Proceedings 3rd. International Conference on Human Habitat and Environment in the Malay World

UNITED DEVELOPMENT PARTY (PPP): FROM ISLAMIC PARTY TO OPEN

PARTY

TRI JOKO WALUYO1 & JAMALUDDIN MD. JAHI

2

1 Faculty of Social & Political Science (FISIP)

Universitas Riau

Jln. Prof. Dr. Muchtar Lutfi, Kampus Bina Widya

Pekanbaru 28293, Provinsi Riau, INDONESIA. 2 Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA)

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia

43600 UKM, Bangi, Selangor, MALAYSIA.

E-mail: kalimasada78@yahoo.com & jamalmj1949@gmail.com

ABSTRACT

Until the 2009 great election, the government of Indonesia has executed ten great elections, namely

1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004 and 2009. The great elections of 1971 was

followed by ten OPPs, the great election of 1977 only followed by three OPPs with the Party Of United

Development (PPP) as a fusion of four party Islam, as well as the 1982 election. The election of 1987

was followed by three OPP, but in the meantime PPP took off its earlier base which is an Islam base, as

well as on the great elections of 1992, 1997 and 1999. While the great elections 2004 and 2009 was

followed by more than twenty OPPs although only produced less than ten OPPs to obtain seats in

parliament. The origin PPP was using the symbol of Ka'bah, Islamic ideology, since the election of 1987

the party changed its symbol into a five pointed star of yellow gold in 4 equal sides of a square shield

and took off the Islamic ideology. The party is originally derived from a fraction of the unity of

development consisting of four Islam party, namely: NU, Parmusi, PSII, and PERTI which was formed

on January 5, 1973. This paper describes; the formation of the PPP from the beginning until the

transformation of new party without ideology of Islam and became an open party, the basic

characteristics of the PPP which was colored by the characteristics of each Islamic political party which

joined the PPP and the dynamics until PPP took of its Islam ideology and became an open party.

Key words: party, Islam, election, ideology.

INTRODUCTION

Until the great elections of 2009, the government of new order implemented nine great

election, namely 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1997, 2004 and 2009. In the meantime there has been

a pretty fundamental transformation of political structures. The great elections of 1971 was

followed by ten OPPs, including the political party based on religion, the great election of 1977

only followed by three OPPs with the Party of United Development (PPP) as a fusion of four

Islam party, as well as the 1982 election. The election of 1987 was followed by three OPP, but

in the meantime PPP took off its earlier base which is an Islam ideology after the enactment of

Law No. 3 of 1985, as well as on the great elections of 1992, 1997 and 1999. While the great

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elections 2004 and 2009 was followed by more than twenty OPPs although only produced less

than ten OPPs to obtain seats in parliament.

The original PPP was using the symbol of Ka'bah, Islamic ideology, since the election of

1987 the party changed its symbol into a five pointed star of yellow gold in 4 equal sides of a

square shield and took off the Islamic ideology. The parti is originally derived from a fraction

of the unity of development consisting of four Islam party, namely: NU, Parmusi, PSII, and

PERTI which was formed on January 5, 1973 by a presidium consisting of five persons: Idham

Chalid (NU), M. S. Mintaredja (PARMUSI), KH. Masykur (NU), Rusli Halil (PERTI), dan

Anwar Cokroaminoto (PSII). Thus, the basic characteristics of the PPP which was

colored by the characteristics of eachIslamic political party that might be deemed incompatible

with the ideal fusion of the four Islam party. The details will be described furthermore in the

formation of PPP, PPP basic characteristics, and its dynamics.

THE FORMATION OF THE PPP

Maurice Duverger (1978: 206 ) classified the party system based on the number of parties, the

system of one party, two party, and many party. Meanwhile, Sartori divided the party system

into three types: simple pluralism, moderate, and extreme pluralism (Joseph Lapalombara &

Myron Weiner 1972: 137 ) Prior to the simplification and concentration of the party, party

system in Indonesia can be categorized as extreme pluralism system.

Political party in Indonesia began to emerge after the royal issued an announcement

number 10, November 3, 1945 which suggesting the establishment of party. Shura Council

of Muslim Indonesia (Masyumi) as the only Islamic party was established only five days after

the announcement as a result of the Congress of Muslims of Indonesia in Yogyakarta. Masyumi

is a confederation of various Islamic organizations. Similarly, on December 17, 1945 the

Socialist Party of Indonesia (PSI) was formed, followed by the formation o the National Party

of Indonesia (PNI) on January 26, 1946 in Kediri, East Java.

