .
Tuhf et-ulc
Ushshciq (A GiftTazar ru
‘dt-Name (Book o f to Lovers) , by Hamdi , 11 190,
Humiliations), I I 25 .
Tebsir e (The Elucidation) ,IV 328 .
Teiniscit, 11 19 1 n . 3.
Télémaque, V 13, 25 , 59.
Telmih, the, 1 208 .
Terj ih, the, by Cadi Burhan-ud-Din, 1 208 .
Terj uman- i Ahwal (The In
terpreter o f Events), V 26.
Terj uman- i Haqiqat, nameof a j ournal , 1 1 50 n . 1 .
Teshil-ut Tibb (The Facil i
tation o f Medicine), I 260
n . 1 .
Tezkire, by Fat in Efendi ,V 5 1 n . 1 , 65 , 99 n . 4.
Tezkire (Memoirs o f thePoets) , by Latifi, 1 1 39 ; III
7 . See Latifi.Tezkire (Memoirs o f the
Poets) , by Mir‘
Ali Shir, II 1 1 .
et Tibr -ul-Mesbuk f i nose?ih-il-Mulnk, I II 162 n . 4.
Tuhf e (Gift), bycAsim Efendi ,
V 65 .
Tuhf e (Gift), by Shahid i,IV 1 76 n . 3, 257 , 25 8 n . 2.
Tuhf e (Gift) , by Vehbi, IV
242 n . 3, 257 sqq . ; VTuhf et-ul-Ahrar (Gift for
the Free), 11 9 ; I I I 1 25 , 236.
191 sqq .,220 sqq ., 376.
Turkj e Shi‘
r lar (TurkishPoems), by Mehemmed Em in
Bey, I 1 34 n . 1 .
Turkey in the Story of the
N ations’Ser ies, I I 26 n . 3 ;
IV 229 n . 1 .
Turkish P oetry,pamphlet on ,
by Sir James Redhouse, IV
314 n . 4.
U .
Uigur ische Spraihmonu
mente und das Kudatku B i
lik, I 7 1 n . 1 .
c
Ulum ,name of a newspa
per, V 73.
Un Diplomate Ottoman en
1 85 6, IV 328 n . 2.
<’
Uqud-ul- fifewdhir (The
Strings o f Gems) , I 257.
V .
Vdmig andcAnn i , o f B i
bishti, II 376 n . 1 ; I I I 24 n . 2 .
Vdmiq and‘
Azm, o f La
m i‘i, II I 22, 24, 28 , 353, 35 7
sqq .
Vcimig and0’
Aetrci , bycUn
suri , II I 22, 26.
q ic
a -Name (The Vision) ,by Veysi, I I I 208 , 209.
I N D E X 1 1 1.
INDEX OF TECHNICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL W ORDS.
'Abd-i Seb
‘
a (The Seven c’
Alem-i I nsan (The W orldSires), 1 48 . o f Man ), I 56.
c
Abir , unguent, I 334 n . 3.
c’
Alem-i som e: (The W orldc
Adam (not-being) , IV 330. o f Might) , I 5 5 .
See Not-being.
c'Alem- i Kevn u Fesad (The
c
Adan, A rabic name for W orld o f Generation and CorEden and Aden, 111 300 n . 2 . ruptio n) , I 56 n . 1 .
'Aghti (sergeant) , III 364.
c'Alem-i Kubra (The Greater
'
Ahenk (harmony), V 48 n . 2 . W orld or Macrocosm) , I 62 .
c'
Aj il, I I 345 n. 5 .
c'Alem-i Lahut (The W orld
Akasira , plural o f K isra, II I Of Godhead ) , I 5 5 .
I 48 11 . 6c'Alem-i hi a
‘
zini (The W orldAkhlat-i erba
‘
a (the four o f Meanings) , I 5 5 n . 2 .
humours), I 30 1 n . 1 . See c'Alem-i Melekht (The Ange l
Humours, the four. W orld) , I 5 5 , 56.
c
Aks (A ntistrophe ) , I 1 1 5 .
c’Alem-i M isdl (The W o rld
'Ai (red) , 11 239 n . 2. of Similitudes) , 1 5 5 .
'
Al (family) , 11 239 n . 2 .
c'Alem-i Mulk (The W orld
c’
Alem (The Universe) , 1 4 1 . of the K ingdom) , 1 56, 1 88 11 . 2 .
c'Alem-i
'Ab (The World c'
Alem- i Shehddet (The VisiAquose), IV 106 n . 1 . ble W orld) , I 5 5 , 56.
c’
Alem- i A‘
yan-i Seibita (The
c’
Alem- i Sughra (The Lesse rWorld of the Fixed Proto World or Microcosm) , I 62 .
types) , I 5 5 .
“Alem-i Sur et (The W orld
c’
Alem-i B erzakh (The In o f Form) , 1 56 n . 1 .
termediate World), 1 5 5 .
’
Al-i‘
Abzi (The Family o fc’
Alem -i Ghayb (The I n the Cloak) , I II 105 11 . 2 .
vis ible World) , I 56.
"
Alim (Knower) , name ofC'
Alem -i Hissi (The Sensible God, I 409 n . 1 .
World) , I 56 n . 1 . Allahu Ekber , II 244 n. 2 .
TECHNICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS 19 1
Altmishlu , class ofmuder r is ,
I I 398 .
Altun, name o f a coin , I I26 n. 2.
'Amedp , the Office o f, IV 324.
Anadoli Muhasibej isi (Audito r for A natolia) , I I I 326.
Anbshak-r hban, title, 11 63n . 4. See NUshirewan .
Ag, used as a sobriquet, 111 38 n. 1 .
Aqcha , name of a coin, I262 n . 2 .
c ha -icOsmeini , I 262 n . 2 .
c
Aql (Reason) , 1 1 97 11 . 2 ;
11 389 n . 1 .
c
Agl-i Evvel (First Intelli
gence) , I 42 . See Intelligence,
the Primal ; Logos.cAql
-i Fa“iil (Active Intel
ligence) , I 43 ; II I 356.
c
Aql-i Kull (Universal Intel
ligence), I 42 . See °
Aql-i Evvel.
cAql
-i Mahj ub (Veiled Reason) , II 1 99 n. 1 .
‘
Aql-i Nef siini (Carnal Rea
son) , I II 1 28 n . 5 .
'
c i -yi Seyyid, nickname ofhashish, 11 340 n . 1 .
cAraba (coach), IV 314.
°Araq (spirit) , I I I 89 n . 2.
c
Araz (Accident) , I 4 1 .
Arpa Emini (Intendant o f
the Barley) , IV 5 8 .
c
Arsh (Throne o f God) , I
35. 68. I 72 n 3. 372. 399 ;
II I 5 5 n . 3 ; IV 70 n . 3.
’
Asar (works), I 407 .
‘Ases-Bds/zz’ (Captain of the
W atch) , I II 2 17 n . 1 .
”As/ziq, title given to a class
o f poets, V 46 n . 1 .
‘
As/zq-i hagz’gi (real love) ,I I I 1 74 n . 2 ; IV 1 23 n . 1 . SeeLove, Typal and Real .
c’
Aslzq-z
'
mej ézi (typal love),I II 1 74 n. 2 ; IV 1 23 n . 1 .
See Love,Typal and Real .
“
Ashz'
trd ( l oth ofMuharrem) ,the, IV 1 1 2 n . 1 .
’
Asz'
téna, name o f Constan
tinople , I I I 2 14 n . 1 .
’
Asz'
tdna -i Sacda
'et (The
Threshold of Felicity) , I I I 2 14n . 1 .
'Asmdn u r ismdn, Persian
phrase , IV 1 5 2 n. 1 .
Asper age/ta , I 262 n . 2.
'Asuma
’
ni , name o f a boot ,II I 295 n . 2 .
'Asydb (mill) , V 48 n . 2 .
Atlas (satin) , I 43 n . 2 ; IV1 36 n . 1 .
‘
Awdlz’
m-i Khamsa (TheFive W orlds) , I 54. See W orlds,the Five.
A‘
ydn (Prototypes) , I4 10 n . 2 .
A‘
ydu-i Davie: (Grandees of
the Empire), I I 274 n . 2 .
A‘
ydu-z
’
Sdbz'
ta, (The FixedPrototypes) , I 5 5 n. 1 . SeeIdeas, the Platonic.Ayaq, I I I 1 86 n. 1 .
'Ayna (mirror) , V 30.
‘
Ayn-z'
Tev/ttd (The Eye ofUnity) , I 328 n . 1 .
192 INDEX II I .
“Ayn
-i Yaqin (The Eye ofCertainty), I 328 n . 1 .
‘Ayydsk, I II 1 8 5 n . 7 .
’
Azda’
(free) , epithet of thecypress, II 208 n . 8 .
'
Azda’
, meanings o f, I I 324n . 1 .
‘
Azebs (l ight horse) , I I I 364 .
Azg/tés-i a/zldm (tangleddreams) , I 57 n . 1 .
‘Az iz-z
'
M rr (Grandee ofEgypt ), I I 1 57 n . 1 .
°
Azrci (virgin) , I II 1 83 n . 4.
Edo (Chapter) , I 1 83.
B aba (Father) , I 1 76.
B akr -i Ala/zit (The Encir
cl ing Ocean) , I 38 .
B a ] tutan parmaglzz’
ni yalar ,
I I 320 n . 5 .
B agam (braz il-wood ) , II 2 13n . 2 .
B dld , the grade of, V 105
n . 3.
333519, a kind o f brocade, IV
1 33 n . 3.
Edr i (Creator) , name o fGod ,I 409 n . 1 .
B ashmaglz’
q (Shoe-money) ,III 2 16 n . 2 .
B att-z'
may (wine-goose), I II
346 n . 6.
B a‘z (Partial) , I 1 19.
B en’
ic
(Euphuism) , I 1 1 2,
1 24, 2 1 2, 306. See ‘1 1m
B eglz'
k'
, name o f an official ,III 304 n .
‘
1 . See B eylikj i .
Ckaqs/n'r , IV 131 n . 7 .
Chars, I I I 89 n. 1 .
Chawus/zB e/zemz
’
ct (Behemoth), I 39 . 237 n . 2 .
(Pursu i vant), I I
B elde-z'
Tayyz’
ba (The GoodlyCity) , name o f Constantinople ,II I 2 14 n . 1 .
B end (Tie) , I 90, 9 1 .
B ang (bang) , I II 89 n . 1 .
B erd‘
at- i l stz'
lzldl (EloquentPresagement) , I 1 23.
B eydn (Exposition) , I 1 1 1 ,
1 24 . See “l im-i B aydu .
B eylik , the office of, IV
324.
B eyt (Couplet) , I 79.
B eyt (house o f a planet) , I
328 n . 1 .
B eyt-ul-Alzzdn or B eyt-z
'
Alt
gdu (The House of Sorrows) ,I I 162 n . 1 ; I I I 309 n . 3.
B eyt-ul-Ghazel (B eyt-i Giza
zel) , I 8 1 .
B eyt-z
'
Ma‘
mzfir (The Fre
quanted House) , I 37 . See
Ka°ba.B eyt
-ul-Qas ld, I 8 5 .
B inz'
s/z, double meaning o f ,
IV 1 31 n . 6.
B z'
smil , I 1 74 n. 2.
B'
o'
rek, I I 334 n . 1 .
B oza, I I I 89 n. 2.
Bulbul (N ightingale) , I 246n . 3.
B uldg/z- i Izagiqi (the trueage of d iscretion), I I I 42.
B ur/air: (Proof) , I 209 n . 3.
194 INDEX 111 .
Dz’
wdn Ef endisz'
(Secretar yo f Divan ), I I 96 n . 2 .
Da -B eyt, I 89 .
Duk/zter -z'
f ir -i mug/Mn, I I I269 n . 4 .
Duk/tter -z'
r ez, I I I 269 n . 4 .
Dur r -z'
mekm’
m (hiddenpearls) , I 398 n . 2 .
IV 1 28 II . 6.
Efldk-z’
j uz’
zyye (subordinatesphe res) , I 45 n . 1 .
El -z'
B dtz'
n (Followers o f
the Esoteric) , I 26 n . 1 .
E/d-z' Tasawwuf (Followersof Sii fi ism ) , I 26 n . I . SeeSufi and Sufi ism .
Ef f -z'
g/zeyr -z'
memmhz, I
398 n . 2.
E -lest, Day o f, I 363 n . 9 ;
I I 75 n . 1 , 207 n . 6.
E -lest, the Feast o f, IV 339n . 6. See Banquet, the Primal .E -lest, the Pact of, IV 65
n . 6.
E—lest, Wine o f, I 23.
E -lesta , I 22 , 246 n . 4 .
Elzfi the letter, I II 1 77 n . 2 .
Emdnet (trust) , II I 316 n . I .See Trust
,the . Fag/zf z’tr , title o f the Em
Ena'er zin, IV 22 1 n . 1 . See pero r o f China, I 286 ; I I I 1 10 ,
Seraglio. 1 39 n . 1 .
Ender z’
m z’
, IV 22 1 n . I , 279. Fd‘
z
'
ldtzm (in A rabic ProsEngelyz
’
m, IV 70 n . 2 . ody) , V 49 n . I .
Entar z’
,IV 1 3 1 n . 9. Faklzr iyya , I I I 1 58 n . 1 , 25 7 ,
Enj umen-z’
d’
s/z (the Im 270, 293 ; IV 193.
perial Academy o f Science and Fac
l (Activity) : I 4 1 n . 2 .
Literature) , V 8 , 24 . Fdlj t'
(diviner) , I II 48 n . 1 .
Ergen, IV 32 1 n . 1 .
Erg/zawin , I II 30 n . 3, 1 5 2
n . 5 . See Judas-tree .
q df (rel igious endowments) , I I I 162 n . 4.
Er teng , I I 313 n . 5 ; I II 66n . 1 ; IV 43 n . 3, 70 n . 2.
Erwd/z-z'yeber z’ztzyye (Spiritso f Might) , I 5 5 .
Erzheng , II 31 3 n . 5 ; I II66 n . I ; IV 43 n . 3.
Esmd (Names) , I 6 1 n . 2 .
See Names o f God , the .
Esmd-z'
[ ld/zzj/ye (Divine Names) , I 6 1 . See Names o f God,the .Esrd , name of a chapter ofthe Ko ran, IV 22 n . 1 .
Estag/zfir u’ lldlz (I ask pardon o f God) , I I 244 n . 2.
By Deli (0 mad one ) , I 19 1n . 2 .
By Hakim (O Sage) , 1 19 1n . 2 .
Ey yd ) : (0 Sou l) , I 19 1 n . 2 .
By Saf d (O Joy) , I 19 1 n . 2 .
Eyn, the Category o f Place,I 4 1 n . 2 .
TECHN ICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS
d is , 111 1 7 5 n . 2 .
d’
ts-z
'
gerda’
n, I II 1 7 5 n . 2 .
Fa’
nds-z'
Kfiaya'
l, (Magic
fanal) , I I I 1 7 5 n . 2 .
Faqtlt (j urist), I I I 67 n . 5 .
Fasdlm t (correctness o f diction ) , III 25 5 .
Fasl (canto) , I 236.
Fa’
tz’
lza (Opening chapter o f
the Koran ) , the, I 236, 339,
36 1 n . 7 , 365 n . 1 , 406 ; I II6 1 n . 2 , 1 9 1 n . 5 , 195 , 295n . 3 ; IV 162 .
P elek-z'
A tlas, IV 1 36 n . 1 ,
339 n . 1 . See Sphere, theSatin, and Primum Mobile .Felek-ul-Efldk ( the Sphere
l 95
Fum’
m-z
'
j uz’
zyye (the particular arts) I 26 1 n . 2 .
Futa (bathing-towel) , I I 25 1n . 5 .
Genf -z'
Remain (The movingTreasure) , II 1 1 7 n . 4.
Germzyan-oglzll, patronymic
,I 264 .
Gevlzer (j evlzer ) , meaningso f, I 295 n . 3.
Gizanlmet, name of a musical air, I I I 347 n . 5 .
Glzarbz’
(weste rn) V 7 .
Ghayb-i I
’
ll uzdf (RelativelyInvisible) , I 5 5 .
Glmzel, I 80, 102, 144.
Gl mzel-z’
mudevver (circularo f Spheres) , I 43 ; IV 339 n . ghaze l) , IV 250 n . 1 .
I . See Sphere , the N inth, andPrimum Mobile .Fel-f es, IV 1 70 n . 2 .
Ferm -z'
Fur s , I I 364 . SeePersian ism .
