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AFRICAN WOMEN IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP FOURTH REGIONAL CONFERENCE REPORT Lilongwe, Malawi 26-28 November 2012

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AFRICAN WOMEN IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP FOURTH REGIONAL CONFERENCE REPORT Lilongwe, Malawi 26-28 November 2012

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 INTRODUCTION

2.0 OFFICIAL OPENING

3.0 SETTING THE TONE

4.0 PRESENTATIONS AND PROCEEDINGS

4.1 Benefits Of Women’s Leadership To Gender Equality Agenda And Society

Kerubo Abuya

4.2 The Benefits of Women’s Leadership: The Case of Rwanda

Senator Henrietta Mulisa

4.3 The Arab Spring

4.4 Opportunities For Transforming Electoral Processes In Africa

Dr Emmanuel Botlhale

4.5 The Togo Electoral Commission: A Case Study

Mme Dedevi Ekue

4.6 Experience Sharing: Intersections Between Gender And Elections

Mauritius, Mali, And Malawi

5.0 KEY GENDER ISSUES IN ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN AFRICA

6.0 THE POST-2015 DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK

7.0 THE FRAMEWORK FOR THE AFRICAN WOMEN’S DEMOCRACY FUND

8.0 INTERROGATING GENDER, MEDIA AND ELECTIONS

9.0 OFFICIAL CLOSING OF THE WORKSHOP

10.0 ANNEXES

Annex I Communiqué: 4th African Women’s Leadership Conference

Annex II Statement: Solidarity with North African Sisters

Annex III Communiqué : Post 2015

Annex IV Programme

Annex V List of Participants

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ACRONYMNS AU African Union

CSOs Civil Society Organizations

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against

Women

CEO Chief Executive Officer

EMB Electoral Management Bodies

FEMNET African Women’s Development and Communication Network

GBV Gender Based Violence

IT Information Technology

ICT Information Communication Technology

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MOH Ministry of Health

MP Member of Parliament

NEPAD New Partnership for African Development

NGOGCN Non Governmental Organization Gender Coordination Network

NGOs Non Governmental Organizations

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

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1.0 INTRODUCTION

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) is a pan- African organization established in 1988 to strengthen the capacity of women’s organizations and other stakeholders to participate effectively in the promotion of women’s rights, equality and development on the continent.

Since 2009 FEMNET has convened an Annual Regional Conference for African Women in Political Leadership as a platform for African women in political leadership to meet, interact, share experiences and collectively devise ways to overcome the

persistent challenges that hinder women’s equal and effective participation in decision making processes. The conferences have been held in Togo (2009), Zambia (2010) and Kenya (2011) and the most recent in Malawi (2012). FEMNET believes that through strategic networking, mentorship, peer learning, exposure, appropriate support mechanisms and enhanced linkages and collaboration between women in politics and leaders in the African women’s movement, the African women’s rights agenda for peace, gender equality and development can be achieved. African women in political leadership and the African women’s rights movement have the common agenda of consolidating the gains made in the last 17 years since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action at the Fourth World Conference on Women. The Fourth Regional Conference took place in Malawi from 26-28th November, 2012 and brought together seasoned women politicians as well as political aspirants from countries holding elections in 2012-2015, leading women’s rights activists, civil society and research organizations engaged in women’s leadership development, and key development partners who support women’s political participation initiatives. Selected participants from the third regional conference in Kenya were invited for purposes of continuity. Participation included a number of young women political leaders and aspirants to foster intergenerational dialogue and networking.

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2.0 OFFICIAL OPENING Mr. Richard Dictus, UNDP Resident Coordinator in Malawi, expressed his organization’s optimism for gender equality in the light of the strides women have made in political processes. He cited the gender mainstreaming in electoral processes, the enabling regional and international policies and covenants and the grassroots participation in the social and political development on the continent.

The genesis of FEMNET as an organization born out of hurt and pain in October 1984 was highlighted by Ms Njoki Wainaina, founding member of FEMNET, who introduced Herstory, which was later launched by President Joyce Banda. The book documents the journey of FEMNET, and the African women driving and participating in it over the last twenty four years. Herstory is about the birth, the growth, becoming of age and maturity of FEMNET, a story about resilience, determination, courage, commitment, audacity albeit in the face of oppression and discrimination. She expressed FEMNET’s pride in the fact that is has weathered close to three decades from the telegraph years to the age of social networks and information communication technologies (ICT). The organization is proud that today Africa has an increased number of female parliamentarians, more women in the private sector and more men and women working together to advance human rights. FEMNET is also proud that there is a younger generation of women running the Secretariat.

Deputy Minister of Gender, Hon Jennifer Chilunga, underscored the true sisterhood exemplified by the presence of women from of over 20 African countries in Malawi. She acknowledged the women for their zeal and their hard work and urged them to keep up on with this spirit and determination to achieve gender equality in political participation and decision making. Hon. Chilunga then proceeded to invite President Banda to officially open the conference and launch FEMNET’s Herstory book. The Conference was officially opened by the President of the Republic of Malawi, Her Excellency Madam Joyce Banda. President Banda recollected her experiences and the pain that women go through in the equality and participation journey. She was however quick to

This is a struggle we cannot afford to lose – gender equality is not an option,

but a must for Africa! -Njoki Wainaina

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stress that African men have began to create space for women; therefore women should take advantage of these advances.

President Banda stressed that the empowerment of women is key to social and economic development, which is why she has begun some initiatives in that regard. Women ought to be empowered and get supported to get into political positions and once in, should be supported to stay into power. President Banda cautioned women to not allow themselves to be misused—because “men are fighting women through women”.

The President persuaded women to persist while expressing the need to hand over to the current generation, stating; “We are tired, we look tired and we are ready to hand over the mantle”. President Banda then officially launched FEMNET’s Herstory which documents FEMNET’s story from birth in 1988 to 2012. 3.0 SETTING THE TONE

The Conference proceeded with a discussion of participant’s expectations, objectives and a brief exercise to learn the types of electoral systems practiced in the participating countries. Many countries use “first pass the post “or “winner takes it all” systems, except in Rwanda which is by proportional representation and also affirmative action. It was noted that the simple majority system makes the field difficult for women’s political participation hence the need to transform political and electoral processes to create spaces for women. The underlying fact was that electoral processes in Africa affect women’s political participation. Therefore if women are to participate, any if not all bottlenecks in the electoral process ought to be addressed. Examples of pertinent and persistent challenges include post election conflict. The conference was challenged to discuss what can be done to promote women’s organizations, make them responsive and vibrant so as to promote women’s political

Women must stand together and must stand united. Whatever we do,

no matter how small, it is very important for women’s’

empowerment. -President Banda

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participation? For example, how will the Post 2015 framework which is to succeed the MDGs be progressive for women? The Specific Conference Objectives Were Three-Fold:

1. Discuss needs and strategies for transforming electoral processes in Africa including promoting accountability to gender equality commitments and addressing corruption, influencing systems, mechanisms and voters, both women and men, to support women candidates

2. Deliberate on the post-2015 development framework and develop recommendations on women’s participation in decision making for submission to the UN and national governments.

3. Review and adopt the revised framework for the African Women’s Democracy Fund The Conference key outputs were cited as follows:

ϖ Communiqué on women’s participation priorities in the quest for increased political participation;

ϖ Communiqué on post 2015 recommendations for women’s participation in decision making;

3.1 Background of First, Second and Third Annual Leadership Conferences The deliberations of the Fourth Leadership Conference were contextualized with background on the three previous conferences held.

In 2009, FEMNET held a conference in Lomé, Togo against the backdrop of staggeringly low participation of women in politics in Francophone Africa. It had the objective of interrogating why the pattern is similar in this region and why there was a poor showing compared with the other regions. In 2010, the Annual Leadership Conference took place in Lusaka, Zambia. Some of the topics which were dissected included the stereotyping of women in parliament; why women’s organizations abandon the women politicians once they get into parliament and vice versa; and women’s wings in political parties which are not necessarily always advancing women’s rights. Another challenge that emerged was the issue of resources, which is difficult to get support for as it is political. The conference delegates also noted that electing women into parliament and other positions of power was one thing but ensuring they remain there and advance women’s rights continued to be a challenge. The 2011 conference held in Kenya focused on the issue of institutionalized discrimination which pervades women and prevents them from participating fully or effectively in the political arena. The intergenerational gap between seasoned politicians and aspirants or young politicians was also thoroughly debated. The Arab spring which had just taken place earlier that year was also addressed.

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In summary, FEMNET has observed that over the years, some successes have been achieved. There are more and more women participating in politics and there is more visibility about women’s issues in the political spheres. However some key challenges still remain as follows:

ϖ Continued marginalization of women ϖ Economic barriers for women to participate in politics ϖ Religious and cultural factors continue to impede women ϖ Negative media and societal perceptions of women involved in politics ϖ Parliaments remain dominated by men

The 2012 conference therefore attempts to interrogate the persisting issues, including;

ϖ Is women’s leadership any different from men’s leadership, and in what ways? Can we use this as a tool to promote women’s entry into politics?

ϖ The gap/competitive relationship between seasoned women and the younger women. Is this artificial or genuine competition? How can the age gap be exploited to promote the women’s rights agenda rather than be antagonistic?