Each political party is struggling for a different ideology. Herbert Feith (Meriam

Budiardjo 1982: 214-220) recognized five ideologies in Indonesia, they are; Radical

Nationalism, Traditionalism of Java, Democratic Socialism, and Communism. Each ideology

contains accommodated aspects, but also contradictory aspects that might not even be

accommodated.

Ideology difference adopted by the political party often led to a conflict between the party

where each party with their ideologies willing to control and to implement them. The condition

could be seen by the frequent cabinet changes during the era of liberal democratic caused by

the sharp conflict between the party.

An effort to reduce the conflict was started by President Soekarno by issuing regulations

that threatening the existence of some party. The regulations are: 1) Presidential Decree of

Republic of Indonesia No.7, 1959 in the terms of requirement and party simplification, 2)

Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia No. 25, 1950 to change the Presidential

Regulation No.13, 1960, 3) Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia No. 128, 1961 on the

recognition of the Presidential Regulation No.13, 1960, 4) Presidential Decree of Republic of

Indonesia No.129, 1961 on the refusal of recognition that not meet the Presidential Regulation

No.13, 1960, and 5) Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia No.440, 1961 on the

recognition of party that meet the Presidential Regulation No.13, 1960. These regulations

eliminated many party with only ten existing party left.

The great election of 1955 held to elect people’s representatives for the constituent

institution led to the decreasing number of party. Political party that does not reach the

minimum vote to sit in the legislative assembly will lost their existence by disband or join the

other party. Through the great election, there only 128 party left from the 182

party/organizations of individual in the vote.

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The emergence of a new order governance following the collapse of the rebellion G 30

S/PKI in 1965 is more to show the government’s desire in restructuring the existing party

system. Then to promote a new party system which is more suitable to the political format the

government wanted. This involves, in particular, changing the political party from ideological

oriented into program oriented.

Regarding the restructuring of party system, HR. Dharsono suggested to practice the two

party system consisting changes progressive political party and less progressive party. The

system is successfully implemented in several districts in West Java, but it did not work well

and not suitable after HR. Dharsono appointed as Indonesian Ambassador in Bangkok,

Thailand (Harold Crouch 1978: 252 ). Relating to the procurement of a new political format,

Aldian presents three aspects to consider: political culture transformation, proper and healthy

function of the political institutions, and issues concerned with the political participation of the

community (Alfian 1981: xiii).

In order to fill the desired new political format, it is an urgent need to restructuring the

party system and the transformation of political culture, although the implementation done in

stages and planned. The new order government executed the realization of party system

simplification in 1973, following the victory of The Party of Functional Groups, political

power, government support, in the election of 1971. Previously, the amount of political party

was 10. Nine of them are political party and one named itself as Golongan Karya (The Party of

Functional Groups). Even the new party still existing, Muslim Party of Indonesia (Parmusi).

The formation of Parmusi began on December 16, 1965 the establishment of Muslim’s

Charity Coordination Council to rehabilitate Masyumi which was disbaned along with PSI by

President Soekarno in August 17, 1960, the reason that the three top leaders (M. Natsir,

Syafruddin Prawiranegara, and Burhanuddin Harahap) involved in the rebellion of PRRI. The

coordination council of Muslim’s charity then formed a committee seven led by Syarif Usman.

In its period, the council faced three options, first to forget of their idea to rehabilitate

Masyumi; second, to fight for an immediate rehabilitation of Masyumi; and third, trying to

establish a new Islamic party which has the same orientation as Masyumi but in different name

(Samson 1968: 1005-1006). The third option was taken to turn out to be true. The new

established Islamic party called Muslim Party of Indonesia (Parmusi).

Meanwhile, the government of the New Order tried to further strengthen its presence by

strengthening a political force, Functional Groups (GOLKAR). Various regulations such as

Ministerial Decree of Ministry of Home Affairs in the Corps of Ministry of Home Affairs

Employees (Kokarmendagri), Government Regulations No.6, 1970 which requires the civil

servants to have only one loyalty. Through the employees of the Department of Home Affairs

and the civil servants as cadres, GOLKAR succeed to win the majority votes in the 1971

election.

With the victory of GOLKAR, the New Order government started restructuring the party

system. Nine party was seen to be political features and GOLKAR is the most capable of all.