Ferd (Unit) , I 79.
Permele, IV 132 n . 6.
Fermene, IV 1 32 n . 6.
Fer rdslz, the, I I I 1 6 n . 5 .
P erz , III 249 n . 1 . See
Chess.
Ferzdna , I I I 249 n . I .
Ferzlrz, I I I 249 n . 1 .
Fetwd (canonical decis ion) ,1 234 ; 11 353 11 . 2 .
Fz'
rqa-z
'
N dj zye (the sect thatwill be saved ) , I 379 n . I .
Fz’
rqa-i Hdlz
’
ke ( the sectthat will perish) , I 379 n . I .Fz
'
tne (worry) , I 2 57 n . 3.
G/ta'zz' (Champion) , title, I I I1 5 5 n . 3.
Gl u'
lmdn (youths o f Para
disc) , I 245 n. 3. See Eternal
Youths.
Gl mluv'v, 1 1 1 2 n . I .Ghurdb-ul-B eyn (The Crow
o f Parting), I I 2 14 n . 3. See
Crow, the .
G/zur zis/z, Turkish coin , I262 n . 2.
Gil (clay) , II I 237 n . 3.
Gir lba’
n, I II 1 54 n . 5 , 230
n . 4 .
Gz'
r z'
sizme, IV 1 70 n . I .
Gz’
ti -numd (world-d isplayer),name o f a glass, 1 278 .
Gb'
zz'
ne durmay I I 320 n . 2.
Go'
zg il (m irror) , V 30.
Gal (rose ) , II I 237 n . 3.
196 Im mx I I I .
Gul Qasidasz'
(Rose Qasida) ,I 10 1 .
Gul-z'
sad-berg (Cabbagerose) , II I 1 62 n . 2 .
Gulaj , II 335 n . 5 .
Gulndr , I I I 267 n . 2 .
Gulslzen (rose-garden) , I I 7 5n . 1 .
Gur lz, I 84 n . I .Gur z
’
z-
gd/z, I 84 n . I ; I II148 n . 4, 266 n . 1 , 269 n . 2 .
Gziyende (minstrel) , I I 386n .4.
Habbet-ul-Kltazrd (grain o f
green) , 1 38 5 n . 3.
Hablb (Beloved) , title ofMuhammed , I II 197 n . 1 .
Hablé-ulld/z, title of Mu
hammed , I 243 n . 2 ; III 1 1 3n . I .Habs- i nef es (holding thebreath) , III 240 n . 3.
Hadda (gauge-plate) , IV 26 1
n . 1 .
Hadls, (Apostolic Tradition) , I I 6, 1 7 n . I , 24, 54n . 1 , 1 1 3, 1 70 n . 5 , 1 84, 1 88
n . 1 , 194 n . 2, 2 16 n . 2, 24 1
n . 1 , 242 n . I , 366 n . 7 , 369n . 1 , 373» 379 n I , 396 m 4.397 n. I , 399, 424 n . 2 ; I I23, 57 n . 4, 68 n . I , 140 n .
3, 2 10 n . 2,239 n . 2 , 247
n . 1 , 27 1 n . 4, 274 n . 1 , 390
n . I ; III 195 ; IV 1 1 7 n . 2 ,
1 36 n . 3, 147 , 1 50 n . 2, 1 87n . 1 ; V 99 n . 2 . See Traditions o f the Prophet.
Hadz'
s-i Qudsi (Di vine Tradition) , I 17 n . 1 , 370 n . 4 .
Hadls-z’
Slzer if (Blessed Tradition) , 1 1 7 n . I .Hdfiz, meaning of, 11 2 1 8
n . 8, 254.
d z‘
za (memory), IV 1 72
n . 3.
Haj j , the pilgrimage toMecca, I 243 n . 3.
d jz'
Leylek (Pilgrim Stork) ,I I 386 n . 9.
Hdl (Ecstasy), 1 59.
Haldlz’
(union-tissue), IV
293 n . 2 .
El- Izamdu li’
lldlz (Praise be
to God ) , 11 244 n . 2 .
Hdmz'
l (deferent) , 1 45 n . 1 .
Hagd’z’
g (Verities), I 407 .
Haqq (the Divine) , I 42 .
Hagq (Truth) , 5 q term for
God, I 60.
Haqq- i Tevltld (Truth of
Un i ty) , I 328 n . 1 .
Haqq-z
’
Yaqln (Truth o f
Certainty) , 1 328 n . 1 .
Hardr et-z’
Gizar lzzyye (Nat
ural Heat) , 1 190 n . 3.
Har eket-z'
Altmishlu, class
o f Muderris, I I 399.
Hareket- i d lzz'
l, C lass ofMuderris, I I 399.
Har eket- i Eymyye (SpatialMovement), 1 45 n . 2 .
Har eket-z'
Kemziyye (Quanti
tative Movement) , 1 45 n . 2 .
Har eket-z’
Keyf zyye (Qualitative Movement) , I 45 n . 2 .
198
Hur r zj fyet (liberty) , I I V 19.
Huseyni , IV 1 32 n . 10.
Husn- i [ ll czqtac
(Beauty o f
the I 8 1 .
Husn-i M atla°
(Beauty o f
the Matlac
) , I 8 1 .
Husn-i Tac
lz’
l (Aetiology) ,1 1 1 3, 220 n . 3, 333 n . 3 and
4 ; II 36 n . 2 , 37 n . 4, 87 n .
INDEx III .
1 86 n . I , 249 n . I ; IV 1 56
n . 3. See Amphibology.
’
l lza’
m- i Tendsub (Amphibo
logical Congruity) , I 1 1 3.
I kzl tellz'
qabaq, a kind of
lute , IV 170 n . 3.
c1 1m (Knowledge) , 1 197 n . I .c
[ lm-z'
Alzddz’
s (Tradition) ,I I 397 . See Hadls and Tra
I , 246 n . 8 , 279 n . 3, 36 1 n . ditions of the Prophet.10 ; II I 5 5 n . 11 . 2, 1 5 2 n .
4, 1 54 n . 3, 1 56 n . 3, 282 n .
C
l lm -z'
Akr’tldq (Ethics), I 40.
c
[ lnz- i A‘
ld (the Higher
3, 30 1 n . 2 ; IV 63 n . 2, 1 27 Science) , I 40 n . 3.
n . I . See A etiology.
I‘
dde (Epanastrophe) , I I 16.
fi lls, derivation of, IV 1 72
n . I .I bn, used an a patronymic
,
III 1 2 n . 2 .
“
I lm-z' c
Aqd’
z
’
d (Dogmatics) ,I I 397
c
l lm-z'
B edi°
(A rt o f Eu
phu ism ) , I 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 ; I I 396.
c
l lm -z'
B eldg/tat (A rt of Rhetoric) , I 1 1 1 ; I I 396 n . 3.
c
[ lm-z'
B eydn (A rt o f Expo[ btz
'
dd-z'
Altmz'
s/zln, class of Sition) , I 1 1 1 ; II 396.
Muderris, II 399.
[ btz'
dd-z'
d /zz’l, class o f Mu
derris , I I 399.
[ étz’
dd-z'
K/tdr zj , class o f Mu
derris, I I 399.
l eft gnweg z'
sz’
( indoor bridegroom) , IV 304 n . 1 .
[ M ine gan olmaq, I I 320n . 2 .
[ drdk (perception) , IV 1 72
n . 3.
Ig/zrdq, I 1 1 2 n . 1 .
'I lzdm (Amphibology) , I
1 1 3, 2 1 5 n . I , 2 16 n . 2,230
m 5 , 295 n 3, 364 n 5 ; I I1 37 n . 1 ; I I I 144 , 1 50 n . 2,
1 56 n . 2, 1 57 n . 4, 178 n . 8
,
“
Hm-i Edeb (Humanity) , I I
396°
] lm -z'
Esf el (theScience) , I 40 n . 3.
°
f lm-z'
Evsat (the Interme~
diate Science) , I 40 n . 3.
c
J lm -z'
Fig/z (Ju risprudence ) ,I I 397
°
] lm -z'
Hendese (Geometry) ,II 396. See Geometry.
c
[ lm-z'
Hey’
et (Astronomy) ,I I 396. See Astronomy.
cI bn - i Hnr z
’
lf (Science ofthe 34 1 .
‘
1 lm-z'
[ ld/zl (Metaphysics) ,I 40.
C
l lm -z'
Lower
Kela’
m (Scholastic
TECHNICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS . 199
Philosophy) , II 396. See M a
tekellz'
m ln and Scholastics .
C
I lm - z'
Ma‘
a’
nz’
(Science o f
Significations) , I 1 1 1 ; I I 396.
c
[ lm -z'
Mantz'
q (Logic) , 1 40n . 4 ; II 396.
c
I lm -z'
N alzv (Syntax) , I I 396.
c’
I lnz- l Reml (Geomancy) , I
389 n . 1 .
c
[ lm-z
'
Rziydzz’
(Mathematics) ,I 40.
c
I lm -z'
Sarf (Grammar) , II
396C
f lm-z'
Tabz'C
z’
(Physics) , I 40.
°
1 lm -z'
Ta‘
blr (the Science ofInterpretation of Dreams) , I
389 n . I . See Dreams .<z
l lm -z'
Tasavvuf (Sufiism ,
I 1 5 . See Sufiism ; S tiff ; Mysticism ; Mystics .
“
I lm-z'
Tedbz’
r -nl-Medine (Politics) , I 40.
c
1 lm -z'
Tedblr -ul-Menzz'
l
(Oeconom ics) , I 40.
c
[ lnz-z'
Ter essnl, I 25 7 .
‘
1 lm -z'
Tev/zz'd (Knowledgeof the Unity) , I 166 n . 6, 304
n . 2, 328 n . I .°
1 1m ~z°
Te’
vt’
l (Exegesis), I I
397c
[ lm-z'
Yaqln ( the Knowledge of Certainty) , I 328 n . 1 .
[ ltz'
zdm (Supererogation) , I
7 5 n . 1 , 1 22 .
I mdle (Inclination) , I 106 ;
II I 14, 1 5 , 53, 143. 2 56
I mdm ,mean ing of, II 2 1 8
n . I .
I mdm precentor, I II 2 1 5n . 4.
[ mkdn (Contingent Existence) , I 42 n . 2 . See Being
,
Contingent.[‘
ndt, name of a rhetoricalfigure , I 1 22 .
I nfi‘
dl (Passivity) , I 4 1 n . 2 .
l nsdn (Man) , I 48 .
I nsdn-z'
Kdmz'
l (the PerfectMan) , I 52 . See Man
,the
Perfect .1psz
'
z, IV 1 31 n . 2 .
[ qtz'
bds (Quotation ) , I 1 1 2 .
[ rddl (voluntary) , I 44.
[ r sa’
d (Preparation) , I 1 2 1 .
I r sdl-z'
M esel (ProverbialCommission ) , 1 1 14 ; I I I 329 ;IV 76.
1 sf alzdn, name o f a melody ,IV 49 n . 3.
l s/ztz'gdg (Paronymy) , I 1 20.
1 sm -z'
A‘
zam (the Mo st GreatName) , I 379 n . 2 ; II I 56 n . 6 .
See Name,the Most Great ; and
God , the Most Great Name o f.I sm -z
'
Rabb ( the Name Sustainer), I 4 10 n . 3.
[ sm -z'
Zdt (the Name ofSelf) , I 409 n . 1 .
[ m ad (stibium) , 11 . I .[ sti
‘
dr e (Trope) , I 1 1 1 n . I .[ zdf et (Persian genitive con
struction), I I I 8 1 n . 2 .
[ zdf et (Relation ) , I 4 1 n . 1 .
wdr (cheek), II I 1 83 n . 4.
c
[ m et (Excellence) , IV 1 57n . 2 .
zoo INDEX 111.
ydm (bowl, 111 1 56 n . 5 .
ydm-z'
Glti—nnmd (theWorldd isplaying Cup) , 11 7 1 n . 1 .
fi lm - i yew , ydm -z'
yerns/tz’d .
See Jemsh id, the cup of.
fi lm - i yz'
lzdn-nnma’
(theWorld-displaying Cup) , 11 7 1n . I .ydn-z
' c'Alenz (the World
Sou l) , I 42 n . 3.
ydn- i yz'
ltdn (the WorldSou l) , I 42 n . 3.
I I 76 n . I . SeeJanissaries.
yd i 'zye (slave-girl) , 11 36 1 n . 7 .
7 eber 22t (Might) , I 5 5 n . 4 ,
56 n. 2 .
yeberntlyye, I 5 5 n . 4.
_7eldl (the Awfu l) , I 1 7 1 n .
2 . See A ttributes o f Awfu lness .
9?d (the Beautifu l) , 1 1 7 1n . 2 . See Attributes o f Beauty.
yema’
zi , tlze Latter , IV 298
n . 2 .
yennet (Paradise) , I I I 1 83 n .
6 ; V 30.
f ennet-z' c
Adn (Garden o f
Eden ) , 1 36.
yennet-nl-Fz'
rdevs (the Garden o f Paradise ) , 1 36 n . I .yennet-ul-K/m ld (the Garden
o f Eternity), I 36 n . I .9'ennet-ul-M e
’
wd (the Gardeno f the Abode ) , I 36 n . I .7 ennet-nn-N a
‘z’
nz (the Garden o f Delight) , I 36 n . 1 .
7 ennet-ul-Qardr (the Garden o f Abidance) , I 36 n . I .
yer ld, I II 287 .
yer r (Traction) , I 1 87 n . 2 .
5'ev/zer (Substance), 1 4 1 .
_7evlzer -z'
f erd (atom) , l 67n . 1 , 2 1 7 n . 5 , 295 n. 3.
yet/her c/zz'clzegz' (jewelflower) , IV 286 n . 3.
7ev/zerddr (Gemmed) , I 98 .
yet i/term (Gemmed) , I 98 .
7ewd6 (Response) , 1 100.
yewdb-z'
sizdf z'
(healing answer) , I I 273 n . 4.
fi nds (Homonymy) , I 1 16
sqq.
fi nds- i M uzdemj (CoupledHomonymy) , I 1 19.
yinn, tlze, I 38 , 245 n . 5 ;
I I 2 1 8 n . 2 ; I I I 1 1 3 n . 2 ;
IV 20 1 n . 2 .
yz'
sm (Body), definition o f,
I 45 n . 3.
f ism -z'
Kull (Universal Body) ,I 43 n . 3. See Primum Mobile .
yz'
sm -z'
Mutlaq (Body in theAbstract) , I 45 .
Kdfir ( infidel), name for a
beauty, 11 44 n . 3. See Infi
del and Paynim .
Kdfir qizi (paynim maid ) ,II I 8 5 .
Kdfir l Hzar tl, I I 78 .
Kdtz’
b-z’
Dlwdn (Secretary ofDivan) , II 98 n . 2 .
Kebdb, IV 2 14 n . I .
Ke/z-Keslzdn (the Strawbearers) , III 147 n . 3. See
Strawbearers’ path, the .
202
Mankind ) , title of Muhammed ,I 243 n . I .Knazz
’
na Odusi (TreasuryChamber) , IV 227 .
K/zz'l‘at ( robe of honour) , IV1 33 n . 8 .
Klzz'
rman (stackyard) , 11 5 5n . 3.
Klzz'
rman-z'
mdlz (stackyardof the moon) , I I 63 n . 3.
K/zz'rqa (frock worn by dervishes) , IV 1 33 n . 1 .
Khitdm-nl-mz'
sk (a muskyclose ), IV 1 8 1 n . 1 .
K/zz'tta-z'
S/zdm , doublemeaning o f, II I 343 n . 2 .
INDEx II I .
Kl msre'v (Chosroes) used for‘Sultan’ or c
Prince’
, II 9 1 n .
5 , 1 1 5 n . 6 ; IV 1 1 2 n . 4.
Klzntbe (homily) , II 73 n .
6 ; V 10 ! n . 3.
Klzuzbet-nn-nac
t (prayer) , I I
73 n . 6.
Khntbet-nl-wac
z (homily), II
n . 6.
K idde -z'
M uder r isz’
n (GrandPrincipals) , 1 1 400.
t , II I 89 n . 1 .
Kilar Kyahyasi (Comptroller of the Buttery) , IV 279 .
Kz'
lz'
d (lock) , 11 323 n . 7 .
Kz’
lld-z
'
Endlslte (the key
73
K/zoj a (government master o f care) 11 323 n . 3.
clerk), II I 194.
Khoj a (preceptor) , I 164 n .
I ; I I 395 n . 2, 399 n . 2 .