Q&A, Feedback Session A Congolese delegate lamented the repulsive relationship between CSO and politicians. Her claim was that politicians use CSOs when it is rough, and abandon the CSOs when it is rosy. As a result, women’s rights organizations and women’s issues tend to be sidelined. She therefore recommended for the representation of women’s rights organizations at all levels-local, national, regional, and the UN so that CSOs voices are heard and that women’s issues are highlighted. Having observed the similarities running across the countries, a Malian delegate called for synergies and collaboration. However she lamented the fact that women in politics are mostly urban based while the majority women in rural areas are simply used by politicians during political campaigns. 4.0 CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS AND PROCEEDINGS

Delegates shared experiences across the five regions of the continent, from Egypt and Libya, to Mauritius, Togo, Mali and Rwanda. Through Rwanda’s experience the conference created space for sharing and appreciating the “Benefits of women’s leadership to the gender equality agenda and society as a whole”. While appreciating strides made in women’s participation in political and electoral processes, a paper by Dr Botlhale from the University of Botswana provoked debate on legal frameworks, non-domestication of instruments and how these can be transformed to create meaningful political space for women. In breakout sessions, plenary and structured presentations and interventions, delegates deliberated on moving from protest to participation as well as gender specific challenges and dynamics faced by women in electoral processes.

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4.1 Benefits of Women’s Leadership to Gender Equality Agenda & Society Kerubo Abuya, Kenya Different types of leadership frameworks for meaningful leadership and human development were presented including those based on; Values; Caring Economics; Partnerships; Human rights and cultural transformation theory.

Women’s leadership is Africa’s hope for desired change. Politics has been dominated by men for centuries with a focus on economics. Economic statistics show that GDP is rising, economic growth is registered. However, there is high unemployment, more children on the streets, high child mortality, high maternal mortality, low investment in agriculture-where 80% peasant farmers are women, and more grim statistics. Women leaders should move away from “Dominant politics” to politics of partnership with men. Women politicians and leaders can therefore come in to exude a leadership that brings change. With social and political transformation, women can adopt a “Caring economics” style of leadership based on respect, trust and humanity, the core of the agenda.

This proposed leadership is participatory in character and includes the voices of the people we serve. It entails a comprehension of people’s needs, focusing on social, economic and political values, practices and structures that foster equality and inclusiveness in all spheres of life and avoiding a paternalistic attitude. On the other hand, the paternalistic dominant system of leadership is characterized by insensitivity, cruelty,

destructiveness and chauvinism. Women leaders are associated with partnership leadership but also consciousness, caring, and creativity. It is time for women to lead and to help Africa move from grim and despair to prosperity and hope. Feedback Session Despite women’s aspiration to engage the “Caring Economics” type of political leadership, their position on fundamental issues will be affected/influenced by the party position. This is a paradox. Political structures hinder women from practicing “caring economics” because of the inherently dominant patriarchal systems. However women leaders should start the conversation toward structural transformation and should support fellow women. The Conference reflected on a practical example of President Joyce Banda who is practicing “caring economics” typified by her distribution of relief food to the needy. However, she has met with a negative condemning public opinion. Those who criticize President Joyce Banda are sometimes typical voices from systems of domination.

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Criticism is part of the leadership and the gender equality journey; therefore women leaders should remain steadfast in their goal. Such resistance and discouragement as meted out on President Joyce Banda is common. 4.2 The Case of Rwanda: Benefits of Women’s Leadership Senator Henrietta Mulisa, Rwanda With the highest representation of women in parliament in Africa and in the world, Rwanda is a model of gender equality in leadership and political participation. The events of the 1994 genocide and its aftermath were the turning point and catalyst for change. The genocide created a lot of widows, orphans and vulnerable children, female and child headed households, with high rates of discrimination. With visionary leadership and political will, Rwanda worked to involve and promote women in politics and decision making. It was recognized that development was under threat without women’s full and effective participation. On the legal and policy front, the government created an enabling environment including an engendered constitution, gender friendly policies and legislation such as land ownership, inheritance, with 20-30% of land owned by women. Laws and policies were reviewed, and Bills were made gender sensitive. The Electoral law is engendered and prescribes a 30% quota for women, with all political parties mandated to include women. Women’s rights organizations played a key facilitating role and focused on sensitization, confidence building and ensuring policies were gender responsive. The few women in decision making spaces worked very closely together to make change possible and contributed towards the notably high number of women in parliament and the political system today. The greater the numbers of women participating in the political arena, the more visible women’s issues are and the louder the female voice is in Parliament. This has resulted in gender responsive policies, laws and budgets. It has also impacted educational and health outcomes – with Rwanda having achieved the MDG goal on maternal health for example. The critical mass of women in politics has created role models and networks for young girls. Women now have access to a guaranteed fund for bank loans. Increased accountability has also resulted in low levels of corruption and good governance. Challenges Despite the advancements made, challenges still remain. Key among them are poverty, illiteracy, low self esteem, cultural barriers and persistent male chauvinistic attitudes which is being mitigated by partnerships between men and women.

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Q&A, Feedback Session What is the male reaction in parliament and public arena? Patriarchal attitudes persist even in Parliament; therefore the Women’s Caucus has included male membership and at times, uses men to promote women’s agenda. For example, the GBV Bill was first presented by women and subsequently rejected but was passed when it was championed by a man. Has this major stride been achieved single handedly by women or were men involved? Partnership with men is very important for political and electoral processes and transformation. When women alone pushed the agenda, it brought strife and resistance. Where there is political will and male involvement, it is easy for institutions to adopt gender policies and affirmative action. For that reason, partnership with men was very key for Rwanda to get this far. How does Rwanda ensure women’s representation at all levels including the grassroots? The structure starts at top level namely the Women’s Council, and goes down all the way to the village level. How well represented are women in key political and ministerial positions? The Speaker of Parliament, the Chief Justice, the Vice President, and the Head of Budget in Parliament are all women. A delegate from Botswana illustrated the strong link between women’s rights organizations and women in parliament and stressed that the stronger the link, the greater the gender sensitivity and equality. A disconnect between the two weakens the women’s movement and women’s power is lost. Key Lessons: How Can Women Change The Landscape? The experiences of Rwanda have demonstrated that the numbers and participation of women can and does bring about positive changes in the political and socio-economic spheres. Women can change the landscape by adopting “caring economics” which addresses human development needs such as food, health, education, as opposed to increased funding for wars. Women leaders should adopt a leadership style that purposely listens to the voices of the weak and marginalized masses; reject a paternalistic attitude and embrace a participatory leadership built on mutual trust and respect with the electorate. Women leaders should begin to engage rural based women as politicians rather than subjects of abuse for political campaigns. Women should forge partnerships with unity of purpose because it is becoming increasingly clear that women have made gains from the power of unity and numbers. The Egyptian revolution and Rwanda’s post-genocide period make obvious the benefit of unity and solidarity. Support networks will help nurture and sustain the women leadership on the distressful and often lonely political journey. The practical experiences shared by President Joyce Banda and the other women captured in the FEMNET’s Herstory book illustrate how agonizing it can be in the political career.

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4.3 The Arab Spring: From Protest to Participation 4.3.1 The Tunisian Experience Honorable Rabiaa Nejlaoui, MP, Tunisia

Tunisian women are a very important foundation for society’s development. They contributed greatly to the liberation, and were very active in the uprising and subsequent revolution. In the elections which followed immediately after, women participated but with serious challenges because the men dominated the leadership and decision making spaces. Women continue to fight and agitate to reclaim their historical position. There is a stereotype that women cannot do politics.

Regrettably the first bottleneck is the family especially brothers who are the first to stop their sisters from running for political office. This is made worse by negative media reports about women, and compounded by political parties which favor male aspirants. Political parties should promote women and stop marginalizing them. Women in turn should be confident and determined and not undermine themselves. Women must stop fighting amongst themselves and refuse to simply be spectators. 4.3.2 The Voice of Libyan Women Issraa Murabit, Libya The revolution in Libya was a reflection of the voice of Libyan women who are fighting for political space. In the period before the revolution, only 2 out of 70 seats were occupied by women in the Libya congress while in the post revolution period, women occupy 16% of the seats. Parties play a large part in women’s participation. The women’s struggle is made worse by the Islamic militia who are anti-women and the situation remains volatile. Religious extremism is therefore holding women back from political participation. Aggravating the situation are the media who paint an awful picture of women politicians, arising from one woman Minister (of Health) who fared poorly in her political office. Politicians use the media to glorify men and demonize women. While women were very instrumental in bringing about change, many have since resigned to their traditional roles as homemakers confirming the general trend of using women for political campaigns and mobilization. There are however still great opportunities to advance the agenda, with women doing great work in civil society to support and promote their fellow women. Additionally, Libya is a

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youthful country with 67% of the population being composed of youth. This can be taken advantage of to shape and influence the policy makers of the next generation. 4.3.3 Egypt Post Revolution Asmaa Aly, Egypt Although women were part and parcel of the struggle during the revolution, they have often been used or exploited, with no official recognition of their contribution. On the religious front, the Islamic fundamentalism is working against women. On the legal front, the constitution has retrogressed on the rights of women. The revolution is not yet over because those who hold power are not practicing democracy and the people are determined to challenge this. The proposed Constitution is 80% Islamist and allows a girl as young as 6 years to marry, and allows human trafficking. Egypt is now near a revolution and stands divided between the Muslim Brotherhood and the people with the threat of bloodshed. The prevailing system currently is one of domination, particularly that of women and of minorities. Significant change will only come once this system and the culture that surrounds it are overhauled. The need for solidarity across borders was emphasized to provide support as Egyptians continue fighting for justice. Many lessons have been learned in the revolution, which need to be documented. Re-energizing youth and women through social media could equally add to the impetus and also help in agitating to make changes to the Constitution. Egypt must also leverage the power of women’s networks. The rights of Egyptian women are the red line, a line which cannot be crossed. Egyptian women have and continue to defy injustices perpetrated by the militias and extremists including virginity tests for female protesters. The struggle for “freedom, social justice and dignity” continues. What role does the leadership play in according dignity to its people? In Tunisia, the women do not want to call this the Arab Spring because spring is associated with the realization of all rights. Spring will come when all Africans join together in solidarity to advance issues of social justice regardless of religion, class, age, gender and socio-economic status. What affects a women in Egypt or Tunisia or Libya, also affects all of us as African women. “One hand can do little but many hands can show the world that African women cannot be silenced again.” Conference participants joined hands in solidarity with the women of the Arab Spring to read out the 30- point abridged version of the UDHR (Universal Declaration of Human Rights).