On February 7, 1970, one year before the great election was held, President Soeharto has called

the need of party grouping into material group and spiritual group. The call was followed by

dialogue and consultation with political party discussing the idea of praty grouping on February

27, 1970 (Ali Murtopo 1974: 192-193).

Political party grouping idea are increasingly working after the 1971 election GOLKAR

gained majority votes, more than 60 percent. With a pressure from government and GOLKAR,

the political party then started to approach each other, and as a result is the merge of ten

political forces into three groups, namely: United Development (Persatuan Pembangunan),

Democracy (Demokrasi) , and Functional Groups (Golongan Karya). The three groups

eventually transformed into fraction of the House of Representatives. The group of united

development is a merge of political party based on religious programs. There are six party

joining the group, but two of the party decided not to join the group due to religion difference.

They are Indonesian Chatolic Party and Parkindo. They are most likely joining the material

group. The members of united development group are NU, Parmusi, PSII, dan PERTI. While

the democracy group membering material group, namely PNI, Partai Murba, IPKI, Partai

Katolik and Parkindo.

Confederation of the united development group, however, still has many problems, despite

the intensive approach among member party that has done. At first, PSII expressly stated

refusal to the party fusion. H.M. Ibrahim, chairman of PSII, assume that the confederation

grouping in the parliament is maximal. In addition, PSII is worry that fusion into a political

party will only delimitate PSII because there only one inferior position available for them, this

is a consequence of merging party with big party take part in it, in this case NU is an Islamic

party which is bigger than PSII. Therefore, the possibility that PSII will hold the important

positions will be narrowed into a very small possibility. But the intransigence has melted as

H.M. Ibrahim replaced by H.Anwar Cokroaminoto to be the chief of the party by the approval

of the state.

In its congress in Surabaya on December 20-25, 1971 NU strictly refuse the merge of

Islamic party, but then the decision revoked and the NU went on the fusion as the government

wanted them to. Meanwhile, for Pramusi and PERTI, the fusion is what the Muslim’s

community expected, to unite the direction of political struggle. Muslim at first only have

Masyumi as the only political struggling institution before the establishment of PSSI in 1947

followed by NU in 1952.

Through various meetings between the Islam party in order to attempt fusion, finally on

January 5, 1973 the four political Islam party that confederate into the united development

group announced their diffusion to one political Islam party in the presidium meeting of

working committee and the faction leaders. The party agreed to name of the confederation as

Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (united development party/ PPP). The fusion of the four

political Islam party formed by a declaration signed by the chief of each party, namely: K.H.

idham Chalid (NU), M.S. Mintaredja (PARMUSI), K.H. Masykur (NU), Rusli Halil (PERTI),

and H. Anwar Cokraminoto (PSII) .

BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PPP

From the formation process of the PPP which is a fusion of four existing Islamic party in the

beginning of independence, the existence of PPP clearly could not be separated from the basic

characteristics of the four merging party.

Nahdatul Ulama (NU)

NU was formed in Kampong Kertopaten, Surabaya, January 31, 1926 by the Muslim scholars

following Ahlussunnah wal Jama’ah (Sirajudin Abas 1983), one of the four existing sect (sect).

The appearance of NU is affected by the condition of religious and societal mold

growing everywhere (Chairul Anam 1985: 15-36). The scholars who hold the sect have a view

on necessity of unity among them.

Social and religious conditions that affected the appearance of NU, in the end of 19th

century the Islamic reformation movement arose led by Syekh Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and

Syekh Mohammad Abduh,their students and the other Islamic reformers (Taufik Abdullah

1981: 88-109 ), who saw the need for directing Islam into the real Islam concept by return to

the Qur’an and Sunnah. The influence of this movement in Indonesia is the formation of

Muhammadiyah in 1912 (William Liddle tth: 20-21).

NU supporters center upon schools, so that the character of leadership in the school

environment is very paternalistic and strongly influences the character of leadership in the

organizational structure of NU. Kyai (cleric) is a very central position in the NU, the clerics are

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sitting in the syuriyah insitutuion workin on the field of religion, and all decision of NU needs

to be approved by Kyai inside the syuriah institution.

At first of the establishment, NU is engaged in socio-religious, and educational, political

aspirations channeled through Masyumi. But since the NU went out of Masyumi in 1952, NU

declared themselves as political party. In directing the political activities, the party rely on the

consideration of Fiqh which influences so much in the political decision making. Religious

consideration, particularly consideration of the law of fiqh, are critical resources attached to

NU. When faced with a case against fiqh, NU will strive against it.

