Cerny. Valley of the Kings. 1973

THE VALLEY OF THE KINGS

FRAGMENTS D'UN MANUSCRIT I N A C H E V ~

INSTITUT FRANCAIS D'ARCH~OLOGIE ORIENTALE D U CAIRE

R - - e - ._*, '&* &--

-a &nu

1 laroslav Cernf avait souhait4 consacrer aur ouvriers de la nbcropole thb Baine trek grands ouvrages, oh ii ~ o u h i t c o n b a m ce qu'me vie de patientes reehmhes hi avait perrnis d'apprendre; le premier traitait de la topapa-

- phie de k ndcropole, .du corps des ouvriers, de Ieur organisation, et des pin- lcipaux chefs de travawr qui ont marque de l e u p e r s o d t B le village et 4es &antiers de la rive gauche. Ce volume, heureusement, avait. &B achevd avant ie decks de son auteur ; nous avons pu le mettre sous presse et l'imprimer, avec l'aide de quelques amis de Cerq qui ont bien vodu contribuer A la correction matbrielle des Bpreuves, sans avoir rien d'essentiel A y changer.

Le second voiurne devait traiter de k Vdee des Rois : ies tombes roydes et ieur creusement, ieur amhnagement, leur decoration; le chantier des ouvriers et leur travail quotidien; i'enterrement des pharaons, puis, on peut le supposer, le pillage des tornbes roydes, sous la X X e dynastie, et les grands procks du temps de Ramsbs IX et de ses successeurs; l'ouvrage se serait certainement achevb par le rBcit du transfert des momies royales dans la cachette de Deir el-Bahari, et par leur fabdeuse redecouverte, 1 la fin du sihde dernier. De ce second volume, seds ont Bte achevhs les cinq chapitres publihs ici.

Du trosikme tome de cette immense entreprise, qui devait decrire la vie quotidienne dans ie village de la ((Place de VBritBo, rien n'a Bte Bcrit.

S'ils ne representent donc qu'une faible part de ce qu'aurait Bt6 ce volume sur ia Vallhe des Rois, ces cinq chapitres sont cependant si riches, en em- mbmes, qu'il nous a semblh nkcessaire de les Ewer aux lecteurs; avec la res- triction, naturellement, qu'ii s'agit d'une aeuvre posthume, et qu'il est probable que l'auteur, rhvisant ses premikres rbdactions lors de l'blaboration des chapitres dthrieurs de son livre, en aurait sans doute modifih, complhtB, enrichi, certains aspects. TeL qu'ils sont, ils contiennent nhanrnoins une telle s o m e d'informations et d'idBes origindes, que chacun sera plus sensibie Q ce que ce'livre apporte, qu'aux quelques lacunes que la suite des travaux

- - - - - -

y fera peut-&re apparaltre. -pq -- - ... -. 3 - a a-4

Sol~s la fonne oh il nous est parvenu, le manuserit de J. Cernj requkrait une trbs skrieuse revision; je m'y suis activement employk, et le conseiller culture1 auprhs de l'Ambassade Britannique au Caire, M. Norman Daniel, a trhs arnicalement accept6 d'associer ses efforts aux miens. En joignant nos connaissances d'anglais moderne et d'bgyptien ancien, nous avons tenth d'bliminer de ce manuswit, dont ie dernier chapitre, en parbicdier, Ctait ebcbre sous uhe fome p r o h i r e , tout oe q i pouvait paraftre ambigu, ou dtait exprim6 sous w e f o m pue Cemf aursit sans d w t e corrigle i u i - 6 s'ii avait pu revoir kmnquihment son premier b x h . Pukme a t Btat h a 1 ne pas se trouver trep Bsign6 de ce que l'auteur await souhait4 mir i rnprhm hi-mhme, et puisse, surtout, sa penske n'avoir jamais Btk invo- lontair-nt trahie.

Le Caire, avril 1973 Serge SAUNERON

THE VALLEY OF THE K I N G S

The tombs which the people .--.yk 2 n Of the King's Tomb, as this constant addition to their title shows, were mainly concerned with, were an situated in a vdey of the Theban mountain now d e d the Valley of the Kings (BibQn e l - M d ~ ) . In this valley lay practically d the tombs of the kings of the XVIIIth-XXth Dynasties. The tombs of the XVIIth Dynasty consisted of underground chambers surmounted by brick pyramids placed on the slope of the mountain overlooking the Nile plain, in the northern part of the Theban necropolis, near the present village of Dra' abh 'n-Nagac; but Amenophis I abandoned this site and had his tomb dug out somewhere ('1, further west amidst the mountains. His successor Tuthmosis I was the first to move his tomb into the Valley of the Kings and d l his successors down to the end of the XXth Dynasty - with the exception of Ekhnaton - followed his example.

Geographidy the new site is not far from the inhabited part of the west of Thebes, since only one mountain ridge north-west of Deir el-BaFri separates it from the plain. This very ridge, however, secludes it from any life. The high vertical rocks all round, barren of any vegetation, the absolute stillness of the pfaee and the pyramid-like highest peak of the Theban mountain towe- ring just above the vdey, give it a majestic character and make it eminently suitable for the last repose of dead Pharaohs. Such qualities, however, could hardy have been the sole or the main reason for the choice of the site. It seems far more likeIy that the safety of the tombs and their riches was the chief aim. The tombs in the Nile vdey, too near the living, had proved too

(I) The tomb claimed for him by Carter (.TEA 3 1191 61, 147-153) does not quite correspond to the desoription of the tomb of Amenophis I given in Pap. Abbott 2, 2-4.

much of a temptation and had been easy prey for the tomb-robbers. The new site, though remote, was overlooked from the surrounding heights and codd be easily guarded by the police of the necropolis.

One disadvantage the Valley of the Kings did have. The chapels serving for the cult of the deceased kings codd no ionger be built over the tombs in the narrow valley. They had to be divorced from the tombs proper and left in the Nile plain, where they were buiit in the form of more or less extensive funerary temples, ranging from the temple of Sethos I (at Kurnah) in the north to that of Rarnesses I11 (at MedPnet Habu) in the south.

The exact position of a royal tomb in the Vdey codd, however, hardly be kept secret. The hollowing-out of the tomb in the rock and its decoration required a number of men and some length of time during which the men involved could impress on their memory the position of the tomb, which was, also, marked by the heap of broken stone extracted from the tomb. Some secrecy might have been achieved by Queen Hatshepsut who wandered farther afield and had first dug out a s m d tomb in a distant valley half-way up a high c M ( ~ ) , but, having placed a heavy stone sarcophagus in the burial. chamber, she abandoned the site again for unknown reasons, in favour of the Vdey of the Kings. Complete secrecy was attained only by Tuthmosis I11 for three ladies of his harem, whose tomb in another distant valley was found and ransacked by robbers as late as 1916 (a) , and by some of the high-priests of Amun, contemporaries of the XXIst Dynasty, whose tombs have remained undiscovered down to the present day (8). If, however, hope of protecting the tombs was r e d y the reason for moving the royd cemetery to the Valley of the Kings, it was an illusion, and the hope was not fulfilled.

The Valley of the Kings is only the beginning of a water-course which in geologicai times the waters of the torrentid rains gradualiy cut through the limestone mountains on their way towards the Nile. In reverse direction, therefore, this water-course affords natural. access to the Vdey of the Kings.

'') CARTER, ASAE 1 6 [1916], 179-182, and JEA 4 [1917], 114-118. ($1 WIKLO~K, The Treasure of Thrm Egyplian Princesses, New-York, 1948. ta) The mtimmies of the hq$-priests Hribar, Pi'onkh and Menbeperre' were not in the

Cachet& royals and no object is known which might have come from their tombs.

The road to it branches off from the Nile plain north of the hill .of DraC Abh 'n- Nagac first in a north-westerly direction - this part of the valley being called WAdiyyhn - but graduaily it bends towards the south-west to reach the head of the valley, the Valley of the Kings. Shortly before reaching it, another valley branches off towards the right. This leads to the s o d l e d Western Valley which was chosen for the tombs of the kings Amenophis I11 and Ay of the XVIIIth Dynasty.

At a short distance from this bifurcation the end - in reality the beginning- of the w$dy, the Valley of the Kings, is reached. This entrance was, as Lepsius did not faii to observe ('1, originally barred by a siight rise of the valley-bed and it was here later pierced by the hand of man to form an artificid road ca) , no doubt for the transport of stone sarcophagi and other heavy funerary furniture (3) to the royd tombs. For this, the way by W$diyyhn was the only one possitsie and for the burid procession it was the easiest way to the tomb.

Past the narrow entrance, the Valley of the Kings forms a kind of amphi- theatre delimited on praticdy all sides by vertical cliffs. Stones and rubble descend in gentler slopes intersected by ravines formed by torrents and joining the bed of the valley. This bed forms here roughiy a triangle in the middie of which stands a low knoll, but the bed of the valley continues some distance south until it reaches the vertical, cliffs in a narrow gorge.

We s h d be little concerned with the royal tombs of the XVIIIth Dynasty, our main subject being the times of the XIXth and XXth Dynasties. The tombs in the Valley of the Kings and in the Western Vdey have a separate numbering from the rest of the Theban tombs; it is the numbering introduced by Wilkinson in 1829 and continued for the tombs discovered

(') L E P ~ S , B+, 289. ' ('1 As early as Pococke's day the valley of the Kings* was clascended by a narrow steep passage, about ten feet high which seems to have been broken down thro' the rock, (Pococm, A Deamption ofthe East, I (London, 1743) , 97. A photograph of the present state in Th. DAVIS, The Tomb of Hamhabi ete., P1. II.

GratEto no. 83 which records the dragging of the eternal monumenh of Bienrs'-[miaman], i.e. of Meneptab, is quite near.

(') Wmmsoa, Modern Egypt and Thebes, 11 (London, 1843) , 201, note j-. He seem to have numbered them differently in his earlier notes.

since his h. The fobwing is the list of t& of the two Ramesside dynasties :

No. 1 Ramesses VII

2 Ramesses IV 3 Ramesses 111 (abandoned)

4 Ramesses XI

5 Ramesses I1 (abandoned)

6 Ramesses IX 7 Ramesses I1 8 Meneptah

9 Ramesaes VI 10 Amenmesses

I I Ramesses 111 13 Chancellor Bay

14 Queen Twosre, usurped by Set.&

15 Sethos I1 14 Bameslsos I 17 Sethoa I 18 Ramesses X 19 Prince Mentbikhopshef

47 Siptab .. . .

57 b e m w

Ijaremhab, no. 57 Ramesses I, m. 16. S&s I, no, 17

Il, no. 5 (abrmdaned)

Ramesses 11, ns. 7 Meneptah, no. 8. Amenmesses, no. 10 Sethos 11, no. 15. Siptab, no. 47 Queen Twosre, usm@ hy Setpakht,

no. 14 Chansellor Bay, no. 13 R a k ~ s e s Ill, no. 3 (abandoned)

R a w III, no. 11 Ramesses IV, no. 2 &amel,ses VI, us. 8. h e s r r e vp, Re, 1 Remnesreee IX, no. 6 h e e Menkhikhopshef, no. 19 Rameases X, no. 1 8 Ramesses XI, no. d

As far as the inscribed and therefore identifiable tombs are eancerned, they d belong to kings who actudly reigned over the couuiry, with the exception of no 19 which bel-s to a bg'q.spn af the; hie XXth Dynasty and no 1 3 of the Chamllor Bay, the king's protector rtnd an d - b p h n t p m n in the reign of S i p a .

The attention of s c ~ a r s has been attracted chiefly by the inscriptions and representations covering the w& ~f the tombs aad thou& aniy few

tombs have been exhaustivdy published, &plete' information in this respect cap probslbiy be collected, though iabmiously, since it is scattered throyyhsut Egyptologid literature (1). A systematic study, however, has hardly s k b d and the many problems posed by the texts and representations of the royd tombs await their solution (9 ) .

Even less satidictory is the available information as to the archaeology of the Valley of the b g s in general and of individual, tombs in particular. The accounts of excavations and work done in the Valley and in the tombs are either completely lacking or quite superficial; as a rule the discovery of a tomb is their main interest and finds of objects not belonging to royal funerary equip- ment are hardly mentioned. Only two plans of the Valley, both by Baraize, can be traced in Egyptologid works (8). P h s which can make some claim to be precise exist far i few tombs, for o thm we s W have hardy more than mere &etches, the of 4k.e t o d s as &aight, a d all lan@ 3s [email protected] -+es. .hcw8te plans made according to modern mdhods wodd Probably show - like in the rock temples of Abu Sinibel - that there were hardly any straight lines or true right angles. Some more striking archaeological features have occasionally been mentionned in the descriptions of the earlier Egyptologists (Wilkinson Champoilion Lepsius ('1, and Weigaii(7)), and in the accounts of Th. Davis' excavations (8). There is nothing

1') Detailed bibliography in PORTER-MOSS, 2nd ed., I, part 2. ('1 A remarkable beginning has been made by GUPOW in ZA[S 7 2 (1 9 3 6), 12-3 9. Piankoff's

works b i t themselves to edition of texts and translations. 1s In Lorn's paper Lea tombemx de T h o u i d 111 et d'Arnhopiris 11 et la caciaetle royule de Biban-

&M~lauk, in Bull. Inst. Eg., 3 ah., No. 9, P1. I, dso separately, and in ~ T B R and NEWBEBRY, The Tomb of Thoutmdni IV (Westminster, 1901), frontispiece. Besides these there is the Biban el-Muluk sheet of the 1/1000 map of the Egyptian Government Survey.

('1 W I L ~ S O R , Topopphy sf T k (London, 18 3 5), 1 00-1 2 3 ; Moden, Egypt and T h , 11 (London, 1863), 201 ff.

('1 Camra.~orv, Letsm krites d"Egypie d de Nubie (Paris, 1833), 221-267, et flotiab, I, 606- 676.

('1 L E ~ s , B&$e mu &ypteta (Berlin, 1852), 987-991, z+nd LD, Tea%, 111, 198-224. WEIGALL, A Guide to the Antiquities o f Upper Egypt (London, 1910), 186-228. BAIKIE,

Egypiicm Adpi& in the Nile Valley (London, 1932) ad& 9 little in the way of fresh observations.

(q DAVIS (and others), The Tomb oJ Sipfah (London, 19 0 8) for no. 6 7, and The Tomb of Ham- habi and T o u u t 4 n k h ~ (London, 1912) for tko. 57.

to draw upon as to th6 technique of the work in' the tombs though some account of these has been kept in an article by Somers Clarke, (o and many of the observations made for Old Kingdom ~eliefs by %, Ransom Williams (2)

are valid dso for the royal tombs in this Vdey. A short but competent attempt at describing the development of the royal tomb and its arrangement and decoration has been supplied by SteindoriT and Wolf (3). The account which follows is only a compilation collected from the information in the works of the scholars just quoted(".