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Please see Annex 2 for a statement of solidarity by conference delegates. The experience of violence amidst the unrest in Mali was also shared.

4.4 TRANSFORMING ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN AFRICA 4.4.1 Opportunities for Transforming Electoral Processes in Africa Dr Emmanuel Botlhale, Botswana Understanding the African Union (AU) Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance and translating its provisions into gains for women in electoral processes. Democracy without a gender perspective is flawed. Gender inequality is prevalent in this field with an unequal electoral field. How can electoral processes be made to be gender responsive? How must electoral processes be designed to maximize women’s representation? The victim mentality must be done away with-- “It is our responsibility to get up, though we are not responsible for our down fall”. Overview of Gender Initiatives & Women Participation The International Women’s Conferences dating far back as the 1970s and successive ones, enabling frameworks such as the UDHR as well as AU initiatives such as the Charter and the Maputo Protocol have been instrumental in improving women’s participation in the electoral processes in Africa. Because of these initiatives and other reforms, some successes have been registered. For instance, African women currently occupy 20.3% of parliamentary seats in Sub-Saharan Africa.1 Thus, the proportion of African women MPs has kept pace with trends in all regions. In the last 15 years (1997-2012), this proportion has almost doubled. However, this is not sufficient. Additionally, analysis should look beyond numbers.

1 IPU, 2012; Women in National Parliaments, Situation as of 30 September 2012.

Dr. Vera Chirwa, a retired Special Commissioner of the African Union Court, recounted the grim cases that were presented to the AU during her tenure as Commissioner including shameful and horrific acts of violence and discrimination against girls, corporal punishment; and stripping girls naked. She emphasized that it makes a difference when the adjudicator is female.

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The most common prevailing electoral systems include the Plurality–Majority systems; Semi-Proportional systems; and Proportional Representation systems. Women generally benefit under Proportional Representation systems. In order to ensure a favourable transformation process, governments should consider adopting more favourable gender friendly electoral systems which should be complemented with willing women contestants as well as an electorate that

supports increased representation of women. Women’s participation in the electoral process can be capacitated through legislative recruitment. This happens at three critical stages. In the first place, women must self-select to stand for elections. If women chose not to stand, then this becomes an unviable proposition. Women often give up before this stage because of the negative depiction of women in politics, lack of resources, and lack of political experience. Support for the potential aspirants, including capacity building initiatives, are critical for overcoming this. Secondly, women need to get selected as a candidate by the party. This stage is dictated by party gatekeepers who choose the party’s candidate. This is a tricky stage because chauvinistic and patriarchal affinity is at play, with internal party affairs dominated by men. Therefore political parties and change drivers/gatekeepers need to be targeted to positively influence their attitudes towards women so that they “pass” or endorse women candidates. Thirdly, women need to get selected by the voters. Programmes must deliberated mobilize voters to vote for women. It is key that the candidates be credible and trustworthy so that their participation is not simply a matter of an increase in the number of women but an overall improvement in the quality of leadership. Other aspects that must be addressed include restrictions to women’s participation or candidature to elected and/or representative positions as well as the need to keep engaging women politicians throughout the electoral process. Additionally, monitoring outcomes of the electoral process and bringing institutions including the state machinery and electoral monitoring boards (EMBs) to account for their commitments to mainstream gender is essential. Feedback Session The issue of quality versus quantity stirred a lot of debate. There were suggestions for fewer women of substance rather than a large number of non performers. After a lengthy debate, the consensus was for quantity first and foremost. Quality will be attained through capacity building initiatives.

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Hon Noni Dhlamini lamented that nobody has questioned the quality of the many years of male dominated parliaments with plenty of male non-performers. Now that women are filling up parliamentary seats, we start questioning their performance. Young people should “unlearn” the prevailing dominant discriminating attitude towards women. How can the university support young people to “unlearn” the negative socio-political unsupportive culture? Can the Academia work with civil society organisations to change the political scene and make it attractive for women? Considering that socialisation and cultural transformation begins in the home, parents must instil positive social and political values in their children. Women seem to be supported and become active just prior to the elections, ignoring the pre election and post election period, which are critical. We must celebrate the few leaders who are promoting women and use them as champions to influence their peers. 4.4.2 The Togo Electoral Commission: A Case Study Mme Dedevi Ekue, Togo

Togo has experienced violent elections since 1998 with an exception in 2012. Although there has been women suffrage since 1958 in the country, women have tended to distance themselves from the elections largely due to violence. Instead women have tended to be used as campaign tools. Since 1990, many things have changed. Women groups came up to campaign for the increase of women in decision making,

educating women on issues of politics. Togo has laid down an institutional framework including tools and protocols for women’s participation. Laws have been reviewed and engendered. Despite all this, the number of women in politics remains comparatively low. The women continue to be discriminated. Poverty persists and remains an obstacle to their participation. For those who brave the process and are dynamic and strong, they are ridiculed and belittled. Consequently, women lose confidence and keep a distance. Strategies have been deployed, including initiatives of confidence building so as to ensure more women participate in politics. The results are not very encouraging with 8 women out of 81 MPs. The President recently said: “I am trying to promote women in offices but I cannot find them”. A quota system has since been introduced to reinforce the enabling environment.

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Feedback Session Beyond ratifying the Charter, states must domesticate and implement. Implementation is best supported by a tracking system to measure progress. Therefore SMART gender indicators are essential for a periodic check of the engendering of the electoral process. Countries need to reform the system, track and monitor the input and the outcomes on the ground. Tracking resources: What about the investment in women? It would equally be obligatory to track resources that support women. UNDP uses a “gender marker” to check how much resources go into gender. Numbers are however susceptible to abuse. Affirmative action is a vital strategy but some countries do not believe in affirmative action. How then can governments be held to account in such scenarios? Male dominance, tradition, culture, socio-economic and political circumstances have disenfranchised women and have hampered women’s participation. Nevertheless, it is time for women to stand up and get back on their feet. 4.5 EXPERIENCE SHARING—INTERSECTION BETWEEN GENDER AND ELECTIONS The objective of the session was to increase understanding of gender specific challenges women face in electoral processes. 4.5.1 The Experience of Mauritius Ameenah Sorefan, Mauritius

Mauritius has not ratified the Protocol but it has a 30% affirmative policy for every constituency; and a 30% quota for the reserve list that allows for proportional representation. The goal is to encourage more women to enter politics and find new and effective ways of achieving this; to have gender parity in the number of women elected both in parliament and local government and to double the number of women in Parliament at the next general elections. The focus is currently on

empowering women through training, with modules covering the electoral process, canvassing, campaign strategy, messaging and effective communications with the Media. Mauritius focuses on both urban and rural areas and has invested in women by training them and seeing them through the elections. Efforts have been strategically focused on village councils all the away to the District levels because this is where the major parties’ influence and lobbying happens. Ahead of the general elections in 2015, lobbying is being carried out for electoral reform through debates and media campaign to have the mixed system, first past

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the post and Proportional Representation with zebra lists. Work continues on sensitization and education, and training in all regions for more women as candidates for the election and presence in the national assembly. Sensitization campaigns have targeted men and managed to keep away from politics by practicing non affiliation; meritocratic and equality. 4.5.2 The Experience of Mali

Mali has ratified the protocol but there is no concrete action on the ground with a mismatch between political will and gender equality. Gender statistics in Mali are negligible. Women’s participation is increasing but inequality remains. Women suffer psychological violence, and are objects of exploitation during political campaigns. Women’s rights organizations and stakeholders are fighting for a quota system but the lack of political will has thwarted such efforts. Another debilitating factor is the many capable women who tend to be at the grassroots level, most of whom are illiterate and reside in remote areas. They lack exposure and access to the political spheres as well as opportunities that arise to participate. 4.5.3 The Experience of Malawi Hon Cecilia Chazama, MP, Chairperson of Malawi Women’s Parliamentary Caucus

Malawi has seen a steady increase in the number of women parliamentarians: 16 out of 193 in 1999; 27 out of 193 in 2004; and 43 out of 193 in 2009. Despite this turn of events, there is a low retention of the women MPs. This is worrisome because first comers bloom after two to three years and tend to be more effective during their second and successive tenures. There is lack of support after and in between elections, which are critical time periods. Some donors prefer to support aspirants due to the outrageous demand for allowances by sitting MPs. Experience has also shown a large number of independent female MPs—a reflection of the hostile male and political attitude particularly during primary elections. This is perpetuated by the lack of women or a negligible number in the political party leadership. Another factor is the lack of knowledge by the populace on the role of MPs, i.e. oversight legislative function versus developmental work hence matters tend to be personalized and affect women more than men. Furthermore, elections have become highly monetized, making them prohibitive for women as many cannot afford them. Politics of handouts in Malawi and across the SADC region is unfortunately a reality. Women should spearhead issue-based campaigns and strive to campaign against monetization.