The Muslim Party of Indonesia (Parmusi)

After joining the PPP, Parmusi transformed itself into a social organization with the name of

the Muslim Indonesia (MI). At the beginning of its establishment, Parmusi was supported by 16

Islamic organizations, which want to continue the struggle of Masyumi. When Parmusi

transformed into MI as a social organization in the same position with MI and no longer related

to the distribution of political aspiration activities because Parmusi is no longer a political party

(K.E. Ward 1970: 32-35).

MI is very different with NU which its supporter base and leadership sources is in Islamic

school, the MI supporter base mostly in cities with the leadership sources come from the

modern Islamic politican in the cities with more education. The way MI think focuses on

rationality and professionalism. Supporter base and the sources of MI’s leadership is not so

different with the supporter base and leadership sources of Masyumi.

However, the political orientation of MI is different with what Masyumi had. The

difference has a relation to the characteristic of leadership in MI which is different with the

leadership in Masyumi. The leader of Masyumi shown the impression of fundamentalism,

solidity and a very strong commitment to the community and the ideas they’re holding (Fachry

Ali dan Iqbal A. saimina 1981). But, MI is quite different with their leadership. The leaders of

MI are more accommodative, lack of commitment to their followers and ideas they’re holding.

This is related to the recruitment process of MI’s leaders whom are taken from the leaders

accommodating the government.

The leadership of Mohammad Rum and Hasbullah as general chied and secretary general

of Pramusi, elected on the first congress of Pramusi is not recognized by the state. Pramusi has

many ex-leader of Masyumi working inside it, this is why the state do not willing to recognize

the leadership of Pramusi. The state doesn’t want to give any permission to the ex-leaders of

Masyumi to play important role in any political party. The leadership of Parmusi fell into

Djarnawi Hadikusumo and friends thorugh the Presidential Decree No.70, 1968

Party of United Islamic Indonesia (PSII)

PSII was formed in Solo, Central Java, 1913 started from a Islamic trade union in 1911. This

party often declare themselves as the oldest party in Indonesia, known as the founder of

political party in Indonesia. Their political activity clearly stated in 1916, and in 1921 the party

changed its name into Party of Islamic Union (Partai Serikat Islam) and into Party of United

Islamic Indonesia (Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia - PSII) in 1930.

At first, followers of Islamic union consist of many level and statuses of community (Rusli

Karim 1983: 73). A kind of follower seems not to continue giving their loyalty and then

seceding from the party. Groups of community who are adopting Marxism formed Communist

Party of Indonesia (PKI), while the nationalists formed Nationalist Party of Indonesia.

Supporters from the group of Islam in the end became separating and new Islamic

organizations and party appeared. After the Independence, the supporter of Islamic union

mostly came from Islam in cities which are entrepreneurs. The United Islam do not mind

whether they are traditionalist or reformist, what matters is the existence of union and unity of

Islam.

The various supporter layers of United Islam also reflected by its leadership who came

from various groups. Since the establishment of the party, most of the leaders came from

academician and entrepreneurs from the cities, dominated by the family members of H.O.S.

Tjokroaminoto. Thereby, the organization is identical with the family members of H.O.S.

Tjokroaminoto (Deliar Noer 1982: 115-116).

The political orientation of the parity changes in time to time. Although in particular

period United Islam seemed to politically accommodating, but their distinct behavior in many

specific condition made at a full responsibility. This could be seen when the United Islam

became a member of “Volksraad” a legislative institution in the Dutch colonial period, they

distinctly took a non-cooperative behaviors and not willing to sit in the volksraad. At the

periode of New Order, they behave accomodatively except on the periode of H.M.Ch. Ibrahim,

United Islam refuse to support the adoption of beliefs and theism into the GBHN and the

announcement of P-4 into Consultative Assembly decree.

Party of Islamic Tarbiyah Unity (PERTI)

PERTI came from a traditional Islam organization, Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah, centered on

Bukit Tinggi, West Sumatera. This organization formed in a famous Islamic school in Cadung,

near Bukit Tinggi, in May 20, 1930. This party is a fortress of traditional Islam communities of

indoctrination and modern movements (Deliar Noer 1987: 72). When established, PERTI aim

to unite all the Islamic school adopting the idea of Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah in I’tiqad and

sect Syafi’I, but then expanded into other fields such as social, economy and finally politic

when the organization grew into a political party on November 22, 1945

Supporter of PERTI came from the follower of Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah centered in

Islamic schools. In particular things, for example in adopting the idea of Ahlussunnah Wal

Jama’ah and its view on modern Islam movements, PERTI has some similarities with NU. But

PERTI only follow one sect which is sect Syafi’i.

