There are also many examples of re-utilization of the tools made of ground or chipped stone (Antonovi 2003: 51, 52; 1990: 255). The chance fnd of the Baden cup discovered in the profle of clay deposit at Dobanovci reveals the indubitable traces of reutilization (fg. 7). The cup was unintentionally (?) broken at some moment but its life had been prolonged by skillful intervention, i.e. by mending or alteration. The holes were drilled along the edges of the broken parts. Then the cup was glued together with some kind of resin and fnally bound together. The cup function remained utilitarian. Still, if the holes had not been flled with some kind of resin or tar the cup could not have been used for handling liquids but some solid food or grains.Besides the mentioned examples, which convince us that life of the vessel life does not end with exhaustion of its original functional role, there are also some less conspicuous ways for using the broken vessels. First of all, ground pottery fragments were used as an admixture to the clay in production of other vessels. Partially damaged vessels could have been also used as some kind of molds for modeling other vessels, as containers for feeding domestic animals, as the substructure of ovens, etc. (cf. Rice 1987: 294, T. 9.3).First toast: Baden cups and SecondaryProducts Revolution, feasts and celebrationsThe beginning of the Baden culture is understood as one of the phases of secondary products revolution. That phase witnessed the initial use of dairy products and alcohol derivatives, domestication of the horse and other equines and introduction of animal-drawn carts and various innovations in soil cultivation and textile manufacture (Sherratt 1981; idem 1983; idem 2002). The frst discoveries of the models of four-wheeled animal drawn wagons in Europe are related to the Baden culture (fg. 8). These are actually the cups shaped as square four-wheeled wagons (Banner J., 1956, Taf. CXX; Foltiny S., 1958, 5358, Fig. 36). The reliable evidence for the use of pair of oxen to pull the wagon is the clay model of vehicle with representation of two animals from Radoina in Slovakia (Nmejcov-Pavkov Barta 1977: 444, Abb. 7). The frst pictorial representation of four-wheeled wagon on one bowl of the Funnelbeaker culture from Bronocice in Poland (fg. 9) dates from the same or slightly earlier period (around 3500 BC). Besides the wagon, the ploughed Milo Spasi84TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsModel of the wagonfrom SzigetsentmrtonFirst fnds of the wagon models in Europe are related just to the Baden culture.The fnds from Budakalsz and Szigetsentmrton are actually the cups modeled as quadrangular four-wheel wagon (Whittle 1996: 125).Figure 8Representation of thewagon and ploughed feldson the bowl from Bronocice First illustration of the four-wheel wagon comes from the bowl from the Funnelbeaker culture discovered at Bronocice in Poland. On the bowl are represented besides the wagon also the ploughed felds (Milisauskas and Kruk 2002: 205, Fig. 7.4).Figure 985The irst toastfelds were also depicted on the same bowl (Milisauskas and Kruk 2002: 205, Fig. 7.4; Baldia et all 2006: 271). The process of horse domestication has long history in the Euro-Asian region. It is believed that communities in the steppes around the Volga and the Dnieper domesticated horse already in the ffth millennium and used their meat in their diet. The use of horses for riding and as pack animals is the characteristic of the same region but only from the middle of the fourth millennium (Anthony 2007: 200, 201, 216222). The considerable quantity of domesticated horses in the prehistory of central and southeast Europe is confrmed at the necropoles of the Baden and Bolerz cultures (Banner J., 1956, 147150, Taf. XLIIIXLV). We also ascribe the frst burials of ritually sacrifced horses in the southeast Europe to the bearers of these two cultures (Horvth 2007b).The physicochemical analyses of the milk lipids and proteins also confrmed that Bolerz and Baden cups had been used, among other things, for consuming milk (Craig et all 2003: 261). Although the fnds, which indicate rather long history of use and processing of milk in the prehistoric Europe (many sites in present day Great Britain, central and southeast Europe c.f. Evershead et all 2002; Sherratt 2002; Craig 2002: 102104; Vigne i Helmer 2007; Craig et all 2005) have been recently recorded, the dating of other technological innovations related to the secondary products revolution is still unchanged, so the discussion concerning the function of the Baden cups within given cultural-historical sequence seems justifed.The use of alcohol as one of central innovations in the group of products and achievements of the secondary products revolution is actually