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5.0 Key Gender Issues in Electoral Processes in Africa What has been achieved and what could be done to transform the electoral processes to enable more women’s participation? Conferences and workshops have talked about the same issues for a long time. There is plenty of talk but little or no action in support for women’s empowerment or women’s participation in politics. For example, there is talk of protocols, but these have not been ratified, if ratified they have not been domesticated or implemented. And unfortunately, governments are not brought to account for not meeting the targets elaborated in the Protocols and Charters. In addition, the Media is sometimes an obstruction rather than a facilitator to democracy. As such, the conference needs to be creative and innovative to promote women’s participation. Based on constructive interrogation, a number of suggestions and recommendations were crafted to respond to the major Conference questions in line with the objectives. 5.1 Progress Some progress has been registered in women’s participation in the electoral process in Africa. There is a steady rise in the number of women in politics, with Rwanda currently boasting of being the only country whose parliament is dominated by women with over 50%. This has been facilitated by enabling laws such as affirmative action and proportional representation. African women currently occupy about 20.3% of parliamentary seats. In North Africa, women have participated or initiated the revolutions but the number of women in parliament currently stands at a meager 16%. 5.2 Impeding Factors for Women’s Political Participation Key factors that continue to hinder women’s participation in electoral or political processes pertain to attitudes, stereotypes, and economic, social, legal and institutional barriers: Ratification without domestication. Hostile masculine dominant patriarchal political systems continue to prevail. Institutionalized discrimination against women: women are often delegated to “soft issues” such as health or social affairs as opposed to finance. The gatekeepers are men and often consider politics as men’s business. Culture, attitudes, and Stereotyping: Belief that “good” women do not go into politics and if they do, they don’t make good politicians. This stereotype is perpetuated by the media who

If a man underperforms, the electorate will vote for

another man. If a woman underperforms, they will not

vote for another woman.

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portray women as bitter, angry and emotional, with a focus on women’s private lives rather than issues they stand for. Women are not united: women are not a united block as they often have to tow the political party line/ideology rather than the gendered perspective. Secondly, there are contentions that women do not support fellow women. There are cases where this is true, with men/patriarchy fighting women through women. However women have supported each other throughout the decades particularly in terms of emotional and social support. Weak nexus between CSOs and Women in Parliament: Rwanda has successfully managed this through joint forums where the CSOs and women in politics interface on their Strategic Planning. Legal frameworks: Lack of gendered enabling policies and laws where some countries do not have “quota” provisions for women. Some countries have not ratified the gender friendly protocols. Constitutional inadequacies also exist, in Egypt for example where the current draft is gender blind. Economic barriers: Financial constraints create barriers for women to run for public offices. Those who are breadwinners in particular are weary of using their limited resources to campaign. Donors are also not forthcoming to support this field because it is political. Religious extremism: This creates a hostile environment for the promotion of gender equality. In Libya this has kept women away from the political arena. In Egypt, young women were subjected to virginity tests. Low self esteem: A lack of access to quality education, political networks and training necessary to enter politics and women’s leadership in general creates a lack of confidence among women to stand for election. The intergenerational gap between the “younger” and the “seasoned” women. 5.2 STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMING ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN AFRICA

5.2.1 Promoting Accountability to Gender Equality Commitments Engendering national policies and laws Governments have ratified many protocols. A necessary step beyond ratification would be engendering the national policies, drawing from Rwanda’s good practice. This will be dependent on high level endorsement and political will.

Develop a results-based gender M&E tool A results-based gender monitoring and evaluation tool to track and evaluate the effects of the electoral reforms must be developed. As part of the M&E, the Ministries/Cabinet should report on achievements on gender issues by making formal presentations to the legislators. CSOs should also present shadow reports as was done in Mauritius by Gender Links. The

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UNDP generated “Gender Marker” is also available which facilitates tracking resources that support women.

Performance rating using a gender score card To guarantee compliance and reinforce good practices, countries need to introduce systems to reward and punish performance accordingly. This step would require a consensus on gender indicators in every policy (see engendering of policies above). Gender mainstreaming across ministries By ensuring Gender Mainstreaming Desk Officers exist across all ministries, women’s participation will be assured. Government will ensure a consistent effort to include women’s agenda in all strategic plans and blue prints. 5.2.2 Influencing Electoral Process To Enhance Participation Of Women Governments must ratify international conventions and protocols such as the African Charter. Beyond that, it would be obligatory to domesticate the instruments and formulate incentives or penalties for those countries that comply or fail to make good of their intentions. Botswana has not signed the Protocol but they have made reasonably good progress on gender equality. Financing engendering electoral processes States should be obligated to fund or provide resources to promote gender equality by increasing the budgets for Ministries of Gender – and meet some of international or regional the recommendations on budgeting. Introduce Affirmative Action or quotas for women Governments should encompass specific quotas for women’s representation within the legal framework and extend to political parties and ensure there are clauses for implementation e.g. the electoral commission should be able to disqualify the parties who do not meet the quota. Governments should also reserve parliamentary seats through affirmative action policy and introduce stiff penalties for parties that do not comply. The Gender Equality Law should be passed to facilitate compliance and state accountability. This step is dependent on the will, endorsement and commitment at the highest political level. Introduce a hybrid plural representation system The hybrid system borrows on the best of the Proportional Representation and the best of the Plural Majority systems. Women generally benefit under PR systems hence this is the more favourable gender friendly electoral system. Improve internal party democracy The Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) ought to work with institutions including political parties to institute policies and laws that ensure selection of female candidates, through quota systems or ensuring women are at the top of the lists, with incentives rewarded for doing so. If women are leading within parties, they will inspire other women but also facilitate and support party decisions to enforce gender sensitive electoral reforms.

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Initiate legislative recruitment This will entail, firstly, that women must self-select to stand for elections. They must look at politics positively and change their perception of politics as a ‘dirty’ game. Secondly, women should be selected as a candidate by the party; this stage is dictated by party gatekeepers who actually choose the parties candidate. Thirdly, women should be selected by the voters through the ballot.

5.2.3 Ensuring Both Male And Female Voters Support Women Candidates Partnership between men and women More than ever before, alliances/partnerships with men are essential. There are men who support women’s cause, and should be utilized as champions. Where there is political will and male involvement, it is easy for institutions to adopt gender policies and affirmative action. This was done successfully in Rwanda to push for gender sensitive policies. Identify women candidates early Stakeholders must sensitize and identify candidates early and support their campaign. Borrowing from a Brazilian programme, countries should consider grooming or incubating women aspiring for political careers. Engage the gatekeepers and men to “pass” or endorse women candidates. Training/mobilization of men and women.

5.2.4 Strengthening the Capacity of Women Financing Experiences of women Parliamentarians in Mali, Togo, Swaziland, and Malawi demonstrated that some women are determined; they are doing great work, but what they need is an economic push. This is strongly confirmed by the work of FEMNET secretariat on a proposed financed mechanism for women aspirants. Capacity building Women need to be trained in leadership skills, self esteem, and confidence; specific campaign related issues such as public speaking, negotiation, as well as writing bills. A critical mass of women empowered with information, skills and confidence can be mobilized to advocate for marginalized groups.

Sensitization and awareness of the general populace.

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Networking and unity of purpose Stakeholders including women’s rights NGOs and governments should create a space for women politicians and women’s organizations to share experiences in and across countries. Women should be helped to emerge from stressful conditions through networking and sharing forums. In Rwanda, the few women in decision making worked very closely together and that strong unity among them contributed to make change possible and so contributed towards the notably high number of women in parliament and the political system. The Parliamentary women’s caucuses across Africa should be well connected to share experiences in order to add value to the women’s performance of the women. At national level, women’s groups across the political divide should also meet to compare notes and encourage one another. Support women in between elections Effective support for women should start soon after an election. The Media The media should be adequately capacitated to promote women’s participation by depicting a positive image of women throughout the electoral process. 5.2.5 Women’s Leadership vs. Men’s Leadership Is women’s leadership any different from men’s leadership? Can we use this as a tool to promote women’s entry into politics?

ϖ Due to their maternal instinct and generally passionate attitude, women leaders bring a leadership that purposely listens to the voices of the weak marginalized masses.

ϖ They are not paternalistic but often practice participatory leadership built on mutual trust and respect with the electorate.