The leadership pattern in Parti as well as NU is paternalistic, which brings the scholars

into the highest position. The understanding of religion tends to taqlid and showing off the

paternalistic leadership. The supporters of PERTI in Islamic school in the pattern of syafi’iyah.

Meanwhile, the political orientation of PERTI, especially in the era of New Order is

accommodative, particularly to things not related to the law of syar’i in Islam. Although PERTI

is the smallest elements supporting PPP, but it is one of the most loyal elements supporting

PPP. While NU and United Islam clearly state that they no longer have any political aspiration

with PPP, PERTI as well as MI still underline the distribution of their political aspiration to

PPP.

From the basic characteristic of PPP described by the four of fused elements, we could

predict how far the capability of each elements to stay holding on to the fusion. The classic

difference between NU and MI is the root of main conflicts, although the development outside

the party also happened to be a problem. Meanwhile the only rope unite them is the motivation

of Islam.

DEVELOPMENT OF PPP

At first after the establishment of PPP, the party seen to be very positive for the development of

Islamic political party, because they born as a real one and only Islamic political party which is

expected to be the only distributor of political aspiration of the Islam community, the majority

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of Indonesian community. In the real life PPP stands with Islam principles, although there are

some differences of Understanding the concept of Islam in the fused elements. With conflicts

arose in the PPP, the conflicts seemed to be unsolved and some party has the willingness

against Islam party, PPP in the end have to take off its Ideology, Islam, in 1985.

In the great election, PPP have no significant development, they even lost many votes fo

the House of Representatives seats. From 94 seats in 1971, in the election of 1977 increased up

to 99 but in the election of 1982 they lost some seats and back into 94 seats, the vote also

decreased in 1987 and they only get 61 seats,62 seats in 1992. In the election of 1997 the party

didn’t move from the seats they had before.

In 1998 there were a significant development as a revolutionary taking down the regime of

New Order of Soeharto and the reformation brought colors to the more open and democratic

political life. Up to 2010, the new regime called reformation has executer 3 elections, namely in

1999, 2004, and 2009. In the era of reformation there to be appeared a transparency and

democratization which then gave birth to the new party with various pattern and style of

ideology. Meanwhile the PPP declared themselves once more as the party with Islam ideology

and went back using the symbol of Ka’bah as the symbol of the party. But their vote has no

improvements in the three great elections, in some cases they lost votes.

PPP as the Only Islam Party

In 1945 after the formation of single institution distributing the political aspiration of Islam and

based of Islam, Masyumi. But the only Islam party did not long last, the supporting elements

separated from itself and formed a new party of their own, for example NU went off in 1952.

Masyumi finally disbaned by President Soekarno in 1960 after they succeed in the great

election of 1955.

In the beginning of New Order, there have been some efforts of Islam, especially the

modernist, to rehabilitate Masyumi. The efforts started from the plan to execute national

congress of Islam followed by their contribution in taking role to organize and enforce the New

Order. Islam community has contributed a lot in creating a mature condition for the birth of

New Order. It is proven to be right that the issue of extermination of PKI rely on the religion of

Islam, supports of the Islam community participations in taking down the Old Order

particularly in came from a motivation to enforce the truth. PKI seen by Islam have

implemented a politic contradictory to the Islam ideas. The condition further led the optimism

to rebuild the Islamic political party.

These efforts of the Islam modernist in struggling for new Islam party produced Parmusi.

But the establishment of Parmusi also reflecting a non-independent Islam community itself,

because the government has a lot to do in arranging the leadership of Islam party in these days.

They even plant seeds of new conflict in the body of Islam. Meanwhile the existing Islam party,

particularly PSII and PERTI do not even show any development, they are more fading. NU in

other hand is no more than an accommodative politic. This condition reflected clearly in the

great election of 1971. NU, PSII, Perti and Parmusi together collected no more than 25% of

total voting, while GOLKAR as a new party collected more than 60%.

The result of great election of 1971 has shown the shifting of power of political party to

GOLKAR which is seem to be the integral part of the expectation of the New Order era. The

less voting collected by the Islam party make them play a smaller role except in the function of

parliament. This will pose a stiff competition among the leadership of the Party which in

principle is one source of weakness for the party. Meanwhile, the Golkar victory provides an

opportunity for them to impose their political ambitions more freely without fearing

of displacement by their political opponents in any process of political decision-making,

including and especially the arrangement of political institutions.