Khoj a Merj dn (Master C0ral) , I I 340 n . I .Klzoj alz
'
q (Master-Clerkship) ,I II 333.
Klzordsdm'
turban , the, IV262 n . 4.
K/zos/zdb (Khoslzaf ) , I I 335n . 2 .
Klznddvendgdr (the Master) ,I 384 n . 3.
K l mlef d-
yz’
Ra’
slzldln (theJust Khal ifas) , I I 1 50 n . I V
93 n . 3
K/zm '
z’
ts-z' <’
Ar s/z (the Cocko f the Throne) , I I 333 n . 3.
Klmsr ev, Khusr aw , title o f
the Persian Emperor, I II 1 39n . I . See Chosroes ; Kz
’
srd.
K indye (Metonymy) , 1 1 1 1
n . I .
K ins (title) , V 105 n . 1 .
Kt'
r éma’l-Kdtz
'
bin (theNobleScribes) , IV 1 1 5 n . 3.
Kz’
srd (Chosroes) , I 270 n .
I ; 11 62 n . 4 , 63 n . 4 ; I I I
1 39 n . 1 , 148 n . 6.
K iswet (the covering of the
Ka°ba) , IV 9 1 n . 1 .
Knyaz (title) , V 105 n . I .
Kokona , title given to Greekladies
,IV 24 1 n . 2 .
Kostz'
(girdle) , 11 44 n . 4 .
See Zunndr ; Girdle and Cord ,the paynim .
K iln-ken (Mountain-hewer) ,title o f Ferha
’
d , 1 322 n . I .
Kn/zl (stibium), I I 274 n . 1 .
Kulk/zan (stove- room) , 11
7 5 n . I .
TECHN ICAL TERMS AND OR IENTAL WORDS . 203
Kulk/zan-éeyz’
, I I 75 n . I . Leylet-ul-Qadr (the N ight
Kulklzanz’
, I I 75 n . I . o f Power), I 293 n . 4. See
Kan (Be) , 111 1 1 2 n . 4. N ight o f Power.
Knrdziyye, IV 132 n . 9. Lz'
sdn-ul-G/zayb (the TongueKur sz
’
(Footstool) , 1 35 , 68 , of the Unseen W orld ) , I 166
1 72 n . 2 . n . 3.
Knse, lease (a beardless man), Lisdn-z’
Hdl (mute eloquen
IV 1 53 n . 1 , 32 1 n . 2. cc) , I I 2 16 n . 2.
Kus/zdda (opened) j oyful, Lisdn-z'
l (uttered lan
II I 1 5 5 n . 5 . guage), I I 2 16 n . 2 .
Kns/ztt (girdle), II 44 n . 4. Lap inj z’
r i (a kind of fig),See Kostz
’
. I I 38 5 n . 2 .
Kn) , (ward) , I I 66 n . 2. Ln‘
bet (puppet) , 11 209 11 . I .Kynya (Steward) , I I I 1 80, Lug/tat: (R iddle) , I 100.
325 , 364. Luzzim-z'
md ld Yelzem (Making Necessary the Unneces
Ld lzavla we 1d qm weta t'
lld sary), I 1 22.
bz’lldlz, A rabic phrase, IV 29
n. 3. Ma‘
dnl, I 1 24. See c[ Int-ul
Ldlziq (Contiguous) , I 1 1 8 . Ma dni
Lala ( tutor) , I I 263 n . 1 . Mag/zdr z'b, I 396 n . I .Lala , the Turkish, V 45 n . I . Maghr ib (setting place) , ILdm , the letter, 1 1 20 n . I . 396 n . 1 .
Ld-mekdn (the Placeless) , I I I Mahalla (ward) , IV 2 1 3 n . 1 .
54 n . 2 . Maizj z'
tb (screened) , I 1 22 .
Leb-z'
dilber (Sweetheart’s Md/zzyydt (Essences) , 1 406.
l ip), name of a confection , II Mac/2nd, IV 1 32 n . 1 2 .
108 n . 1 . Mahzfif , I 1 2 1 .
Lej’
n N eslzr (Fold and Md-j erd (event) , 11 88 n . 8 .
Spread) , I 1 1 5 II 1 14 n . 5 , Mafiz’
tn (Electuary), IV 1 572 16 n . 5 . n . 5 .
Lev/b i Makf ziz (the Preser Makizlas (pen-name or pseu
ved Tablet) , IV 316 n . 4, 338 donym ) , I 103, 2 10 ; IV 177 .
n . 1 . SecTablet, the Preserved . Af aklzlas (pen-name) , firstLew
'
tzjzd use o f a, by a Turkish poet,Leylet
-ul-B erdt (The N ight I 2 53 n . I .of Assignments) , I 293 n . 4 ; Mdlzlyya Tezkz
’
rej zsi, IV 68 ,III 22 1 n . 1 .
204 INDEX III .
Mac
mdr (flou rishing) , I I 59 Mef r ziq (Disjoined) , I 1 1 7 .
n . 4. M ej dz-z'
Mursel (SynecdoMani (Ottoman folk-verses) , Che) , I 1 1 1 n . I .I 90. Mej ldzyye, coin,
V 59 n . 2 .
Maydla (Discourse) , I II 1 26. Mej ldlyye, order, V 109 n . 8 .
Maqdnz (Station) , 111 1 25 . Ma'
rna°-ul-B alzr eyn (Conflu
Maqdm-z
'
Mahmzfid (the Sta ence of Two Seas), II 249
t ion Laudable) , I I 59 n . 7 . n . 8 .
Maqsad, Maqsz’
zd (Purpose) , Mekteb-z'
Edebiyye (TheI 84. School of Humanities) , V 44
Maqsad-z
'
Aqsd (the Utmost n . 2 .
Goal) , 1 326 n . I . Mektnbj z'
(Chief Secretary) ,Maqta
‘
(the last Couplet o f IV 93.
a Ghazel) , I 80 seq . IWeld (plenum), 1 44 .
Maq ldt-z
' °
Aslzer e (the Ten M ele-z'
A‘
ld (the HeavenlyCategories) , I 4 1 n . 2 . See Host) , 1 5 8 .
Categories, the Ten . M elek (Angel) , used as a
M ardumek (pupil ofthe eye) , name, 11 253 n . I .I II 1 54 n . 4. Melekzit, I 5 5 n .
-
5 , 56 n . 2 .
Aldrpz’
ch (snake) , IV 16 1 m 1 . See Angels , the .
Ald-sewd (What is beside) , Meliket-ul-Hayydt (Queen ofI 1 8 1 n . I . the Serpents) , I 433 n . 2 .
Ald-sewd-Vla’
lz (what is be M e’
mnnzj/ye, a kind o f sho rt
side God) , I 1 8 1 n . I . bread, II 334 n . 1 3.
Emz'
m°
(C0mptrol Ill endzil (mansions) , II 360ler of the Imperial Kitchens) , n . 8 .
II 319. i ll enqnt, rhetorical figure,
Ill atlac
(the first Couplet of I 1 2 1 .
a Ghazel) , I 79 sqq . M ers (Repaired) , 1 1 1 7 , 1 86Al an/22m, IV 1 28 n . 6. n . I , 2 1 2 .
M ayddn slm‘
ardsz'
(Public f li erj dn da°
dsi , 111 1 84 n . 6.
square poets), V 5 2 n . 1 . Merkeb (vehicle), 11 313 n . 4.
M edde-z'
B evel (First Cause) , Al er szye (Elegy) , I 98 .
I 40. (Sheykhs) , I 26
Med/zzj/ye Eu logy), I 98 . n . I .
M edr ese (College) , 11 395 sqq . Mesnevl verse , I 7 1 , 76, 103.
Al ef d‘
z’
lun, in A rabic P ro Mesnevi -K/z’dn (Mesnevi
sody, V 49 n . 1 . chanter) , IV 2 1 3.
206
M ukhammes (F ivesome) , I
92 ; I I I 97 .
M uldzz'
nz (Bachelor) II 287 ,
397M ulenzmcz
c
(Pied ), I 1 24, 149,230, III 1 7 1 n . 2 .
M ulk (Kingdom) , I'
56 n . 2.
M ali: (Possession), 1 4 1 n . 2 .
M um sngundz’
r en, 1 358 n . I .
M awkin-ul Vuj d (Possibleor Contingent), I 4 1 .
Mnmscondnren, I 358 n . I .M umtenz
’c-ul Vnj fid (Impos
sible) I 4 1 .
Mundj dt (Hymn addressedto God) , I 10 1 .
Mnndzara (Contention) , II I2 1 , 1 37 n . 1 , 363.
M unaj j z'
m B ets/ti (ChiefA strologer) , II 399 n . 2 IV 37 .
Muqattcf , rhetorical figure, I1 2 1 .
Murdqaba (Spiritual commu
nion) , I 1 80 n . 2, 425 n . 2 .
M urassac
(Bej ewelled) , I 1 23.
M ur ebbac
(Foursome ) verse,I 72, 9 1
—94 5 I I 231 ; IV
235 .
M ur ebba‘-z
°
Mnteker r z'
r (Re
peating Foursome), I 9 1 .
M urebbac-z
'
M uzdevzj (Pairing Foursome) , I 92 .
M urg/z-i s/zeb-k/zlz , the nightingale, III 29 n . 2 .
Al ur id (Willer) , a name ofGod, 1 409 n. 1 .
.Mnsalld (Oratory) , I 383n 1 .
JI/[ usammat See Al usemma t.
INDEX III .
Musar r ezc
(Rhymed) , I 79,
367 .
Ill usebbac
(Sevensome) , 1 94.
Mnseddes (Sixsome) , I 93.
M use/yac verse , I 72 n . 1 .
Musellesdt (Triplicities) , 1
328 n . 3.
Mnsenzmat verse , I 72, 97 ;I I I 264.
Musemmen (Eightsome) , I 94.
Muslzdkele, I 1 20.
Mus/zir (marshal) , I II 1 8 n . 2 .
Musltlr , the grade of, V
105 n . 3.
M z'
tsz'
le-z'
Sal m (Avenue tothe Sahn ) , I I 396, 399.
M zész'
le-i Snleyma’
nzj/ye(Avenue to the Suleymaniyye ) ,II 399.
.Maswal, a corruption of
bismz'
l, I 1 74 n . 2 .
Mustef‘z’
lun,in A rabic Pro
sody, V 50 n . 1 .
M tstezdd (Complemented ) ,I 87 ; IV 333 n . I , 348 .
M ttagdr z'
bmetre, I 105 , 109,226 n . I ; II 144 .
M utaqar r z'
n (Adjacent) , l
1 22 .
Mutasar r zf (governor) , V 70.
Mntasar r z'
f a (the faculty ofarranging) , IV 1 72 n . 3.
M utekellz'
mz’
n (Scholastics) ,I 33, 67 n . I , 407 n . 3.
M'uteker r z’
r (Repeating) , I
92—94 ; I I 231 n . I .
M utelew in (Polychromatic ) ,I 1 24.
TECHNICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS . 207
Mutessa‘
(Ninesome) , I 94. I 10 1 ; I I I 319}IV 19, 2 16,
Mutevelll (administrator) , 338 ; V 49 n . 2 .
I I 46. N azira (Parallel) , I 99, 228 .
Manes/“ halt (Acrostic) , I N azm , 1 87 .
1 24. N ebid, neblz, III 89 n . 2 .
Muwassal, rhetorical figure, N ef s (lust) , I 198 n . 1 .
1 1 2 1 . N ef s (the Psychic) , I 42 .
a dr z" metre , I 109. N ef s (self) contrasted with
a demj (Pairing), 1 92—94 ;c
Aql (reason) , I I 296 n . 2, 389IV 235 . n 1
N ef s-z'
Emmdr e (the ComNuns- i Asg/tar (the Lesser manding Flesh) , 1 198 n . I ;Infortune) , I I 1 25 n . 1 . IV 277 n . 3.
Nabs-z’
Ekber (the Greater N ef s-t'
Ew el (the First Sou l),Infortune) , II 1 25 n . 1 . I 42.
Nd’
z'
b (Deputy-judge ) , I I 397 . N ef s-z'
Haywdnziyye (the Sou lNaqardt (Chorus) , I 97 . Sensible ) , I 48 , 198 n . 1 .
Naqd-z
’
Rewdn , double mea N ef s-z'
Knll, (the Univerning of, IV 1 26 n . 3. sal Sou l), 1 42 .
Naqib-nl-Es/zrdf (Dean of N ef s-z
'
Levwdme (the Upthe Sherifs) , I I 399 n . 2 ; IV braiding Flesh) , I 198 n . I .
35 1 ; V 107 n . 1 . N ef s-z'
M utma’z'
nne (the Pa
n t’
s (Defective) , I 1 1 8 . cified Flesh) , 1 198 n . 1 .
q z'
sat-ul-‘
Aql (Deficient N ef s-z'
t z'
qa (the Sou l Reain Reason) , term applied to sonable) , I 48 .
women, 11 1 30 n . 1 . N ef s-z'
N eédtzjyye (the SoulN aq s/z (miniaturist, etc .) Vegetable) , I 48 , 198 n . I .
II 98 n . 1 . N e/zdvend (name ofa melody)N ags/t ber db (a pictu re upon IV 49 n . 3.
water) , 11 242 n . 5 . N el w-ul-“
Asl (the RebelNdr (fire) , symbolical mea Stream) , IV 147 n . 2 .
ning of, I 1 7 1 n . 2 . N ej ds/zt, title, I I I 1 39 n . I .Ndrgz
’
l, IV 65 n . 3. N esib (Exordium) , I 84.
Nasb (Fixture) , I 1 87 n. 2. N eslnz (Zephyr) , I 370 n . 3.
Nasid (portion) , 11 108 n . I . N esb/z, a kind of handwriN asz
’
b, meaning of in the ting, 1 420 ; IV 78 n . 2 .
Qastamuni d ialect, II 108 n . I . N evbet (performance by aNa
‘t (Hymn to the Prophet), military band) , 11 248 n . 4.
208 INDEX III .
N ev-mix (New-Year ’s Day) , N z’
tr -z'
Sz'
ydh, (Black Light)111 160 n . 1 , 360. See New 1 66 n . 1 .
Year, Festival o f the. Oglzlu (son) , used as a patro
N ev-rdz , name of a musi nym ic, II I 1 2 n . 2 .
cal air, II I 347 n . 1 . Oj aq oghlz'
, I I I 2 1 1 , 2 1 8 .
N ewd, name o f a melody ,‘
0smdnz’
, name o f a coin ,IV 49 n . 3. I 262 n . 2.
N ey (reed-flute) , IV 1 76 n .
°
0smdnzj fye order, the, V1 . See Flute , the. 109 n . 8 .
N eyyz’
rdn (the Two Lumi‘
0smdnlz'
(Ottoman) , I 10
naries) , II 9 1 n . 4. seq .
N iga'
r (picture) , term appl iedto a beauty, 11 209 n . 1 . P delta , double meaning of,N z
'
l mf t (Hidden) , name of IV 29 1 n . I .
a musical note , II 207 n . 1 . P achalar z'
ni sighamaq, colN z
’
m -f atlza , I II 2 1 3 n . 1 . loqu ial phrase , V 73 n . 5 .
[ Vim-ten, IV 1 31 n . 5 . P dk-ddnzen (clean-skirted) ,N isdr (strewage) , I I 62 n . 11 10 1 n . 5 .
5 ; IV 22 n . 2 . P a’
lnde, I I 335 n . 3 and 4 .
N z’
slzdn (engagement-pre P armaq-Hz
’
sdéz’
(Fingersent) , IV 292 n . 6. Counting) , I 104 ; IV 280. See
N z’
s/zdn-z'
[ f tz'
klzdr (Order of Finger-counting.
Glory), IV 336. P ent lze tntmaq (to lock finN z
'
s/zdnj z’ (Chancellor) , 1 428 gers) , I I 342 n . 5 .
n . 3 ; I I 25 , 264, 366 ; III147 n . 5 . P erde, double meaning o f
,
Nnn, the letter, II I 168 I 425 n . 5 ; I I 207 n . 2 ; 111
n . 7 . 93 n . I .N aql (appetizers) , I I 345 , P erde-ddr (Chamberlain) , 111n . 5 . See Appetizers. 239 n . I .N z
’
tr (light) , symbolical mea P lde, a kind of cake, I Ining of, I 1 7 1 n . 2 . 37 n . 2 .
Nnr -z'
Alzmed (Light o f P z’
r (Spiritual Director) 1Ahmed) , I 34 n . I . See Mu 1 79 232 n . 4 .
hammed , L ight o f . P z'
ydz (hashed onions) , figuN dr -z
'
M uhammed (Light of rative use of, IV 1 69 n . 3.