ϖ A women’s leadership is more concerned with gender sensitive budgets (such as the Rwanda experience) gender sensitive policies, safe motherhood, food for the hungry, drugs in the hospitals, etc.

ϖ A women’s leadership is sensitive to issues of corruption and so is instrumental in minimizing it

ϖ Women are concerned about the rampant exploitation of women as objects of political campaigns and the revolution and so they are able to move on this

Campaigning is a process that starts way before the

elections. It starts at the end of the previous election, if not

sooner.

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5.2.6 Seasoned Women vs. Younger Women The age gap between the seasoned and younger women can be exploited to support intergenerational mentoring between seasoned and younger women focusing on nurturing younger women. The emerging leaders can learn from the seasoned political leaders.

5.2.7 From Protest to Participation: Sustaining Momentum For Equality Given the participation of women in the revolution in the Arab Spring, the conference suggested that the momentum can be maintained by:

ϖ Crafting and adopting gender sensitive laws which can then be tested for implementation

ϖ Cultivating the Media continuously and profiling women in public spaces

ϖ Nurturing women in smaller groups of women and connect with the whole – create safe spaces for women

ϖ Supporting women in public spaces ϖ Creating and supporting strong women’s

movement, working across political, age, professional or other differences.

5.0 THE POST-2015 DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK:

Priorities for Women’s Participation in Decision Making Dinah Musindarwezo, Executive Director, FEMNET

The objective of the session was to agree on key priorities for women’s participation in decision-making Post 2015.

The Post 2015 consultations, whose deadline is May 2013, are underway. Highlights of the Post 2015 discussions was provided to allow delegates to appreciate the ongoing processes in developing the post 2015 development framework. African women should take advantage of this process to reflect women’s needs and issues. Women and women’s rights organizations should endeavor to use their strategic

networks to mobilize participation, including the articulation of position papers.

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Key Observations & Challenges Women’s participation is fundamental to democracy and the achievement of sustainable development and peace. Unfortunately women have lost the post Beijing gains for example not meeting the Millennium Development Goal 3 targets. For instance, women cannot participate in politics because of gender inequality that cuts across all areas - social, economic, health, political and other spheres. Women in conflict and fragile states are victims of gender based violence, pain and strife. Sisters in the North of Africa particularly Egypt, Tunisia and Libya and also the sisters in Mali and other parts of the continent continue to be oppressed and devastated. In summary, the current pressing women’s issues on the African continent, include, inter alia:

ϖ Violence against women in crisis and conflict situations ϖ Inadequate political and electoral space for women ϖ Poor access to health services particularly for rural and poor women ϖ Continued high maternal and child mortality; ϖ Gender inequalities in education ϖ Poverty and financial disempowerment

Compelling evidence (drawn from Rwanda’s case) shows a direct link between more women in parliament and more equitable laws and social programs and budgets that benefit women and children and families. The Delegates therefore agreed that women’s political participation should be a priority for the women’s movement, for Member states of the African Union and for the United Nations. The Conference remained committed to gender equality and the promotion of women’s space in the global development agenda. To maintain the aspirations that are rooted in the Beijing Platform and previous international UN Conferences, and also mindful of the many needs, women seek to be realistic but remain bold and ambitious. While some gains have been made over the past three to four decades; they also realize that some gains have been lost due to missing of targets in the MDGs. The conference thus agreed to remain committed to participate to ensure that women’s issues find expression in the Post 2015 process/agenda. Drawing from lessons of the past, the dominant style of leadership which has not benefited women and children, the plenary agreed that women in political leadership will bring leadership with a difference through issue-based politics. The Conference was united in calling on governments and development partners to increase investments in institutions and processes that make women’s political participation work through training, capacity building, leadership and facilitating the increased engagement of

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men who can partner with the women’s movement to champion their cause. These institutions include government machinery, political parties, and the education sector. The Africa Women Want: Key Priorities for Post 2015 There were a number of critical issues that were identified namely: governance, education, maternal health, peace and conflict and inequality. Mindful that there are other parallel thematic groups trying to find space in the Post 2015 Framework, the Conference participants reached consensus on the following three priorities namely: Governance:

ϖ To actively promote women’s political participation, including through affirmative measures, as appropriate.

ϖ To enforce affirmative 50 - 50 approaches to ensure gender parity in education, in employment, in public appointments, and in electoral processes.

ϖ To nurture democracy and good governance structures in order to promote the rule of law, accountability among politicians and bureaucrats

ϖ To fight corruption at all levels and in all spheres. Corruption is a pervasive crime that transcends all sectors and is debilitating against gender inequality.

ϖ To ensure full commitments to the fundamental human rights through full implementation of international and regional instruments such as CEDAW, African Charter, and the Maputo Protocol

Inequality:

ϖ To rigorously provide technical support and capacity building at all levels and across all sectors to mainstream gender more effectively and deliberately

ϖ To re-examine, analyze and understand the interconnectedness of the MDGs from a gender perspective

ϖ To interrogate the root causes of inequalities such as patriarchal structures and institutions and address them aggressively through social transformation approaches

ϖ To leverage African philosophies and value systems like Ubuntu and others to counter harmful cultural value systems that cause and perpetuate inequities

ϖ To harness the concept of “Caring Economics” to help foster systems of partnership and move away from systems of domination for meaningful cultural transformation

Conflict and Fragility

ϖ To ensure peace and security to all human beings including women ϖ To safeguard the rights of displaced persons most of whom are women and children ϖ To utilize indigenous conflict resolution tools, and ensure women’s involvement in

those processes. See Annex 4 for the full communiqué on The Africa Women Want post 2015

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7.0 FRAMEWORK FOR THE AFRICAN WOMEN’S DEMOCRACY FUND Financing Women’s Political Participation Amina Salihu, Consultant

The objective of the session was to agree on modalities for the establishment of the African Fund Women’s Democracy Fund. The proposed name for the Fund is “Lead Fund; A Fund for African Women in Leadership” and shall seek to support women engaging in politics across Africa. The Proposed framework for the Fund has addressed questions of Structure (status, hosting, and location), funding mechanism, eligibility criteria and fundraising (sources, launch plan). The purpose of the fund

ϖ Provide technical and financial resources to African women in politics in a timely and responsive manner

ϖ Fundraise, invest and manage resources for women’s political participation ϖ Complement the work of the women’s movement in the sub region through funding,

advocacy, collaborations and sharing lessons ϖ Research to establish a database and barometer of country responses to women’s

political participation

The Fund has been formulated to respond to the fact that limited financial resources are a debilitating factor standing in the way of women’s self expression and participation particularly as political campaigns have become increasingly monetized. To ensure diversity, the Advisory Board for the Fund should comprise persons from: respected women’s organizations; young women; male gender champions; Francophone/ Anglophone/Arabophone/Lusophone; and a grant making organization. Apart from the above persons, some leaders of thought and influential people of goodwill to raise the resource mobilization platform will be targeted. As to eligibility, the Fund is proposed to target Presidential and Parliamentary candidates (national or regional); women who are seeking a first term or a new office; women who wish to seek political party positions at the local government level; women who are seeking to contest for positions of authority in traditional male spaces; women’s organizations’ working to strengthen women’s participation; and women writers doing relevant research. Thirty percent of support will be dedicated to young women and their issues. The focus will be on supporting innovative ideas that expand the space for women. It is proposed that the Financial support to women candidates should be substantive and; provide technical and financial aid during and after campaigns; build the capacity of aspirants with technical skills in public speaking, advocacy and agenda setting; support constituency

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mobilization, organizing and training of volunteers including election observers; cover cost of media campaigns; and provide space for cross fertilization of ideas amongst politicians.

The Fund will develop governance and accountability indices as well as a Code of Conduct for the beneficiaries to abide by for purposes of credibility. Clear rewards and penalties will be enforced for compliance. Regular performance reports and periodic capacity needs will be built into the fund to support women and ensure all stay focused on the agenda for change. FEMNET co-jointly with others will nurture the Fund in its infancy. This shall include housing the Fund, providing utility support, providing timely advice, access to social and programme network and also increased visibility to the Fund. For resource mobilization, the Fund will tap into Foundations/organizations such as Open Society, Mo Ibrahim, Mama Cash, Urgent Action Fund, African Grant Makers Network (AGN), UNDP, the African Union, and individuals.

Feedback to the Fund Proposal Key question centered on accountability, credibility of beneficiaries, what the fund would be used for, risks and mitigation. Women movements are strong and a rich source of information. Unfortunately it is not possible to assist each and every aspirant. As such, the fund would need to prioritize. To be pragmatic, the fund will need to focus and avoid spreading itself too thin without credible results to show for it. It would also be worthy to consider groups such as youth representatives; persons with disabilities, and others minority groups. The fund can perhaps also be used to support women to penetrate regional bodies such as COMESA. For accountability, there is a need to identify a women’s organization at country level to verify deserving and credible CSOs and assist with follow up. A “one size fits all” straight jacket may prove inefficient. The Fund may thus consider using the bottom up approach rather than top down.