The entrances of the tombs face the bed of the vdey, as a rule at ground level, but in the case of no. 2 (Ramesses IV) and no. 9 (Ramesses VI) a little above it. The access to the entrance leads through a passage in part or entirely in the open. In the tombs of the earlier XIXth Dynasty (Haremhab, Ramesses I and Sethos I but also Amenmesses) it is a steep staircase, from Ramesses I1 (his no. 7) onwards a less rapidly descending plane. The tomb of Sethos I1 (no. 15), at the south-western end of the vdey and the entrance of which is cut into the vertical diff, has no access in the open at d, while that of Twosre (no. 14) , not far from it and also at the foot of a vertical rock, has only a short (about 5 m.) access. The same is true of the later unfinished tomb of Ramesses I11 (no. 3). No. 10 of Amenmesses is the earliest where the access in the open consists of two pardel flights of steps (6) with an indined plane in the middle, no doubt to make the transport of heavy objects down into the tomb easier. The same two flights of steps are found in the access of no. 1 1 (Setnakht, taken over by Ramesses 111), no. 2 (Ramesses IV) and no. 6 (Ramesses IX). The end of the access is for a short distance covered by the overhanging rock. The access to no. 10 (Amenmesss), no. 9

(') Somers CLhRm, Of the mst& 4 in makin& and o r n a m i n g an Egyptian rock tomb, in Arcblogia, 55, I (1896), 21-32.

('1 C. Ransom WIUL~HS, T h D m & of the Tomb of P e r - ~ b (New York, 1932), excellently summarized and commented upon by S C H ~ R , OLZ (193&), cob. 490-492.

STEI~ORPP and Wow, Die Thebunisck Gr&mmIt (Gliiokstadt and Hamburg, 1936), 73-94.

(') Good published photographs of the valley are rare ; the best probably in Th. DAVIS, T h Tomb oJHannhabi, Pls. I-XW. It is interesting to compare his P1. VI with the old view in LD, I, 95.

C6) They are there only in part cut in the rock and mostly made of stones.

(Ramesses VI), no. 1 (Ramesses VII), no. 1 9 (Menthikhopshef), no. 18 (Ramesses X) and no. 4 (Rarnesses XI) has no steps. The access to no. 1 8 is very spacious.

When the access passage had descended far enough for the height of the rock wdl in front to reach about 4 m., the door (the entrance proper) of the tomb was cut. In earlier tombs the two jambs bear inconspicuous inscriptions including the names of the king, though the entrance of no. 1 6 (Ramesses I) is without any sculpture. In Lter tombs the lintel bears representations as well. Probably the entrance was originally destined to be covered after the burid, so as to make the site of the tomb unrecognizable. The tomb no. 1 0 (Arnenmesses) in fact was so well hidden that the workmen digging out a tomb for Setnakht (no. 11, later taken over by Ramesses 111) ran straight into it, unaware of its nearness. Since the time of Ramesses I11 any attempt at concealing the tomb seems to ham been given up; the entrance of no. 6 (Ramesses IX) at any rate is so imposing that it could not possibly be entirely hidden from sight at any time.

Behind the entrance lay a corridor or corridors, chambers and pillared halls separated from each other by doors indicated by protruding door-frames cut in the rock. The size of the interior of the tombs varies considerably. It is usually assumed that it depended on the length of the king's reign : the king whose reign was short had only time to hollow a s m d tomb, while kings with long reigns codd exceed what was considered the standard size by adding at the end of the tomb already finished further corridors and hdls. This logical conclusion is not always confirmed by actual facts. It is true that the tombs of Ramesses I (no. 16) and of Ramesses VII (no. 1) are s m d , corresponding to their short reigns, and the tombs of Ramesses I11 (no. 1 I ) , Sethos I (no. 19) and Rmesses XI (no. b), large and grandiose, but the tombs of Twosre and Ramesses VI, whose reigns codd not have been very iong are relatively large dso. For a correct comparison it would be necessary to calculate the cubic contents of passages and halls and take into account the degree of completion of the decoration of each tomb. Either of these two requirements is, however, impratidle; especidy for the first it would be necessary to know the exact measures of d parts of each tomb. Thus the followipg table is limited to show the reigns of kings, as far as

known, in one column and the length of to& in ihe other, both in &ma-

Ramesses I1 67 yrs * RamessesIII, no. 11 124 m.

Ramesses 111 32 yrs Menepta h 115 m. (exd. open passage)

Ramesses XI ca. 29 yrs Haremhab 114 m.

Ramesses IX ca. 19 ym * Twosre .I I i m. (exd, open passage)

Sethos I ca. 14 p s * Ramewes VI 104 m.

Meneptah ca. 13 yrs Ehamesses I1 99 m. (exd. halls at end)

Twosre " Sethos I 98 m. (excl. the passage

past the hall) ca. 11 yra

Siptab

Setnakht * Rameases XI 93 m.

Ramessea V I ca. 10 yrs Ramesses VI

Siptah 89 m.

* Amenmesses 76 + x m. Etamesses X ca. 9 yrs

BLamesses VII ca. 7 yrs

Sethos I1 6 p h e s s s s IV 6 yrs Ramesses I ca. 2 yrs

* Rameases IX 74 m.

* Ssthos I1 7 2 m.

* Ramesses IV 67 m.

* Ramesses VII 40 m.

* Ramesses I11 (no. 3) 37 m. but the surface is grea-

teF than that of RamessesVII

* Ramesse& I 2 9 m.

* Menthikhopshef 20 m. but unfinished

* Ramesees X no measurement mailable

The axis of the XVlllth Dynasty(%) had usudly been bent at a usually right- angle, the axis of the royal tombs of the XIXth and XXth Dynasties is straight. The change starts with the tomb of Ekhnaton at el-Amarna(a) and is evidently this king's innovation. The burial chamber of the eariier tombs was situated

( I ) An asterisk denotes Wjlkinson's mwurement, the others have been read off on pdished pians and sections of the tombs.

(') For a more detailed history and development of the plans of royal tombs, see hm~om and Wow, Die Tfinirrelte Gr&bmwZf. 79 ff. See also GUPOW in Z B 72 (1936), 14 ff.

(" PPM IV, 226, from Bommm, h a m and J k m m , MIFAO 8, p. 5, &. 4.

after the bend and the rays of the sun h d therefore no h e s s to i€; it lay in the darkness of the Underworld. Ekhnaton made the Sun-god dso the god of the dead, and by straightening the axis of his tomb let the sun penetrate as far as end of it (11, at least theoretidy. The tomb of Ay in the Western Vailey (m. 23) already fohws the Amarna example and afker Tut'ankhaman the straight axis is the d e . Ody in fhe tomb of Rameeses I1 (no. 7) did the pillared haUs at the b a d &e at ri@t anglers to the axis. A deviation of axis is f o d ia $he. t m h s of Haredab (no. 57) and Sethos I (no. 17) where in the left-hand corner of a pillared ld a flight of sieps descends into fu;rther corridors and rooms, the axis of which is, however, either approximately (as in no. 57) or precisely (in no. 17) pardel to the initid axis:

A similar change of axis in the tomb of Ramesses I11 (no. 11) has a special rwon This W was begun by his p h a r Stzddcht, but after a while ntlll imtoL.b kmlb d h m m a L 10)- IB w-w thepefOTe abandoned and Sebakht usmped the taznb of Twom (no. l.4). I l a m m III in his turn started to prepare no. 3 as his tomb, but abandoned it on account of the bad quality of the rack. He took up again the unfinished tomb na. 11 : At the spot where tho tomb of Amemssss had been encountered, a room expmdmg to the right was ho&wed out, and from the farther right-hand corner, the tomb was continued on an axis exactly pardel with that of the original part of the tomb (see fig. after Wi3kinson (3)).

The quality of the mck is m t the same throughout the V d e y . Tomb no. ILi (Twosre) is carved in tbe good hes tone of the v d d cliff; ekewhere, however, the pa&y can be tw bad that the work has been abandoned, .as in no. 3 of Ramesses 111 - though even in the ex-tomb of Sebakht (no. 11) adopted by Ramess~ 111, the nature of the rock was u n f a v o ~ h for sculpture. The yellow hes tone in tomb no. 9 (Runerses VI) is interrupted by layers of &nt pebbles. These have been neatly cut through everywhere by sharp tooh and do not seem to have constituted any serious problem for the workmen.

(') This plausible axplanation is due to Steindod and Wolf (op. at., 83) and is accepted by G w w in ZAS 72 (1936), 16, n. 6.

('1 Di&reat.bxm W e &l by Srn~ri~mw and Wow, q. at., 86. The distribution of the repreeentations and immiptlo;~s is tbs of tbe clump of axis, . .

(a) Wdkhson EdSS XLV, AS. 4 4 UL(.L: , I .

In the tomb no. 8 (Meneptah), however, in the near left-hand corner of h d E. a block of silex was encountered (1) which it was not possible either to cut through or to extract; it was therefore left protruding from the w d .

The difference in gradient of the access to the tombs between the earlier XIXth Dynasty and the ktter tombs has already been mentioned. The same difference can be observed in further parts of the tombs : the descent in no. 8 (Menepa) is very rapid, the descent of no. 11 (Setnakht-Ramesses 111) is less than that in no. 19 (Sethos I); the slope in no. 1 5 (Sethos 11), no. 9 (Ramesses VI) and no. 6 (&messes IX) is very g radd .

The first h d in the tombs of Harembab and Sethos I (nos. 59 and 1 7 respectively) was deepened into a pit, 10 m. deep in no. 19. This feature, common in XVIIIth Dynasty royal tombs, was a device to misguide possible intruders. On the top, the continuation of the tomb was disguished by a w d covered with reliefs continuing the scenes of the other wails of the hall. Experience must have shown that the intruders could hot be deceived, but found their way to the treasures of the bwid h d and its annexes. The practice was therefore abandoned after Sethos I, though its additional advan- tage had been that the pit contained the water and rubble penetrating into the tombs during torrential rain, and prevented it from reaching the burial room. Thus the very first tombs which were given a pit, those of Ramesses I1 and of Menepw, have suffered badly from water, especially the htter tomb which has a ravine at ib mouth, but also that of Jhmesses I11 (no. 11) in which the w& of the back rooms have been destroyed ahnost to the top. This destruction took place, however, probably only after the tombs had been rifled and left open.

Despite the varying number of corridors and subsidiary rooms the plans of al l Ramesside royai tombs are essentially identicai fa). A few, however, give an impression of double tombs in that an initial series of corridors and a pillared h d are foilowed by another set of corridors - these latter ending in another pillared h d . In the case of no. 1 4 of Twosre and of no. 7 of Rames-

1') A similar Aint probably is that mentioned in 0. Cairo '651, 2-3 ; see below, p . 18. (') The most dissimilar is no. 3 prepared for Ramesses I11 but abandoned in favour of no. 11

(see the plan in LmBsnm, MMM 111, p. 1 I).

- 11 - ses VI the explanation is perhaps that the former was usurped for the burial of Setnakht and the latter aheady contained the body of its original owner, Rarnesses V. For the tombs of Sethos I (no. 17) and Ramesses I11 (no. 11) there is, however, no such explanation.

It is surprising how many of the royd tombs are unfinished, indeed it can be said that ody about half received their ks t touch ('1. For the archae logist, however, the parts left in varying stages of finality are of importance since they enable him to establish the proceeding followed to make the tomb. The first party consisted of miners who hollowed the tomb to roughly the shape and dimensions required. They were followed by another party who cut the surfaces straight with chisels. To mend the faulty places and to obtain a fairly even surface, the walls and the ceiling were then covered with plaster which was again rubbed quite smooth, probably with stones. On the surface prepared in this way, the draughtsmiln dmw the ou4i.l.n~~ of the inscriptions and representations in red; these were then redrawn and corrected in black by a chief draughtsman(3). From this point three different courses were open, d i exemplified in chronological order in the XIXth and XXth Dynasty tombs in the Valley of the Kings.

In the two earliest, those of Haredab (no. 59) and Ramesses I (no. 16), the figures and signes were coloured, by which the find stage was reached. In the tombs of Sethos I (no. 17) and Ramesses I1 (no. 9) they were sculpted in low relief by chiselling away the background and rounding off the sharp edges(&). Only then were the sculptures coloured by painters who did not

( ') Unfinished : nos. 57 (Harembab), 16 (Ramesses I), 17 (Sethos I), 8 (Meneptah), 15 (Sethos 11), 14 (Twosre), 6 (Ramesses IX), 19 (Prince Mentbikhopshef), 18 (Ramesses X), Ir (Ramesses XI) and the abandoned no. 3.

('1 Only in the tomb of Sethos I (no. 1 7 ) there are places where imperfect rock was cased with stone.

1') Sketched in red and corrected in black, e.g. in no. 17 (Sethos I). Drafts in red can be seen in no. 15 (Sethos 11) and no. 4 (Ramesses XI). The two stages on the jambs in no 6 reproduced in colour in G U I L ~ T , Le tombeau de Ram& IX, P1. 111; from the tomb of Harembab in DAVIS, P1. XLIX and LV.

(') A wall partly in black draft, partly sculptured in Dans, The Tombs of Harmhabi etc., P1. XLVII, L, LI, LVIII-LXI.

always m d I y respect the h of the dtdpt&e. In no. 1 7 the sculpture ms first whitewashed & over a d then painted, &!tm es I1 d subsequent tambs adopt the relief en cmux which then b d g d and exclusive. In this, not the background, but the inside of the figmw aad s i p s was removed ('1, and ody then were they coloured.

The style and quality of the work dso vary considerably. The beauty of the sculpture of no. 17 (Sethoa I) quds that of the Abydos temple of Sethos I, and is unsurpassed by any other tonab in the Y d q , thd* the styIe of no. 57 (Haremhab) h o s t reaches it. A very good sf$^. ia dqdayed by no. 15 (Sethos 11) while that of Setnakht in the tomb of Twosre (no. 14) can still be d e d good. In no. 1 9 of prince Mentmhopshef the reliefs are well executed and their colouring is delicate ; the plaster has been ground, laid on and smoothed with great care. Compared with these the style and execution of reliefs notably in no. 1 1 (Ramesses 111), no. 1 (Ramesses VII) and no. 18 (Ramesses X) are inferior. There is marked sindarity of style between no. 2 (Ramesses IV), no. 9 (Ramesses VI) and no. 1 (Ramesses VII). This is hardly surprising since they are chrono~ogidy neighbours and were probably executed by the same d&.