Continuation of the political ambitions of the New Order government after the 1971 great

elections where GOLKAR, as a political force supported by the government, won an absolute

majority vote to simplify or reduce the number of existing party through party fusion

mechanism. The simplification made by combining nine party into two, then PPP with Islamic

principles, and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) with their democratic nationalism

principles. The Simplification is done in 1973. Political restructuring of the government’s

ambition is the only justifiable way and inevitable by the nine party which controlling only a

very small seats in the parliament. Thus PPP is formally a single Islamic party which is a fusion

of four Islamic Party, NU, Parmusi, PSII, and PERTI.

It seems that the fusion of four Islamic party is a compulsion that was not desired. PPP is

based on Pancasila, the 1945 Consitution, and Islam, also the symbol of Ka’bah was

immediately confronted by deep internal problems. On its way, PPP seemed to be identical to

internal problems that could easy be known by public. One source of the conflicts is the

disputes between elements in arranging the preparation list of candidates for members of the

House of Representative, disagreement of the number of candidates of each element, whether to

follow the status quo in the previous elections or to change the status quo, the struggle for the

leadership position of a parliamentary commission. The conflict further exacerbated by the

conflict resolution efforts are not rational, such as the write-off some names of unqualified

candidates for the House of Representatives, and the undemocratic process of determining the

leadership of the Party (Panji Masyarakat 1983: 15-19). PPP leader, H.Mintardja and J. Naro,

came from Parmusi and not from the congress of party. They came through mutual

understanding of political elite of the four elements in the party which later received blessing

from"above".

In the line of various interests of the party elite, the government implemented a floating

public politic strategy which is essentially alienating the political party from the public of

countryside. The symbol of political party only reached the district level, thus the roots relating

party and supporters, which is more than 80% came from countryside, came to be disconnected.

The party were unable to perform their function of socialization and communication in the

lower level, the activities of party then centered on the function of parliament.

Internal conflict that never ends is the main source of the weakening of the Islamic party.

Expectation for the realization of Islamic solidarity that was driven by four elements are fading

because the elements are busy trying to strengthen their position over others and oppressing one

each other. The phenomenon shows that fusion manifest from the political behavior of political

elite.

The single Islamic party in the state, of course, can lead to dissatisfaction among the

people, despite the efforts of some actors who are not concern with Islam are usually trying to

discredit Islam, therefore many people are trapped into the extreme movements. Extrimists

moving with the encouragement of fanaticism identified as troublemakers movement for the

security (GPK). They are considered as subversive activities so that they finally washed away.

Therefore, the suffering of Islam finally complete, either for the Islamic Party as the source or

the suffering that came from Muslims outside of the Islamic party.

As well as the prediction of analysts saying that PPP as single Islamic party will not

experience significant development in the great elections after 1971. Even when PPP managed

to add five seats, from 94 to 99, in the election of 1977, but in the great election of 1982 they

went back into their original position, namely 94 seats. The results of elections clearly do not

provide an opportunity for Islam to develp themselves. Even the government lost their

confidence to include the party into the cabinet. By the absolute winning of GOLKAR, as a

political force supported by the government, the PPP seems to be meaningless and

incomputable.

In the general meeting of People’s Consultative Assembly in 1978, PPP struggled to

demonstrate and protect its characteristic. PPP seek to prevent the inclusion of religion’s

ideology flows into the Guidelines of State Policy (GBHN) and the establishment of P-4 as a

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Consultative Assembly Decree, prepared by the government. In the warn atmosphere of

parliament debates, PPP was forced to choose the path of "walk out" (WO) to the matter, since

it is seem to be a forced topic for the debate. This is where the powerlessness of the Islamic

party in the parliament displayed, because in the end, the flow of religion’s ideology went into

the Guidelines of State Policy and P-4 became a Consultative Assembly Decree. The failure of

Islamic party to maintain its stance turned out to be a source of internal debate which has

further weakened the party.

PPP did not show a better preparedness in welcoming the great elections of 1982, although

an increasing number of seats in the 1977 great elections were achieved. The old internal

conflict was resurfaced, the disputes between elements, NU and MI, about the number and

serial number of legislative candidates. Under the leadership of H.J. Naro, MI stepped in bolder

as well as its willingness to stress NU. NU threatened to boycott the great elections. While the

other political forces tried to consolidate, PPP as the single Islamic Party experienced a conflict

rising to its climax of the dispute between NU and MI (Abu Jihan 1984).