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Anticipated risks Mitigations Lack of political will and commitment

Advocacy and partnering with men leaders and other influential people to support the fund

Legal environment could be a barrier

Be aware of laws in the countries (includes tax laws) and advocate for change if laws are unfriendly

Lack of commitment from political parties for women’s access to other funding sources

Advocacy, information sharing to political parties as well as leveraging high profile networks and leaders to support fund

Lack of results-based performance

M&E tool to measure the leader’s work and impact on the ground to show results

Risk of association or linkage to illegal sources of funds by leaders

Candidates must declare the sources of other funding received to maintain fund’s integrity

How to reach grassroots women

Decentralized approach for dissemination and distribution of applications. Training and outreach programs (offices) in rural areas.

Raising expectations that may not be met

Have a rigorous, focused selection criteria based on priorities

Abuse of funds – misappropriation of funds

Have oversight mechanism in place (group of individuals that will testify to the values and agenda of candidate to use of the funds)

Accountability and transparency

Money should be distributed in phases based on a well deigned work plan. Application form should be endorsed by oversight mechanism (vigilant, proactive national oversight team) Periodic reporting of progress & challenges

6.0 INTERROGATING ISSUES OF GENDER, MEDIA AND ELECTIONS IN AFRICA Moderated by Eunice Chipangula, Deputy Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Lands and Housing, Malawi The Public Forum sought to explore the complex dynamics between women, the media and elections, and find a way forward to level the playing field for women politicians in the media. Whose Story Is It? Naisola Likimani, Head of Advocacy, FEMNET A free and fair media is an essential component in elections and democratic processes. It is the fourth arm of government with an important oversight function. Unfortunately, media tends to be quite patriarchal and is often biased against women. Gender Links conduct periodic extensive studies every year on trends in the media. News sources in the region have shown that

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women comprise 19% of the news and this has grown by a meager 2% over the past 7 years – rendering women invisible. News coverage on average consists of 3% related to gender-based violence (GBV), 1% to issues dealing with gender equality, 11% devoted to politics, 18% to sports and 9% to business. For women employed in the sector, 21% are reporters, 44% presenters, and 25% are in senior management. Over the years there has been some change in gender stereotypes but the front remains a domain of men. When women are on the front page, it is sensational rather than informative. When women are in the news, they are sex workers; home makers; students; beauty contestants. Coverage of women often concerns their private lives. When men are in the news, it will be as scientists, politicians and business men. The media often portray negative images of women leaders. The media is awash with open prejudice and ridicule against women. The language used is gender biased for example mankind, manpower, master of ceremony, revealing subtle prejudice. The Media can truly serve their purpose by providing a balanced gender sensitive coverage, language and gender disaggregated data when reporting. Media should address and cover issues rather than focus on physical and personal attributes of women. Personal Experiences: Role of Media during Elections Hon Noni Dhlamini, MP, Swaziland NGOs and women politicians need to reflect on how they package data and make stories interesting without being sensational. The importance of creativity and innovation cannot be underscored. As women leaders and politicians, it is also essential to make news/information available and include voices to ensure diversity. Some tips for women aspiring for political office:

ϖ Cultivate a personal and professional relationship with the media ϖ Have information readily available and accessible ϖ If necessary, write your stories. Prepare clear messages ϖ Always carry a camera to document yourself if media are not present ϖ Know your audience and stakeholders.

Improving Coverage of Women in the Media The delegates appreciated that while the media is generally antagonistic, there are gender champions within the media that can be utilized. Features and columns on gender should also be employed and contributed to regularly, in addition to op-eds. Training on issues of gender parity and sensitivity should also be carried out to ensure more gender sensitive reporting.

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Some Frustrations with the Media: ϖ Training of media personnel doesn’t always yield positive results ϖ Editors often send junior personnel to cover ‘gender’ events – often resulting in poor

or little coverage ϖ Social media is also being used to ridicule women ϖ Media often cover stories that pay – including libel

Way Forward Media are crucial partners and cannot be ignored. Strategies for effective engagement include:

ϖ Targeting owners and editors of media houses for their “buy-in” ϖ Agitating for increase in women media executives ϖ Engendering the journalism curriculum ϖ Building capacity of women in/joining political leadership to handle media ϖ Using new and social media to engage constituents directly (Hon. Martha Karua) ϖ Providing incentives and awards for consistent gender sensitive reporting ϖ Investing in space and airtime to cover stories

9.0 OFFICIAL CLOSING This conference has enabled the celebration of gains as well as sharing of pains, allowing strategizing for better outcomes going forward. The commitment made by President Banda regarding the ratification of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance is encouraging and others were urged to follow suit. Delegates were congratulated for the progress made on crystallizing as well making financial contributions to the Fund which began as a conversation in a meeting some 24 months prior. The government of Malawi and in a special way to President Joyce Banda who was a gracious host who gave of her time in officiating the conference, launching Herstory, and inviting delegates for a state dinner was greatly appreciated. Many thanks goes to UNDP for their financial support in making this possible, as well as to Emma Kaliya and the staff at NGOGCN for all their logistical and administrative support. Dr Mary Shawa, Principal Secretary to the Ministry of Gender officially closed the Conference, expressing gratitude, on behalf of the Government of Malawi and her own behalf, for honoring Malawi to host the conference. The FEMNET conference gives impetus to the gender agenda in Malawi. Her Excellency President Joyce Banda is committed and is moving fast on the gender equality work which is good for the women of Africa and for Africa as a whole. Dr Shawa was also optimistic that through the regional blocs and the African Union, the recommendations will be used. Aluta Continua!

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Annex I: Communiqué: 4th African Women Leadership Conference

FOURTH REGIONAL CONFERENCE ON AFRICAN WOMEN IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 26-28 NOVEMBER, 2012

LILONGWE, MALAWI

CONFERENCE COMMUNIQUE

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) in partnership with UNDP and the NGO Gender Coordination Network (NGOGCN) organised the Fourth Regional Conference on African Women in Political Leadership, at Sogecoa Golden Peacock Hotel in Lilongwe, Malawi, from 26th to 28th November 2012. The Conference brought together approximately 60 delegates from 21 countries including Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo Brazzaville, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Nigeria, Rwanda, Swaziland, Togo, Tunisia and Uganda. Conference participants included a cross section of seasoned and young women politicians, Members of Parliament, Ministers, senior government officials, political aspirants from countries holding elections in 2012-2015, leading women rights activists, civil society and research organisations engaged in women’s leadership development and key development partners supporting women’s political participation initiatives. The theme of the conference was: Interrogating Gender and Elections and Envisioning Women’s Leadership Post 2015. The workshop was officially opened by Her Excellency Mrs Joyce Banda, President of the Republic of Malawi, who also officially launched the FEMNET Herstory book, a documentation of FEMNET’s journey over the last 25 years. The key objectives of the Conference were to discuss and address the key impediments to women’s full participation in electoral processes, and deliberate on goals for women’s participation in decision making for the post 2015 development framework. THE CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS: ACKNOWLEDGED that commendable progress has been made in increasing women’s representation in political leadership in Africa, particularly the continental average of 20.3% representation of women in parliament; RECALLED the existence of important enabling frameworks for women’s participation in decision making, such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the SADC Gender Protocol, the

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Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, national constitutions and laws, among others; AFFIRMED that democracy without women’s equal participation is flawed and OBSERVED that complex challenges continue to limit women’s equal participation such as poor political party internal democracy, illiteracy among women, a lack of confidence in women’s leadership including by the media, and lack of sufficient resources to run successful political campaigns; RECOGNIZED that politics and political campaigns in Africa continue to be highly monetised, leading to high levels of corruption and unethical practices, and additionally serving as a barrier to women’s participation; CONCERNED that the media perpetuates negative depictions of women and women leaders, and too often provides gender-blind coverage of electoral processes; NOTED with grave concern, the gross violations of women’s and women human rights defenders’ rights perpetrated by religious extremism and the blatant abuse of universal human rights principles in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and northern Mali; COMMENDED Her Excellency President Joyce Banda and other women leaders for practicing caring economics and value based leadership as a testament to a different style of leadership that women can espouse that prioritizes human dignity and equity; APPLAUDED His Excellency President Paul Kagame and the Government of Rwanda for their demonstrated political and practical commitment to gender equality, including women’s equal participation, as demonstrated by the 56% representation of women in decision making; WELCOMED President Banda’s commitment in her remarks to urgently ratify the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance; THE CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS THEREFORE: a) CALL upon African governments to lead the way by ensuring that:

• Electoral processes are reformed with a view to levelling the playing field for women to effectively participate in all stages of the electoral cycle, including through affirmative action initiatives within the law and targeting both elective and appointive positions

• Political parties create space for women in senior party positions through affirmative action embedded in party constitutions

• The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the African Union Protocol on the Rights of Women and the SADC Gender Protocol are ratified, domesticated and implemented in order to enhance the meaningful participation of women in decision making processes

• Women MPs receive sufficient orientation and consistent support in between elections to increase chances of retaining parliamentary seats

• Monitoring and evaluation tools are developed to track gender responsiveness of electoral processes and reforms

• National budgets are gender responsive in order to promote women’s participation in economic and political development at all levels of government

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b) ENCOURAGE Civil Society Organizations to remain committed to: • Step up the fight for reform of policies and laws that hinder equal participation of women,

and advocate for comprehensive institutional transformation of electoral processes • Advocate for the meaningful involvement of women in electoral processes, moving away

from stereotypical use of women in campaigns • Promote meaningful partnerships with men to promote gender equality including in decision

making • Hold government accountable to the commitments made to women’s political participation

in Africa • Stand in active solidarity with African women’s struggle for equality, human rights and

democracy such as in the North African states and northern Mali

c) URGE Development Partners to: Invest in institutions and processes that strengthen women’s political participation including through appropriate, timely and regular capacity building of women politicians

d) APPEAL to Media outlets to: portray a balanced and objective image of women leaders through

substantive rather than sensational and scandalized reporting, and accord women leaders a fair share of media coverage

The participants at the Fourth Regional Conference for African Women in Political Leadership commit to:

1. Support the quest for affirmative action and proportional representation systems in all African governments and political parties

2. Follow closely the constitutional reform processes in Egypt and other North African countries that underwent an “Arab Spring” and support women’s human rights defenders to advocate for inclusive processes and constitutions that embed women’s and girls’ human rights

3. Sustain dialogue and engagement between media houses, female politicians and women rights organisations to build mutual trust and ensure appropriate information flow to the public about women.