acceptable only conditionally. More than any other aspect of the secondary products revolution the production and consumption of alcohol among the members of the Eneolithic communities of central and southeast Europe is in close connection with the cross-cultural study of the synchronous events within the proto-urban and urban communities in the Near East, Aegean, Anatolia and the Caucasus. Even more so, as there are no sound indicators that grape had been cultivated in this part of Europe before the arrival of the Romans (Sherratt 2002: 6870). The nonexistence of the exact scientifc method for proving that is also the limiting factor in the study of alcohol use in the Late Eneolithic. As in many other instances when the study of prehistoric communities is concerned, once again the starting point must be comprehensive stylistic-typological and analytical studies of the material culture.Milo Spasi86TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsThe mass cultivation of grapes for wine production has been recorded only in the Late Bronze Age of the Aegean and Anatolia but it could be assumed that Early Bronze Age communities of Troy I and Kum Tepe B/C dated around half millennium later than the beginning of the Baden culture also produced wine to the smaller extent (c.f. Riehl 1999: 63, 71, 111).9 When the beer is concerned, frst literal and pictorial documents reveal that it had been 9The wine had been produced in much earlier times from the wild grapes. This is suggested by large production of already discussed fnds of the Early Bronze Age vessels of the askos, depas, saucier, jug and pitcher type.The indubitable importance of the exact methods in studying the functions of distinct types of prehistoric vessels has been confrmed by many analyses according to which the validity of the formal-stylistic and typological observations concerning the determination of use of certain vessel has been seriously brought into question. Thus, it has been concluded that famous Milchtopf vessels of the Middle Eneolithic Bodrogkeresztr culture were not used for processing and consuming milk (c.f. Craig et all 2003). The remains of the milk lipids and proteins have been identifed on the Bolerz amphoras, beakers and shallow biconical bowls that really have many analogies in the pottery repertoire of the Late Vina culture (c.f. Craig et all 2003: 261). The question is whether typological parallels with that thousand years older example could confrm the identical functional role. Also, the question is whether consequently every future study of the prehistoric vessels functions could at least rely on the comparison with the existing physicochemical analyses of the analogous forms. Similar questions arouse in relation to the Bolerz and Baden cups in the Belgrade City Museum collection. The identifcation of the cups presented here as vessels used for drinking milk will be left here in the domain of the hypothesis. Still, it seems very plausible hypothesis.Milk jug (Milchtopf)Figure 1087The irst toastproduced in the Near East at least from the middle of the forth millennium BC (Sherratt 2002: 68). Regarding that, even A. Sherratt himself is more prone to the thesis that there are no indications of the mass production of alcohol during European Late Eneolithic, but that it was the case of isolated activities and the ingredients for production and the production itself of alcohol beverages difered from one community to the other (Sherratt 2002: 69). The way of alcohol consumption in the Baden culture could be assumed closer to the Aegean wine circle (cups, jugs and fagons) than to the custom of drinking beer with straw from large vessel (fg. 11) as in Mesopotamia and Egypt ( c.f. Crawford 1991: 166, Fig. 6.6; Pollock 2002: 22, 25, Fig. 2.1).Despite the fact that almost three decades have past since the introduction of the secondary products revolution thesis (Sherratt 1981), many of its aspects have even today the scientifc value for the study of prehistoric communities of the Euro-Asian region in the fourth millennium BC. The frst critical examinations of the secondary products revolution were generally related to the reinterpretation of its physical manifestation in the material culture and as such did not ofer more qualitative results. Only the frst exact analyses had more serious impact on redefnition of that thesis and establishing more precise chronology of the suggested innovations. It has The scene representing beer drinking from the Sumeriancylindrical seal found in the Royal Tomb in Ur (Crawford 1991: fg. 6.6)Figure 11Milo Spasi88TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsbeen established that milk and dairy products had been used much earlier. It is probably also the case with use of plough in the agriculture. The