Besides the threa' mma &wdy mentioned of ~ppi.op&t%m d an d e r tomb by a later king (no. 1 4 of Twosre by Setnakht, no. 9 of Ramesses V by Ramesses VI and no. 1 1 of Setnakht by Ramesses 111), there are significant cases of erasure in the tombs of the latter part of the XIXth Dynasty, a dear proof - if such were needed - of feud in the royal family. Thus in no. 10 of Amenmesses the inscriptions and figures on the w d s were deliberately erased, possibly by Setnakht when he chanced upon no. 10 while tunnelling a, tomb for himseif (no. 11). In the tomb no. 1 5 of Sethos I1 the cartouches and figures at the entrance have in some cases been erased and then again re-cut while the name of the owner Sethos I1 was, mstored; so b o in no. 47 of Siptab the erased cartouches were later re-established. F i w in tomb no. 1 4 of Twosre the figure of the queen is accompanied by that of a king whose original cartouches Meneptab-Sipa were kter replaced by those

('1 In the abandoned tomb of Ramesses III (no. 3) the layer of plaster was so thin that the sculpture has penetrated into rock.

of Sethos I1 (4.- All these hets will be discussed in a later chpter and an attempt will there be made to draw conciusions born them as to the history of the end of the XIXth Dynasty.

I t might have been thought that the tomb was cleared of the rubbish accu- mulated in the corridors and h d g during the work and swept dean. That was perhaps the case when the tomb was finished before the king died, but in tomb no. 57 of &emw whwe the work was stdl going on at the death of the k i q 4 t h w h e n did not trouble to remove the stone spiinters and the d6br.k of d kinds which c d e r e d the ground... a gangway had been cleared across the rooms in order to make the access to the sarcophagus easy for the bearers of the m m y and of the offerings )) Though elsewhere the debris might have slipped in from outside after the tomb had been left open, in no. 57, however, any such rubbish would have been held up by the deep shaft separating the &st staircases and passages from the back rooms. No observations as to the origins of the rubbish were made during the dearance of other royal tombs in modern times.

The texts and representations found on the w d s of the royal tombs are no concern of this book, and reference can only be made to Grapow's artide (8)

on the subject. With one or two exceptions they are of purely religious character. I t seems that over a long period they were copied on the w d s from the same original manuscripts on papyrus, since they d dispiay the same mistakes and gaps which must a3ready have existed in the papyrus original. The earliest component of the texts is a book d e d ((Amduat)) by Egyptolo- gists, which describes chiefly the passage of the sun through the nether wodd during the twelve hours of the night. It is found already in the pillared burid chamber of the tombs of Tuthmosis I11 (no. 24) and Amenophis I1 (no. 35) c L J of the XVIIIth Dynasty and is found again in the same position in the later tombs. In both no. 24 and no. 3 5 the book was copied in the same simple lines as it used to be written and drawn on papyrus, so that the w a h resemble

('1 For the final verdict on this point see GARDINEB in JEA f iO (1956), LI, and again in JEA 44 (1958), 15.

(') MASPEBO in Th. DAVIS, The Tumbs of Harmhabi ete., 6 1. Ca) GBAPOW in zAS 72 (1936)' 17 ff.

In fragments also in the earlier no. 38 of Tuthmosis I.

a huge unrolled papyrus book. The papyrus original of Amduat was or was meant to be an old one, since the background on the wail is painted yellow; a new papyrus would certainly have been indicated by a white background, white or off-white being the colour of fresh papyrus.

The foregoing aims at being no more than an introduction supplying the background useful for understanding the textual evidence concerning the making of the royd tombs, which will be the subject of the following chapters. Without such an introduction the written evidence is too fragmentary to be understood and set forth in a coherent picture ; on the ather hand the written documents breathe into archaeological observation a little of the H e which the rich inscriptions of the tombs themselves fail and were never intended to supply.

T H E .* E&C&V&TJ,UN .., = x,. - . O F A ROYAL T O M B r .

The death of a king and the accession to the throne of his successor marked an important point in the Me of the gang of the Tomb : the tomb of the old king had to be finished as quickly as possible or at any rate got ready for the burial, and the work on the tomb of the new king begun. The two important events always took place at the same date and were announced to the gang without delay.

The accession of Sethos I1 done seems to have been reported : [Year 1 , Xth] month of winter, day 1 6 , the scribe Paser came rn-th the good tidings saying : Usikhqmre"-setprdC hm arisen as ruler ('1. This may be due to the special circumstances of the case, for the note was written some months later when the work on the tomb of Sethos I1 had already been begun and a mention of the death of Amenmesses was no longer of any interest. Alternatively, however, the reason might have been that Amenmesses was regarded as a usurper by his successors and even a mention of his death avoided.

When Sethos I1 died the [chiefl Medjay Nakhtmin came, saying: (The) f a h has* up to heam, nam~ly Sethos, (and) another has a k in h b p h Nakhtmin perhaps did not yet know the name of the successor, but the chief of Medjay Mentmose did, when he announced the death of Ramesses I11 : [Third month of summer, day] 1 6 . . . [the day that] the chief of Medjay Ment nwse eame [to say to] the people o f the Tomb : (The) f a h hmJEown [up to heaven, namely - - -1 king Usimacrd'-miamiin, son o f Rs" Rames8es-~ule-oof-~n, [and

# % .- --,*, . - - y - - . . m -

('1 0. MMA lh.6.217, 1-3 (= Hiemtic O&auu, 91. W, 1). The date is discussed by Ga~nxma in JEA 5 (1918), 191.

('1 0. Cairo '515, vol. 11, 22-28, in part repeated in IV, 2-3, where 4 dcry 29 R is a scribe's mistake for (day 19 R. See on these passages GABDMER in JEA 5 (1918), 190.

t h king] UsimaCre"-setpewmiin, son o f Ra' Ramssewnhrn.iin, [the sovereip], 8428 on the t h r m o f Rae in his p a h ('), while a note in the journal on an ostracon, under that date, says simply Ow sad: (Th) faleon has Jloewb up to heaven (9 ) .

At the accession to the throne of Ramesses VI, in year 1, d numth o f winter, [day 4. [On that day] eame the city-gourn, [vizier Neferronp (3)

to] the entrance of the Tomb a d read to them a bt& saying that Nebmuis'- Anten (hi)k*hef-Rame88es-nibm.iinJ 1h god (and ruler of) o n had a h ar the great ruler o f the whole land, and they ~ e j d ( ~ ) exceedingly. And L sad : Let the g a q eome clp (6). The reason for rejoicing might have been less the pros- pect of new work than that of imminent good payment, for immediately the thrm captains went (4 to receive the dws (htr) of the Tomb. Hearing that Rarnesses IV had ascended the throne [the gang] of tb Tomb also spent the dcsy jubilbrtin8 until SUTHB~ c8), though in this case we have no record of a subsequent remuneration.

No work was done on the day when the news of the accession of Ramesses- Siptah arrived, and on the three days following: Thy r e j d and the g a g mt to the Valley of the Kilags (Skt) in thefirst m t h ofmbter, day 23, to work(9), and the days of work and rest resumed their usual pattern. The work done then could not have been work in the tomb of the new Pharaoh but probably some last touches in the tomb of Sethos 11, for a suitable place in the Vaiiey for a tomb of Ramsses-Siptab had to be carefully selected &st and this required some time.

Thus it is only in the third month of inwndath, day 12, some three months after his accession to the throne, but pdskbly more, that the first day of work

('1 P. T& Cat. 1949 + 1946 , vo. I, 10-15. Far this and the following, see 6 ~ & f in ZdS 7 2 (1936), 111.

(') 0. DM 39,16. (3 Neferronpe was the vizier of Ramesses VI, see HELCK, ZUT Ymallung, 464. (') This, of course, could only have been the tomb of Ramesses V.

Nh:, a writing of nhm. (') 0. Cairo '726 + BM 50722, 1-7 (= Hieratic Ostraea, Pl. LXVIII, 1). (') This must be approximately the meaning, but the act& verb used by this slovenly writ

ten text is obscure. P. Turin Cat. 1919 + 1946, vs. I, 1 6 (= ZAS 7 2 [1936], 111).

(v) 0. Cairo '515, vo. 111, 6-9.

in the tomb of Sethos I1 is recorded : fha gang mked (in) tha Place o f U & b prurec-setpari' ('1. About the same deky probably took place at the beginning of the reign of Ramesses-Siptah : the fmrth month of wintw, day 21 was the h y of k i n g chkls to the gang (2) and on the same day also ra) was instructed the luork o f Sekiaa'enre'-setprii', son of Rk, h d o f appearances Ramma- Siphh. Under Ramesses IV more than 'fifteen months elapsed - there seem to have been some diiiicuities about the payment of the grain rations in the meantime (4) before we hear that in year 2, second month of inundation, day 17 . .; C;r:~y-gowmr N$erronpe anre to Nd and aiio ttre k i y ' 8 b a t h Hh' and the king's butler A d W , son of T&hy and on the morrow they went up to the Valley o f the Kings (Skt Pt]) to search for a pbaoe f o ~ piercing ct domb for Usinaacre"-setpenamiin (6).

The verb g m p J a h m h--!, (( to search fore, seems. to indicate a careful probing of the terrain in the Valley. Such care was necwsary to woid the unpleasant experience of the workmen of king Setnakht who,' while tunnelling what was then to be his tomb (no. 17), broke into the tomb of Amenmesses (no. 10) ; no one seems to have suspected its existence at that spot (9). The word P- a x 9, sd (a), describes fittingly the first stage of the work when the passage and r o o k af the tombs were driven i nk the rock (9). The nuinbem of the gang engt~gd on this work are therefore sometimes quite appropriately called 2 3 &, hrty, (( (underground) stonecutter )), a titie which has already been dealt with in Part A of this book (I0).

(') 0. Vh4A 16.6.217 (= H.O., LXIV, I), 8-5. . (') 0. Cairo '515, YO. JY, 5.

h - ' (9 0. Cairo '515, YO. V, I , but the month ,, , , , , t7 a is a restoration.

1') 0. Berlin 12631, 15; 0. DM h6, 18-19. (') 0. DM 65, 16-16. (9 0. DM 15, 16.17. (a See above, p. 12.

Properly sd (Wb. IV, 373, 8 ff.), 6 break (to pieces), used also of breaking through the a s

walls of a fortress or through mountains while exploring them. It is used of I) 4 I I n -)f h1 I I) +ng the tomb of rhs high-+6 in 0. Cairo '263, 8 ; of breaking tk$rst dour of the King's totub in 0. Cairo '676, 5.

rD) The men occnpied at thjs work are onee called I) flZ m (= s d - a ) , estone-brea- kers B, P. Turin Cat. 1 9 0 , vo'. I, 7.

(lo) A Community of Workmen at Tirebes, p. 2 5 1 ff.

- Joun.~ds of the work 'were kept lay *Wc tmd r n d y (mmetimes extensive) bagments of these covering periods of wrying lenpth of the.XIXth and XXth Dynasties haire survived on pdpyri and o~traca. It might have been thought that they would also supply some infortnation about the fype of m k done; unfortunately their authors and the higher authority to which they were passed on were interested rather in meagre statements, whether at any parti- cdar date work was done or not, and whether or not workmen were absent from work (with their identity) and'for what reason. Thus a working day is h o t s invariably characterized by a simple note 3 e -- #, m k , without further details, and ody seldom do we come across short notes about the place or'some incident of the work, like the ostracon saying that in y~ar 1, fir& m t h of k m m , day 12, the bouMsr of s i h (L _',- )wcas f m d m (the) right (1). It is probable that a refereme is here made to a large and hard boulder similar to one which the wdrkmen of Meneptah came across in his tomb (no. 8) and because of its size we~;e forced to leave protruding from the waU (91. The recto of the ostracon contains the name of Rarnesses IV, but his tomb (no. 2) cannot be implied here, since its position was determined only in year 2 of his re* (a), dor caa it be tomb no. 11 af Ramesses I11 who had been buried h a t e h5.t mon& crf iirmdaaian, day 34, more than seven months earlier, and whose tomb was by now d e d and covered with rubble. On the other hand the ostracon which has preserved this trifle of information was found in.the Vdey of the b g s , and therefore a tomb situated there, now unidentifiable, must be referred to. It may be pointed out that some work was going on in the Vdey between the date of the death of Ramesses I11 and that of the furing of the site for the tomb of Ramesses IV. In the third month of inundation, day 7, the gang is recorded as having been present there (4) and on the 15th day of the first month of summer, therefore three days after the finding of the boulder, the high-prkt R D W ~ S ~

. .

('1 0. Cairo '651, vo. ('1 See above, p. 10.

- ('1 See above, p. 1 7 . A further fact speaking against the identity is that the slone found on (the) right was in reality on what we calI tin the leftt,, see below, p. 24.

(') 0. DM 4 2 , 8.

