Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitlerblogs.4j.lane.edu/smithhistory/files/2017/10/Choice_Weimar.pdfACKNOWLEDGMENTS Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the

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and the Rise of Hitler

PUBLIC POLICY DEBATE IN THE CLASSROOM

Choices for the 21st Century Education Project

A program of the Thomas J. Watson Jr.Institute for International Studies

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Crisis, Conscience, andChoices: Weimar Germanyand the Rise of Hitler

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler wasdeveloped by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Project staff withthe assistance of the research staff of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute forInternational Studies and scholars at Brown University. We wish to thankthe following researchers for their invaluable input:

Jeffrey Anderson, Professor of Political ScienceBrown University

Volker Berghahn, Professor of HistoryColumbia University

Frederick F. Fullerton, Assistant EditorWatson Institute

Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Professor of SociologyBrown University

To Fred Fullerton, editorial associate at the Watson Institute, we extendadditional thanks for editing this curriculum unit. Our gratitude also goesto Carrie Chorba, who served as research assistant for the unit, to Rich Gannand Greg Kazarian for their help in graphic design, and to Charles Kerr forhis assistance in translating German sources.

To Michael Barton of Kingsboro, Massachusetts, Patricia Clancy of Vernon,New Jersey, and Ron Levitsky of Northfield, Illinois, we extend ourappreciation for helping us to revise the format of Choices units to makethem responsive to a wider variety of student learning styles.

Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is one ofa series of units that apply the choices approach to critical junctures in history.The Choices Education Project also publishes an ongoing series on currentforeign policy issues. New units are published each academic year, and unitsaddressing current issues are updated regularly.

Visit us on the World Wide Web —http://www.choices.edu

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for the 21st CenturyEducation Project

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The Choices for the 21stCentury Education Project

develops curricula on currentand historical international

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Crisis, Conscience, and Choices:Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler

Choices for the 21st Century Education ProjectWatson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

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CONTENTS

Part I: Germany’s Defeat in World War I 1

Part II: The Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic 6

Part III: Culture, Values, and Politics 12

Optional Reading: Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany 20

The July 1932 Reichstag Elections 25

Party Platforms 28-35

Platform 1: Communist Party of Germany 28

Platform 2: Social Democratic Party of Germany 30

Platform 3: Center Party 32

Platform 4: National Socialist German Workers’ Party 34

The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule 36

Optional Reading: Conscience and the Patriot 39

Chronology of German History — 1914-1939 42

Biographical Sketches 44

Suggested Reading 48

THE CHOICES FOR THE 21ST CENTURY EDUCATION PROJECT is a program of theThomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies at Brown University.CHOICES was established to help citizens think constructively about foreignpolicy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encouragepublic judgment on policy priorities.

THE THOMAS J. WATSON JR. INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES was establishedat Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visitingscholars, and policy practitioners, who are committed to studying globalproblems and developing international initiatives to benefit society.

© Copyright November 1994. Third Edition. Choices for the 21st Century Education Project. All rights reserved. Permission isgranted to duplicate and distribute for classroom use with appropriate credit given. Duplicates may not be resold. Single units(consisting of a student text and a teacher’s resource book) are available for $15 each. Classroom sets (15 or more student texts)may be ordered at $7 per copy. A teacher’s resource book is included free with each classroom set. Orders should be addressedto: Choices Education Project, Watson Institute for International Studies, Box 1948, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912.Please see the order form in the back of this unit or visit our website at <http://www.choices.edu>. ISBN 1-891306-31-6.

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1Crisis, Conscience, and Choices:Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler

During the first decade of the 20th century, Germany was the fastest growing in-

dustrialized nation in Europe. German steelproduction — then viewed as the best single indica-tor of industrialization — had just exceeded that ofBritain, the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. By1913, Germany produced nearly three times more steelthan did Britain. Rapid development in the chemicaland electrical industries put Germany in the forefrontof what was called the “Second Industrial Revolution.”In addition, the German population, which increasedfrom 40 million in 1871 to more than 65 million in1911, was growing faster than that of the other majorEuropean powers. Many of the new industrial citiesmore than doubled in size during this period as millionsof German peasants left the countryside. By 1911, morethan 40 percent of the total German labor forceworked in industry.