basis of the secondary products revolution was the thesis that main impulse for the mentioned technological innovations originated from the circle of the proto-urban and urban societies in the Near East. The new absolute dates revealed that almost all alleged refections of these phenomena are later in the European continent. Nevertheless, the situation is signifcantly diferent in the material aspect of their existence at least when the Baden cups are concerned. The Baden cups thus are certainly not the imitations of forms of the metal vessels ware from the Near East (c.f. Kalicz 1963: 5961; Sherratt 1997: 382, 391 Fig. 17.4), as frst such vessels had been produced only in the end of 4th and the beginning of the 3rd millennia BC almost fve centuries after the appearance of the frst cups in central and southeast Europe.If we analyze the kitchen and the inventory of pottery in it we could conclude that daily routine of the people in the Baden settlement includes the use of broad spectrum of vessels intended for preparing, serving and consuming food. Such utilitarian, often undecorated pottery has been encountered at all sites of the Baden culture in the Belgrade territory. Another face of the Baden kitchen reveals more exclusive serving and consuming vessels, which had been produced after same morphological pattern as the frst group of undecorated vessels. The synchronous existence of the frst group of undecorated pottery and the second group, which includes impeccably modeled and decorated vessels, suggests the diferent circumstances of their use. The second group of vessels was also intended for serving and consuming food but as it seems in completely diferent circumstances. While the frst group was probably intended for everyday use, richly decorated Baden vessels including also some of our cups had been used on certain special occasions. It is at least suggested by the perfectly manufactured pottery and the disposition of the ornamental compositions, which enhance the complete esthetic experience in the process of using those vessels. This esthetic aspect of the exclusive Baden vessels is only the material medium ofering the endless repertoire of symbolic messages related to all aspects of life within one or many Baden settlements.The organization of life in the Baden settlement implied the diversity of practice of food and drink consumption. This diversity includes everyday dining of the members of one family, one or more households and larger gatherings, feasts, celebrations and festivals attended by many people from one or 89The irst toastmany communities. Both spheres of dining (private, i.e. intimate and public, i.e. communal) include the established patterns of behavior in the process of preparation, serving and consumption of food and drink. The menus of the frst type of meals probably consisted of the set of common dishes and beverages prepared from the available foodstufs including domesticated animals and game. For the feasts and festivals besides the usual dishes had been also prepared the food and beverages made of provisions, which had not been consumed everyday. The behavior of participant and his position at the table during both types of meal, place where the food is prepared and where the waste is disposed are the consequence of many socio-cultural models. The social and economic organization of the community itself and the degree of seasonality, i.e. the mobility of its members also had the impact on the patterns of food consumption and the selection of location where it was taking place either on the occasion of everyday dining also during the feast and celebrations. The applying of proper methodology during excavations of the prehistoric sites helps the archaeologist to solve successfully the problem of identifcation of locations of everyday dining and with the advance of modern physicochemical analyses we gradually discover segment by segment and ingredient by ingredient of these meals.Public gathering of people during seasonal feasts and festivals is the tradition dating from a distant past, much before the appearance of frst written records and fgural representations of the Mycenaean Greece, ancient Egypt and Sumer (c.f. Bray 2002; Pollock 2002; Smith 2002; Nelson 2002; Jones 2007). The investigation of the feasts locations in prehistoric society, which had not left the direct traces of such events in the pictorial arts, is considerably more difcult task. In recent times the places of these communal festivals have been discovered at few European prehistoric sites: in the Mesolithic settlement Pupiina peina (cave) in Istria in Croatia (Miracle 2002: 6589), in the Late I expect my wine in a glass, and of a diferent shape from that in which I would drink my beer. It may even be specifcally