. - . . -83 pap aq nap.) ppoqs pw 'qxok-xaqapi a~3 rq apem azaM Lay$ 381p U BrnlsaBns aAF)-wp a93 "xO& ¶W ~@aba4 WE\I '& 'L$StlT -8 '0 f (u gF Pe-%-ApPu! 3@

B'~~ZJ OV~~O~L '~~~~~~~o~~'~~~~~~o~!~~J~P~~'(~~P"BsB~.J~u (v)

& "@~g., oqq '0 b,

.s %s H.k .e++ t 'i-9 ~a 'O (s) 'tl 'ZS H b0-s 'O + I 'F9 Ma 'O (rt

$d"63xa 'pam$- sf afq;qnr aqp roj hssa3au sraquoa 30 uogasm oa $9 ;$m~hrs sy 11 *paqma asam s~@q pm smoos Ino 2upqoq mj .qqod.aq~ U~M raqq pasleamu! aq Llpqord ppoa sfr~l +oq~ Luauq~ofi p mvu rahi3n$01dap 30 MOP 1011 pp zopp.103 aqljo qlpp MOJJBU asyl 03a1s "anols ffu!pa~q uy $le2na aq - lswal aq aq 30, Isom .- ppw uam jo aaqumu pms Lp~-ej e Lpo lleql pdhq sawas '1.1 *mhq pne ra3uol amaq pop aql 30 a3mqna aq 01 Llem aql pn~ panaq@uei Lpnpd pq aql se 2u93wa arom pue aaom Smmomq raljtq qql 'pol aql mcy aIqqnr pue sqqq aql ?q~nm~a pue 'qaor aql ow! pa SEM 3y SB PO) aq3 jo pap arI)

am@ eq.&q~q : sqsq ow 30 pprm103 . . aleq qmm 8d aql jo ~{OJA

a¶+ W'6[7 mi-@ f?. 7! 1 fqiqT q. wpii~d p qaq aapr qdsaa - -2d aqq JO apt? 04 aql sl mu axdl paq;coA Lql amp qaq aql jo sap!s lfa~ pule aql lepl ua*a pus 'L~a~~dsaa qmol aql 30 (map jo pupd nle9m3 aq m~q) app pm l$ya aql Buop paqrom bqp qsqp alqssseod s! 11 -qmoyna~ xq mqd g+wdae yr papom 8n9 aq jo qiy & pm ty& aql lleql EenopqpF aqw em araqp peq~ ~a~q aas pp @M : am-%q~ aJaM OM$ aql leqp Bugugp rcy. 'aaM~q 'spnnod amos am aasaqA *paq.w& 3d -1 30 qy qap aqp aFq& wq4 ~q '~mm sy: qma.q aq~ jo app pmq q$p ayl aaq~aqm JWI:, IOU $1 . 91 - a3qs %~~&qnn, . . sl sg~ .jyaw (qj) 2so nots

to the Gier, asking'him among other things to mb to the deputy-o@cem

efti5e.tmkksandmq b q E y (eapw) raeIsisMd ( f k z e l p = f i l ' 1. i) the b& (1) were destined for tho work in the Tomb like t h e

copper chisel beside which they were mentioned. It seems therefore that the debris was evacuated either in baskets made

of wicker-work or in leather sacks supplied to the workmen or made by them. Yet the amount of stone chips extracted and evacuated from the Tomb was not measured by numbers of these sacks (or basfEets) but by a measure called " Eu** ! [. I dny, dso written abbreviated as [ or [ .. This is undoubtedly identid with the measure found in the same two forms in some XVlIIth Dynasty hieratic ostraca from Sh&kh 'Abd el-Kurnah and which has been, though with some hesitation, determined as a measure unit of area with a literal meaning ((section of areao c2). Two further XVIIIth Dynasty ostraca, one very probably, the other cerhidr also from &urnah, show, however, this explanation to be wrong. The first (3) records under a date in the reign of Tuthmosis I11 the m k of the r u w r o p o h k e r s to have been \ c r n n n n n n n n , 80 dny, and the necropolkkers (hrtyw-ntr) were exactly the men who hollowed out underground tombs and whose work could not possibly have been measured in area. In other words dny was nrrt a measure of area, but of capacity. All doubts are removed by a second ostracon in which some work done on a large stom is stated to have been ::: -1 I I "\ 2 -. I I I I " [ = I n n n n :::: (61, 6 cubits by 2 cubits, &pth 4 cubits, ma& 48 dny

1 M

and the multiplication of the three dimensions given (6 x 2 x 4) shows that dny was a measure of capacity of one cubic cubit. This result suggests that the word dny (6) is nothing else than = 4 -a, dnyt a basket which has thus become a standard measure for stone chips.

('1 P. Beatty IlI,vo. 4, 11. ('1 HAYES, Ost& c;nd Name Staned fm the Tomb of S ~ t i t (No. 7 1) at T h , b0-4 1.

0. Gardiner 51, 2-3 (= H.O., LVI, 5). 0. Gardiner 26, h (= H.O., XX, L), from Mond's excavations at K d .

('1 Of the last figure :::: only a tiny trace remains, which however, agrees well if indeed it is not the only possible.

('1 Registered with an erroneous meaning by Wb., V, L66, 8 (the only example given being 0. Gardiner 51).

(? Wb., V, 467, 2 f. This word too is often written without the feminine endine, see furhw-

'2 6q 4dypm 03 303~0~1 gqps am $eql -o$ q 4~3~ aq1 f3nwowa~o 30 Rw snopqo arT.) pm qqn3 3!~3 a

Iuam@l~s aq? 6q pamm s! JpsaJ aEqmosw pne 3wu ST$ l~qmmpojnn

To return after this disgression to the gang tunnelling in the King's Tomb, they followed in their work a - ' \\ % (11, plan (21, which must have been established by some higher authority, perhaps by the king. himself and his court in consultation with scholars whose business it was to know what a royal tomb should be like. The necessary instructions or drawings might have been brought by the cornmitee of higher officials sent to search for a suitable site in the Vdey of the Kings. The note on an ostracon (a), dated to a cc year 5 )), that the c i t y - g m m and vizier Nefer[ronpe] came to %\ @ make ca phn of ths Tomb, in view of its late date probably does not record the making of a plan in advance, but rather a final drawing of the Tomb at or near its completion.

('1 0. Turin 5660, vo. 1 and 0. Strasbourg H 112 , YO. 5 , both concerning the tomb of a prince in the Valley of the Queens.

(') Snl, Wb., N , 179 , 2 .3 . (9 0. Cairo '565, 3-4. (') This meaning of the verb + (JVb., IV, 177 , 1 0 ff.) also in 0. Beblin 10663, 2.

Two plans of a royal tomb have actually come down to us and their legends in connexion with some other documents recording measurements of tombs and progress of the work done in them help to establish the Egyptian terminology of various parts of the royal tomb. The knowledge of the terminology in turn is useful for a proper understanding of the records of work at present avdable, or of such as will probably be made accessible by future excavations and search in Egyptian collections.

The pkns in question are :

1. Plan of the ostracon Cairo Cat. 25184 published in photograph by DARESSY, Ostraca (CGC), Pl. XXXII, and discussed by the same author in Rev. arch., 3rd series, 32 [1898], 235-40. According to Daressy (1) it was found during the clearance of Tomb no. 9 (Ramesses VI), but this is probably an error, for the drawing suits only the plan of tomb no. 6 (Ramesses IX) ('1 and one would rather expect it to have been found in or near no. 6 which is the more recent of the two tombs c3). This was probably a working plan kept by the scribe supervising the work and was thrown away when the tomb was finished (4. .:I il; r:.prt

( '1 DARESSY, Ostraur (CGC), p. 35. ('1 The characteristic feature of the plan of the ostracon are two small chambers on the right

and left sides of the first passage such as are found only in Tomb no. 6. Compare what Daressy says ( I . c . , p. 112) about the confusion which took place during the

transport to Cairo between the ostraca from Tomb no 9 and those from no. 6. ('1 The hieratic legends have faded considerably. The present author was able to use a careful

copy made by Gardiner.

2. Plan of the Turin papyrus Cat. 1885. This was identified as being the plan of Tomb no. 2 of Ramesses IV as long ago as 1867 by Lepsius and his identification was confirmed by a thorough study by CARTER and GARDINER in JEA 4 [19 1 71,130-1 56 (q. In fact they were not so much questioning the identification as interested in the accuracy of the plan and in elucidating its legends.

The plan is drawn on the recto (that is, inside the roll on horizontal fibres) of the papyrus and prac t idy only the haif right of the longitudinal axis of the tomb is preserved so that approximately an equal height of the papyrus is lost at the bottom. The present height being 24.5 cm., the original height was probably about 49 em., even more than the n o d full he@t of 4lr; 4 5 cm. of Ramesside papyrus roils. It is undoubtedly because of this uncom- fortable height that the roil was later hdved, when the tonab plan was no longer of any interest and the blank verso was destined for jotting down various notes, The careful drawing in colour of the plan and the character of its legends suggest that this was the find plan of the tomb immediately after the burial of the Pharaoh.

The information derived from the two plans can be supplemented from the following materid :

3. Measurements of a royal tomb on the verso of the Turin pkn, published in facsimile by PLEYTE-ROSSI, Pap. de Turin, Pl. LXXI, in transcription and discussed by C~RTER and GARDINER, JEA 4 [I91 71, 144-149. They considered the possibility of this tomb being the same as the tomb of the recto, that is no. 2 pf Ramesses IV. But while the measurements of the recto agreed mhsfactoriiy with Carter's measurements taken in the Tomb no. 2 , out of thirty-fow me;lsurements given on the verso, eighteen were u definitely at fault, in comparison with the measurements in no. 2. In view of the likelihood that the jotting on the verso were made when the pkn of the tomb of Ramesses IV had been discarded as untopid , Gardiner wodered if the measurements of the verso did not refer to a later tomb, specifidy to no. 9 of Ramesses VI (made originally for Ramesses V) or no. 6 of Ramesses US, but having no

. ( I ) There is also an earlier bibliography. ('1 M~LLBB, &rdic. POI., 11, 5, and kswf, JEA 31 [1945] , 30, no. 5.

reliable measurements for the former, gave up further investigation (1). The tomb no. 1 (of Ramesses VII) being excluded by the character of its inn* disposition, it is a phi probable that the tom% knvisaged on the verso of t b Twin papyrus was no. 9 at the time when it was Being made for Ramesses V, the more so as the tomb of the latter [w

O n -1 ( ! 1 ] ,,, seems to be mentioned further on the verso of the papyrus, Col. 11, 6.

4. Verso of the Turin papyrus Cat. 1923 0) enumerating work done'in a royal tomb measured in [ dny(t). It will be shown below that the tomb in question is t i o d no. 9 ultimately of Ramesses VI whose 4 p w . 2+ is mentioned in line 11 of the text.

5. Berlin ostracon (unnumbered) almost certainly joining at the bottom Q . Nash 10 (4 eonhining measurements of a royd tomb. After four p a g e 8 and two h d s , the second of which has four columns, two furth'er passages are mentioned, all features which satisfy only the comparison. with tomb no. 9 of Ramesses VI. Of the measurements of the last hails of the tomb very little is preserved on the verso of 0. Nash 10.

6. Verso of Pap. Cairo J. 86637, Col. 111, contains measurements of the first four elements of a royd tomb. There are no dues to the identification, except that the paheography which points to the reign of Ramesses 11, and the four passages enumerated and followed by the (hall of) waiting correspond with the front part of the tomb of this king (no. 7). If so, however, thr, text was written before the work had progressed beyond the first h d .

7. Ostracon Brit. Mus. 8 50 5 published in f ac s -de in Irascrkth in Hie- ratic and Dematic Charueter, Pl. VI ; transcription in R.O., PI. LXQWII, 3.

' ( f ) The conditipa wodd not have been better as regards the comparison with tomb no. 6 of Ramesses IX, s h e athe pIan i Chmmrw, L hbeuu Be R a n d E, P1. I, though probably fairly accurate, contains no a& .figures. A compwison of the verso of the T& papyrus with the measures of 0. Cairo 25184 is impossible owing to the fact that the two documents have preserved no comparable measurements for any part of the'tomb.

('1 With one fragment added from each Cat. 2073, 2082 and 2083. It will be referred to as 0. Berlin B.

. (q. IlnpubIished, now Q. BM 65944.

The hieratic text gives measurements of a royal tomb, consisting of two passages, a burid chamber and two side chambers, and the only tomb in the Valiey which conforms to this is in no. 16 of Ramesses I ('1. The palaeopphy of the text, however, does not seem to favour such an early dat;!; the measure ments were perhaps jotted down kter, when the tomb might have lain open.

8. Four Cairo ostraca recording the progress of work made in a royd tomb :

no. '581 recto, of year 2, writted by the scribe Kenhikhopshef, probably in the reign of Meneptah; no. 538, 4-6, of year 6; because of the date and the mention of the vizier Precemhab clearly of the reing of Sethos 11;

(c) nos. '536 and '539, with a text partly identical dated, in year 1 ; vizier Hori is mentioned, the reign, therefore is probably that of Rames- sesSiptah.

In the documents enumerated above we have, therefore, dimensions of all or some eiements of the following tombs of the Valley of the Kings : no. 16 of Ramesses I, no. 7 of Ramesses I1 (?), no. 8 of Meneptah, no. 1 5 of Sethos 11, no. 47 of Ramesses-Siptab, no. 2 of Ramesses IV, no. 9 of Ramesses V and VI, and no. 6 of Ramesses IX. The figures for tomb no. 2 have been compared with the actual measurements of the tomb by Carter and Gardiner; how far the others agree with the reaiity must be left until an accurate survey of the tombs of the Valley has been carried out. The rest of this chapter d be concerned with the terms of the various parts of a royd tomb.

For general understanding it is necessary to say at the outset that the technical terms as well as the inscriptions and reliefs on the walk present the tomb as the way of the sun-god, with whom the dead king is identified; the underground passages and halls correspond to the night journey of the sun and lead to the burid chamber in which the king reposes, to be reborn like the sun in the morning.

(') This was independently pointed out to the author by W.R. Dawson (letter of 23. xr, 1957).

The passages or corridors of the royal tomb are accordingly d e d 1 + (also with a further determinative n) or fully written out 1 [l; k e n (o, sl:@r, ((god's passage, Their number, including the open descent, varies between two and four. The open descent 1 y s k, the first god's p a g e (I) has a specific name 1 ) s : 9 I 1 e o + PI, first god's passage which i s upma (the) Sun's path or yk1 [ly 1 ee o +, the god's p s a g e of (the) Sun's path (5). Who the god was is evident from an isolated expanded example of )f -h, [sg-n1r] s : - y& a 4 [? I] - 1 1 e \ \ & [)I, the first [god's pcassage] of Pre^ which k [qm] (the) Sun's path It was therefore the sun-god who was imagined to pass though these corridors ('1.

The further passages, from now underground, continue the numbering. The second god's passage is I)? I I ' (81, or with the Late-Egyptian

-? Po(

ordinal numeral 1 r I 0 Og A I I (9), or slmply - I I , d (I0), or even 11 [.I, two (I1). Since it follows the first passage, the open descent, it is also described as 1 )?:,?I f 1 i-, god's passage which k behind it (i2), but dso )f&--\\[a]1P?n, the othergod'spawge (18) or even )fk-

( '1 E.g. 0. Cairo '536, 6.7; '537, 2.3. (') GARDINER, JEA 4 [1917], 134-5, and Wb., IV, 356, 14 . But sl: alone, contrary to Wb.,

IV, 3 5 6, 13, cannot have this meaning ; in the only known example Pap. Turin 10 7, 16, four stone cutters do something under it.

Turin plan, Y, c. In 0. Cairo '536, 3, simply the god's p s a g e . 0. Berlin B ; P. Cairo J. 86637, vo. 11, I ; fpy omitted 0. Cairo '581, 2 ; with !rr omitted

0. Cairo '537, 2 ; both fpy and !ir omitted 0. BM 8505. (5) 0. Cairo plan ; Turin plan, vo. I, 1, damaged but perhaps so, see GARDINER, JEA 4 [1917],

14 5, with commentary. ('1 0. Cairo '263, according to Daressy's reading; the originai is now illegible.

Since the time of Sethos I the texts of the ilitany to the sun, are placed on the walls of the first and seeond passages, see GMWW, ZAS 72 [1936], 20.

P. Cairo J. 86637, vo. 11, 2 ; with addition I\\\, probably which is behind it, namely Behind the first passage, 0. Cairo '581, 3.