PPP welcome the great election of 1982 as the single Islamic party, in an atmosphere of its

cracking. In the midst of the gasping life of PPP, the party entered the campaign arena.

However, the public are still passionate to come to the campaign of the party with Ka’bah

symbol. In fact, due to the high public interest in certain area, for example in Surabaya and one

city in Kalimantan, the campaign brought the King of Dangdut, Rhoma Irama. There were

happened to be overloaded of visitors and death of several visitors because the stadium was

overloaded.

Physical clash when GOLKAR launched a great campaign is one of many evidences of

how splendor the atmosphere of the campaign was. The clash referred to be called as incident

of “Lapangan Banteng”. According to press reports, in accordance with the rescue team

version, the cause of the clash was a bunch of people form PPP. The incident translated freely

and got published as a religiously motivated. So far the accusation charging Islam came with

responsibility, but in the other hand the accusation is tainting the name of Islam. This incident

then became a reason to separate religion from politic. The ideology cleaned from the religious

interference (Rusli Karin 1992: 11-15).

Finally, as predicted of many observers that PPP will not experience development proved

in the great elections of 1982 where the Party lost 5 seats. In almost 10 years of its existence as

the single Islamic party, PPP always identical with conflicts and the party never experienced a

significant development.

PPP Removed the Principle of Islam

In the third great election of the New Order era held on May 4, 1982 PPP as the single Islamic

Party obtained 27,78% with 97 seat in House of Representative, while GOLKAR, the political

force supported by the regime, obtained 63,34 % of total vote with 246 seats in the House of

Representative (Alfian & Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin 1988: 56-66). The result of this great election

has paved the way of the regime of its political ambition, and what they desired will happen.

Meanwhile, the government’s desire to disband the Islamic party seem to have been

planned since the beginning of the existence of New Order regime. The name of PPP, a fusion

of four Islamic Party in 1973, has no Islamic characteristic, while the symbol of Ka’bah is a

maximal result from a maximal struggle of the political elite of PPP in their efforts to preserve

Islam.

The continuation of the New Order government’s political ambitions echoed back through

official speech of President Soeharto on August 16, 1982 three months after the absolute

victory of GOLKAR in the great election. In his speech, the president stated:

“The number and structure of political Party as defined in the Act on political

party and functional groups, is sufficient. It is proven by the two great

elections followed by three contestants. What to complete and underline is the

principle adopted by every political party and golongan karya………………

all of social and political forces especially political party which are still

adopting different principle from Pancasila – should be affirmed, that the only

principle to adopt is Pancasila” (Panji masyarakat 1982: 18-19).

Quote of the president’s speech confirms that the government gave a “green light”

and also issued their grudges in the term of Islam party disband.

A reason revealed related to the presidential statement is that the presence of other

principles, in addition to the principle of Pancasila which is the specific characteristic of party,

would stimulate extreme elements, either from the inside or outside, to further highlight the

other principles in the political struggle to achieve the tangible form, such as before the great

election. In addition, the assertion of identity, other than Pancasila, would stimulate the narrow

group fanaticism that easily used by unruly extremist groups. The extent to which the truth of

reason, but a call for a disband Islam Party began to echoed.

In its helplessness, the PPP confronted with the option of the most bitter. For the party

survival, PPP immediately call for the acceptance of principle feature (Islam) removal and

assert that the only principle of PPP is Pancasila. PPP seems well aware that somehow the will

of the government is impossible to avoid. Thus the PPP as the sole Islamic Party has dispersed,

indeed.

However, the acceptance of PPP for a single Principle of Pancasila does not ease the

conflict that plagued the party. It can even be estimated, the issue of single principle would be a

new source of conflict between the pro and the contra party, or have them competing to present

themselves in accordance to the “new” principle. Until the first PPP congress on August 1984,

the conflict inside of the party has not abated.

The conference reappointed J.Naro as the top leader of PPP. The reelection of J.Naro from

MI brought a bitter consequence for NU which is the rival of MI since the establishment of the

Party. Groups from NU only obtained positions that are not very strategic, giving rise to

dissatisfaction among the NU.