appropriate for the type of wine, whether it is imported from the Rhineland, Champagne or Portugal. The hot beverages are more appropriately presented in pottery; the tea, especially, in good china with an unnecessary saucer. If it is not a social occasion travelling, for instance, by train I may be content with a plastic beaker; and if I relax at the end of the day with a private drink of cocoa, it is taken unpretentiously, in a mug.Sherratt 1997: 388Milo Spasi90TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsNeolithic horizon at the sites Dorset and Durrington Walls in England (Jones 2007: 153177) and at Late Neolithic site Makriyalos in Greece (Halstead 2004). Possibly one unusual group fnd from the Neolithic horizon at Vina (bowl with protomes, biconical jug and three amphoras) could actually be the indicator of some public ceremony, which included the ritual consumption of certain beverages (Tasi 2007).The problem of feasts in the Early Iron Age in the central Balkans has also been discussed in the context of infuences of the Archaic Greece ( 1998: 203206; 2004: 60, 61). An exceptional fnd of communal feast, which probably had strong ritual and sacred character, has been recently discovered in the Illyrian cave sanctuary Nakovana deep in the Hellenic Hyperborea (Forenbaher and Kaiser 2006). However, thanks to the written records the best known to us are the rituals accompanying preparation and organization of feasts in the Archaic and Classical Greece.The feast (banquet) consisted of two segments: the meal lasting rather short and the symposion or the drinking party. When the meal is fnished each guest would sip a little of pure wine in honor of the good demon. After that the tables had been removed and foor swept and the guests washed their hands as they did before eating. Then that the garlands and ointments would be distributed and the sacrifce was ofered and the pray (pean) was sung. Then small tables with various delicacies including cheese, fgs, olives, dates, salted cakes and the like had been placed in front of the guests. The drinking continued from left to right either freely without force or the master of the ceremony (symposiarch) had been nominated either by lot or by voting. He took care of the order among the guests and decided how much water should be added to the wine and how the guest would entertain. The party went on accompanied by witty conversation, singing and games (gambling) or various male or female entertainers including bufoons, artistes, fute-girls, citharist-girls, dancers, singers etc.uri 2008: 127, 128The scene of antique feast on Attic red-fgure crater (drawing Jelena Brajkovi)Figure 1291The irst toastAs the most important parameters, which confrmed the above mentioned sites as places of communal feasts and celebrations, are quoted the complex horizontal stratigraphy, high incidence of tableware (bowls, plates, cups, glasses, goblets), large quantity of bones of many animals killed at the same time, presence of the exclusive food, which have not been used in everyday life of the local population, the organized system of waste disposal, etc.The very physical manifestation of the locations of prehistoric feasts and celebrations in central and southeast Europe and inventory of used objects difers from site to site. As we have already mentioned, the prevailing incidence of lavishly decorated pottery used for serving and consuming food and drink is most frequently considered as good basis for identifcation of such events. Almost without any doubt the group fnd of the Baden cups and jug from Dretovice (fg. 13) (Sherratt 1997: 381, Fig. 15.5) indicate communal gathering of the members of one or more communities. This gathering included consuming food and drink (alcohol?) as one of central events. Recently discovered luxurious set of eight Baden cups and one pseudo-kernos from Tiice in Check Republic also speaks in favor of identifcation of similar fnds as evidence of feasts and celebrations.10 The same practice of group deposition is known from Vrac, where the pit with fve Baden cups and one rather large amphora has been discovered (M 1971: 272; Uzelac 2002: 44, 45, T. 27/36, 28/1, 2, 54/26, 55/1). The group fnd of the Kostolac cups from Sremski Karlovci explained as symbolic grave, i.e. some kind of the cenotaph ( 1971: 269280, T. 2-5; Tasi 2001: 414418), is in fact an indirect evidence of the communal feast regardless of the reason for its organization. Such interpretation is also based in much later appearance of the renowned sets of vessels intended for wine consuming during the drinking parties (symposia) in the Archaic and Classical Greek ecumene but also in the tradition of feasting in the far away Hyperborea (Dietler 2005: 137, 138). In addition to the mentioned