(9 ) 0. BM 8505. ('') Turin pbn, vo. I, 3. (I1) P. Turin Cat. 1923. (IsJ 0. Bedin B ; also 0. Cairo '537, 3. ('" 0. Cairo '536, 4.

f[&q;k~n e 9 t k 0 t h @ t;..ogs 8'(l), and y & 1 +%%a A -

a a probably ithe [ semdj god's passap of fit? c2). The third god'spsage , ~ ) : I I I ~ ( ~ ) , &o -~(1$~---111(~) A or

e ~ ~ - - ! ! & ~ P ~ & ~ [ - ~ ] [ ~ I - _ I I I ( ~ ) , (the) otha, third god's pasage had oblong niches near- the ceiling h o s t immediately past the door. These were r e & ! \ - - I W _ L

n - [.--ym+] [ ~ l + J ~ ' ~ ' ! h [ e ~ ] , th tua& in which [the god's] of the e a t repose on the right, and Teh! ! [gi '"'-'A a \\ - m e - - * j i ; * m ] +_~[']IY.! h [ e i ] , the sanctuaries in which [the god's] of the west repose (6) on the left. Since the iight hand side is here east and the left west, the back of the tomb was necessarily north, in complete disagreement with the true cardinal points, since the long axis of the tomb of Ramesses IX, on the plan of which these two indications are found, runs NW-SW. It seems, therefore, h o s t c e r t that the entrance of a royd tomb was always supposed to be in the south and its end in the north, irrespective of the aduai situation of the tomb.

In the f w t h god's passage, 1)X"~f (~) , or - ! ! 1 $ ~ - - 1 l l l , - mtb, fourth god's passage there was in the tomb of Ramesses IV the beginning of a slide y k - I 1 f T, the passage's mouth (9) which ieads down to the burial chamber. At the end of the fourth passage before the door to the first hall which follows is reached there is on either side a - $mail recess, a n , room, (10) collectively d i e d 5 n I I , t m doorkeeper's

(I) 0. Cairo '536, 6. ('1 0. Cairo, plan. ca) P. Cairo J. 86637, vo. 11, 3, where I I 11 f is an obvious mistake for I I I f. ('1 0. Berlin B. ('1 0. Cairo '537, 7-8. In P. Turin Cat. 1923 : 1 1 1 .

('1 0. Cairo, plan. The restoration of %rn is not certain. flmy is apparently the Late-Egyptian 1 -

plural of Bm, W6. III, 280, 10. - of 0. Cairo '288, 2, are perhaps also these niches. In the tomb of Ramesses IX their decoGtion regresent a peat number of obscure deities (GUILMANT, PI. XLI [left] and LII [right]).

17, P. Cairo J. 86637, vo. 11, 8 . 0. Berlin B ; similarly, but damaged, Turin plan W, b ; - 11 I I only, Turin plan, vo.

I, 4 ; 1111. P. Turin Cat. 1923. Turin plan, W, c : )f 0 I in X, c. The term is discussed by G ~ a g s a , JEA d

[1917], 137. Turin plan, W, d.

rk ~-~~;ro#-~~ v.jt p&:,:'~ 'n -o* '~~998 'r 0~3 'a (s)

'01 'ISEN '0 + '8 YJa8 '0 (r)

'CZ6'c -3u3 uynj 'd v 5 r L] 1 7 mqd oFe3 -0 uo paBemp ! g '1 .on O~E ! q 'X 'mid rqq (P)

.mq pus hmq '16 '&BIVRTI~~ aas 'n sassamex jo qmo) aq* m paqyasu!nfl (,, . L@ut~~!saq psar Jaypas3 pne pnyqpn! kan y 2 r uwo~ a,+"p qt '2 u , - &w -- x

uqd oq~3 -0 no pap q sassaaar aqI jo an0 .(alqrfda~ pamaas sdrs paqay3sJq aql p+po av uo $noql) suwo~ S~+JOOP wy : (aPesssd qlmoj aql rq -as!) p tzqm ' [u =] 11 2 1 zy 5 1 \ spear 61pa7qnopm 8 'fl We8 '0 2 'I '0" '$26~ -383 'WJ, .d (11

,,, , .. 'i.. . **T=y' Pq epl 0.1 p%lfmpP ~ureq m30q waq oe, pe =ti i~% .*I~F ~9 .*I .PI 'V!~~YX .h 9 & lptl 9 313h%k[u d.5 ',)@F /O IIOYLW b~sd$u;d45 SF .IW 1w a¶i . -pq $9 aql 'qmol aql JQ H-(xe. epl 01 ssame Brrlpred madaaq~oop

jewels with which the mummy of the king was covered than to the large gilt shrines endosing the stone sarcophaps.

The room which on the Turin pkn lies behind the burial chamber was again a god's passage since its length was greater than its .width. But the qudfication which it receives on the plan, namely 'b, 1 b j & 11 + 1, the god's passage whkh is (the) Shubti-ph (o, is inaccurate, since there is ample evidence that it was not usual for the shabti-figures to be deposited here, but in the two smdl rooms adjoining this god's passage on the right and left (2). In another legend of the plan (31 the room is referred to

A * M n - n l m , simply as the god's passage $ a , , whkh is on the i n w side of the H o w of Gold (i.e. of the burial chamber).

The long recess on the right side of this passage was < 1 & 2 A m - + 1, the Resting-ph of the gods (" where statuettes of various gods in their shrines were placed.

The two smdl rooms adjoining the passage were each called n t n, t r e a s u ~ (6). On the Turin phn only the right-hand room is preserved but this is called by its legend m t n 1 Jh 1 1 , the bfthund treasury (6): This is important information, since it shows that the ancient Egyptian's stand- point, while orienting himself in the royal tombs, was different from that of the modern visitor or archaeologist. These call right and left of the tomb the sides lying right and left of them as they enter and progress towards the end of the tomb. The ancient Egyptian, however, viewed the situation as if standing in the last room of the tomb and looking towards the entrance. Thus what is for us the right-hand treasury was for him tlas hfi-hand treasury. This is in complete accordance with what we have found c7) about the theo- retical cardinal points of the royal tomb, the entrance of which was supposed to lie in the south. I t is well-known that Egyptians, while viewing the cardinal

('1 Turin plan, Z, b. (') See GARDINRII's comment JEA B [1917], IIrO-141.

Turin plan, P, 1. (') Turin plan, Z, c.

In the tomb of Ramesses I the n 1 n I I , two freusuries of 0. BM 8505 are adjoining the burial chamber ; see the plan in BIFAO 56 [1957], after p. 202.

Turin plan, Z , d, and similarly P, 3. (q See above, p. 28.

points, faced the south, and this is exactly the position of an observer standing in the last roam of the tomb and looking towards the entrance.

The foregoing constatation has for us an unpleasant consequence. It obscures the meaning of < py 1 ,?,, the rsy (41, which according to the Turin plan was in the passage lying immediateiy behind the burial chamber (91, more precisely 91 f hl, on the right of this passage and had its 1 A, place, there (3) . This can no longer be the small treasury room on the left (from the visitor's point of view). It is true that this latter lay correctly on the 1-ght of the Ancient Egyptian, but the 1.ight was also the west, and a room situated here could not possibly have been called & I ,?,, lit. the s o u t h

-

m. It is, however, at present impossible to say more than that R rsy was something connected with or referring to the south, though placed on the west side of the passage room. . The very last room of the tomb of Ramesses IV too is a god's passage.

A The plan calls it y ~ 1 ~ n = - ~ l l ~ t l ~ ~ n l r n , the d god's passage which h at the buck o f the House o f Gold (6), but also the n t n -M/ i i i I n , treasury of the end (-room) @).

In the tomb of Ramesses VI the second hall, the chuht hull, is followed again by two passages leading to three hdls, the final part of the tomb. Either passage is referred to as another god'spsage ('1, but the first of them, is ekewhere caiied a ' rn Y; 5 first (i.e. god's passage) of (the) wpt, and k followed by )f -b, - 0 - I I, the other, second god's passago (8).

The feminine W 1 7 , q t , of which we have two examples (8), can hardy be the common word meaning job (lo), since this is written h o s t invarialdy

(') Listed by Wb., 11, L53, 13, cautiously as lrsomething in a royal tomb,. ('1 Turin plan, Z, b.

: TTuria p b , P, 2. As supposed by GAEDINER, JEA L [1917], lLl-162.

(9 Turin plan, P, 4. Turin plan, Y, d, and Z, e.

(') 0. Nash 10 and 0. Berlin B. 0. Cairo 7269, 2-L. I) . - V y e s behind the cIscrrio6-hull also in P. Turin Cat.

- 1

1923, vo. 6. ( 9 ) 0. Cairo '269, 2 and P. Turin, Cat. 1923, 6.

(lo) As in G A R D I ~ R ' S translation in JEA L [I 9 171, 1 3 L.

x: # and never determihed with 7 . This latter suits better the word wpt, u judgment o, (fit. useparate, deckitm,) (1) and the determinative 9" majr be derived from \ I e ?, h ~ t , since the words written with w began iri Late Egyptian with 1 and no longer with w. Sirice bW I clearly refers to the innerhost parts of the tomb, and the word y, wpt, t front (of the forehead) n means among other .thinks also the mith af the sky, there is another possibiiity that we have -here to do with this very word. It wodd then designate here the zenith of the sun's nightly journey which must have lain in the north; in the north also was imagined the end of the tomb, as we have seen above The first of the two passages is said to have had a n), mr = 1, ky(t), at its end, that is a portal, the frame of the door ieading to the next passage.

What is past this first, in reality fifth, counting from the entrance of the tomb, is d e d ohee 'summa* + 1 p 1 L, (that) which is behind it In the tomb of Rameases V.J this consisted, besides &he second (in reahtj sixth) passage, of three rooms, the first of which must have been < A 1; n, the hall of Tmth (" since it is in this room (5) that the king is represented adoring the goddess of truth, Ma'e ('j). . The smai1 cells present on both sides of the first passage in tombs nos. 6 (Ramesses IX) and 11 (Ramesses 111) may have had special names each referring to the objects and scenes represented on their d s and no doubt: deposited in them. In the tomb of Rameses I11 they wexe inscribed in hie-' ratic above the doors in the middle, illegible now but some of them seen and copied by Champoilion (7) :

On the right : 1st cell: no inscription recorded arms; 2nd cell: m t n, t m y furniture, vessel, basketa etc. ;

- .

(') Wb., I, 302, 13. . . ts) See above, p. 30. (" P. Turin Cat. 1923, vo. 8. (') P. Turin Cat. 1923, vo. 9. (') At point (40) in Hall H on the plan in PM I, 8. ('1 L ~ ~ B U R E , Hypogh royaux, 11, pl. 49. (') CEAMPOLLION, Norim, I, 407-4 10.

'PJ #ch!~ By! 4 qs @J$ : L '9 kgo Oq3 '0 JD 1XOSm @BQT q* '@aa Xfl* M@op aP¶MaV mmsdqJad ¶?YA'!l '09zTJW*O yrrd f1'62T WU'O yt\x*rd amqm@j a OF sea mq+ paw aqnomrn sp(3 epiraa -8 '2 f B 'g f .s 2 It? '& wjd w -96-96 'qnu!s& qj uo WON 'aab11airv3 aas '81qwam aql zo~ .g *on 'LTZ' 0~3 '0 u

'8Pg c.qmpuv~ .l&x 'enama~aras aas pro^ IuaraRp a s! ~oqlne JAIYZ

ydo3 ~2qmm ag jo malqord aqq amasqo oq smaas 'gg J -on '09 'I .uunro prono, aql jo u quamlwq s,rahum3 .g -on '~qg' 0~3 -0 , \\ CI palpaJqq8 oq .gg -d 'enoqe eas ,,, 'LIT-~TT '[T~~TIL~ swz '~=s~lnsno:,~pr~aaaf(~So lf00t7 ep7~ ~ZT ~d~pa 0r(7 JO mua~~a ~TVIP~ JO~ LP 'G-STT ([ L T6 TI P ~q P~~STP - OM.) ~QJ

-5 ' 15 '11 "w eas 'as~ao aJojaq 1uadpnI jo clil:w (tu) u rod (s) b I [S X] t @JO1S@lJ (,)

p 11 *OU y -9*a 'spq aqljo ~oog Lqao;r aql uaas aq ms "f~

(~1 SeAleal Ow j0 ':q8 'yy* rd 8- UOpooA perI mod 1@q mas aq m uqd upma aql moy .pod aql 30 smpt? eq sw m qX$ sv !(p)(j)R:y 'I=JIL 1 txcr sw ~wJ06app aql ;roj p~o~ eql pq petro~~uam uaaq 6pwq sep $1 -I,, u qam! (-mop) 9 Cpq I- = 1 5 ~1 pm q+p~ pm 'up~lq"j6~~ ' 5 1 1, E Bveq qasa <par tq ~ns wad Xq zaqo qasa mog pqwdas 'q-~~q pue w8essed 'qr;ao$ aq j~ spd snoFA au

30 :o eql ao pop- dpy srao!ldpmq $aoql. ~na cuaA sroop

Ramesses 111, where sockets can be dearly seen in the ceiiing, at the door between the &st and second passages (B and E), or in no. 19 of Prince Mentbikhopshef. The doors however were made and put in late, in the tomb of Ramesses V about the time of the burial of the king : Year 2, s d month o f the inunduth season, day 1 . On that day Sekheperme" a m ' d at he W&t of

N i ! c i- 1 2 (11, being in fuwal . The doors o f his tomb were earpented (9)

in the t 3 d month o f inunduth season, day 2 There was no waiting for one stage of the work to be finished, in order to

commence the next stage, and while the workmen were stid breaking stone and quarrying at the head of the tomb, behind them in the first passages of the tomb plasterers were already preparing the surface of the w d s and draughtsmen laid on the sketches for the decoration as soon as the plaster was dry. . -- - . - ---.

('1 Thus certainly, as against Spiegelberg's (Zarei B e i f r e , p. 13, W) A I? e ? -. Daressy's A x - 11, though with queries, was essentially correct.

(l) !,,\O(! e - # Y. 111 The verb ndh of making door also in 0. Be* 10663, ro. 5. (q 0. Cairo '25.4.