4. Support the take off and operationalization of the LEAD Fund for African women in political leadership

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Annex II: Statement on the Political Situation in Egypt

DECLARATION IN SOLIDARITY WITH OUR SISTERS IN NORTH AFRICA We the women leaders of 18 African Countries attending the Fourth FEMNET Regional Conference on African Women in Political Leadership in Lilongwe, Malawi from November 26---28, 2012, proclaim our solidarity with our sisters in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, during the still---evolving Arab Spring.

We denounce the atrocious human rights violations against women and women human rights defenders in these North African countries.

In light of the recent events, particularly given that we are within the Sixteen (16) days of Activism against Gender Based Violence, pledge our ongoing support to women and women human rights defenders in the ongoing struggle to not only recognize but actively implement the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other human rights commitments.

We join our sisters in Egypt to unequivocally denounce Egypt’s current Constitutional draft that allows the gross violation of minors in its article that approves child marriage. In line with international human rights commitments. We say "Leave my Baby Girl Alone!"

We condemn in the strongest terms all systems used by governments to dominate and oppress any of their citizens, whether based on gender or religion.

We stand united with our sisters across Africa and will forever support and foster leadership that seeks to partner with its people to understand their authentic needs.

All African Union Member States must strive for peaceful societies with inclusive leadership that protects rather than violates human rights especially women and children’s rights.

We call upon the women of Africa and the world over and all the men of goodwill to join us in condemning the gross violation of human rights, and in particular the violation of women and children in North Africa.

We call upon the government of Egypt to come up with a constitution that is gender sensitive and inclusive that guarantees the human rights of all citizens. For more information, contact Nebila Abdulmelik, Head of Communications, FEMNET [email protected]

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Annex III: Post 2015 Recommendations COMMUNIQUE POST 2015 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN DECISION MAKING PREAMBLE The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) in partnership with UNDP and the NGO Gender Coordination Network (NGOGCN) organised a Regional Conference which was held at Sogecoa Golden Peacock Hotel in Lilongwe Malawi from 26th to 28th November 2012. The Conference brought together 60 delegates from 21 countries of all the regions of Africa. The countries include Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo Brazzaville; Egypt; Ethiopia: Kenya; Libya; Malawi; Mali; Mauritius; Nigeria; Rwanda; Swaziland; Togo; Tunisia and Uganda. The Conference participants included a cross section of seasoned and young women politicians, members of Parliament, Ministers, senior government officials, political aspirants from countries holding elections in 2012-2015, leading women rights activists, civil society and research organizations engaged in women leadership development and key development partners who support women’s political participation initiatives. At the end of the three days, participants RENEWED their commitment to support one another in the spirit of sisterhood among African women at the local level, national level, sub regional level and continental level and pledged to re-energize the solidarity of the women’s movement in Africa with the aim of achieving of transformation of the electoral processes. KEY CHALLENGES The Conference participants noted with concern that the Women lost the post Beijing gains for example not meeting the Millennium Development Goal 3 targets such that women remain confronted with many challenges. The current prevailing women’s pressing issues, on the African continent, include, inter alia:

ϖ violence against women in crisis and conflict situations ϖ inadequate political and electoral space for women ϖ poor access of health services particularly for rural and poor women ϖ continued high maternal and child mortality; ϖ gender inequalities in education ϖ poverty and financial disempowerment

KEY OBSERVATIONS Women’s participation is fundamental to democracy and the achievement of sustainable development and peace. Unfortunately women cannot participate in politics because of gender inequality that cuts across all areas - social, economic, health, political and other spheres.

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Women in conflict and fragile states are victims of gender based violence, pain and strife. Sisters in the North of Africa particularly Egypt, Tunisia and Libya and also the sisters in Mali and other parts of the continent need support now. Evidence shows that countries with more women in parliament tend to have more equitable laws and social programs and budgets that benefit women and children and families, refer case of Rwanda. Women’s political participation should therefore be a priority for the women’s movement, for Member states of the African Union and of the United Nations. KEY COMMITMENTS In keeping with the Conference theme, the participants remain resolute in their quest and commitment to pursue the gender equality and promoting women’s space in the global development agenda as they envision women’s leadership Post 2015 and commit themselves to the following:

• The Women will use their Strategic Networks to remain vigilant, and to connect and participate in the Post 2015 consultations

• Women will remain bold and ambitious with realism to arrive at our Post 2015 destination

• The women will remain committed to the path of gender equality and therefore will participate in the Post 2015 Consultation to ensure that women’s issues find expression in the Post 2015 process/agenda

• The women in political leadership positions will bring leadership with a difference through issue- based politics.

• Governments and Development partners can do better by investing in institutions and processes that make women’s political participation work through training, capacity building, leadership and facilitating the increased engagement of men who can partner with the women’s movement to champion their cause. These institutions include government machinery, political parties, education

Key priorities: The Conference participants Post 2015 Perspectives The Conference participants discussed and reached consensus on the following three priorities namely: Governance:

ϖ To actively promote women’s political participation, including through affirmative measures, as appropriate.

ϖ To enforce affirmative 50 - 50 approach to ensure gender parity in education, in employments, in public appointments, and in electoral processes. It is a matter of smart economics not just gender

ϖ To nurture democracy and good governance structures in order to promote the rule of law, accountability among politicians and bureaucrats and to Internal party democracy

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ϖ To fight corruption at all levels and in all spheres. Corruption is a crime against humanity and should be viewed as such. It is pervasive crime that transcends all sectors and is debilitating against gender inequality.

ϖ To ensure full commitments to the fundamental human rights through full implementation of international and regional instruments such as CEDAW, African Charter, AU Protocol etc.

Inequality: ϖ To rigorously provide technical support and capacity building at all levels and across

all sectors to mainstream gender more effectively and deliberately ϖ To re-examine, analyze and understand the interconnectedness of the MGDs from a

gender perspective ϖ To interrogate the root causes of inequalities like patriarchal structures and

institutions like religious, cultural, globalization and address them aggressively through systems’ thinking social transformation approaches

ϖ To leverage African philosophies and value systems like Ubuntu and others to counter harmful cultural value systems that cause and perpetuate inequities

ϖ To harness the concept of “Caring Economics” to help foster systems of partnership and move away from systems of domination for meaningful cultural transformation

Conflict and Fragility

ϖ To ensure peace and security to all human beings including women ϖ To safeguard the rights of displaced persons most of whom are women and children ϖ To utilize indigenous conflict resolution tools and ensure women’s involvement in

those processes.

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Annex 4: Programme

FOURTH REGIONAL CONFERENCE ON AFRICAN WOMEN IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Lilongwe, Malawi November 26-28, 2012

Interrogating Gender and Elections and Envisioning Women’s Leadership Post 2015 PROGRAMME

DAY ONE: Monday November 26, 2012

Time Session

8:30AM-11:00AM Registration OPENING CEREMONY (Program attached separately)

Time Session Objectives Moderator

11:30AM – 12:00PM

Session 1 – Setting the Stage Creative Introductions Review of meeting objectives and programme Logistics Background and Summary of First, Second and Third Annual Leadership Conferences - Naisola Likimani, Head of Advocacy, FEMNET

• To build a common understanding on the objectives and programme of the conference

• To draw lessons from the First, Second and Third Annual Leadership Conferences

Facilitator Teresa Mugadza

12:00PM-1:30PM Session 2: The Arab Spring –Translating the Revolution into Gains for Women Panel discussion with representatives from

• Egypt – Asmaa Aly • Libya – Issraa Murabit • Tunisia – Rabiaa Nejlaoui

Plenary Q&A

Understanding and learning from women’s participation in the upspring and beyond

Session Moderator:

Deborah Okumu, CWGL, Kenya

1:30- 2:30PM Lunch

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2:30 – 4:00PM Session 3: “Making it Matter: Women in Leadership” Speakers:

- Kerubo Abuya, Centre for Entrepreneurship and Leadership, KCA University

- Senator Henrietta Mulisa, Rwanda

Plenary Q&A

To discuss the benefits of women’s leadership to the gender equality agenda and society as a whole

Session Moderator:

Hon. Helen Dingani, Pan African Parliament

3:30 – 4:00PM Tea / Coffee Break

4:00 – 4:30PM Wrap up Day One Facilitator

DAY TWO: Tuesday November 27, 2012

Session Objectives Moderator

8:30-8:45AM Recap of Day One Thought of the Day

Rapporteur

8:45 – 10:00AM Session 4: Transforming Electoral Processes in Africa Opportunities for transforming electoral processes in Africa: Presentation by Dr Emmanuel Botlhale