examples, very long tradition of communal celebrations is also suggested by the group fnds of the Bronze Age vessels of precious metals and of exceptional artisanship from Vulcitern in Bulgaria (Venedeikov 1987), Ottomani in Hungary, but also the fnds of somewhat earlier date like those from Alaca Hyk in Anatolia, and Maikop in the Caucasian steppe. The group fnd of the Kostolac culture vessels from Vina (Tasi 2001: 411414, Abb. 19; Spasi 2009b) is also the evidence of some public event. Its interpretation should not be exclusively 10Martin Kuna, personal communicationMilo Spasi92TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rssought in the sphere of ritual activities related to the burial practice or the ancestral cult (c.f. 2008: 99).11 The fact is that this was the event of both profane and sacred character as it is often the case with any activity of the prehistoric communities whose whole life was imbued with that dichotomy. The mise-en-scne of the ritual of pottery deposition at Vina was probably of somewhat more intimate character than it was the case with mass feasts and celebrations. This conclusion is suggested by the character of the fnd itself but also by the size and importance of the Kostolac culture settlement at Vina.Just in the Late Eneolithic period in central and southeast Europe, during the existence of the Baden culture, could have emerged the need for establishing relationships between the members of many diferent communities, which viewed in the light of new historical events had been driven to more active mutual contacts and closer cooperation. The main cultural-historical background for the connections between the European Late Eneolithic communities 11Besides Vrac, Sremski Karlovci and Vina burying of vessels within the settlements is known from over 50 Neolithic and Eneolithic sites in central and southeast Europe. In most instances this practice is associated with some ritual activity (Stapel 1999: 286295).Set of the Kostolac cupsburied in a pit in Sremski Karlovci ( 1971: . 2-5)Set of cups from the Cycladic grave in Naxos (Sherratt 1997: 381, fg. 15.5/b)Set of the Badencups from Dretovice(Sherratt 1997: 381, fg. 15.5/a)Figure 1393The irst toastis the secondary products revolution and its legacy, which made possible easier communication of people and fow of the ideas and goods. Besides the economic reasons linking certain communities in their traveling with the focks, the main reason for the closer cooperation and integration could be seen in great demand for the raw materials (frst of all copper and wood, but also chert, stone and shells) and luxurious goods. Just recently N. N. Tasi discussing the repertoire of raw materials, which could have been the objects of trade and exchange in the Early Neolithic of the central Balkans added to this list also salt as the strategic substance in the diet of people and animals ( 2009: 5371). This thesis also has its justifcation in the Baden context (Horvth 2008a: 76, Pl. 5/26; Horvth 2008b: 179, 180, bb. 10). The circulation of the mentioned raw materials and luxurious products cleared the paths of horizontal and vertical axis of communications in the Middle and Late Eneolithic in central and southeast Europe (c.f. Spasi 2008). At the same time certain communities became strong enough to establish control over certain resources, communications and also the commerce and fow of various goods.Late Eneolithic is also characterized by the evolution of distinct social relations, which refected in actual and symbolic competition at the micro-regional as well as at the macro-regional level. The fnal outcome of such socio-cultural relations will be also the social segregation, which is unambiguously expressed in the interments in the extramural necropoles and tumuli as well as in the erection of the megalithic monuments. The question is whether the main impulse for this bonding of diferent communities and for discovery/adoption of some of the results of the secondary products revolution was, as A. Sherratt thinks, really in the east in the circle of frst proto-urban societies of Anatolia, Near East, Aegean and the Caucasus. Disregarding where the starting point of the whole series of innovations from the package of the secondary products revolution is and what are the reasons for their appearance, the fact is that the result was strengthening of commercial connections within Commensality is one of the most profoundways of establishing social connections. The ways that food and drink are prepared, presented, and consumed contribute to the construction and communication of social relations, ranging from the most intimate and egalitarian to the socially distant and hierarchical. Pollock 2002: 19.Milo Spasi94TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsthe entire Euro-Asian area. This is the fact, which allows us to assume that there are possibilities for other scenarios and causes that do not emphasize only religious character of public feasts and celebrations. Every aspect of the feast represented unique symbolic medium for transferring attitudes and intentions of the organizers to the other participants. Those could have been the messages, which just demonstrate the social status of the host by selection of luxurious food and vessels and also the messages, which by sitting arrangement, song, dance or speech indicate the pretensions, obligations and demands of the feast organizer.Considering that, we are inclined to think that some discovered Baden cups could have also been the pieces of tableware set used for drinking at frst Photograph of the set of cups from DobanovciGroup fnd of Baden cups and amphora from Vrac (Three-dimensional model: Goran Ivanevi) Figure 1495The irst toastcommunal gatherings in the Belgrade territory. Such conclusion is also indicated by the fnd of four Baden cups discovered by chance at the site Balvani in Dobanovci (see catalogue). Their stylistic and typological uniformity and the fact that no other contemporary objects have been recorded at the same site suggest the conclusion that it is probably a group fnd, one assemblage or a part of it, i.e. very representative set of vessels for consumption of certain beverages (fg. 14). In favor of interpretation of this fnd as single entity probably with diverse biographies but with identical fnal efect speaks also the fact that all four cups are almost completely preserved. The cups were probably buried in the ground during or after some ritual, which among other things included also consumption of certain beverage. The fnal interpretation of the reason for burying these cups in the pit at Dobanovci and their biographies will remain unknown as it so often happens with many prehistoric fnds. Yet another group Baden fnd from Dobanovci could be explained as part of the set for consuming food and drink. It concerns two cups, two ornamented bowls and one clay spoon from the same level of the rubbish pit 1 investigated in 1960. But this time, these were probably not the vessels, which were the set for consumption of food and drink during some public event. The context, contents and fragmentariness of the fnd speak more in favor of the explanation that they had been used in everyday life in one Baden household at Dobanovci.It is interesting that at about same time when the mass production of cups is confrmed in the territory of Belgrade there also appear the frst fnds of clay utensils of the spoon type as elements of consuming and serving tableware sets. The Baden cups and spoons appear very rarely as joint evidence of some Late Eneolithic feast or celebration. This fact could indicate diferent menu, diferent models of behavior and consumption and the multitude of possible reasons for their organizations. Although the clay spoons have been discovered already in the Neolithic period of central and southeast Europe (c.f. Toma and Kavur 2007: 77, 78) this type of kitchen implements will speak in its noble esthetics (silver and gold cutlery) only in the historic times.Considering all, it could be anticipated once again that Baden cups represented unique symbolic medium whose messages were legible to all just in a way their owner- craftsman-buyer wanted them to be written. Milo Spasi96TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsConclusion or when the guests leaveIn the cultural-historical summary of events in the territory of present day Belgrade the Baden culture has at frst glance an unfavorable place. Its life follows the long-lasting evolution of the Vina culture whose communities considering their way of life and material culture marked for ever this region as crucial starting point and basis for studying the stratifcations and diversities of the prehistory in the central Balkans. The bearers of the Baden culture entered the historical stage of that time Belgrade after real dark age of the citys (pre)history after almost a millennium passed since the cessation of life in the Vina settlements. Rather small Salcua settlements at Prigrevica near Zemun, Rospi uprija and Karaburma and the necropolis of the Bodrogkeresztr culture at Vina represent just a small sequence during this millennium long dark age,Neither the new period, epitomized in the culture of the Baden communities will enlighten the Belgrade history in a way, which is perhaps expected from the point of view of our knowledge of the Vina culture. The reason for that lies frst of all in diferent manifestations of Vina and Baden life. The members of the Baden communities did not live in comfortable above ground or