L A T E R S T A G E S OF WORK I N THE TOMB:

The work required for each part of the Tomb between the cutting and smoo- thing of its wdls and c e b g by the quarrymen and the find completion is well s m a r b d irl the iegsd of tbe T* plan inserted into the rectangle representing the @a1 of fititing. According to this legend the hall was - e

hiZZ9 a r m with outlines, r h -7 D , p m with (the) ch id , and - A - e \ e I:,, filled with c o h ~ s ~ to be 2 I[ - e , completed. The three stages are in perfect agreement with archaeological. examination of the finished 4 s . The stage which has been omitted in the iegend and which preceded these three actions is that of covering the surfaces to be decorated -

with a thin layer of gypsum and whitewash. The materid used for this purpose was A h Ah or A 1 &,

(cgypsumu ('1. The meaning of the word has been established beyond any doubt and it has been shown that it is a loan-word from the Akkadian &qfu from which dso our ((gypsum, itsekf has descended through Greek. Kd makes its first appearance in the el-Amarna period; since the use of gypsum in Egypt, however, is of a much older date, there muat have been a native word, so far unidentified, in the language. G y p s y was suppKed

1') Wb., V, 82,7. The scribe of 0. Cairo '521 spells A ~ A ~ A X kdd, throughout except twice @. (r and 8) when he uses the correct kd, and the scribe of 0. AG 28, 3 , writes I A ~

Presumably they were both thinking of k& (Wb., V, 82, 16), a sort of bread. ('1 By SPIEOBLBBB~, ZAS 58 [1923], 51-52.

by A Ah, # or A a AM!) e - (I), perhaps to be transcribed (dl (2);

that these were cc gypsum-makers D and not (c gypsum-workers )>, that is the men who applied the gypsum to the walls of the King's Tomb, d become clear forthwith. The earliest datable occurrence of My is about the reign of Menept& when A ']h 1 = #$ H , gypsumakers', two men appear (3) in an enumeration of the people who will be brought as men of (the) gang and craftsmen to t b sdtlemsnt of the King's Tomb. Since the men of (the) gang are isted separately, it seems as if the two ((gypsum-makers* were then included among \\ # $, wajtmm. Two men are assigned to practically every kind of specialisation in the list, which gives the impression that each one worked with or for one of the two d s of the gang, right and left.

In the first and second year of one of Meneptah's successors, in d probability Rarnesses-Siptab, it is the workmen themselves who made the gypsum required. In the space of some two months no less than seventeen men are noted, usualiy in pairs, as absent (wg) 9 I r- A A & 1 I:1 making gypsum (4,. They are all known to have been s men of (the) gang )) and gypsum was prepared separately for the right and left side The workman o e y, Ra'weben, of the right side was assigned to the job more often than any other, perhaps not entirely because of his skill. Once he is said to make gypsum with 'Apahte (61, who was a son of the chief-workman of the right side Pen~b. The next two times, Ra'weben worked done ('1 ; did 'Apahte manage to dodge this work? Nonetheless the output of Ra'weben over an unspecified period

(') IF%., V, 82, 8. Roughly spdhgthe.former is the XIXth Dynasty, the latter that of XXth Dpmtywzq d d i q t h d w w d , b ~ t o d t h . e n d o b t h e ~ ~ t h i t is psdywritten A,A\- (P. Turin Cat. 2018 and P.-R. 61). ,

Once P. Turin Cat. 2018 A, Ia, 7 actually has A \A\ ( ( ,. (3) 0 . Cairo '581, vo. 2. The publication is to be corrected accordingly. (') 0. Cairo '531, 1.3.4, aPd p s h . (') The right side is dealt with on the verso, the left on the recto of the ostracon in question

(0. Cairo '52 1). In the very early accounts on 0 . Cairo '6 15 and '6 16 (both from the reign of Ramesses 11) the two chief-workmen Nebnder and K&a, as well as (the draughtsman) Pashed eaeh sepmtsiy receive same quantities of gypsum, thougb we do not know whether this was made by their workmen or by crgypsum-makers,.

0. Cairo '521, vo. 3. (q 0 . Cairo '521, vo. 8 and 11.

wras i&rior 'to that of Penainan, allso of tlie ari@t, side (4); h the v,mrkmra Peraamun : gypmm, 205; recez'uedfiom Ra'mben : gypsurn, id@.

aps again with fi!mttn, hi did better : (?)I : gypma 805: RwiiPed from fib

+ . l j ~ r h R a ~ Q m j : : f8.1. f j idarly, one day, the output of the i k r k m h &sa, s i n d Ra'mse, their mntemporary, toWlad 80 m. The figures are the number of a, a khar , or u sack 9, bg vd&h gypaita~ was flwayi immured, md 905 kAar was perhaps the quantity expmbd tb be made over a given period.

It is again in connerction with Racweben and %WO &.her wcmkmen fh& we learn on t h e separate dates of what their ma+ g p m m c-isted. They are recorded as absent from work in the Tomb pi4 A ;:, , htcmzig8

. The reiidiw of the verb 1 i d ~ m ; 4& is no doubt as to its meaning. In bmt the ~ a w ' ~ s m w 'b b ' g w u n d fit& &st Qo be c$cined, & which it mixmi *easiEy wi& ' w d m to +dam gypsum p~stei.(b3.-' ' - .

The -3ht c h ppolbf h a t them was one gypsmb&r ~ Q X e d of the two ~(kideii'~ ia 8 j omd-of work of the'T~nlb dated in yea% 5 and 6 af an unknown b n ~ , pr6bddy of h w e s 111. Thoryfh it we get acquainted with A

h!e+AmhZ!4ZYB---9 Uddfr~ - - - (8) who rhud hare been working for the u right side )), sine0 at the same h e appears

~blk~--92&Z~-~*Pbl~~ W-w ~ Y Y P ~ d (tb) bfl B e k s n m o ('1. As the title of Hednakhte we must therefore restore gpm* k [ o j the ri&] and this is what he is actualiy d e d in an ostracon(8); a&ordiog to another ostraconQ) he was a son of Peatwme. We can expat .&o .meet deliveries of gypsum behq recorded wpamtely for eaoh

( I ) See Ann. Sm. 27 [1927], 196. (I, 0,. &h '788, 5.6. S d a @ 0. AG 32, 7 r irrg ( a b ~ ~ t ) in 6 r 6- gypsum. ( a 0. Cairo '806. (') 0. Gardiner 237, 6. (9 See on gypsum, Lucks, An& Egyptian Materials, 7 and 76-79. (') P. Greg, vo. B, 39. ('1 P. Greg, B, 14.

0. Cairo '605, 5-6. (9) 0. Pwhr 3 9, 2-3.

(( siden, and indeed we have such records covering the best part of the XXth Dynasty ('1.

The practice of workmen themselves making gypsum was certainly not followed during the XXth Dynasty when special agypsum-makers)) belong to the smdt, 4 conscript labourn, doing various jobs for the a gang n, In a Est

--a of theyear 29 of Ramesses 111 ~ , I ~ ~ k ~ & ~ , & ~ ~ & O\*-.lll

A < ,%-&, (q who mktw gypmm : Wenennofie, son of Psntwim rs), follows the water-carriers, gardeners, fishermen and wood-cutters, and precedes the door-keeper, the washermen and the potter. For unknown reasons there was therefore at that time only one ((gypsum-maker)) (3). This was exceptional and did not last long. The list was compiled in the third month of the inudatbn season, dcay 2 (4 and already some two months later, in the second mmth of minter, day 10 to be precise, took place " o 7 19 - c & 0

A k A b e - 9 & appointing Uss'mr~haWt8 ar ~ ~ l c e r he had been water-carrier before this new assignment (6). In the 8th ye* of Ra- messes XI the lh -7 a # y, mm+~laboerr from outsib is divided in two &, right and lef t , and each has one gyp8um-makerJ Nesaman and Pekhoir respectively, though their place in the iist is not always the same (4. Also in 17th and 18th'year of Ramesses XI, the two gypsum-makers are referred to as the two m m of t h hsconseript labour fm outside (*I.

Consequently the quantity of gypsum supplied by the gypsum-maker is recorded dong with the products of another member of the ((conscript Lbourn, the potter ('4.

~brthe&kside : 0. Gardiner 131, 1 2 ; P. Turin Cat. 2048,vo. I, 5 ; Giwnob 51, 1 4 ; for the lgrt FP, Greg B, I4, Giomab 50, 3 ; for the right and SJt in the same document : P. Turin P.-R. 99 ; Gionurb 53, 96 (twice). Separate deliveries in the XIXth Dyn. in 0. Cairo '803, 7-9; '805, 1-2.

('1 RAD 87, 1-2. " - ' " ( A ~ ) A ~ J ~ ~ ~ - L ~ , mho ac& os gypsum- (*) Unless the other was Bekenkhons -,, - -

&, in the column just peceding (RAD 45, 7-8). (') RAD 46, 7. ('1 0. DM 330, 1-2. (" R D 45, 3. (q P. Turin Cat. 2018 passim. ('1 RAD 66, 10-1 1 ; similarly one of them in 67, 10-1 1. (*I P. Turin Cat. 1961, 6 ; 2064, vo. I, 5 ; P. Turin 99,II, 5.7; 150, VO. 5-6.

The gypsum made was brought straight to 'the Valley of the Gngs where it was required : B w h t -- Ill f 1 , to (ths) Ploin : right, 5 khar of p m , bj, 5 khar ('1. Quantities of gypsum delivered and recorded Gary considerably, the extreme

low and high figures being I/,, and 6 k h r . The data necessary for working out the quantity expected to be produced by one il gypsum-maker r are usually missing: we are not told the length of time during which the gypsum was made and often whether the amount recorded was delivered by one gypsum-maker only or by two. Nevertheless the quantities -all in khr - shall be fisted below; further research wili perhaps bring some precision into the matter :

0 . IFAO 1307, 12; 0 . Gardiner 131, 2 ; YO. 2. 6 ; 0. Berlin 9897, 3 ; 0. DM 390, 4; 0 . IFAO 1307, 10 ;' 0. Chicago 17007, 11, 3a; 0. DM 330, 3.7; 0. IFAO 1307, 8 ; 0. Turin. 6631, 4 ;

0. h d . 230, 4 ; 0. &ch. 24 , L.6; 0. Gard. 113, 16; 230, 3 ; 0 . Cairo '605, 6 ; P. Greg A, 1 ; B,

24.25 ; 0 . Gard. 230, 2 ; 0 . DM 46, YO. 7 ; 0 . DM 37, 7 ; 0. Chicago 17007, 5 (3);

0. Cairo '618, 1 ; 0. DM 46, YO. 7 ; 0. Parker H 9, 3; 0. Chicago 17007, 6 ;

- * - - -0. 17007', .7 ; .

0 . IFAO 1307, 14; 0. Cairo '665, -8-0. (twice) ; . . . . . .

0. Cairo 805, 1-2; 0 . DM 46 ,13 .

0. Cairo '803, 7-9. ('1 The reference is ikrlk when it is certain, or almost so, that it refera to one man. (a) Probably abo P. Greg A, 2, where 1 khar is supplied, but.1 m w r d :are 7/,, so that the

amount was 1 . .

How irregular the output was is well shown in the case of the newly appointed g y p s m a k e r Usip3arebaakht ff). The entries were d e far every ten days. Within the first decade after his appointment he delivered on two separate days '1, and khrrr mpgegi~dy, but at the end af tJm bn aaJg stretch he was &A, in twtww, and so he was at the. aard of the second deeade having delivered nothing at all, and ody six days kter he supplied again 3j, khur.

The gypsum was af mursra d to a & 60 made a record of the delivery ; it was b w th s& k t the men at wofg in the T a d m k d it (9).

Unfo-tdy r&tiv&y few recurds d gypsum 9vrpphes are d&ed by ar r e p 4 y w . The reeorda &d in years 1 @I, 2 tb) and even 5 ( 8 ) are what can be expected since gypsum was required practically from the beginning of the work in the Tomb until the last room in it had its walls covered with plaster. The ostracon which again and again records making plaster in year 1 (3) is especially valuable : the Tomb could not possibly have been entirely hollowed out then, and we have here clearly a proof that plastering went on whiie the workmen at the head of the tomb were still busy breaking the rock.

For Ramesses 11, 111, and XI high dates are attested when gypsum was stiU made and supplied (9, when the King's Tomb must have already been finished. This is probably m a t e d required far the tamhs of queens' and prin- ces in the Valley of the Queens or perhaps other ~in~i?dding, for it is natural that the gypsum-makers were not ieft idle, even whenthiTomb was finished. In 17th and 18th year of Ramesses XI they were occasionaUy kept busy with other jobs, transport of wood ('1 and LA %kg, cutting s t m m ( 8 ) .

( I ) 0. DM 330. ('1 0. DM 32, vo. 5 .6 ; 0. Chicago 17007, 5.&7; a. Ashlppk 563, vo. 1 ; P. Greg A,

2 ; B, 25. . . . 1' ' . :' ': :-- - - . 0. Cairo '521, 1 ff.

('1 0. Gardiner 113, 6 ; 131; 0. DM 40, 18; W. 7 bis. (I) P. Greg B, i L etc.

Year 3 5 of Ramesses 11, 0. Chicago 17 007 ; years 26, 26, '29 aad 3 1 of Ramesses III in 0. DM 171, 6 ; 0. DM 32, vo. 5 , 6 ; 0. DM 330 and 0. DM 3 7 , 7 respectively; year 1L of Ramesses IX in 0. Cairo '299, 1 .2 (found in the Valley of the Kus@ and Oherefore certainly referring to same w d there, perhaps to the to& 04 prippm Men~ikhqdaef).

Ir) JLdD 65, 8.10; 67, 18. E?I ,? . ('1 RAD 66, 1 i . .. -. I 0 h-

The expression Y A 1 ,:, , f terally giving plaster (l), does not refer to the issuing of gypsum to the workers, to the actprd laying of pla&er on the wall. In one of the corridom in the tomb of Ramesses IX jotted down on the wall in hieratic i s : ~ I ~ o c c ~ ' ; ' ~ \ ~ ~ ~ ~ ) l Y ~ l ~ ~ , Fourth m t h a$ inunduth, day 22, latj i~g gypsum in the god's passage r2). The inscriplion transpires through -the whitewash which was iaid subse- quently over the plaster on all the walls. This coating@) filled up the pores of the caarser gypsum~piastm underneath @) and when this was done the w d s were ready for the draughtsmen to start on the decoration.

[ I ) 0. Turin 565&, &, I (from tbe ValSsy of the h e e n s ) ; 0. Cairo '299, 1.2.3-11. ('1 LEPSBUBE, Hypg68s r q a w , 111, Pi. 9 ; Gwm, L tambeuu a5 Ram& ZX, P1. LXIV, right. ('1 Also of gypsum, though of finer quality, see LUGAS, Anc. Egyptian Muhiah, 354. ''1 Obsemabie e.g. in the tomb no. 11 where in the part axcnted by Ramesses 111, that is

&ea tb dsviation of the axie d the tsslb, tbe eeeraer bmwnbh p h b r is overlaid by a smoother white one.