Muhammed) , I 34. See Mu P or tugal, double meaning o f,
hammed , Light of. IV 265 n . 6.
INDEX II I .
Qz'
z yaslzmag/zz’ (girl ’s vei l) , Qm wet-z'
Hdfiza (the VirtueIV 289 n . 3. Memorative) , I 50.
Qizz'
l B asil (Red Head ) , 11 s vet-z’
Hdzz’
me (the Virtue2 59 n . 2 ; III 44 n . 4 . Digestive) , I 49.
Qantas/z, a kind of robe , IV Quzwet-z'
d z'
be (the Virtue1 33 n . 7 . A ttractive) , I 49.
Qoqu ne, (Turkish phrase), Qwuvet-z'
Mdsz'
ke (the VirtueIV 24 1 n . 2 . Retentive) , I 49.
a be-z'
Knazrd (the Green Quw et- iM udr z'
ke (the VirtueDome) , I 1 5 1 n . 3. Apprehensive) , I 49.
Qudum (kettle-drum), IV 1 76 q 'z/et-z' M u/zar r z'ke (the
n . I . Virtue Motive) , I 49.
Qndmn -zen (kettle-drum Quzruet-z'
Mnsavw'
ra (theplayer), IV 1 76. Virtue Informative) , I 49.
Qumdr l, the best variety of Qm wet-z'
Mntasar r z'
f a (thealoes-wood , I II 32 n . 4. Virtue Ordinative) , I 50.
Qurb-z'
Ferd’
z'
z , mystical Qm wet-z'
M uvellz'
de (the Virterm, I 348 n . 2 . tue Generative) , I 49.
Qnrbdn B ayrdmz’
(Festival a wet-z'
N a’
mzj/e (the Virtueof the Sacrifices) , I 36 1 n 1 . Augmentative ) , I 49.
Qnr na (basin) , I II 56 n . 3. s vet- i Snel wzyye (the Vir
Qar r et-nl-‘
Ayn (Coolness of tue Concupiscible) , 1 49.
the Eye) , a term o f endear a vet-z'
W dlzz'
me (the Virtuement, I 247 n . I . Estimative) , I 50.
Qar r et-ul—‘Ayn, used figura Quzum (my lamb) , a form
tively ; I II 1 77 n . 5 . o f familiar addreSS , I 1 50 n . 3.
Qnslt dz'
lz'
(Bird’ s language) ,
11 38 5 n . I ; IV 239 n . 2 . Raqz’
, II I 89 n . 2 .
q vet-z' c'
Alz'
nze (the Virtue Raqib, double meaning of,Specu lative) , I 5 1 . I 364 n . 3. See R ival .
a vet- z' c’
Amz’
le (the Virtue Ragtd, rhetorical figure, 1
Practical) , I 5 1 . 1 2 1 .
q vet-z'
Ddf z'c
a (the Virtue Rdst (True), name of a mu
Expu lsive) , I 49. S ical note , I 222 n . 5 .
Quzwet-z'
G/zdzzj/a (the Vir Rastz'
q, a kind of ointment ,tue Nutritive) , I 49. IV 10 1 n . 3.
a vet-i G/zazabzyya (the Rebel!) (Rebeck) , I 1 5 2 ; 1 1
Virtue Irascible), I 49. 1 16 n . I .
TECHN ICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS .
Rebz‘
, the First , name of amonth , I 237 n . 1 .
Redd-nl-‘
Aj zi°
ale-s-Sadr
(Epanadiplosis), I 1 16.
Redd- i Matlac
(Return ofthe I 80 ; II I 272 n . I .Redlf , metrical term , 1 73,
7 5 , 99 ; V 49 n 3
Ref (Elevation) , I 1 87 n . 2 .
Ref r ef , the, IV 23 n . 6.
Re’z’
s Ef endi , title, I I I 2 16n . 4, 304 n . I ; IV 324 seq .
Re’is—ul-Kuttdb (Master of
the Scribes) , I II 2 16 n . 4 ; IV222 n . 1 .
Rej eb, name of a month, IV298 n . 2 .
Ref ez , name o f a metre, I108 ; I I I O I .
Remel, name of a metre,I 105 , 108 , 109, 1 8 5 , 2 1 1 n .
2, 309, 431 n . I ; I I 19 1
n 1
Remel-z'
M useddes, name ofa metre, I 1 8 5 n . 1 .
Rem’
(Rhyme- l etter) , I 75n . 1 .
Revzen (window). 11 60 n . 6.
Romdn (Novel) , V 1 3. SeeNovel .Rnbd
c
l (Quatrain) , the , 1 88sqq. , 102, 1 10.
Rnbd‘
l-z'
M usar rac
(RhymedQuatrain) , I 88 n . 2 .
Rnb‘
z'
Mesknn ( the Habitable Quarter) , 1 47 n . 1 ; I II
9 n . 1 . See Habitable Quarter,the .
2 1 1
Rn/z-z' Haywdnz’
(the Spirit_Vital), II 313 n . 4.
Rz’
tlt-z'
N ef sa’
nz’
(the Spirit
Animal) , I I 31 3 n . 4.
R im- i Tabz‘
l (the Spirit Natural ), I I 31 3 n . 4.
a u (Epanorthosis) , 1 1 1 2 ;II I 293.
Rukh (rook , i n chess) , I I I
249 n . I . See Chess.
RakIz-be-r uklz, double meaning o f, I I I 249 n . I .Rfiml Grecian, I I 36 1
n . 6.
Rz’
mzl (Roman), I 149 n . I .Rn
°z2s, name of a diploma, 11
398
Rn-
yz'
N z'
gdr (Beauty’s face) ,
of a kind of grape, V 36 n . I .Rflzgdr , double meaning o f,I 1 14.
Rz'
tzndnzelze-z'
Hnmdynn,
name o f an official register,II 397.
Subd, name o f a musical
air,I II 347 n . I .
Sac/ti , IV 22 n . 2 .
Sdc
d-i Asgl mr (the LesserFortune) , an astrological term ,
11 1 25 n . I .Sd
c
d-z'
Ekber (the GreaterFortune) , an astrological term ,
11 1 2 5 n . I .Saf d , used amphibologically,II 87 n . 3.
Sufi - i N lc
dl, (Shoe-rank) , III139 n . 3 ; V 107 n . 2 .
2 1 2 INDEX III .
Sal m (the Court), 11 396
sqq.
Sahn (Court) , Class o f Mu
derris, II 398 .
Sal m-z'
M uder r isz'
(CourtPrincipal) , I I 23 n . 2 .
Sel i m- i Meddr z'
s-z'
Semdnzjye
(the Court o f the Eight Colleges) , I I 23 n . 2 .
Sa/zn-z'
Sema’
n (the Court o fthe Eight) , I I 396 sqq ., 399
seq . I I I 4 1 . See Eight, Court
o f the .Salawdtgetz
'
rmek, I 242 n . 4 .
Sac
leé, IV 2 5 n . 5 .
Salep, name of a drink, IV
25 n .
Salma , a sort o f stew, I I
335 n . 1 .
Samsunj z'
lar (Mastiif -keepers) ,I I 268 n . 2 .
Sanc
at (Rhetorical Figure) ,I 1 1 2 .
Sanem (Idol) , name for abeauty, 11 209 n . I . See Idol .Sanj aq (Department o f a
province) , I I 47 n . 3 ; 111 60.
Sanj aq B egz'
(the SanjaqBey) , I I 47 n . 3.
Saqanqz'
tr (Skink) , the , I I
33 1 n . 5 .
Sa’
qz'
(Cup-bearer) , the , I I
327 n . 1 . See Cup-bearer.Sdgi (Cup-bearer) , the, invo
ked by Turkish poets, I I I 1 27 .
See Cup-bearer.Sa
’
qi-N a
’
me (the Book o f theCup
-bearer) , a name given to
certain poems, I 10 1 ; I I 325 ;I I I 166.
q i -Ndmes , Turkish , II I225 seq., 248 .
Sagiz (mastic) , IV 1 1 3 n .
4, 1 14 n . 1 . See Mastic .Saq (water-carrier) , the ,II I 16 n . 5 .
Sebz’
l (Charity) , IV 1 1 2 n . 6 .
Sebz’
l (fountain) , IV 1 1 2 n . 1 .
Seb°-ul-M esdnl (the Seven o f
the Repetition) , I 339 n . I .Sedir , a piece of furniture ,II I 1 89 n . 2 .
Se/zl-z' jlf umtenic
(Unapproachable Simplicity) , I 240n . 2 .
Semd‘
(Mystic Dance), 1112 19, 292 ; IV 1 76 n . 1 , 203,
204 n . I . See Dervishes, dancing.
Semdnziye Al nder r isz'
(EightPr incipal) , II 23 n. 2 .
Semt (parish) , IV 2 1 3 n . I .
Segbdn-B asht
’
(ChiefHoundKeeper) , I I 268 n . 2.
Segba’
nlar (Hound-keepers) ,I I 268 n . 2 .
Senbz'
tse (Lady’s kiss) , name
o f a Sweet, 11 345 n . 7 .
Serdy (Seraglio) , I I I 147 n . 2 .
Ser -lzalqa (ring-centre), usedfiguratively, I I 34 1 n . 3.
Ser f , name o f a metre, 1
I OQ
Sevdd (Melancholia) , I I 65n . 2, 206 n . 2 .
Sewdd-z
'
A‘
zam (the Most
2 14 INDEX III .
Sheykh-ul- [ sldrmtitle , 11 395
Slziélt- i [ slztiqdq (Quasi -Paronymy) , I 1 20.
Shf a , a, I 1 20 n . 2 .
Sizirdb size bdqiyor , id iomatic phrase, IV 40 n . 2 .
S/zirden, name of a dish, 11334 n . 8 .
Slzis/ze-Kltdne (Mirror-chamber) , I I I 342 n . 1 .
Sl m‘
éa (Branch) , 111 1 26.
Si m‘
le- i yevwdle (WhirlingSpark), I 67 n . 2 .
w olf -w, IV 1 28 n . 6.
Si marg/z (thirty birds) , II280 n . 5 .
Sidret-ul-M unteltd (the LoteTree of the L imit) , IV 23 n .
3. See Lote-Tree,the celestial .
Sif dt (A ttributes of God) , I6 1 n . 2 .
Sili r -i lzaldl (Licit magic) ,I II 1 7 5 n . 1 .
Sipd/tis, the , I I I 2 16 n . 3.
Sipend (rue), used as acharm, IV 64 n . 4.
Siyd/z-dil (black-hearted), I I250 n . 3.
Sagag superg isi , name for aprostitute, IV 289 n . 2 .
Sn malikesi, V 40 n . 1 .
Sn qizi , V 40 n . 1 .
Sn-B as/zi (Police Magistrate) ,I I I 2 1 7 n . 1 .
Sué/z-i sddiq (the true dawn) ,II I 1 5 1 n .
Sub/zdna’ lld/z (I recite thepraise of God) , 11 244 n . 2 .
Snbitt (Potential ity) , I 407 .
Sabeyl (Canopus) , v irtues
attributed to , II 89 n . 3.
Sukl mn (the Logos), IV 1 87 .
Snknn (Rest) , grammaticalterm , I 1 87 n . 2 .
Snj nd (prostration in worship) , I I I 1 50 n . 4.
Suleymdniyye, class o f Mu
derris, I I 399.
Suls, a kind o f handwri ting ,I 420 ; IV 78 n . 2.
Sunnet (the practice o f theProphet) , IV 32 1 n . 2 .
Sardhi (flagon) , I I 333 n. 1 .
Szir et (Form) , 1 45 .
Sz'
i r et- i yism iyye (CorporealForm) , 1 45 .
Sz'
tret- i N ev‘
iyye (SpecificForm) , 1 45 .
Sarwe (stibium) , I I 274 n .
1 ; 111 66 11 . 2 , 98 n . 2 ; IV
70 n . 4.
Sarwe-ddn, I I 274 n . 1 .
Sur re (purse) , I I 31 7 n . 2 .
Snwdr i Muqdbelej isi (Co l
lator for the Cavalry) , II I 326.
Snweydd (the black co re of
the heart), IV 64 n . 4.
Suyn yams/tag (Soft of
temper) , IV 240 n . 4.
Td Hé , the Chapter of, I
257 n . 2 .
Tac
ayyun Particularisation ) ,I 6 1 .Tabat (Strata), I 46 n . 1 .
Tabdyi‘
(Natures) , I 47 .
TECHNICAL TERMS AND ORIENTAL WORDS .
Tabici (Natural ), I 44 .
d (Crown) , name of acouplet, I 8 5 ; I II 1 50 n . 6.
Tdj ik, I 1 86 n . 2.
Takizmis , name o f a verseform , I 92 , 93 ; I I 78 n . 3.
Tdlib (Student) , I I 396.
Taclig, a kind of handwri
ting, I 394 n . 2 ; I II 220 n .
2 ; IV 78 .
Ta‘
miye (Enigmatiz ing) , 1 98 .
q (A rch) , I I 59 n . 1 , 60
n . 6, 62 n . 4, 63 n . 4. SeeTaq
-i Kisra .
Tdq- i mnqarnes, a kind o f
dome , IV 42 n . 2 .
q c/te, I I 60 n . 6.
Taqdis, name Of a throne ,I I 31 5 .
Taqsim , double meaning o f,I II 347 n . 5 .
Tdr , di fferent meanings o f,
IV 132 n . 4.
Tard n‘
Aks (Epanodos), I1 1 5 .
Tdr iklt (Chronogram) , 1 87,
98 . See Chronogram , Oriental.Tdr ink- i Tdmnz (Perfect
Chronogram) , I 98 .
Tar iq-i Mebde (the Outward
Track) , I 52.
Tar lq-i Ma
‘
dd (the Homeward Track) , I 5 2 .
Tazédd (Antithesis) , I 1 1 2 .
Tazm in (Quotation) , I 1 1 3 ;
I I 49 n . 4.
Teblig/z, a kind o f Hyperbole , I 1 1 2 n . I .
2 1 5
Tedvir (Epicycle) , 1 45 n . I .
Tegellemek, a tailor’
s term ,
IV 1 31 n . 10.
Tej dhul-iC'
Ar if (FeignedIgnorance) , I 1 14 ; II 59 n . 3.
Tej elli (Epiphany) , I 408
n . 1 .
Tej nis (Homonymy) , I 1 16,2 1 2 ; I I 77 n . 3, 22 1 n . 5 ; I I I
1 56 n . 5 , 1 83 n . 4.
Tekye, I 357 .
Tekf nr , title, 11 194 n . 2 .
Tekar , title, 11 194 n . 2.
Tel qirmaq, double meaning of, II I 347 n . 4 .
Telm ic a rhetorical figure ,
I 1 24.
Telm i/z (A llusion) , I 1 1 2 .
Teng (closed) , meaning‘sor
rowful’
, II I 1 5 5 n . 5 .
Ter (wet) , II 10 1 n . 5 .
Ter a’
ne, a name for the Eubd
‘
i , I 89.
Terbi‘
, name o f a verseform , I 92, 93.
Ter -ddmen (wet-skirted) , I I10 1 n . 5 .
Terj i°-B end , name o f a verse
form , 1 90, 9 1 ; I I I 64 ; V 65 ,
75 , 86 sqq.
Terj ic-K/zdne, metr ical term ,
I 90.
Terkié-B end , name of averse-form, I 9 1 , 94 ; II I 90.
Terkié-d ne, metricalterm , I 9 1 .
Ter sic
(Bejewelling), a rheto rical figure, I 1 23.
2 16 INDEX III .
Tesdz’
s , n ame o f a verseform, I 92, 94.
Teshéilt (Comparison) , 1 1 1 1n . I .
Tesltshir , I I 36 n . 2 .
Te’
s i’
s, metrical term , I 7 5n . 1 .
Tetinznze (Complement) , I I
396 n . I .Tevej jnlz, mystical term, I
425 n . 2 .
Tevltld (Ken o f Unity) , I 325 .
Tevj i/z, metrical term , I 75n . 1 .
Tevliyet (Adm in istratorship) ,I I 319.
Tevr iye (Amphibology) , I
1 1 3 ; II I 144. See Amphibo
logy and ’
I lzdnz.
Tezkir es, Turkish , I 1 39 seq .
Tez/eir et-ns/t-Slm ‘ard (Dic
tionary o f the Poets) , I 1 39
n . 1 .
Timar , a kind of fief, II I2 16 n . I .Tirydq (Theriack) , II 1 1 2
n . 6.