According to the standards of the time, Germansociety was well-educated and homogeneous. Com-pulsory education for children from the ages of six tofourteen provided all Germans with basic reading,writing, and math skills. The illiteracy rate in Ger-many was lower than that of France or Britain.Ninety-nine percent of Germans were Christians —

with 62 percent identifying themselves as Protestantsand 37 percent as Roman Catholics.

Germany’s 600,000 Jews represented about 1percent of the population. However, the prominenceof Jews in business, universities, and governmentmade them a visible minority and a common target ofresentment. Hatred toward Jews, known as anti-Semitism, was an established feature of German politics.

German culture was especially rich, and theGerman people were justly proud of their collectiveheritage. Musicians such as Bach and Beethoven, writ-ers such as Goethe and Schiller, and philosophers suchas Kant and Hegel had made their mark not only onGerman culture, but on all of Europe.

How did Germany become a unified country?

The accomplishments of the German peoplewere especially remarkable in light of the fact thatGermany did not exist as a country until 1871. UnlikeBritain, France, and Russia — countries that wereunified politically at the end of the Middle Ages — theGerman lands entered the modern age divided upamong dozens of local rulers. In the 1860s, Otto vonBismarck, the prime minister of the most powerfulGerman state, Prussia, embarked on a campaign to

Part I: Germany’s Defeat in World War I

NOTE TO STUDENTS

The knife of the pathologist swiftly slices through the skin and muscle to expose the organs beneath. Care-fully, the pathologist removes each organ, looking for signs of the disease that caused the death of the patient.

The scene of a doctor performing a postmortem or autopsy is familiar to all of us in an age of modernmedicine. Why does the doctor perform an autopsy? Obviously, it is too late to help the patient. However, byexamining the victims of disease, doctors may acquire information that will help them treat living patientssuffering from similar diseases.

Historians, like pathologists, seek to understand the present by examining the past. In this unit, you willbe taken back to Germany in the years after World War I, when the leaders of what came to be called theWeimar Republic tried to establish a new democratic state. With your classmates and teacher, you will re-construct the issues that confronted this struggling democracy. You will explore, using examples of artwork,campaign posters, and other materials from the time, the increasingly serious symptoms that led to the deathof the Weimar system and gave rise to Adolf Hitler and Nazi dictatorship. By understanding how democracydied in Weimar Germany, you will be better able to understand the risks and challenges facing democraticgovernments today, both in our own country and throughout the world.



create a united Germany. To achieve his goals, Bis-marck led Prussia to victory in wars against Denmark,the Austrian Empire, and France.

After German unification, Bismarck worked tostrengthen the power of the state and to increaseGermany’s influence abroad. Stability and order werehighly valued in Bismarck’s Germany, especially asrevolutionary political movements gained a footholdin many European countries. Bismarck took a two-pronged approach to countering the revolutionaries.On the one hand, the army and the police were givenbroad powers to control civil unrest, while the govern-ment restricted the rights of labor unions. On the otherhand, Bismarck adopted reforms to improve condi-tions for workers that put many ordinary Germansahead of their counterparts in Britain and France.

How did the social class system and the politicalsystem interrelate?

As in much of Europe, Germany had a rigid classstructure. No matter how successful, few Germanscould rise above the social class into which they wereborn. The German higher education system, whichwas very selective, expensive, and rigorous, rein-forced these divisions. Moreover, the officer corps ofthe German military and top positions in governmentwere reserved for members of the upper class.

Germany’s rapid industrialization createdstrains in German society. As the number of industrialworkers grew, so did the strength of the Social Demo-cratic Party of Germany (SPD), the leading working-class party. Germany’s parliament, the Reichstag, wasincreasingly torn by tension between the upper class,which had traditionally held political and economicpower, and the working class.

By the time Bismarck left office in 1890, he hadmolded a state that was efficient but resistant tochange. While all adult men had the right to vote innational elections, real political power remained in thehands of the kaiser (a word that comes from the Ro-man title of “caesar”) and his ministers. Votingrestrictions at the regional level ensured that the Ger-man nobility and wealthy industrialists held thelargest share of influence. These groups opposedmajor changes in the political system and remainedloyal to the kaiser.

Germany was in many respects undemocratic,but the government did not attempt to completelystamp out dissent. A considerable degree of intellec-tual and artistic freedom was permitted. Germany atthe turn of the century was the scene of intense politi-cal, social, and cultural debate. Many of Europe’s mostradical movements in politics and art had their originsin Germany.