Since the dissatisfying conference, NU tends to brood over its role in the party, and after

considered that the politic of J.Naro is impossible to be tamed, then after the great meeting in

SItubondo in the end of 1984, NU proclaimed itself to the Khittah (struggling line) 1926, which

is back as Jam’iyyah Islam and totally let go off the politic and formulated its relation with PPP

(Rusli Karim 1992: 14). The decision of the congress of NU published and socialized through

fatwa (intstruction) Rois ‘Aam NU KH. Acmad Siddiq, saying : “The people of NU has no

obligation to vote for PPP, it is legal to vote for GOLKAR and PDI”. The instruction

was later distributed in the "yellow book", NU and election, organized by A. Zundi Muhdlor

with an introduction by H. syaiful Mujab, vice chairman of PBNU. The yellow book is 50

paged, containing the instruction and the essence of the great meeting on going back to the

“khittah 1926” and the description about unfair “treatment” of PPP to the NU. The appearance

of the instruction has a far impact, soon various Islamic schools, culture base of NU and many

leaders of MU brought their supporters to declare that they are leaving the PPP and moved to

GOLKAR and PDI in swarmp (Alfian & Nazaruddin Syamsuddin 1987: 85-103). The attitude

of many leaders and followers of MU known as the tactic of “NU’s deflation” towards PPP,

and this is obviously very detrimental.

Along with the spreading deflation attitude of NU, following the decision of conference in

Situbondo 1984, regulation on the implementation of Pancasila as the sole principle of political

party came to final. In the next process, the regulation formally and legally poured in the form

of Law No.3, 1985 on the term of political party and functional groups. Thus, the existence of

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PPP as single Islamic political party is officially over. All attributes and symbols of the triumph

of Islamic political party before the independence became a memory.

The provision of a single principle of Pancasila means the disappearance of the symbols of

Islam in the politics of the nation and state, in essence, is an attempt to political elimination or

depoliticization of Islam. But Ahmad Syafi’I Maarif asserted that any Islamic depoliticization

or de-Islamization of politics will never succeed (Panji Masyarakat No. 455 1985: 16-20).

While Nurcholis Madjid saw the Islamization in Indonesia will be faster if done through the de-

islamization of political party in one hand and in other hand through depoliticization of Islamic

organizations (Arif Mutdasir 1984). Further explanation stated the strategy aim to develop an

inclusivism of Islam, so that the group or particular partisan group could be free of

psychological barriers in adopting Islam completely (Prisma Ekstra 1984). Variety of views in

the relation of Islam and politic (political party) led PPP to enter the great election of 1987.

Since 1985, the Party of United Development (PPP) is officially not an Islamic Party

anymore. The PPP later enter the election of 1987 with an increasingly complex problem.

Many analysts predicted the PPP will experience decline and deterioration of vote in the

election. It is proven to be true in the great election of 1987, the vote for PPP fallen sharply

from 25,82% in the great election of 1982 to 61 House of Representative seats in the great

election of 1987. The condition shows that many supporters of PPP have left the party,

although in particular areas they seem to still showing their loyalty.

Before the great election of 1992, namely on August 28-31, 1989 PPP organized the

second great meeting after 17 years of its existence in the political stage of New Order.

Although J.Naro still trying so hard to occupy the position of chairman for the next period, but

in the end Ismail Hasan Metareum, SH was elected as the new general chairman replacing

J.Naro.

The election of the new general chairman Ismail Hasan Metareum, SH brought an

optimism to the elite group of PPP of the chances to increase their vote at least equal to the

number of vote on the great election of 1982. With a new chairman, the supporters of NU who

moved to GOLKAR and PDI in the great election of 1982, would come back to vote for PPP in

the great election of 1992. This expectation is not excessive considering Ismail Hasan

Metareum obtain a wide supports from the group of MU represented by Imam Sofwan,

although he came from the MI (Syamsuddin Haris 1991: 20), much of it that the NU’s

deflation of PPP mainly caused by their disappointment of the leadership of J.Naro.

When the result of great election of 1992 announced, the three OPPs have agreed to

accept, and the PPP did not obtain significant ascension. While in Java PPP obtain 7 seats more

than the previous election, one seat from West Java, 3 seats from the Central Java, and 3 seats

from East Java. But PPP lost 6 seats in constituency of Sumatera (Tri sukses 1992). This reality

shows that PPP did not obtain significant ascension in the election of 1992, the expectation of

the PPP elite did not come real. While the ascension of PPP in the village level on the election

of 1992 is more influencef by the development of PPP Jakarta.

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