LIST OF 'GYPSUM-MAKERS' KNOWN ARRANGED CHRONOLOGICALLY

AS FAR AS POSSIBLE ('1

' $ same man yr. 5 & 6 (of Ramesses 111) nkzyzym

-Met $&*- I t o m * Hednakhte Bekenwernero P. Greg, vo. B, 39 P. Greg, B, 14 (0. Parker H 9, 2-3) (0. Cairo '60 5, 5-6)

(y.. 31) F. 5 yr. 8 of Ramesses XI

RAD 45, 7-8

*St=& Usimar6'nakhte Wennennofre, son of Pent- 0. DM 330, 2 (appointed) w6re

(0. IFAO 1423, 4) R4D 47,l-2. P. Mag. Vienna, vo. 11, 12

0. DM 37, 7 0. Berlin 9897, 3 M \\ x-)IZ* Nesamiin

Wk'f-11 Pekhoir

P. Turin 2018, B, 11, 5 P .Tur in2018A,vo. I ,15; and passim C, vo. 1

same man u y y y y l yr. 17-18ofRamessesXI &aM]e&

Wendaimont Whl h-ll* Pekhoir . '

, I . . - - . , -.. RAD 65, 8 ; 66, 11

. . . . - - - RAD 66, 11; 67, il -- -- - - _

'.. 1. * - *!L - . - . L . A , i : . -.- " - . - . ('1 Undated references are in brackets ; * precedes the name when it is not known to which

c side the man belonged.

THE LIGHTING OF T H E WORK

In the initial stage of the work in the King's tomb the glaring sunshine reflected through the entrance from the limestone U s outside enabled the workmen to see without difficulty. As, however, the work progressed, the bright daylight turned dimmer and ~ ~ e r to give way to eomplete darkness in the tennind. part of- &be sloping pusage and in the burid chamber.

Some kind of artificial. light was therefore required f d y early, and its supply by means of lamps issued to the workmen plays no s d a part in the records of the King's tomb.

The work (clamp u must not evoke such bronze torch holders as have been found in the tomb of.Tuteankhamon ('1, not even the only lamp ever earca- vated at DQr el-MedPna; namely the lamp found in the antechamber of the tomb of Kha' ('1. The objects issued to the workmen for light, lighting (5)

are designated as bbs (Wb., 111, 230, 3), a word surviving in the Coptic ZHBC : ~ H B C , ulamp )) "1. The word is commonly spelt I J e fi I 1 at the end of the XIXth Dys. and kter ; earlier scribes write 1 & 1 p 2 (6) and determine

('1 (;aRmu & &GE, The Tom6 o j Tut.ankh.amsn, I , P1. W, opposite p. 219. (11 SCBI~P~III, La tmnba intatta dell'archi~to Cha, pp. 11, 1Bt-145, and fig. 127, 128 ;

BRU~RE, R a p t 1924-1 925, p. 15, fig. 9. Now in Cairo Museum as the sole object retained there from the tomb of Khae, and not at Turin as stated by Esm-RbAm, p. 217, n. 7.

(a) Feminine st:t, 0. Cairo Cat. 5h2, 13; 543, vo. 1; P. Tur. 46, 21 (= RAD 58,16); 0. Cairo Cat. 31h, 3 ; without the article: P. Turin, Cat. 1900,III,3 ; 2057 + 2106, vo. 2. It is apparently the word Rt of Wb., IV, 333, 12-13.

('1 As bt recogabed by Bnuosc~, Wb., III, p. 1031. (" 0. Cairo Cat. 616, I r ; 813, 3; 819, 1.

it then with a ('1 more often than with 1 (=I). The cord a, being the usual determinative of objects made of threads or of yarn, it is dear that Ebs supplied were not whole cc lamps 9, but rather ct wicks B or t candles ,, as the word has dso been not improperly translated c8). Nothing can be found in the documents of the King's tomb about their s h e or length, but we cannot be far from the truth if we imagine them to be identical with or very similar to the candle from Tut'ankhaman's tomb (41, which is described in the following way : ((Torch wn~htifig of a length of Enen twisted up, and bound in a spird by a strip of h e n , 6 [cent.] wide. Space between turns about 3 [cent.]. Bottom bound by wider linen, coming 1.8 [cent.] above cup (6) ,. The length of the a torch)) is not stated but should be abont 3 5 cent. Since it is highly improbable that euch a candies, or c torches , were held in the hand during work, or wen M burning on the floor OP oa a stone, we can assme that they werb p~wed in slidow cup sc bouts, singly or two

dr Wee P€ a (ime, ce~ording to tbe iniansiy of Light required, ' 1 so that the whole, now a real 6 lamp n, must have closely resembled !Y the lamp depicted in a tomb at D&r ei-MedPna (fig. 1) a). It must, however, not be concealed that no mention of such cups

Fig. 1. or bods having been actually found can be w e d in the meagre records of those who excavated the royal f6mb9 at Thebes (*I.

It might therefore seem that these lamps were, as in Herodotus' time, like tsaucers Wed with d t and oil on the top of which was pkced the wick itself, (9). This however was not the case. Fat of some kind was indeed necessary to make t b candles buim and it cart e d y be understood why bbs 8

1') 0. Cairo Cat. 6 3 1, vo. 9. t ; and especially the scribe Kenwopshef, 0. Cairo Cat. 5 26, vo., passim ; 816'1-3, vo. ; 81 7,1.8, vo. 2 ; 818,1-3. H(:)b(w)s(:) so determined : 0. Cairo Cat. 793, 3 (XIXth) ; 820, W. 2 (XXth).

(') 0. Cairo Cat. 819, 1. GIRDIIIER, .TEA 22, 178.

(') CARTER & MACE, TAB Twnb $ T u t - t a & h t ~ ~ ~ , I, P1. LXXV, d d g t D d $ .

(" From Carter's card index deposited at the W t h Inetitutc at Oxford. Calculated from a photograph h Carter's card index (see preceding note).

(') V ~ I E R , La tombe de NeJer-Aboer, PI. VII and XXI. (=) For Middle Kingdom true lamps, see HAYES, The &q~cr Pfggypt, I, 960.4, and fig. 167. ('1 Herodotus 11, 62, and WADDELL'S commentary, H e r o h Book II, pp. 181-3.

hJ u dry (9 canam, are mkiosed ady o m s @). Bat the praktiee was to p m them - the technid term was 1 & It,, - szfnn, u to anoint - in conside- rable numbers some time before use. Such greased candles were d e d bbs agnn, t( anointed candles r "), and stored in- t( the m a k i n e , from which they were then issued from time to time according to need.

The materid used for the greasing of candies is sometimes (I & sgnn (61, properly meaning u ointment )), a term which throws no Eght on its nature. Once, under Ramesses XI, it is d e d (I p 1 Itl, s m i which wodd be very strange if the word dways meant ((cream,, as has been generdy accepted('). Another time the workmen ask for e r $ -- 0 T e i, fmhfat (or tallow) fbr lighting and on two other occasions [ o 1 [ or a o ,:,, nhb (Y B sesame oil B ('4;

Of the mi, u cream, mentioned above, 1 hin is sappbed, which was supposed to be enough to grew ths t m t y caradlea with(I2). N&od was brought inm ' 9

mnt-uuse ( Wb., 11, 66, 4-10), the customary recipient for this ("1 and other fats. One mnt is said once to have been [ f ~ ] gtwz&ng 408 ccs& ( l b ) .

In year 6, probably of Sethos IIIi6); the quanw of sesame oii issued for the

('1 Wb., IVY 489, 10-18. (') 0. Cairo Cat. 819, 1. tS) ~learly'as verb : 0. Cairo J. 89616, 1; 72853, vo. 9 ; Cat. 830,vo. 1.3; RAD 68, 1. 1'1 0. Cairo J. 72853, vo. 11-12; 72451, 2. (" O..Cairo J. 7%153,1-2, 7-8. vo. 1; RID 58, 15-16; 0. Cairo Cat. 613, 3. The

first document shows that rgnn covers n@-oil. &ill 64, 1.

(7) Wh, IV, 130, 1-5 ; cf. h w , U M J p. 212. Smi is listed immediately after n!r+ and cd in P. Harris 15 a, 9 ; 52 b, 15 ; 63 c, 17; in 1 0 a, IP, asad 55 b, 12, next to mi&.

Larga 0. Toronto, Tksbm O~hwcu, p. 16 I. (O) 0. Cairo J. 72851, 2 ; 72454, top, and 1,

("1 h, G-pp, 19 and 138-5; EAYSS,JNES 10,93,andn. 142 (both quoted by CbmRos, LEMJ p. 128).

("1 'd and n:th are shown to be two different categories of material fm Zigking by the two entries in the Medhet Habu Wendar (Med. Ha& 111, 146,288 and 9343). The b a t rendering perhaps would be a n i w l ~ d and ve~etabb fd.

("1 R4D 66, 2. (Is) 0. ca i ro~ i t . 50hiIP,6;va. I ,7 ;II, '9;-613,4;624, I i2 ; 0.DM95,1; 359,2 ; bbO,5. ( ' ' 1 0. Cairo J. 72456, top. Supposing that mi and n# were approximateiy eqtsivalent

this wodd give 80 kin as the con-t of a mnt. 4 One mnt, eon& for candles, dso 0. Cairo Cat. 63f , thidmess; U, 7; and ve. 1.; 613, 4.

(") 0. Cairo J. 72453. .I,. . : I , ,.,- . .

purpose was considerably less, undoubtedly because the meien'ng ths ointmsnt (sgnn) was repeated at short intervals :

on XI. 16 : 6 hin for each A; on XI. 26 : 6 % hin for the right, 6 hin for the left; on XII. 15 : 6 hin for the right, 6 hin for the left side ; same day : 2 hin for the right, 1 hin for the left; on 11. 8 : l hin(l1.

The quantity of sesame oil issued on the first three dates is roughly the same, though the intervals between issues are unequai. This is probably due to the fact that the number of working days (though not that of calendar days) was aiso approximately the same.

The greasing of candles was not done without supervision and the care with which the details of the attribution of fats was recorded aims evidently at avoiding any misuse of the material. Indeed, mi, 'd and nbh werk d edible fats and much appreciated by the members of the workmen's community. The greasing with mi under Ramesses XI was therefore done /-j$, befire ths magitrates (2) and all the sesame d of the 0. Cairo J. 7245 was ~ ~ v e d from the' dspuy A+akhY [m of (4) 1 Ndwnen. Another time the ointment (sgnn) for this purpose is in charge of' the chi$ and the p ~ d i a n (q,.

While the supply of the fuel and the greasing was wen controlied, the consumption of candles 4 1 z, brought (4) or a .? e -L 4, dram (6) from th 17bagazCm was watched no less strictly and recorded no less carefully. One can hardly imagine a d d e r reading than the lengthy accounts concerning their delivery and the n% e - ' (often abbreviated as GI ('I)), txmmptirm

The entry for I. 6 which follows is obscure owing to lacunae. (') RAD 64,l . (') P. Tur. 2057 + 2106, vo. 2-4. ('1 E.g. CairoCat. 511 ,4 ; 516, 2.7.15.19.23; vo. 1 ; 524, vo. 1 1 ; 544, 1 ; 547, 3;etc. E.g. Cairo Cat. 543, vo. 2 ; 543, vo. 7.11.14; etc.

(6) E.g. 0. Cairo Cat. 536, vo. 2 and passim ; 539 passim ; 541 passim ; 542 passim. ('I) E.g. Cairo Cat. 511, 7.9.10; 516, 3.4.5.6.11.15.16.17.20.21.22.25-28; vo. 1 ;

543, vo. 3. etc. Also in XXth Dyn. once (P. Tur. 104,11).

made of them on every working day. On doser study, however, even they yield information of some interest, not only about the lighting, but also about the work in the tomb in generd and its organization.

Lamp accounts which can in all probability be assigned to the reign of Ra- messes I1 (1) are scarce and too fragmentary. Seven pieces(=) display the characteristic cursive hand of the scribe Kent~ikhopshef; unfortunately one only is dated in a regnal year, its year 3 being in all. probability that of Menep tah .

Several other ostraca belong to the end of XIXth Dynasty : three ( 8 ) of a year 5, six(&) dated in year 6, the Iast of them (Cairo Cat. 51 6) passing from VI/23, the last date of the recto, to VI/25 of year 1 on the top of its verso and thus probably marking the passage from one reign to another(61, and one of yew 2 . Six ('1 further pieces seem to belong to this group, but the regod year is either not-indicated or lost. It is this series, or more precisely the accounts of year 5 (", that are the most informative and will therefore repay doser examination.

The foilowing may serve as an example of the commonest type of entry :

Fourth month o f the inundation seasrm, day 16. Cmmpt ion o f candles made on that dicy : 16, 16, 32, 13, 13, malting 26, total 58. Fortunately not d entries are as laconic as this. A more explicit entry in the same account ('0)

runs thus : First month of winter season, day 5 . Consumption of candles made on that day : right 6, left 6, making 12 ; right 6, left 5, total 1 I, etc. and shows

('1 Cairo Cat. 50% verso on account of the possible date of c yew 20 + XQ on recto ; 63 l bemuse of the mention of guardian w w e y and draughtsman Nebsc (verso 2 and 3) ; 813, solely on paiaeographical grounds.

('1 0. Cairo Cat. 540, 539, 816, 818, 817, 814, and 249. (9 0. Cairo Cat. 581, 542 and 543 vo. ''1 0. Cairo Cat. 511, 544; J. 72L5L and 72459 ro. and Cat. 547, 516. ('1 If so it cannot be the change from the reign of Sethos I1 into that of Siptah, since this was

announced at Thebes on V/19 (0 . Cairo Cat. 5 15, vo. 11, 21-28, and GARDINER'S commentary JEA 5, 190-191). (9 0. Cairo Cat. 536 vo.

0 . Cairo Cat. 548, 570, 551, 5LL, 550 and 813. ('1 That is, 0.' Cairo Cat. 541, 542 and 5L3 vo. ('1 0. Cairo Cat. 542, 4.