storied houses but in makeshift semi subterranean or subterranean houses. Their settlements do not reveal such degree of organization-urbanism that we know in the Vina culture. The inventory of the Baden material culture looks almost disappointing in comparison with the Vina culture. The comprehension of diferent manifestations of the Baden material culture, settlements, economy, commerce and religion is the prerequisite for real elucidation of the Belgrade Late Eneolithic in all its distinctions.The appearance of cups in the prehistoric kitchen should also be considered as one of such distinctions of the Baden culture. It seems really astonishing at frst glance that the Vina people otherwise very skillful masters in potters trade did not produce the vessels of cup shape. The new shape in the Baden ceramography is not the result of higher craftsmens skills but it was the refection of new times and new customs. This is the time of increasing individuality within the community, the time of the individual, family and smaller group that are in their material manifestations opposed to the Late Neolithic and Early Eneolithic togetherness. These social changes were the result of diferent economic basis and consequently diferent material culture, settlement pattern and religion.97The irst toastThe Baden cups thus represent an apparent indicator of changes in the society. The signifcance of their appearance lies just in the possibility of interpretation of one segment of those changes. The occasions on which the Baden cups had been used are rather heterogeneous. However, the most important seems the mise-en-scne indicating their use during public, i.e. communal gatherings of the members of one or more Baden communities. The reasons for organizing such gatherings were many. The individuals were able to outshine other members of the community because they achieved actual but also symbolic power and prestige. The control over the resources, trade and knowledge, but also possessing of some innovative and exotic products including milk, cheese, alcohol, plough, animal-driven wagons, unusual cloths and horses could have been important enough for establishing personal reputation and some kind of social elite within the Baden society. The prominent individuals had many opportunities to demonstrate and approve their status and to deny the status of others. The Baden cups were efectively included in these events, either they were profane or sacred gatherings, either they were organized to celebrate religious holiday, burial, wedding or some other events like initiation, making alliance, beginning of sowing, going hunting or returning of shepherds from the summer pastures. Despite the fact that there are great obstacles in identifcation of the locations where the Baden feasts and celebrations had taken place we are witnesses of the sensational discoveries, which confrm their existence without any doubt. The group fnds of the Baden cups sets from Tiice, Dretovice, Dobanovci and Vrac put away and carefully buried as also somewhat later Kostolac set from Sremski Karlovci perhaps do not represent the actual places of feasting and celebration. Nevertheless, these manifestations almost associate modern and neatly arranged crystal or porcelain vessels displayed in the glass cupboards, used for serving food and drink only on special occasions Christmas, Easter, New Year. It was probably also the situation in prehistory. Starting with the Mesolithic period and until the protohistory, i.e. the appearance of the Romans the mise-en-scne of feast or ceremonial dining of the group of people always represented the magnifcent social arena for establishing and redefning social relations. The variety of used implements and symbolic mediums was in accordance with the historical moment and prevailing social and cultural model. Hence, the Baden cups should be regarded as central advocates of a whole series of symbolic messages and main exponents of their senders the Late Eneolithic people whose biographies we are still learning to read somewhat awkwardly spelling each letter.Milo Spasi98TO PURCHASE A COPY GO TO www.mgb.org.rsEneolithic sites in the Belgrade territory /Ripanj/Vina/Ritopek /Ue Boleice/Karaurma /Rospi uprija/Zveka/Ugrinovci/Batajnica/Beljarica/Dobanovci/Prigrevica-/Zemun-Gardo/Stubline- /Avala-uplja stena/SurdukMap 1/Ripanj/Vina/Ritopek /Ue Boleice/Karaurma /Rospi uprija/Zveka/Ugrinovci/Batajnica/Beljarica/Dobanovci/Prigrevica-/Zemun-Gardo/Stubline- /Avala-uplja stena/SurdukAnthony W. D.,2007The horse, the Wheel and Language: How Bronze Age Riders from the Euroasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton - Oxford.Antonovi D., 2003Neolitska industrija glaanog kamena u Srbiji. 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