Tugh (pennant of horsehair) , 11 7 1 n . 3 ; I II 1 7 n . 1 ,
1 77 n . 3 ; IV 1 29 n . 2, 205 n . 2 .
Tnglzrd (the Cipher of theSovereign) , I 428 n . 3 ; 11 25
n . 1 ; I I I 147 n . 5 .
M 8335-5
,IV 1 1 5 n . 1 .
Tnrbe (mausoleum ) , I I 47 .
Tnrki (Turkish popular ballad) , I 95 ; I II 246, 3 19 seq. ;
IV 9 seq. ; V 95 .
Turnaj ilar (Crane-keepers )II 268 n . 2 .
Tan (Parrot) , a title givento elderly ladies, IV 30 1 n . 2 .
Tfiti - i Asrdr , a name ofhash ish, I I 340 n . 1 .
Tfitiyd (tuttY) , I I 49 n . 4 .
Tnyng/t , Tuyuq, name of averse-form , I 90, 105 , 2 1 1 seq.
Tnynghdt, I 2 10 n . 2 .
Uelznzaq (Paradise) , V 30.
Uc/za , IV 1 32 n . 1 , 297
n . 3.
Ulaglz (Courier) , I I 237 n . 2 .
c
(f lemci , the, I 31 n . 1 ; I I2 1 , 24 ; IV 350 ; V 20, 93 n . 6 .
°
Ulemd , the Hierarchy ofthe, II 394 sqq.
c
(f lemd, ofii cial dress o f the ,I II 295 n . 2 .
C
(f lemct, well-known phraseused by the , I 346 n . 3.
°Ulzlm~i Kulliyye (Universal
Sciences) , I 26 1 n . 2.
Umm-ul-Kitdb (the Motherof the Book) , I 339 n . 3. See
Mother of the Book .
Ummehdt—i Erba‘a (the FourMothers) , I 48 .
Ummeti (My Folk) , 111 2 1 5n . 8 .
Umzir -i d /ziliyya Ndzir i
(Minister o f the Interior) , IV
326 n . I .Umnr - i K/zdr zj zyya Ndzir i
(Minister o f Foreign Affairs) ,IV 325 .
2 1 8 INDEX III .
Yildiz c/ticlzegi (Star-flower) ,IV 286 n . 3.
Zabtiyye M uskir i (Marshalo f Police) , V 7 1 n . I .d e, used in patronymics,
II I 1 2 n . 2 .
d ehu’lldlt (God give him
increase II 31 2 n . 3.
n lt, name o f a vitriol icsubstance , IV 10 1 n . 3.
Zagharj ilar (Bloodhoundkeepers) , 11 268 n . 2 .
Zdlzid (Zealot), II I 67 n . 3.
Zam ime (Addition), 1 92 .
Zam ir -ddn(Thought- reader) ,I I 369 n . 3.
Zaqqnm , name o f a tree inhell , I I 369 n . 5 .
Zdt- ic
[ frtdd (Many-columned) , epithet o f Irem, I I 59 n . 6.
Zdt-ul-Matdli‘
, a kind o f
Qasida , I 8 5 n . I .Zebdn- i Hdl (Mute elo
quence ) , II 2 1 6 n . 2 .
Zem in-i K/tdver (Land o f theWest) , 111 1 10.
Zen-base (Lady’
s kiss) , nameo f a sweet , 11 345 n . 7 .
Zenj i (Negro) , a type o f
blackness, II 2 14 n . 2.
Zerde, name o f a dish , 11
334 n . 10.
Zer r in-knldk (golden-cap) ,a name for the narc issus, I I278 n . 3.
Zevq (Taste) , a mysticalterm , I 326 n . 2 .
Zevraq-i Sd/zéd (the Wine
IV 106 n . 2.
Z i‘dmet, a kind o f fie f, II I
2 16 n . 1 .
Z i/zdf , a fault in prosody,I I I 14 n . 2 , 53, 256.
Z i -l-Hizj a , the month of,I I I 4 1 n . 4.
Z inj ir - ic
addlet (the Chainof j ustice) , 11 63 n . 4 .
Zinj ir -i N dshirewdn (theChain o f Nushlrewan), I I 63n . 4.
Z ird‘
ati (husbandman ), I
358 n . I .Z iydde (Complement) , 1 87 .
Zn’
l-Faqdr , the sword ofthe Caliph c
A ll, III 289 n . 3.
Zn’
l-Haydt (Living) , 111
289 11 . 3.
Zd-l-Qdfiyeteyn (DoubleRhyme) , I 1 22 .
Zz’
i -l-Qawdf i (Po lyrhyme), I1 23.
Zunndr (Zone), an emblemo f i nfidelity
,I I 44 n . 4. See
Zone ; Girdle ; Cord , the Paynim .
I N D E X I V
SUBJECTS.
‘
Abbas, enigma on, I 100
n I
‘Abbasid Caliphs, black
standards o f the, II 2 1 3 n . 1 .
c
Abdullah, used in namingslaves, 11 93 n . 2 .
Ablution , the canonical, I I2 1 8 n . 6.
Absorption in the Deity, I
59» 63A crostic, the, I 1 24.
Adam , worshipped by theangels, IV 2 1 1 n . 1 .
Admiral, the Grand , officiald ress o f, I I I 295 n . 2.
Admiral, the Lord High,IV 47.
Adrianople, Treaty of, IV
306.
Aetiology , I I 220 n . 4, 273n. 5 , 28 1 n . 5 . See Husn-i
Ages of Man, the Seven ,1 1 84.
Ahmed , the Light of, III196 n . 3.
cAjem i Oghlans, Corps of,
I II 1 1 8 .
A lexander ’s Dyke, IV 103
n. 3.
Alexander, the Mirror o f,
I 284 ; II 339 n. 2.
‘
A l ien’ , the, I 360 n . 7 .
A lléh (God), I 1 8 1 n . I ,379 n . 2, 409 n . 2.
A llah, definition of, I 409n . 2.
A lmond , the, type o f abeau tifu l eye, I I 37 1 n . 2 .
A lms, the public , 11 89
n . 7 .
A loes-wood , the best variety
o f, I II 32 n . 4.
A loes-wood , perfume o f, I2 1 5 n . I .A lphabet, the Ottoman, I
98 n. 1 .
Ambergris, the type o f
darkness, II I 32 n . 2.
Amphibology, I I 87 n . 3, 108
n . 1 , 1 14 n . 9, 1 27 n . 4, 1 37 n .
1 , 204 n . 1 , 207 n . 2. See Wordplays,
'[ lzdm , and Tevr iye.
Anagram . See Qalb.
Angels, the , I 38 . See Me
leknt.
A ngels, the , called Hea
vea ly Birds, IV 204 n . 1 .
A ngels, Recording, I I 2 1 3
n. 7 .
INDEX IV.
A ngora, Battle o f, 250, 25 5 ,
428, 429.
Anthologies, Turkish , I I I203.
A ntistrophe , I 1 1 5 .
Appetizers, things eaten as ,11 92 n . I , 345 n . 5 .
Apples, the written , of A s
puzi, I II 31 8 n . 4.
Aqu ila, constellation , IV 53n . 2 ; V 1 1 0 n . 3.
A rc of Ascent, the.
Qavs-i°
Ur 22j .
A rc o f Descent, the. See
Qa'us-i N uzdl.
Ar ithmetic , I 40.
A rtificial School o f Turkishpoets, the , I II 245 sqq ., 2 59,
278 , 329.
Ashiq Chelebi , account o f,I I I 162 n . 4.
Asper, value of the, II 26n . 1 .
A ss, considered undignified
to ride an , IV 277 n . 5 .
Astrology, Muhammedan,1 328 n. 3 ; 11 69 n . 3, 1 25 n . 1 .
A stronomy, I 40, 4 1 . Seec
I lnz- i Hey’
et.
See
A stronomy, the new, IV 356n . 3.
A thletes, Oriental , I I 72 n . 4.
A tomistic Theory, the, I67 n . 1 .
A ttributes o f Awfu lness, I66 n . 2, 1 7 1 n . 2. See
. 32141.
A ttributes of Beauty, 1 66n . 2, 1 7 1 n . 2. See yemdl.
A ttributes, the D iv ine , I 66,407 n 3, 408 n 3 andn . 1 .
Autumn , the, compared toZelikha, I I I 31 n . 1
A utumn , personified as arich householder, II I 149 n . 3.
'Azerbayjani dialect o f Tur
kish , I I I 7 5 .
A zerbayjanl poems, collee
tion o f, I II 106 n . 2.
'Azerbayjan i Turkish poets,
I I I 106.
Badakhshan,rubies of, I I
25 5 n . 4, 340 n . 2 ; IV 2 16
n . I See Rubies o f Badakhshan .
Balance,the al legorical, I
174 n . 4.
Ball,the Golden , in the
dome o f St. Sophia, I I 142
n . 1 .
Ban,military title, 11 9 1 n .
6 ; I II 1 54 n . 7 .
Band , the military, IV 205
n . 4.
Banquet,the Primal , I 23 ;
IV 31 3 n . 2 . See E -lest, the
Feast of.Barber-Books, I I I 248 .
equivalent tochalf-druimk
’
, II 1 1 1 n. 4.
Bath , the Eastern , 11 25 5
n . 6.
Baths,public , in Turkey,
IV 1 27 sqq. , 303 n . 3.
Bath-room , W indows of the,IV 1 28 n . 10.
222 INDEX IV .
expression o f bewilderment, 1 Bridge , the , of Hell, I 1 74
331 n . 1 . n . 2. See Sirat .Black Stone, the, I 38 . Bridle-fere, IV 49 n . 1 .
Blackness, the Most Great . Brocade, Venetian , I I 25 5See Sewdd-i A
‘
aam . n . 2 .
Blackness o f face, typifying Bud , a, compared to a god isgrace, IV 72 n . 6. blet
,IV 334 n . 1 .
Blood, to take blood upon Bull,the
,in Muhammedan
one ’s neck , IV 262 n . 5 . cosmogony,I 39.
Blue and green , regarded as Burning Bush, the miracleShades o f one colou r, I 1 5 1 of the , IV 104 n . I ; V 94
n . n . 7 ; I I I 31 n . n . 7 .
6, 98 n . 4 . Buttons, alluding to a lady’
s
Body, the, compared to a breasts, I I I 97 n . 2 .
cage , I 190 n . 4.
Body , definition 0f, I 45n . 3. Cadi , the office of, I I 394Books, the four, I 375 n . 2 . seq ., 397 sqq.
Books, want o f reverence Cadiasker, the office o f, I I
fo r, II 35 5 n . 2 . 24 n . 3. See d i -‘
Asker .
Bosom , the , compared to a Caiques, the public , IV 44
sepulchre, IV 1 7 1 n . 2 . n . 3.
Bowl, the Elder o f the, IV Calf, the golden, V 89 n . I .
205 n . I . Caliphs, the Orthodox. SeeBraz il-wood , II 2 1 3 n . 2, Klm lef d-
yi Rdslzidz’
n.
254 n . 8 . Camels,unruly, I I 1 10 n . 4.
Bread and salt rights, 11 Camphor, the type of any
31 5 n . 6. thing white, I I I 16 n . 7 , 32 n . 2 .
Breath o f God , the, title o f Canaan,the Moon o f, IV
Jesus, I I I 2 14 n . 3. 265 n. 2 .
Breath, holding o f the , prae Canopy surmounting thetised by dervishes, I I I 240 n . 3. Su ltan ’s throne , II I 309 n . 6 .
Bree zes playing on water, Caravan, the , of human ln
l ikened to chains, 11 242 n . 4. dividuals, I 193 n . 1 .
Bride,the Spheral the Caravanseray, 1 193 n. 1 .
sky, 11 60 n . 6. Carlowitz , the Peace o f, II IBrides, the faces o f, orna 332 .
mented with gilt spangles, I I I Carnelians o f Yemen, 11 893 1 n . 3. n . 2 and 3 ; IV 2 16 n . 1 .
SUBJECTS .
Categories, the Ten , 1 4 1 n .
2 . See Maqzi ldt- i'As/zere
Cause , the First, I 40 n . 1 .
See Af eéde- i Eavel.
Censer, the , used at winefeasts, I I 338 n . 3.
Censor, the, a type of conventionality, I 360 n . I .Cercis Siliquastrum , I II 30n . 3.
Chaghatay dialect, the, V
79. Sec Jaghatéy.
Chapter o f L ight, the, I I
334
Check, the (mystical term) ,I 23.
Cheek, the, compared to arose, II I 197 n . 3.
Checks, of a beauty , com
pared to a garden, 11 35 n . 6,
298 n . 2 .
Cheeks, the lustre o f , com
pared to pomegranate-blossom , I I I 16 n . 3.
Chess, I II 1 76 n . 2 , 249
n . 1 .
Child o f the grape,the, IV
43 n . 1 .
Children , queru lous, threatsometimes used towards. IV169 n . 1 .
Chin, of a beauty, compared to an apple or orange , 111 22 n . 2 ; IV 25 n . 3.
Chin, the well of the, IV26 n. 1 .
China , the land o f fragrance ,IV 44 n . 1 .
223
China, the native land o f
musk , I I 65 n . 6, 1 1 2 n . 4.
Ch ina , use o f, in Turkishpoetry
,I I 3 1 3 n . 5 .
C
Chinese’ artistically be
au tiful, I I 383 n . 1 .
Chinese Idol , term appliedto a beautiful person , III 1 8 5n . 2 .
Chosroes (title) , I I I I 39 n .
I , 148 n . 6 ; IV 1 1 2 n . 4. See
Khusraw; Khusrev ; andK isrd .
Christian pictures and ima
ges, I II 65 n . 3.
Christians, the Eastern , 11
197 n . I .Chronograms , English, IV
273 n . I ,Chronograms, Oriental , 1 87 ,
98 ; I I 99, 265 n . 1 ; I I I 39,
4 1 , 8 5 seq., 1 10, 1 26 n . 2 ,
235. 295 n o 3, 299 ; IV 90,
108 seq., 1 59, 17 5 n . 2, 1 79
n . 2, 1 8 1 n . I , 2 1 1 n . 3, 224 ,
233, 246, 256, n . I , 2 58 , 265
sqq ., 27 5 n . 1 .
Churchill affair, the, IV 325seq" 328 .
Circassian , the typical , IV
4 1 n . 4.
C ircle o fExistence , the , I 5 2,
53 n . 1 . See Deverdn- i Vuj z2d .
Civil ians, arms seldom carried by, IV 322 n . 1 .
Climates, the Seven, 1 47n . 1 , 289 n . 3 ; 111 9 n . 1 .
Clouds, compared to women
mourning the dead , 11 3 I 4 n . 3.
224 INDEX IV .
Coaches, reserved for wo
men , IV 298 n . I .Cock ’s eye , a term applied
to red W ine , IV 5 1 n . I .Coinage, the Ottoman, I
262 n . 2 .
Coins, the first Ottomangold
, 11 26 n . 2 .
Coins, scattered among thepeople on festival days, 11
1 1 3 n . 9.
College for Musl im Ladies,IV 349
Collyrium. I I 49 n . 4 ; IV
66 n . I .Comb, the, use o f in poetry,II I 1 57 n . 5 , 269 n . I .Concubines in Muhamme
dan countries, I II 333 n . 1 .
Confession o f Faith, theMusl im, 11 2 1 8 n . 4.
Conscience, the eye o f, I II
323 n . 1 .
Conqueror, the, surname of
Mehemmed II , I I 22 .
Constantinople , the captureo f, I 406.
Constantinople, the namesof, III 2 14 n. 1 .
Coolness o f the eye, a termo f endearment . See Qar r etu
Coolness of the eye tranqu ill ity, III 1 77 n . 5 .
Copernican System, the , I
43 n . 1 .
Cord , the paynim , IV 7 1
n . 1 . See Zunndr and Girdle .
Cord of Unity, the, IV 7 1
n . 1 .
Cosmogony, Muhammedan ,I 34 sqq.
c
Cotton hands’ , IV 300 n . 1 .
Cotton-wool , put in themouth o f a corpse , 11 2 16 n . 4.
Couplet . See B eyt.
Crane-eye , epithet o f wine ,IV 148 n . 2 .
Crow, the, a bird of ill omen ,II 2 14 n . 3. See G/mrdé-nl
B eyn.
Crow, black, typifyingnight, 11 1 1 5 n . 3.
Crucifixion o f Jesus, the ,Muhammedan belief concer
ning,I 233 n . 3.
Crystal, epithet applied to
a clear white skin, I 330 n . 6.