0. Cairo Cat. 5h2, 12.

that the first two frees in the former en*, 16, 16, indieate the consumption by the %& and bft sides sf the gahg rapectivdy, the third figure 32 being the sum of the t ~ . And again f3, 13 equally refer to the consumption by the two sides with the sum 26. The blal 58 finidly i s the total of the two preeedings sums 32 and 26. It wodd have remained a mysbq why t w ~ ~ u n t s txzmsumed are recorded for either side am the sanne &be, if lueUy for uq bbm were n ~ t some pare ent~ias(1) which make it quite certain that the first two amounts and their btal (IS, 16, 32) .refer to + E, e e L , m b g , while the next goup of three +wes (1 3, 13, malting 26) is the consumption of candles c+ e n r , ha an

6f-

Thus the carrde accounts supply the information as to the dates of work, for it was n a t d y only on working days h a t candies were used. We further see that the wo.sking day was d iv iddtk trwa parts, the momkg and the gf-, dearly with a break in btwwa f~ rest and probably a med. This was the noon " - a, lit. (of flie day). The llght and left sides waded simdbeousb, though at a &&rent place in the tomb, for no separate amounts for the right and left sides wodd have been neceswy and practidie, if their members had mrked together. Since there are always two figures, for the r&t and the left, the two sides had the same working days. On three days@) no figures are given for the afternoon; and both sides therefore had rtn afternoon free; it is d e l y that the scribe would have inadvertently omitted the figures three times. The number d ccsmume82 M &a mning i s . a p p ~ ~ y , but edy approxiBaately, the safnw as in the h o o n ; the n u d e r of working hours seem* t M o r e to be the same for both parts of the day. We should iike to know, of course, how many hours the working day had, but this is impossible to estimate, even if we assme that the d s had the same ien@ as that of Tut'ankhaman, since we are not told whether one candle ody o r severai were -

burning at the time. But that the candles had a constant length at a given period is probably a safe condusion : the number of candles used by the

('1 0. Cairo Cat. 539 , I, 4 and 5 ; 5h1, 1 2 . ('1 Abbreviated r in P. Turin 1 0 4 , 1 1 (MI& Dyn.). ca) 0. Cairo Cat. 5h2 , 3.4.6.

two sides is very often the a m e and the whole complicate system of accountancy (1) would otherwise have given no real picture of the amounts consumed of candles, and would have made any comparison of consumption on different dates impossible.

That the consumption was fairly constant over a short period is under- standable. On the other hand if at unfrequent intervals the consumption varied, this can probably be ascribed to the changing exigencies of the work : more and more iight was required as the work moved away from the entrance and more light was required for the work of draughtsmen and sculptors than for that of miners.

Thus, for instance, the consumption over four days in the year 3 (of Meneptah?) (9 was 10 , 14, 1 4 and 12. In another ostracon, however, the year of which is lost but which is written in the hand of the same scribe (3),

the consumption over a period of 22 working days varies considerabiy between the minimum of 12, with the next higher figures of 1 5 and 18 , and the maximum of 43 1/2 candles, the average being 27 candles per day, which was approached by 28 on one day and by 30 on four. If, however, we assume, that the three days with the low consumption (under twenty) were half-days -we have seen that there were such -we obtain an average of 32, which is much nearer to that of three other ostraca, still of the same scribe, showing the average of 46 1/2, 3-6 and 46 1/2 candies respectiveiy (4). At all events, these averages .are considerably higher than that of the year 3 and the need for light had dearly increased.

A similar high average occurs in two ostraca of the year 5 of a king at the end of XIXth Dyn. They wiii be tabulated fully below to illustrate the relation between the amounts consumed of the right and ieft sides and between the figures for the morning and the afternoon.

( I ) The accuracy more than once goes as far as counting half (a lamp), 0. Cairo Cat. 516, 7 ; 539, I, 10.11; 11, 7.8; 5bO., 1.5.

('1 0. Cairo M. 588. 0. Cairo Cat. 539.

('I 0. Cairo Cat. 8 16, 818 and 81 7, the latter with daily figures of b 6, b 7 and 4 7 candles. (I) 0. Cairo Cat. 581 and 5L2. '9 0. Cairo Cat. 540.

morning

right kj

0. Cairo Cat. '541 17 + [ I71

15 + 15 16 + 17

15 + 15

17 + 17

15 + 15

0. Cairo Cat. '542 12 + 12 11 + 14

15 + 16 16 + 16 16 + 16 16 + 16 13 + 13 17 + 17 15 + 15 15 + 15 16 + 14 15 + 15

1131 + [ I31 11 + 11

6 + 6

1161 + 1161 66 14 + 14 5 8

6 1 max. 66

15 + 13 5 8

min. 43 11 + 14

6 6 average 5 8 4/2

13 + 14 13 + 0 4 3

max. 6 1 min. 37 "' average 52 1/2

These high figures would well agree with the year date. ((Year 5 )) was the last year but one of the king and we can wen imagine the workmen occu- pied deep inside the tomb, which was in complete darkness. Unfortunately this explanation is spoiled by very low consumption on a further three days (6, 8 and 12 candles respectively), a drop which is not easy to account for.

1') Disregarding the three half-days. ('1 Additional figures for the aftarnoon.

Some unusual. circumstance must have been the cause, for, in the following two months('), the daily consumption went up again, even if not to the former height; exact figurw cannot be given, owing to the bad state of preservation of this part of the ostracon. Another piece, dated year 5ra) again reaches an average of 30 (if we disregard one day with 10 as a probable half-day) candles over 10 working days, with a minimum of 24 and a maximum of 51.

An interesting attempt was made in year 6 not to overstep a consumption of 32 maximum per day c 3 ) . For how can one explain otherwise that, out of 23 working days, on not less than 1 5 the recorded consump tion is 32 ? Two days with 16 each are again half-days ; besides that there are one with 20, two with 28 and two with 30. The frequent recurrence of the figure 32 is significant, and also the fact that the consumption never passed beyond it during this stretch of time.

In the year 1 of the new reign we find 32 as maximum once, as far as our records go all other figures are considerably lower, the minimum being 4 candles in one day. Similarly also in year 2 (5). This has already been explained above as due to the fact that the work in a new royal tomb could still largely benefit from daylight during the first year or so.

The ostracon is often small and records the consumption of not more than a few days, or even of one day only, usually without naming the regnal year (6).

Such a note could hardly serve any other purpose than that of compiling extensive records iike the above-mentioned, extending over a month or two. Into the journal of the work, written on papyrus, such as was sent to higher anthority, ody the candh given to the m k on this day were transcribed under appropriate dates (7) ; the consumption on various days did not seem to be worth mentioning.

( I ) 0. Cairo Cat. 542 vo. ('1 0. Cairo Cat. 543 vo. 0. Cairo J. 72451 completed by Cat. 545.

(') 0. Cairo Cat. 516. ('1 0. Cairo 536 VQ. (9 0. Cairo Cat. 548, 570, 551, 511, 550, 813. (') P. Greg: (of years 5 , 6 and 7 of an unknown king, probably of the beginning of the XXth

Dynasty) A, 4; B, 8-13.27.36; C, 4; vo. A, 3.6.9; B, 1.17.20.23.28.37; C, 3.16.19, with numbers last in most cases.

The candles were brought to the King's t a d by khe foremen ('1 or by the guardian (2) in whose c h v bhey bad bmn in 6 8 stodowm. The number d canctlw bs+ vwks accordiq fro the m~w, w k h uay reeorded at the time. Tlins, for example, when the d d y consumption is 32 candles for. many days, the number of candles d~awn varies between 120 (3) and 99 candles, in other words an approximate supply for not more than 3 or b working days is provided; at a slightly lower consumption, varying between 2 3 and 1 6, the supply had been 1 2 5 (7 3 for the right and 7 2 ior the left (5));

therefore for about 5 days. When the n d e r of md les needed daily was dropping from 24 to as few as 4, the supply too went do^ from 116 (58 for each side) to less than half, 48 (24 per side) This is very f ttle as compared with 279 in year 5 of Sethos I1 ('), but those were very busy days when the daily consumption was as high as 66 candles. It is therefo~e char &at the men re U e , the foremen and p.polmh1y deo the scribe, endea- vowed not to draw a iaqg?r rider at a h tb eodd m i l y be wakhed; as long: w they remained in the storehouw they were the responsibility of ih guardjan.

It can hardy Ire a mere chance that candie accounts dating to the XXtb Dynasty (q are rare and rather perfunctory as compared with the detailed accountancy of the end of the XIXth, and it would aeem that less value was attached to them then than in the earlier periocks.

One other feature of the candle accounts perhaps deserves mentioning. It is curious how often the My figures are divisible by 8 a d the haif-day figures by 4, or very nearly 50, both for the and the left aides of the

(1) 0. Cairo Cat. 515, vo. bottom h e . ('1 0. Cairo Cat. 542, vo. II, 9. (3) 0. Cairo J. 72654, 12. (') Ibidem, 1. 10. ('1 0. Cairo Cat. 511, 6. , J

(a) 0. Cairo Cat. 516, 2 and 23. (') 0. Cairo Cat. 543, 9 ; 0. Cairo Cat. 813 records a quite exceptional draw of 328 candles. (" On palaeographical grounds the following ostraca seem to belong to XXth Dyn. : 0. Cairo

Cat. 25266 (year 31, 25300 (year lost), 25304 (year net given), J. 72658 (year 32, certainly of Ramesses 111) ; D1IS 207 (year 7 of one of the successors of Rclmesees Ill). Also P. Tur. 76, 6.5.8; lob, 11 ; Cat. 2063 ( o i n t ~ and candles, under a b e Itrre4side kin&.

'"O$JI. 'W (v) W, na3 naqap 12 Pue mYDq @Yg 4lrrS ~1% uaqap % 6 fl?~ @Y2 uo @?P @Q 0'1 afi nVp 522 pup *[email protected] qg 01 08 03 SEA unl 30 uaqap OF raq 'no l~a~ 01 bpmj aq1 jo sraqmam aqr) bpo pep uamqJom keuvro ay1 aIyM 'T~OM aq.) op o) par)mdxa aram oq~ .pppswq ~ql y speuas pey qqyg aq ~qp s! sareys naqr) nr a:,naragp panpemn srq aoj paraBo aq urn r)eqr) norr)erne~dxa Lp aq~ -mqro~ a@mrs eqp nqr) qrofi aaotu dn r)nd or) peq J~ya e aaqdm q3p.i 'L~no

Vap % 6 qsa PeY 05' '(~118 'wPP m ~~*PA?~*J $?V aaqp aqp r)qt 41 . 11 . r)~-mqe ijyqr) &mrd.ms . . ~som a% 'dpp qmm 30 aq 0.3 amasqo L~a~wdsap oor) sn o) pne pasquo:, am ne4 ((IU swamq 30) 62 real

aql jo no=qw pn0.f 'qv OIy la ay.anu w #'&& aqr) P ~wG180~ SO [89?~~1 aull Pq (9)

qa- s-e~ naqaMlq leqa .reap aM a:,no .salpm apl hq 01 t banom o ayr) jnq 'p?~.~ayrmr aql !on Lpyra:, SI (q,m?zpi arIg qw iCq maloj aql qqfi

- \- J03 W'Pa 92 af - aql f t,) ' I * JO w papmq'1 aq or) (,) qt

93 9210 ad1 \ &.P ~IM paqddns asodmd srqr) roj araM pw 'porn w paanbaa sapnm aqr) apm sanpsmaqr) namqroa raya ~leq smaas 11 4Y1 .

q.mw 30 mqp3 p nsgqnflas Aanr)ua:, yln mo go srosmaa~d azm nvqdB3 atp pdsar sqq u! loql

paqsqqva aq ppo3 11 J! 9T#~"ra)~! aq ??pod '11 .PO* s'h9 I3 no qJoM paey ayl JOJ q9noua 6~9:aa are srrzo~q3q nomeas 9 q hrpro:,:,e pax.IeA 'I Q -t [ C@~ pu~ ' I cl '( kq aql mj smoq 30 qr)8ua1

-w aql I o Y 7 <BJV ~2 01111 pappp 'SJ'IO am 'SM Lep mqdL2g ay& . :pq%~ 01 saw03 awepya ~~~e~oqoum aaypj Finn &)3ppq0.1d e se no pa~aprsao:, aq m S.asano:, jo 'eg& .no- arig u! smy moj pue 8um.I~~ aqj u! ~WA p moq moj aaaq peq aaq g st? mas lmmp 11 *&e9

who we know was then the foreman of the right side, is put down as receiv- ing e 26 deben ,; presumably he received this instead of 24 like the other 3 chiefs. But no mathematical operation will probably ever. obtain the sum total : 516 deben. This is ail noted on VI. 9. In year 30, on I . 25 was the day of huding over candles beridsa the H m o of Amen-in-op and to this probably belong the figures on the verso : (thc) right (&), 231 deben;

(the) Zej, 230 deben, the weight of candies issued to the gang, though it is not clear whether for illumination during the work or in their homes. The workmen were supplied with candies in the same way as they were supplied with clothes and thread. One weight (1) bears the inscription : It will be required as candles from Seba.

I t has been noticed that neither the royal tombs nor Egyptian tombs in generai show any trace of ancient smoke which one would expect the lamps or candles of the workmen to have produced. The addition of salt to lamps, reported by Herodotus@), has been explained as intended to absorb any water which might have been present in the fuel('), in order to prevent them from smoking. As far as the work in the royal tombs is concerned, no lamps, but only candles soaked in oil or fat were used, and no supply of salt is recorded in connexion with lighting, as one might expect in view of the care with which d l the consumption connected with lighting was recorded. Yet it must have been salt which prevented the wicks from smoking : it was used for this purpose until fairly recently ( 4 ) .

( I ) Weight IFAO 672. The ready candles weighed in deben like the raw material threads used for their confection are found also elsewhere, 6.8. 0. DM 207.

Herodotus, 11, 62. W~DEMANN, Herodors d m Buch, 260-2 6 1, and Das olre hypkn, 1 8 9.

(') It is worth while to reproduce in this connection a passage which I owe to J.-CI. Goyon from a Le t r h r des m h g 8 ~ 1 s (Paris, 1823) , pp. 27-28: here comes the [ ---- ] from sheet no 18: (Pour em@her que Iss l a m p q u i n q ~ s ne fassenr point de fuwuie. Mettez du sel dans un verre d'eau, jusqu'A saturation, c'est-A-dire, jusqu'it ce que l'eau ne veuille plus dissou- dre de sel. Dans cette saumure vous tremperez vos mbches A plusieurs reprises et les ferez shher. Ensuite mettez cette eau salbe dans une bouteille, ajoutez-y une &ale quantith d'huile: secouez bien votre flacon afin de mblanger parfaitement le contenu, puis laissez reposer, et dbcantez l'huile ainsi purifibe. Cekte huile ne fera plus de fumbe, quand m&me ce serait de la plus mauvaiae quaiitR, ou qu'on serait oblige de brdler de I ' hde toute fraiche,.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

................................. CHAPTER 1 . - The Valley of the Kings 1

........................... CHAPTER 2. -The excavation of a royal tomb 15

CHAPTER 3. -Plans of royal tombs and related documents ............... 23

CHAPTER 4. -Later stages of work in the tomb : plastering .............. 35

CHAPTER 5. - Lighting of the work .................................... 43

Documents

Cerny. Valley of the Kings. 1973