Respondents: Mme Dedevi EKUE, Electoral Commission, Togo Plenary Q&A

To understand the African Union (AU) Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance and translating its provisions into gains for women in electoral processes

Session Moderator:

Patricia Munabi Babiiha, FOWODE, Uganda

10:00 – 10:30AM Tea/Coffee Break

10:30 – 11:45AM Session 5: Experience Sharing – Intersection between Gender and Elections: Panel discussion with representatives from:

• Malawi – Hon Cecilia Chazama • Mauritius- Ameenah Sorefan • Mali- Djeneba Sissoko

Plenary Q&A

To increase understanding of gender- specific challenges women face in electoral processes

Session Moderator:

Facilitator

11:45 – 1:00PM Session 6 : Break Out Sessions – Priority Areas for Action and Capacity Building on Gender and Elections A. From protest to transformation

(Group discussion guidelines to be shared in the breakout sessions)

Session Moderator:

Facilitator

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B. Effective, accountable and transformative leadership C. Gender Based Violence and Elections D. Discrimination in elections

1:00 – 2:00PM Lunch

2:00 – 3:30PM Session 6 (cont’d): Feedback from groups and Plenary

Session Moderator:

Sara Ahmed, Ethiopia

3:30-6:00PM Tea/Coffee Break Wellness Break

6.00-8.00PM Session 7: Whose Story Is It? Public Forum on Gender, Media and Elections

• Naisola Likimani • Hon. Noni Dhlamini,

Swaziland Plenary Q & A

To understand the role women can play to overcome a difficult relationship with the media and increase women’s opportunities to engage strategically with media during elections

Session Moderator:

Eunice Chipangula, Malawi

DAY THREE: Wednesday November 28, 2012

Session Objectives Moderator

9:00 – 9:15AM Recap of Day Two Thought of the Day

Rapporteur

9:15 – 11:00AM Session 8: Financing Women’s Political Participation – Framework for the African Women’s Democracy Fund Proposal from the Working Group on the African Women’s Democracy Fund- Ayisha Osori, Working Group member Plenary discussion

To agree on modalities for the establishment of the African Women’s Democracy Fund

Session Moderator:

Brenda Muturi, Urgent Action Fund-Africa

11:00 – 11:30AM Tea/ Coffee Break

11:30- 12:00PM Session 9: The Africa Women Want Post 2015 Presentation on Post 2015 Consultation Process By Dinah Musindarwezo, Executive Director, FEMNET Plenary Q & A

To understand the on-going processes in developing the post-2015 development framework

Session Moderator:

Hon. Hlobisile Ndlovu, Swaziland

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12:00 – 1:00PM Session 10: Priorities for Women’s Participation in Decision Making in the Post 2015 Framework Group discussions

(Group discussion guideline to be shared in the breakout sessions)

Session Moderator:

Facilitator

1:00 – 2:00PM Lunch

2:00- 3:00PM Session 10 (cont’d): Group Feedback and Plenary

To agree on key priorities for women’s participation in decision making post 2015, to be drafted into a communiqué

Session Moderator:

Facilitator

3:00-3:30PM Evaluation, Wrap Up and Official Closing Dinah Musindarwezo, Executive Director, FEMNET Dr Mary Shawa, Permanent Secretary Ministry of Gender, Malawi

Facilitator

ADJOURN

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Annex IV: List of Participants

COUNTRY NAME AFFILIATION EMAIL 1. Botswana Alexander Elsie Young politician/

University of Botswana [email protected]

2. Botswana Botlhale Emmanuel

University of Botswana [email protected]

3. Burkina Faso Kabore Elisabeth

CBDF [email protected]

4. Cameroon Ms Sylvie Jacqueline Ndongmo

FEMNET Chairperson [email protected]

5. Congo Brazzaville

Nguenoni Onanga

Chair, National Committee on Women’s Rights

[email protected]

6. Cote d’Ivoire Celestine Navigue

FEMNET Board Member [email protected]

7. Egypt Boussaina Kamel

2012 Presidential Candidate

[email protected] [email protected]

8. Egypt Asmaa Aly Zaki Activist [email protected] [email protected]

9. Ethiopia Sara Tabit Aspirant [email protected] 10. Ethiopia Zemdena Abebe Consultant/researcher [email protected] 11. Ethiopia Saba

Gebremedhin NEWA (Network of Ethiopian Women’s Associations)

[email protected] [email protected]

12. Kenya Njoki Wainaina FEMNET Founder [email protected] 13. Kenya Mary Okioma FEMNET Trustee [email protected] 14. Kenya Kerubo Abuya KCA University [email protected] 15. Kenya Mercy Mungai UNDP-Kenya [email protected] 16. Libya Issraa Murabit Voice of Libyan Women [email protected] 17. Malawi Christine

Warioba UNDP-Malawi [email protected]

18. Malawi Lucy Mwenda Plan International – Malawi

[email protected]

19. Malawi Emmie Chanika CILIC/NGOGCN- [email protected] [email protected]

20. Malawi Atupele Wiruma National women lobby group

[email protected]

21. Malawi Victor Sandikonda

MOGCS-organisation [email protected]

22. Malawi Linnah Matanya [email protected] 23. Malawi Maggie Banda WOLREC [email protected] 24. Malawi Victor Mail Idi NGOGCN [email protected] 25. Malawi Crispin Mwale Ministry of Gender –

Malawi [email protected]

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26. Malawi Cecilia Chazama Member of National Assembly-Malawi

[email protected]

27. Malawi Caroline Mualo NGOGCN/FEMNET [email protected] 28. Malawi Thandizo

Mphwiyo CHRR [email protected]

29. Malawi Mary Shawa PS. Ministry of Gender [email protected] 30. Malawi Victor Nyirenda NGOGCN [email protected] 31. Malawi Martha Chikuni Statehouse [email protected] 32. Malawi Linga Mihowa Personal Assistant to

President Banda [email protected]

33. Malawi Emma Gausi NGOGCN [email protected] 34. Malawi Margaret Ali NGOGCN [email protected] 35. Malawi Irene Chikuni DSG Peoples Party [email protected] 36. Malawi Weray Ngwira MOGRD [email protected] 37. Malawi Helen Makukula [email protected] 38. Malawi Dr. Vera Chirwa Malawi CARER 39. Malawi Emma Kaliya NGOGCN [email protected] 40. Malawi Hellen Chasow FEMNET [email protected] 41. Mali Diallo Oumou

Bolly Association pour la Promotion Juridico economique de la Femme et de l"Enfant (PROMODEF)

[email protected]

42. Mali Djeneba Sissoko FEMNET-Mali [email protected] 43. Mauritius Naukoo

Premedah MACOSS [email protected]

Macoss.intnet.mu 44. Mauritius Ameenah

Sorefan Women in Networking (WIN)

[email protected] [email protected]

45. Nigeria Ayisha Osori Nigeria Women Trust Fund

[email protected]

46. Nigeria Salitu Amina UNDP- regional 47. Rwanda Donatha Gihana RAUW [email protected]

[email protected] 48. Rwanda Henriette

Umulisa Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Gender

[email protected]

49. Rwanda Kanakule Jeannealarc

Pro-Femmes

50. Swaziland Nonhlanhla Dlamini

MP [email protected]

51. Swaziland Hlobisile Ndlovu Minister of Sports, Culture & Youth Affairs

[email protected]

52. Swaziland Mary Magwaza [email protected] 53. Togo Tchohlo

Akossiwa Seasonal politician [email protected]

54. Togo Dedevi Ekue Electoral commission [email protected] 55. Tunisia Rabiaa Nejlaou Youngest MP [email protected] 56. Uganda Ms Patricia

Munabi Babiiha Executive Director, FOWODE

[email protected]

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57. Zimbabwe Teresa Mugadza Facilitator [email protected] 58. Malawi/

Regional Irene Chikuni Deputy Secretary

general [email protected]

59. Pricilla Chimwele

UN Women [email protected]

60. Bikona Bhoripha UNDP [email protected] 61. Temwa Mganga UNDP [email protected] 62. Cecilia Enase UNFPA [email protected] 63. Beatrice

Kumwenda UNFPA [email protected]

64. Alice Shackelford

UN Women [email protected]

65. Regional Gebru Almaz UNDP [email protected] 66. Regional Brenda Muturi Urgent Action Fund-

Africa [email protected]

67. Regional Dinah Musinderwezo

FEMNET Executive Director

[email protected]

68. Regional Naisola Likimani FEMNET Head of Advocacy

[email protected]

69. Regional Nebila Abdulmelik

FEMNET Head of Communication

[email protected]

70. Regional Jacinta odhiambo

FEMNET Head of Capacity Building

[email protected]

71. Regional Rose Akinyi FEMNET Executive Office Manager

[email protected]

Resource Persons 1. Givah Hendrina Rapporteur [email protected] 2. Mzuma Shoaib Interpreter [email protected] 3. Huadzakalowa Haggai Interpreter [email protected] 4. Chienda Ahmed Interpreter [email protected] 5. Marc Yav Interpreter [email protected]