Culture , Eastern and Western , in the Middle Ages, I 444sqq .
°Cup~bearer° the author ’s
poetic genius, I I 338 n . 1 . See
q i .
Cup-bearer, the ideal, IV
340 n . 3.
Curl , o f a beauty, compared
to a hyacinth , I 296 n. 2 .
Curl,of a beauty, compa
red to a snake, I 294 n . 7 ,
330 n . 3 ; I I 36 n . 1 .
Curls, o f a beauty, compared to chains, I 330 n . 5 .
Curls, of a beauty, comparedto the wards o f a key, 11
323 n . 2 .
226
Down, on the cheek,com
pared to the nap on satin , IV1 33 n . 4.
Down on the face , compared to a turquoise , I I 372 n . 3.
Down on the face , compared to writing, 11 67 n . 6,
89 n . 5 .
Dowry, the, i n Muhamme
dan law, IV 1 88 n . 1 .
Drama, the Ottoman , V 14
seq.
Dreams, 1 57 n . 1 .
‘
l lm- i Tac
bz’
r .
Drinking-vessels, shapedlike the crescent moon
,I I 338
n . 2 .
Drunkenness, (mysticalterm) , 1 364 n . 4.
Drunkenness, four degreeso f, I I 329 n . 1 .
Du lcimer, the, compared toa mistar , I I 342 n . 6.
Dust on the heart chagrin , I I 243 n . 7 .
See
Eagle , the , trained for thechase, I I 1 1 5 n . 4.
Ear of the mandoline peg,
I II 347 n . 3.
Ears o f the lute, the, I I I290 n . 1 .
Ear- shell, the, II I 99 n . 2 .
Earths, the Seven , I 38 , 399. See
INDEX IV .
Epanastrophe. See I ‘dde.
Equ ivoque, IV 332 n . 2.
'I lzdm fi nds
,Tej nis
East-Turkish dialects,I 4 and Word -plays.
n IEcstasy, I 59. See Hdl.
Eggs, red , IV 24 1 n . 3.
Eternal youths, I 37 . SeeGnilmdn .
Ethics. See c
[ lm - i Akhldq.
Eglantine, the, usually associated with the idea o fwhite
ness,I I 222 n . 1 .
Egypt, the tribute o f, I262 n . 1 .
Eight, Court of the, I II 1 72 .
Sec Sa/zn and Sahn-i Senzdn .
Elder o f the Magians, the ,I I I 232 n . 4, 269 n . 4.
Elements, the four, I 46,
48 , 1 87 n . 2 .
Eli] , the letter, type of aSlight and erect figure, 11 192n . I .Elixir, II 49 n . 2,
Emanation , the doctrine o f,I 42, 60.
Empyrean , the, I I I 5 5 n . 3,
310 n . 3 ; IV 100 n . 2, 1 36
n . 1 . See °
Ars/t.English , used as an epithet
in Turkish poetry, IV 1 13 n . 2.
English , the, reckoned experts in the use o f fire-arms ,IV 146 n . 3.
English women , descriptiono f, IV 24 1 .
Enigmas, I 100. See Lug/m2and M u
c
ammd .
Epanadiplosis. See Redd-ul
SUBJECTS . 227
Eunuch , the chief, official Eyebrow, the, compared todress o f, I I I 295 n . 2 . a crescent moon , 111 308 11 . 2 .
Euphuism , A rt of, I 1 1 1 Eyebrow, the, compared to
sqq . See c
[ lm- i B edf . a prayer-niche I 36 1
Evil , the mystery o f, I 1 8 . n . 3 and 4.
Execution, barbarous Per Eyebrow, the, compared toS ian mode o f, I I 279 n. 7 . a scimitar, II I 324 n . 4.
Existence , the Circle o f, I Eyebrows, compared to brid
52 seq. ges, I I 360 n. 7 .
Eye , the arrow of the , I Eyebrows, compared to a2 14 n . 5 . pavilion
,II 373 n . 4.
Eye, o f a beauty, conceived Eyebrows, compared toas restless, I 2 16 n . 1 . tents, I I 67 n . 2.
Eye, of a beauty, compa Eyelashes, compared to ar
red to a witch, I 295 n . 4. rows, 11 279 n. 1 .
Eye, of a beauty, compared Eyelashes, compared toto a narcissus, I 296 n . 3. ranks o f Spearmen, I I 36 1 n . 1 .
Eye, of a beauty, described Eyes, of a beauty, compaas
‘drunken’ or csleeping, 11 red to Turks, I 2 14 n . 6.
30 1 n . 2 . Eyes, the light of the, a
Eye, of the beloved , com term of endearment, II I 1 77
pared to Mars, 11 373 n . 3. n . 4.
Eye of Certainty, the , I 328n. 1 , 425 n . 4. See c
Ayn-i Fables, composed by
Yagin. Shinésl, V 33 seq.
Eye, the, compared to a. Face, o f a beauty, compa
mirror, 11 273 n . 5 . red to a lovely day, 11 69Eye , coolness of the = tran n . 1 .
quill ity, I I I 177 n . 5 . Face, o f a beauty, compa
Eye, the evil , I I 274 n. 6 ; 111 red to a moon, II 69 n . 3 ;
168 n. 3 ; IV 64 n . 4, 295 n. 4. IV 2 19 n . 1 .
Eye, the house of the, 11 Face, o f the beloved , com
359 n. 4. pared to the sun, 11 69 n. 6,
Eye o f understanding, the , 88 n . 1 .
I 160 n . 5 . Face, blackness of, I I 2 13Eyebrow, the , compared to n . 9, 249 n . 10.
a bow, I 2 14 n . 5 ; II 64 11 . Face, a sallow, compared to
3; II I 98 n . 3 and 4 . a gilt plate, 11 69 n. 5 .
228 INDEX IV.
Face, a sal low,compared
to a lotus I I 360 n . 5 .
Falcon , a habit o f the , I I279 n . 3.
Fantasy, the, I I 36 n . 7 ,
302 n . 1 ; I I 362 n . 4. See
Fate, the, o f every manwritten on his skull, 11 9 1 n . 1 .
Fawn , image fo r a graceful beauty, 11 62 n . 2 .
Felt, worn by the poor,IV 1 33 n . 6.
Feudal system , the Ottoman , 111 2 16 n . 1 .
Figures (rhetorical) , I 1 1 1
9qq°
Finger-counting (nativeTurkish syllabic metres), V 79.
See P armaq lzisdbi .Fire, the Sphere o f, I I 31 5n . 1 , 316 n . 2 .
Fire, symbolic meaning o f,
1 17 1 n . 2 ; V 94 n . 7 .
F ish, the , in Muhammedancosmogony, I 39 ; I I 1 14 n. 7 .
Fishes, rings o f si lver fastened through the noses o f,
I I 242 n . 1 .
Flax, cloth of, supposed to
go into shreds when exposedto moonlight, IV 1 1 7 n . 1 .
Florin, the Ottoman , I I 26n . 3.
Flowers, wet red, compared to drops of blood , 11 24011 . I .Flute , the , sacred instrument
of the Mevlevi dervishes I,
425 n . 5 . See N ey .
Flute, finger of the , I II 36n . 2 .
Flute , the wail o f the , II I
92 n . I,1 57 n . 4.
Flytings, IV 248 .
Folds, the Seven , I 195 n . I .
Footprint, a, compared toa prayer-niche, I I 35 n . 2.
Form , 1 45 seq. See Si ret.Fountain , the jet of a, com
pared to a lasso, II I 346 n . 4.
Fountain of Life , the, I 2 19n . 3, 28 1 sqq. See L ife, theW ater of.Friend, the God , I 1 73
n . 2.
Funeral prayers, I I 26 1 n . 2.
Furniture , o f an old-fashioned Turkish room , 111 1 89 n . 2.
Fuzuli’
s Turkish, peculiarities o f, III 76 n . 1 .
Games of children in theEast , IV 1 16 n . 1
,277 n . 4,
320 n . 1 ,
Games,mil itary, of the
Turks, IV 28 n . 1 .
Garden , the, red with tulips,compared to a sea of blood ,I I I 267 n . 1 .
Gems and metals believed to
ripen in mines, I II 46 n . 2 .
Generation , meaning of, I
47 n . 2.
Genies confined in bottles,11 33 1 n . 4.
230
worn by English ladies, IV242 n . 1 .
Headlessness, mystical term ,
I 163 n . 2 .
Heads, o f lovers, comparedto cups spun by a j uggler, II
38 n . 4.
Heart, o f the beauty, com
pared to a stone , 1 2 14 n . 4 .
Heart, o f the lover, com
pared to a glass or crystalvial , I 2 14 n . 4 ; I I 66 n . 1 .
Heart, o f the lo ver, com
pared to a piece o f roast meat,
II 37 n . 2 .
Heart, the compared to afl int, I I 360 n . 4.
Heart, the, compared to amirror, 11 250 n . 3, 332 n . 3,
372 n . 1 .
Hearts, o f lovers, conceivedas hanging from a beauty ’stresses, I I 1 20 n . 7 .
Heat and cold all things,
IV 200 n . I .
INDEX IV .
Ideas, the Platonic, II I 1 14Heavens, the Seven, I 37, n . 1 . See A
c
ydn-i Sdbita.
399
Hells, the Seven, I 399.
Henna, used as a dye,II I
3 1 n . 5 , 98 n . 1 .
Id ioms, Persian , I I 246 n .
I , 270, 272 n . 1 .
Idol, name for a beauty, I2 1 8 n . 1 ; I I 44 n . 2 ; I I I 1 8 5
Henna night, IV 290 n . 3. n . 2, 265 n . 7 ; IV 1 7 1 n. 1 .
Hindu, type o f blackness, See Sanem .
II 2 14 n . 2 . Idol,a type of false reli
Hips, the, o f a girl, compa gions , I 1 70 n . 1 .
red to a mounta in , IV 27 n . 1 . Idol,Chinese, name for a
Ho ly men , a lamp lit over beauty, 11 3 1 3 n . 5 , 314 n . 1 .
the graves o f, IV 205 n . 3. Immortal ity of the Soul,See Saints, the tombs o f the . the
,I 52 .
Holy men , pilgrimage tothe tombs of, I 1 80 n . 2 . SeeSaints, the tombs o f the.Holy Spirit, the , a title of
Gabriel , I I 2 1 7 n . 4.
Homonymy. See Finds and
s .
Honey, popularly regardedas a universal panacea, 11 65n . 4.
Hoopoe, the, I I 386 n . 5 .
Houris, the, I 37 n . 1 .
Humour in Turkish poetry,IV 1 5 seq .
Humours, the four, I 30 1n . 1 ; II 65 n . 2, 329 n . 1 .
See Aklzldt-i erba‘a .
Huseyn, son of ‘All, elegies
on , IV 350.
Hyacinth, the, a type ofluxuriant locks, I I I 1 53 n . 6,
1 56 n . 1 .
Hyperbole, I 1 1 2.
SUBJECTS.
Incense, burned in the invocation o f spirits, II I 1 79 n . I .
Infidel, name for a beauty ,11 44 n . 3. See Paynim and
Ink, Eastern, IV 31 8 n . 3.
Inscriptions, the Achaeme
nian, II I 310 u . 5 .
Insomnia, remedy for, I I204 n . 8 .
Intell igence, the Primal, I1 88 n . 4 ; II I 1 29 n . 2 . Seec
Aql- i Envel .
Intelligence, the Universal,1 42, 60.
Intell igences, of the nineSpheres, the, I 44.
Intimacy, mystical term, I1 5 1 n . 2.
Islam , less rigid than is generally suppo sed , I 24 .
Istambol, derivation of, II I280 n . 2 .
Istambol, the fawns of IV,
1 38 n . 1 .
Jaghatay dialect ofTurkish ,I 72 , 1 27 ; I I 10 ; II I 7 5 , 76.
See Chaghatay.
Jam i, derivation o f his name ,111 1 56 n . 5 .
Janissaries, the, I 179 n . 1 ;
II 228 , 248, 249 n . 3, 257 ,
266, 268 ; II I 1 8 5 n . 5 , 206,
319 ; IV 248 n. I . See yanizar i .Jasmine-breast, term for abeauty, I 331 n . 2 .
Jemshid , the cup o f, I I 7 1
23 1
n . I , 90 n . 4, 22 1 n . 6, 339
n . 4 , 392 ; I I I 1 29 n . 1 , 220
n . 1 ; IV 148 n . 1 .
Jesus, the life-giving breath
of, I I 1 20 n . 6.
Jewellers dealers inbeautiful fancies, II I 308 n . 3.
Jonqu il, flower o f the, com
pared to a golden bowl , 111282 n . 2.
Joseph , the type o f youthful beauty, I I I 1 79 n . 3.
Joseph , the shirt of, II I287 n . 3.
Joseph and Zelikha, the romance of, IV 28 .
Joseph and Zelikha, poemson the subj ect of, I I 148 n . 2.
Jou rney , the homeward,mystical term ,
I 5 2, 53 n . 1 .
Judas-tree, the, I II 30 n . 3,
1 5 2 n . 5 ; IV 348 n . 2. See
Erg/zavdn .
Judgment,the Day of, IV
209 n . 3, 2 1 1 m. 2 .
Jug, an earthenware, usedas a target, V 43 n . 1 .
Jujube- tree (zizyphus) , the ,II 92 n . 2 .
Juniper, the, I II 30 n . 4.
Jurisprudence . See I lm - i
Fig/z.Jurist, the, a type o f con
ventional respectability, I II
67 n . 5 .
Ka‘ba, circumambulat ion o f
the,I 243 n . 3.
232 INDEX IV .
Ka‘ba, the Heavenly, 11 59n . 3, 6 1 n . 2 .
Ka‘ba, the Lord o f the , I I
320 n . 3.
Kebabs, cooking o f, I I 37n . 2 .
Kerbela, the Martyrs of,Elegies on , IV 350.
Keys, Eastern, 11 323 n . 5 .
Khalvetf o rder of dervishes,I 232 n . 2 ; I I 148 n . 2 , 2 1 3
n . 4, 374 ; I II 108 , 31 2 .
Khoten, the deer o f, I I I
30 1 n . 2 .
K ingdom , the Fair Per
sia, I I I 207 .
K iss, a, compared to a peach ,III 58 n . 3. See Peach and
Koran , the first revelationof the, I I 2 19 n . 5 .
Koran , the Fou rteen lettersof the, I 340 n . 3.
Koran , sanctity o f the , IV
319 n . 4.
Lasso, the , a weapon o f thePersian heroic age , 11 1 14 n . 6.
Lawsonia inermis (henna) ,II I 98 n . 1 .
Leather, a piece of, used asa Chess-board , I II 1 76 n . 2 .
Leaves, yellow,compared to
gold fish, II I 31 n . 2 .
Leaves, yellow,compared
to meteors, I II 31 n . 7 .
Leonine verse , I I I 264. See
M usemmat.
Letters, A rabic , metaphorsderived from , 11 373 n . 2 ; I I I
168 n . 7 ; IV 67 n . 5 .
Lette rs, the Shape o f, wordplays on,
11 373 n . 2 ; I II 320n . 2 .
4
Letters o f God , the Fourteen, I 340.
Leviathan, I 39 n. I .Leyla, a type o f the Di
vine Beau ty, 111 65 n . I .Leyla and Mejnt
’
ln, poems
on the subject of, I I 172.
Library, the f i rst private,among the Ottomans, I I 31 .L icences, metrical , IV 1 84.
L ife , the Water of, I I I 168
n . 4, 198 n . 2 , 209 n . 1 ; IV
45 n . 1 , 1 1 1 n . 6, 31 7 u . 1 .
See Fountain o f Life, the.
L i fe , the Water of gentlespeech, etc ., 111 32 1 n . 4.
L ife of me , term of endearment, IV 238 n . 2 .
L ight, the blackest, 111 27211 . 2 . See Dazzl ing Darkness.Light, mystical meaning of,V 94 n . 7 .
Light, symbolic meaning o f ,I 1 7 1 n . 2.
L ight of Ahmed . See Mu
hammed , L ight of.Light o f Muhammed , the ,
I 34. 68 . See Muhammed ,Light o f.
Light of my eyes, a termof endearment , IV 1 72 n . 6.
Li ly , the leaf o f the, com
324 INDEX IV .
East , I 330 n . 5 , 360 n . 8 ; II222 n . 5 .
CMagian’
, use of, in Persianand Tu rkish poetry, 111 23211 . 4.
Magic , Muhammedan , I I I1 7 5 n . 1 .
Magic lantern , the. See Fdm2s-i Kkaydl.
Magi c rite , a, practised bythe Tartars, I I 1 20 n . 1 .
Man , the Microcosm ,I 194
n . 1 , 366 n . 7 and 8 .
Man, the Perfect, 11 284 n .
3. See I nsdn-i Kdnzil.
Mandoline , ears of the , I I
342 n . 4.
Mantles, trimmed withsquirrel-fur, IV 35 5 n . 1 .
Market, a‘hot’ or t‘
warm’
,
II I 67 n . 4.
Marriages, Muslim , IV 1 14
n . 4.
Mars, the Sphere of, II 373n . 3.
Mastic, proverbial phrase inconnection with, IV 38 n . 1 .
See Sagiz .
Mathematics, 1 40 n . 3.
Matter, 1 45 seq .
Meat, pieces of, comparedto prayer-rugs, II 335 n . 1 .
Mejn i'
m , A rabic poems as
cribed to , I I 1 78 n. 1 .
Mekka pilgr ims, the Sandalworn by the, IV 263 n . 1 .
Melancholia, I I 65 n . 2. See
Mercury, the planet, I I I 147n . 4.
Mercury,the Sphere of, I I
1 1 1 n . 1 .
Mercy to the Worlds, titleof Muhammed , I I 2 1 7 n . 2.
Mermaid , the, V 40 n . 1 .
Metal , a thin leaf of, placedbeneath precious stones, IV286 n . 2.
Metaphysic, I 40 n . 3.
Metaphysical poets, the
Engl ish , I 28 n . 1 .
Metonymy, I 1 1 1 n . 1 . See
K indye.
Metres, used in Ottomanpoetry, I 107 sqq .
Mevlevi costume, the, 1 423.
Mevlevl orchestra, the, IV1 76 n . 1 .
Mevlev i order o f dervishes,the , I 146, 149, 1 5 1 , 195 n .
3, 42 1 , 422 ; I I 356 n . 1 ; I II6 1 n . 3, 1 86, 2 1 1 , 2 19, 292,
297 , 31 2 ; IV 80, 83, 1 24 n .
4, 1 25 n . I . 1 37 n . I , 1 59, 17 5n . I , 1 76 n . 3, 1 77 sqq .
, 203,
207, 2 1 2, 320 n . 3, 337 .
Mevlev i poets , I 4 1 1 , 422sqq .
Mevlevi poets, biographicalwork on the , IV 197 .
Microcosm , the, I 62 , 63 n .
1 , 66, 1 87 , 194 n . 1 .
Mine , the, a type o f generous wealth , II I 149 n . 2 .
Miracles . See Saints ; Moon,splitting of the .
SUBJECTS .
Mirror, the magic, o fAlexander the Great, III 324 n . 2 .
Mirrors, metallic , I I I 1 89 n .
4 ; IV 1 27 n . 3.
Mirrors phenomena , II I
316 n . 2 .
Misogyny, I I I 42, 8 5 , 1 79sqq ., 238 seq . , 284. Sec Love,Platonic .Mohacz , Battle of, I I 35 8
n . 2.
Mole, the , regarded as abeauty, 11 279 n . 6, 286 n . I .Mole, of a beauty, compa
red to a grain in a snare, I
360 n . 2 ; II I 168 n . 6.
Mole, o f a beauty , compared to her Indian slave , I 2 14n . 6.
Mole , a black, compared toa pepper-corn , IV 169 n . 1 .
Mollas,the, ignorance of, I I
386 n . 2.
Money, given to the bearerof good news, 111 283 n . 2 .
Mongols, sack of Baghdadby the , IV 42 n . 3.
Moon , the, compared to thewhite forehead of the beloved ,I I I 1 57 n . 3.
Moon , 28 mansions of the,11 360 11 . 8 ; IV 349 n . 1 .
Moon , name for a beauty,I 328 n . n . 1 .
Moon, the new, comparedto a ski ff, I I 360 n . 9.
Moon , the‘palm’
o f the , II I
5 5 n . 2 .
23S
Moon,pe rsonification of the,
I II 147 n . 4.
Moon,Split ting of the, I
374 n . 3 ; III 5 5 n . 2 .
Moonlight, exposure to, in
jurious, IV 1 2 5 n . 2 .
Moonlight ghazel , the, by
Beligh, IV 1 19, 1 24.
Moth, symbol of the per
fect lover, I I 5 5 n . 4, 280 n .
4 ; IV IOO n . I .Moth and Taper, IV 64 n . 3.
Mo ther of the Book, I 339,
374. See Umm -ul-K itdb.
Mother of the world, a nameof Cairo , IV 93 n . 1 .
Mothers, the four, I 48 .
Mouth , o f a beauty, compared to an atom , I 2 1 7 n . 5 .
Mouth, of a beauty, compared to a ruby casket, I 294n . 5 ; IV I 6S 11 . 4.
Mouth,of the beloved , com
pared to the Fountain ofL ife ,I 2 19 n . 3 ; I I 1 2 1 n . 3, 1 26
n . 1 , 298 n . 2 .
Mouth , of the beloved , compared to a rosebud , 11 28 1 11 .
4 ; IV 1 5 5 n . 1 .
Mouth, smallness o f the, acharm of the conventional
beauty, I 2 1 7 n . 5 , 295 n . 2 ;
III 149 n . 9.
Movement, kinds of, I 45n . 2 .
Muhammed,the Ascension
of, 1 236, 366 n . 2 ; I I 57 n .
4, 1 50. See M ic
rdj .
236 INDEX IV .
Muhammed, the body of,supposed to cast no shadow,
I I I 54 n . 3 ; IV 2 10 n . 3.
Muhammed , date o f hisbirth, I 237 n . 1 .
Muhammed , Light of, 1 34,68 . 236. 240, 247 n 3. 399.
4 10 ; I I 239 n . 1 ; II I 54 n . 3,
196 n . 3 ; IV 313 n . I .
Murad , the name of, III 1 77n . 8 .
Murad II I and his sons, elegyon , by Nev
‘i, III 17 5 sqq.
Music, I 40.
Musk, how obtained , 1 294n . 4 .
Musk, where procured , I I I1 57 n . 1 .
Musk, parcels of, wrappedin red Si lk, I I 68 n . 2 ; I I I
1 56 n . 3.
Musk, the usual simile forhair , 11 67 n . 6.
Musk-pod , the, II 1 1 2 n . 4.
Musky dark-coloured,IV
1 27 n. 6.
Mystic ism . See S ii f iism .
Mysticism inTurkish poetry,I II 31 1 . See Sti f iism .
Mystics, famous sayings o f
the , I 2 1 , 1 87 n . 3, 192 n .
3, 369 n . 1 ; IV 102 n .
n . 1 , 1 50 n . 2, 1 5 8 n . 1 , 167n . 6, 2 10 n . 3.
Nakhsheb, the Moon of, IV265 n . 3.
Name, theMost Great, I 379
God, the Most Great Nameof, and I sm- i A
‘zam .
Names, the Most Comely,II I 1 14 n . 1 , 192 n . 1 .
Names o f God , the, I 6 1 ,1 72 n . 3, 407 n . 3, 408 n . 3,
409 n . 1 , 4 10 n . I ; II I 31 5n . I .Narcissus eye, I 360 n .
3 ; I I I O I 11 . 2 ; I I I 32 I n . 3.
Narcissus , the , described aslanguishing
,I 364 n . 6.
Narcissus, the, called‘gol
den-cap’ , I I 278 n. 3.
Narcissus, the eye of the,II 101 n . 3 ; I I I 1 1 2 n . 2.
Narcissus, the flower o f the,I I 278 n . 4.
Narcissus, the yellow centreof the
,compared to a gold
sequin,II 1 1 3 n . 8 .
National spirit, the, in Ot
toman poetry, I 1 30 sqq . ; IV
3 SCICI
Natural School o f Ottomanpoetry
,the, I I I 245 sqq.
, 259
sqq ., 278 , 329.
Nature , the four-columneddome o f, I I I 1 1 2 n . 6.
Neo -platonism, I 42 n. 1 and
3. 53, 64 n r. 359
New Turks, the, V 73. See
Young Turkey Party.
New Year , Festival of the,I I I 33 n . 1 . See N ev-rm.
Newspaper, the first non
official in Turkey, V 9.
238 INDEX IV .
Parrot, a title given to elderly ladies. See Titti .Parrots, taught to speak by
means o f a mirror, 11 333 n .
5 ; IV 1 16 n. 2.
c
Pasha of three tails’ , I I I1 7 n . 1 .
Pashas, the Turkish , I II 343sqq.
Path, the mystic ’s, I 1 57n . 4.
Patron , prayer for the , whichshould conclude every ode
,
II I 1 5 1 n . 2.
Pattens, worn in the bath,IV 1 27 n . 5 .
Paynim, name for a beauty,11 44 n . 3. See Infidel and
r .
Peach , term for a kiss, I I
37 1 n . I ; IV 149 n . 1 . SeeK iss and S/tef tdlzi .Peacock, the, in Muhamme
dan legend, II I 339 n . I .
Peacock o f Paradise, the, I I67 n . 5 ; IV 194 n . 2 .
Pearl, generation o f the,I I
1 2 1 n . 2 ; IV 84 n . 4, 1 s6 n . 4.
Pearls of Aden , the, I I 89n . 2, 278 n . 9 and 1 1 .
Pebble, a, thrown into abeaker as a signal, 111 1 5 1 n . 6.
Pehlev i dialect of Pe rsian ,the , IV 25 8 .
Pen , the D ivine, I 35 ; II I1 1 3 n . 1 ; IV 316 n . 4.
Pen -
names in Turkishpoe try . See di nk/dd s.
Persia, title o f , I I I 207 .
Persian genitive construetion
,the , III 8 1 n . 2 .
Persian genius, the truenature of the, I 24 seq.
Persian language, the, Turkish prejudice against, V 46
n . 3.
Persian mystical poetry, I2 1 sqq .
Persianism, meaning of the
term , I 5 n. 1 . See Fenn-i Furs .
Persians, the, connected byTurkish poets with the tulip,II I 44 n. 4.
Perspiration, regarded as acharm , II 278 n . 8 .
Petals o f the almond-treecompared to Si lver coins, I I238 n . 2.
Philosophy, Muhammedan,I 39 sqq
Philosophy, mystic, the firstrule of, I I I 64 n . 1 .
Phrases, A rabic, I I 273 n .
7 ; IV 276 n . I .Physic , I 40 n . 3.
Physiognomy, the scienceof, I I 199 seq .
P iastre, value, of the, 1 262n. 2 .
Pigeon , the, often associated with the cypress, I I 242
n . 3.
Pine, the, type of a graceful figure, 11 28 1 n . 5 .
Pistols, A rnaut or A lbanian,IV 322 n . 2.
SUBJECTS . 239
Planes,the F ive , 1 5 5 . Pomegranate pips, d ishmade
Plane-tree, palmated leaves from, 11 1 1 3 n . 6.
o f the , III 30 n . 5 , 31 n . 5 . Pond , the Spheral , I I 2 1 2
Planets, the , personified in n . 4.
poetry, I I I 147 n . 4. Poplar,the green , 111 98 n . 4 .
Planets, the Seven I 43, Prayer, salutation of the
48 , 1 83. guardian angels in , IV 1 1 5 n . 3.
Plato , the Ideas of, I 5 5 . Prayers, uttered at dawn ,Plural ity, symbol for the V 1 10 n . 1 .
i l lusory nature o f, IV 7 1 n I . Prayers, for the dead , V 38Poet, necessary qualifica n . 1 .
tions of the , V 80 sqq. Prayers recited over madPoetry , compared to a ros or sick persons, 11 2 5 n . I ;
ary, I I 244 n . 2 . IV 25 n . 1 .
Poetry, native Turkish , I II Preacher, the, a type of14 n . I . orthodoxy, I I 68 n . 3 ; 111 290
Poetry , Ottoman , i ts devel n . 2 .
opment described by Ziya Pride of the World , the,Pasha, V 80. ti tle of Muhammed , I II 197
Poetry, Ottoman , the New n . 4.
School o f, I 4, 8 , 43 n . I , 64, Primal Compact, the, I 22.
1 32 sqq . See E -lest.
Poetry,Ottoman , the Old Primal Feast, the , I 23. See
School o f, I 4 seq., 8 . Banquet, the Primal ; and E
P oetry, Ottoman , the origin , lest, the Feast of.character, and scope o f, I I sqq. Primum Mobile, the , I 43Poetry, Ottoman , ou tline o f n . 3 ; II I 310 n . 3 ; IV 100
its development, I 1 25 sqq . n . 2, 1 36 n . I . See Sphere,
Poetry, Persian, character the N inth .
of, I 1 3 sqq., 26 sqq. Prophets, the, regarded asPoetry, Turkish popular, I Muslim,
1 233 n . 4.
70 sqq ., 95 sqq ., 104 seq . Prophets,the render, W i ld
Poets , the Ottoman , Dic creatures docile, I I 202 n . 2 .
tionaries o f the , I 1 39 seq. Prosody, Perso-A rabian, IPoints, the diacritical , I I I 1 04 sqq .
1 28 n . 1 . Proverbs, A rabic , I 192 n .
Pole o f Saints, the, a title, 2, 2 1 8 n . 4, 230 n . 3, 298 n .
I 1 57 n . 3. 2 , 360 n . 6, 363 n . 7 , 369 n .
240 INDEX IV .
1 ; 11 263 n . 2 , 344 n . 6 ; III
297 n . I , 365 n . I ; IV 63 n .
1 , 73 n . n . 1 ; V 74
n . 1 .
Proverbs, Persian, IV 73 n .
2 , 1 52 n . 1 .
Proverbs, Turkish, II 66 n .
5 , 67 n . 4, 1 1 8 n . I,206 n .
6, 2 56 n . 1 , 320 n . 5 ; 111 1 82
11 . 2, 1 83 n . 2 and n . 5 , 2 1 5 n .
5 , 2 17 n . 2 , 238 , 323 n . 2 ,
329. 340 n 2. 344 n 4 ; IV28 n . 2, 29 n . 2 , 38 n . I , 63n . 1 , 72 n . 6, 73 n . 2, 89 n .
1 , 10 1 n . 1 , 1 1 5 n . 1 , 1 29 n .
8 , 1 30 n . 4, 1 31 n. 1 , 163, 276
n . 2 , 290 n . 3, 294 n . I and n .
5 . 295 n 3. 297 n 3. 298 n
3 and 5 , 299 11 . 3, 300 n .
2 and 3, 302 n . 1 , 303 n . 5 .
Pseudonyms in Turkishpoetry. See Makizlas .
Psychology, Muhammedan ,I 48 sqq .
Ptolemaic system, the , I 43
sqq., 68 seq.
Punctuation, introduced intoTurkish by Shinasf, IV 30 n . 1 .
Pupi l of the eye , called thecmannikin
’
, I I 68 n . 4. SeeMardumek.
Pustules on the l ips,com
pared to pieces o f cotton, 11
3 14 n . 5 .
Qas ida, the, the usual vehicle for d idactic poetry
,IV
330 n . 1 .
Qastamuni dialect, the, I I107 n . 1 .
Qinali-zade, derivation of,III 199 n . 1 .
Quatrain . See Rnbd‘
i andRuba
cis, the first Turkish .
Radiance incorporate thebeloved , I I I 19 n . 7 .
Ramazan , the month of For
giveness , IV 32 1 n . 6.
Ramazan , the moon of, II I
308 n . 2, 310 n . 4.
Ramazan , the Muslim Lent,1 84 ; II I 308 n . 2, 310 n . 4 ;
IV 57 n . 1 , 62 n . 4, 167 n . 4.
Reason . See c
Agl.
Reason , Carnal , II I 1 28 n . 5 .
Reason , Universal . Seec
Aql-i
Kull ;C
Agl-i Evvel.
Reckoning-Day, the, 111 9411 . 3.
Red Apple , the, an old namefor Rome, IV 2 5 n . 2, 265n . 5 .
Red Heads, the, II 259 seq .
See Qizil B ets/z.Reed , a long, used by chil
dren in the East to ride on ,IV 1 16 n . I , 320 n . 1 .
Reed reed-pen , I II 19n . 6.
Reeds, Persian, IV 31 7 n . 2.
Reeds, used by weavers, IV
319 n . 2 .
Reed-flute , the, I 1 52 ; IV83, 1 37 n. 1 , 1 76 n . 1 , 204
11 . 1 , 320 n . 3. See N ey.
242 INDEX IV .
Rue , used as a charm againstthe evil eye , IV 64 n . 4.
Rum, the people of, representative of the fair-skinnedraces, II 36 1 n . 7 .
Rush-mat, l ines imprintedon the skin by a, II 31 5 n . 2 .
Rust, used figuratively forsorrow, I 223 n . 2 .
Sable , a favourite figure fo rdark hair, IV 4 1 n . 5 , 46
n . 3.
Saddles, embroidered , whenfi rst brought into Turkey
,II I
20 n . I .Saffron, the virtues of, IV
275 n . 3.
Saints, miracles o f the, I
4 1 2 n . 1 .
Saints, the tombs o f the , I1 80 n . 2 ; III 93 n . 2 . SeeHoly men .
Salankeman, Battle of, II I
303 n . 1 .
Salt, sprinkled over newborn infants, IV 299 n . 6.
Sandal , the , worn by theMekka pilgrims, IV 263 n . I .Sappan , a dye-wood , II 2 1 3n . 2 .
Saturn , personified in poetry,II I 147 n . 4.
Scales, the, of JudgmentDay, 11 250 n . 1 .
Scholasticism . See c
[ lm- iKe
ldm ; Mutekellem in ; and Theology
,Scholastic .
Scholastics, the, I 33, 67 n .
I . See M utekellenzin.
Science, Disciplinary, I 40n . 2 .
Sciences,the Ten, 11 396 .
Scio, the scarlet dye andcloth of
,IV 302 n. 5 .
Scorpio, an inauspicious
Sign , 11 69 n . 3.
Scriptures, the four, 111 19 1
n . 3, 3, 2 1 5 n . 2 .
Sea, the , a type of generous wealth, I I I 149 n . 2 .
Seal of the Prophets, the ,title ofMuhammed, I 244 n . 3.
Seals, Oriental , IV 232 n . 1 .
Seas, the Seven, I 38 ; I I10 1 n . 4, 249 n . 9 and 10.
Sects, the Seventy-Two , I
379 n . 1 .
Sel im I,Sultan, Elegy on ,
by Kemal-Pasha-zade , II I 17
sqq., 1 54 n . 6.
Seljuq dialect of Turkish ,the, I 1 52 .
Sense , the Common , 1 50.
Senses, the Five Inner, I
50 ; IV 1 72 n . 3.
Senses, the Five Outer, I
50 ; IV 172 n . 3.
Seraglio , the Imperial , II26 n . 3 ; IV 22 1 5 eq., 228 seq .
Seven Towers, Wardens ofthe , I II 1 80.
Shade, meaning protection ,I I I 5 5 n . 4 .
Shadow of God , title o f theSultan , I I I 1 53 n . 5 , 2 1 7 n . 4.
SUBJECTS .
Shaving o f the head , I I I 5 5n . 5 .
243
Sky , the, compared to ablue-tiled belvedere, II I 310
Sheep ’s trotters, a favourite n . I .
dish , IV 29 1 n . 1 , 295 n . 5 . Sky, the , compared to anSh ir in , meaning of the name , inverted bowl, I I 1 16 n . 6 ;
IV 29 n . 4 .
Shooting-stars, Muhamme
dan legend concerning the, I I
34 1 n . 7 ; 111 31 11 . 7 .
Showers, heavy , comparedto cords, I I 1 1 2 n . 2.
Sighs, always pictured asascending, I I 31 6 n . 2.
Sighs breathed at dawn, moreefficacious, I I 95 n . 4, 316 n . 1 .
Sighs,compared to smoke,
I 393 n . 4 ; I I 1 20 n . 4, 2 14
n . 6 ; 111 1 53 11 . I .Sighs, fire-enkindling, I I
31 5 n. I .Signet- ring, the Eastern , 11
246 n . 1 ; IV 72.
c
Signs’
, meaning miracles,IV 32 1 n . 4.
Silk, red , presented to abride, IV 295 n . 2 .
Silver-wire drawers, IV 26 1
n . 1 .
Silvery-bodiedskinned , I I 340 n . 3.
Siren, the, V 40 n . I .
Sires, the Seven, I 48 .
Skink , the, used as a cure,I I 331 n . 5 .
white
IV 1 57 n . 3.
Sky, the starry, compared
to a Spotted leopard , II I 149n . 1 .
Sky, the starry, comparedto a steel bowl inlaid withgold, II I 1 5 1 n . 4.
Sleep,compared to sarwe,
IV 10 1 n . 3.
Smile , to said of a bud , I I208 n . 7, 209 n . 5 .
Snake, guarding a treasure ,
myth o f the , I 330 n . 3 ; IV
1 5 5 n . 2 . See Treasure, guarded by a serpent.
Society, the French Asiatic,V 27 .
Society, the Royal Asiatic ,1 1 39 n . 3 and 5 ; 11 1 24 n . 1 ;
I I I 297 . See yonrnal of tlze
Royal Asiatic Society .
Solomon, the Seal o f, I 379n . 2 ; I I 39 n . 1 , 339 n . 1 ;
I I I 56 n . 6 ; IV 1 1 1 n . 3.
Soul,the human , called a
cSlave
’
, I 162 n . 2 .
Soul,the Stiff theory o f the,
I 56 sqq.
Soul, three degrees o f, 1 48Skirt, the, used figuratively, sqq.
I I 360 n . 2 .
Sky, the, compared to ablue dome , V 87 n . 2 .
Sou l , the Universal , 1 42, 60.
Souls of the N ine Spheres,the, I 44.
INDEX IV.
Spark, the W hirl ing, 1 67n . 2 .
Sphere, the , compared to amill
,I II 240 n . 1 .
Sphere , the, mean ing thevault o f heaven , I I 1 1 3 n . 5 ,
31 1 n . 1 ; IV 1 57 n. 3.
Sphere,the, personified as
a beggar clad in blue, 11 24711 . 2 .
Sphere,the , regarded as an
ev i l power, I 44 n . 3 ; I I 36
n . 6, 38 n . I , 1 1 3 n . 4, 1 16
n. 8 , 247 n . 2 .
Sphere , the, represented as
a chess-player, I 259 n . 6.
Sphere , the N inth, 1 43 ; I I
243 n . 7 . See Sphere , the , re
garded as an evil power, and
Sphere, the Satin, IV 1 57
n . I . See Felek-i Atlas and Primum Mobile.Sphere, the starless, II I 310
n . 3.
Sphere of Spheres, the, I
42 seq. See Pelek-ul-Efldk andPrimum Mobile .Spheres, the , of Fire , A ir,
and Water, IV 339 n . 7 .
Spheres, the N ine, 1 43, 242
n . 2 ; I I 60 n . 1 and 3, 316 n .
5 ; II I 46 n . I , 64 n. 4.
Spheres, the seven planetary, called
cseven goblets",I I I 310 n . 7 .
Spheres, the motion of the,I 44 n . 2.
Spheres, the theory o f the
revolutions of the , in Ottomanpoetry, I 44 n . 3.
Spirit, the Animal . SeeRan-iN ef sdni .
Spirit, the Holy, I 239 n . 2.
Spirit, the Vital . See Rnlz-iHaywdni .
Spirit, degrees o f, I I 31 3n . 4.
Sp i ri t of God, the, a titleof Jesus, I I I 2 14 n . 3.
Spoons, made of box-wood ,IV 298 n. 6.
Squint-eyed people, I 16 1
n . 5 .
Standing on one foo t, theconventional attitude o f awe,II 1 1 2 n. 3.
Stars, compared to coins or
gems,11 62 n . 5 .
Stars, the , compared tograins, III 240 n . 1 .
Stars, compared to ships,11 62 n. 7 .
Stars, representing gold embroideries
,I II 283 n . 1 .
State,Pillars of the Min
isters, I II 1 78 n . 5 .
Stone,the Black, in the
Ka‘ba, I 38 .
Stone , the Philosopher’s, II
49 n . 2.
Stone , 2 , tied against the
stomach to repel hunger, V
92 n . 5 . See Qand‘at taski .
Stork,popular name for the,
II 386 n . 9.
246 INDEX IV .
Taper, the , loved by the
Moth, II 5 5 n . 4, 280 n . 4,
308 n . 1 .
Taper, the , a symbol for abeauty
,I 2 1 5 n . I I 42 n .
2, 205 n . 7 .
Taper, the, a symbol forthe beloved , I I 87 n . 1 , 280
n. 3.
Taper, the tongue o f the,meaning its wick, I 2 1 5 n . 3 ;
I I 87 n . 1 .
Tattooing, o f the beloved ’sname, IV 240 n . 6.
Tavern , the , mystical sigu ification o f, I 23.
Tavern folk, i .e. mystics, II I290 n . 2.
Tea-drinking, Persian custom o f, IV 68 n . 2 .
Tears, compared to stars, 1169 n . 6, 89 n . 3.
Tears, described as childreno f the pupil o f the eye
,I I
3 1 5 n . 3 ; 111 1 54 n . 4.
Tears, supposed to consisto f blood , I 2 1 7 n . 1 ; II 35 n .
4, 37 n . n . 1 .
Teeth , compared to pearls,I I 372 n 4. 379 n 3Theology, 1 40.
Theology, Scholastic, I 254.
See Scholasticism .
Theriaca (Theriack) , I I 1 1 2n . 6.
Things, known through theiropposites, I 1 7 , 6 1 n . 1 , 327n . 4 .
Thirty-two , the Hurti fi symbol fo r, I 372 n . 1 .
Thirty-two , a sacred num
ber, I 340, 372 n . 1 .
c
This and that’ , denotingindividuality as Opposed toUnity, IV 77 n . 4.
Thorn , the , conceived as alancet, I I 278 n . 1 .
Thorns, looked upon as the
guardians of the rose, 11 206
n . 8 .
Thread , custom o f tying a,round one ’s finger, I I 343 n . 2 .
Throne o f God, the . See‘
Ar slz.
Tiles, blue-green , II I 310n . 1 .
Tobacco, IV 65 n . 2.
‘
Tongueless’ , meaning of, inmysticism , I 1 50 n . 4.
Topers, term applied by theold poets to themselves, V80 n . 1 .
Torment, name applied toa beauty, I II 1 82 n . 4.
Tradition, the Science o f.
See c
[ lm- i A/zddis .
Traditions of the Prophet,the, I 16, 34 n . 2,
n . 5 , 1 14 n . 2, 196 n . 2, 2 14
n . 6, 292 n . 2, 300 n . 1 , 316
n . 3. See Hadis.
Transition Period,the, I I I
247 seq. , 260, 277 seq., 319,
328. 330. 337. 35 1 ; IV 3
sqq ., 59Treasure , guarded by a ser
SUBJECTS . 247
pent, II 334 n . 9 ; IV 262 n . Turban, the Kho ra'
tsani, IV
1 . See Snake . 262 n . 4 .
Treasure, the Hidden , Tra Turk-land Turkistan , II Idition regarding, I 16, 367 n . I . 63 n . 1 .
Treasures, hidden in ruins, Turkish . See Ottoman .
I 36 1 n . 2. Turkish,the vowels in, I
Tresses,mystical significa 104 n . 1 .
tion of,I 23. Turks o f Asia Minor, the,
Trinity, the Christian doc IV 274 n . 3.
trine of the, I I 230. Tu rks of A zerbayjan andTrotters’ Day, the, IV 295 Persia, I I I 74.
n . 5 . Turks, characteristics of the ,Troubadours, the , I 28 n . 1
,I 6 seq.
446. Tutty, I I 49 n . 4 .
Trouser-knot, the, IV 262 Tychonic system , the , 1 43n . 2 . n . 1 .
Trust, the, offered by Godand accepted by Man , I 350 Unity, the Sti ff doctrinen . 1 ; I I 316 n . 6 ; IV 76 n . of
,i llustrated , IV 105 n . 1 .
1 . See Emdnet. Universe, the . See Alem .
Truth, the, the last degree Uyghur dialect, the, I 7 1 .
in the perception of Unity, I Uzbek dialect, the , I 72.
326 n . 4.
Truth , the, meaning God, I Vagrants, Eastern , IV 277
1 5 , 60. See Haqq. n . 2.
Tuba tree, the, I 36, 292 Va’
miq and the ro
n . 1 ; I I 6 1 n . 6, 25 1 n . 1 . mance of, III 26, 1 83 n . 4.
Tulip, the brand of the, II Vedanta philosophy, the , I
36 1 n . 1 2. 53 n . 2 , 64 n . 1 .
Tulip , the , compared to a Veil,
o f phenomenal exigaily dressed beauty, I I 277 n . 1 . stence
,the
,I 294 n . I , 405 n . 2 .
Tulip, the flower of the,
Veil worn by brides , the ,compared to a cup of red IV 292 n . 6.
wine , I I 205 n . 8 . Venetian treacle,I I l 1 2 n . 6.
Tulips, red , compared to Verities, the D ivine, 1 407 ,musk-pods, II 1 1 2 n . 4. 408 n . 3 and 4, 4 10 11 . 1—3.
Tunic of the rose, i .e. its Verse- forms, the Persocorolla, I I 359 n . 6. A rabian
,I 70 sqq .
248
Verses, compared to pearls,II 1 1 5 n . 2.
Vezir, the Grand , officialdress o f the, III 295 n . 2 .
Viewers, female friends of
INDEX IV .
Water ofLi fe, the . See L ife ,the Water o f.
Water-wheel , the, II 1 10 n .
3: 34 I II . 9 ‘
Waves, rippling, compared
would -be bridegrooms,IV 294 to the teeth Of a file , 111 324
n . 6.
Vintner,term , I 23.
Viol , the‘shaft’ of the
,II
343 n . I .
the, a mystical
n . 1 .
Way , the, meaningc
Sti fi ism’
,
I 1 57 n . 4, 1 82 n . 3.
W aywoda, the , IV 160.
Wedding festivities,Turkish,
Violet, the bowed head of IV 290 n . 3, 295 n . 5 , 296
the, III 1 1 2 n . I .Violet, the , a symbol for a
beauty ’s hair, 11 323 n . 5 .
n IWedding-chests , IV 295 n . 1
Wedding-palm , the , IV 202
Violet, used as an epithet n . 2.
o f hair, I 293 n
°
. I .Vision , the Beatific, I 37 ; n . 1
I I 66 n . 4, 252 n . 3 ; IV 100
n . 3, 206 n . 1 .
Vowels, the, in Turkish, I104 n . 1 .
Waist, o f a beauty, compared to a si lver arch
,II 299 n . 3.
Waist, the Slender, compared to a hair, 11 22 1 n . 1 ,
299 n . 3, 31 3 n . 2 ; IV 47 n . 1 .
Waist, the Slender, a pointo f beauty, I 2 1 7 n . 6 ; 11 22 1
11 . 1 , 31 3 n . 2 .
Walnuts, used for playinggames, V 50 n . 2 .
Water, o f the face,meaning
Chonour”, I 294 n. 2 .
Water, the surface o f, considered as a prayer- rug
,III
338 n . 1 .
West-Turkish d ialects, I 4
White , symbolising good ,11 99 n . 4.
Willow, leaves o f the, compared to daggers, I I 246 n. 6.
Willow , type o f a gracefulfigure
,I I I 1 50 n . 3.
W i llow,the weeping, image
for a thoughtful man , 11 246
n . 6.
Wind , the Black , I I 1 20 n . 5 .
Wind-chaser, the , name ofa bird , IV 277 n . 1 .
Wine,the discovery of, I I
330 ; V 93 n 7Wine
,forbidden by the law
o f Islam , 11 34 1 n . 5 .
Wine,a mystical term , I 23.
Wine, red, described as
c
roses’
, II I 28 5 n. 1 .
Wine , sold in Persia by
2 50 I NDEX IV .
Zealot, the, a type of rigidorthodoxy, I II 67 n . 3, 1 89 n . 3.
Zephyr, the, I I 64 n . 6, 10 1
n . 5 .
Zerati , a name given to theBektashis, I 358 n . I .
Zodiac , Signs ofthe, I 328 n . 3.
Zone , the, an emblem ofinfidelity, I I 363 n . 1 ; I I I 1 5 5n . 4. See Zunndr .
Zoroastrian religion , the, V89 n . 2.
ADDENDA TO INDEX .
The following words should be added to Index
Feylaqz’
i s, name o f a wonderfu l stone , 1 276.
F ilizr i (florin) , I I 26 n . 3.
S‘ubbe, IV 132 n . 5 .
A P P E N D I X .
First l ines of the Turkish Text of the Poems translat edin Volume V .
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[W ]
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]
M a st.”
Kate
on" [ f ir]
li lo]
[PR]
33385 , [c
( 5M p f use; ”35 1 fus s
359 3! In ; [ f w ]