THE ROAD TO SARAJEVO

As the 20th century began, Germany had oneimplacable enemy — France. German unification tookplace only after the Prussian army inflicted a humili-ating defeat on the French in the Franco-Prussian Warof 1870. As a result, France was forced to turn over theprovinces of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany and topay Germany 5 billion francs.

How did suspicions develop between Germanyand the other leading countries of Europe?

Germany’s growing strength and ambitionraised concerns among the leaders of Britain andRussia as well. In 1907, they joined the French informing the Triple Entente to counter German power.Germany had provoked Britain by embarking on alarge-scale program to build up its navy. While Ger-man leaders argued that a large fleet was necessary toprotect their country’s worldwide commercial inter-ests and overseas colonies, the British saw the Germanbuild-up as a threat to their long-standing dominanceat sea.

A German maritime supremacy must be ac-knowledged to be incompatible with the exist-ence of the British Empire, and even if that Em-pire disappeared, the union of the greatest mili-tary [Germany] with the greatest naval powerin one state would compel the world to combinefor the riddance of such an incubus [evil spirit].

—Senior official of the British Foreign Office

The British also worried that Germany wouldchallenge their country’s position as the world’s lead-ing exporter. They resented German efforts toestablish diplomatic and commercial footholds in



Africa, the Middle East, and other areas of British in-fluence. Meanwhile, Russian officials feared that thegrowth of German military power was part of a planto grab territory from the Russian Empire. They alsofelt that the high tariffs Germany imposed on Russiangrain imports were unfair.

Faced with three hostile powers, German lead-ers increasingly believed that they were surrounded.In response, they strengthened their alliance with theAustro-Hungarian Empire. Ironically, this alliancebrought Germany into the two-front war that manyGerman leaders had long sought to avoid.

How did Europe plunge into war in 1914?

On June 28, 1914, Serb nationalists assassinatedthe Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, in Sarajevo. The assassination setoff a series of events that ultimately led to World War I.With the support of their German allies, the Austriangovernment issued an ultimatum demanding thatSerbia cooperate with Austria to end anti-Austrianpolitical activity. The Austrian ultimatum prompteda strong response from Russia, which viewed itself asthe protector of Serbia and other Slavic nations. WhenAustria declared war against Serbia in late July 1914,Russian leaders ordered their army to begin prepar-ing for war. German leaders were suddenlyconfronted with a fateful choice.

German military strategy called for Germany toattack swiftly and decisively, as had been the case inthe Franco-Prussian War, to prevent being squeezedbetween France and Russia. According to theSchlieffen plan, German troops would deliver a quick,knockout blow against France by racing throughBelgium, Luxemburg, and the Netherlands to out-flank the French army and capture Paris. Germanywould then be able to concentrate its energies on theslow-footed Russian army.

For the Schlieffen plan to succeed, the Germanscould not allow the Russian army to get a head startin preparing for war. Consequently, the Germangovernment ordered its military to mobilize and de-clared war against Russia on August 1. Two dayslater, Germany declared war on France, Russia’s ally.German action prompted the British to declare war onGermany on August 4. World War I had begun.

Many Germans were initially enthusiastic aboutthe war. Thousands rushed to enlist. Even the leader-ship of the SPD in the Reichstag supported the wareffort by voting to provide the military with addi-tional funds. German workers, long suspected ofdisloyalty by top government officials, patrioticallyrallied around the kaiser.

What were the advantages and disadvantagesfor each side in the war?

In the first month of the war, Germany launcheda massive offensive against France that almost cap-tured Paris. In September, however, French andBritish forces halted the advance of the German army.By the end of 1914, the battle lines on the western frontwere clearly drawn. Both sides adopted trench war-fare, settling into highly fortified positions that weredifficult to attack. The development of the machinegun and heavy artillery gave defense the advantageover offense. During the next four years, millions ofsoldiers died in France in battles that scarcely changedthe borders of the front lines.

On the eastern front, German forces were moresuccessful. In late August 1914, the Germans repulseda Russian offensive that had crossed their frontiers. Inthe following months, they took the offensive andadvanced deep into the territory of the Russian Em-pire. By March 1917, military setbacks and increasingmisery at home forced Russia’s ruler, Tsar Nicholas II,to step down. Eight months later, a communist gov-ernment under the leadership of V.I. Lenin seizedpower and began making plans to pull Russia out ofthe war.

On the oceans, Britain used its naval superiorityto impose a naval blockade around Germany. Ger-many was cut off from its colonies, as well as fromsupplies of overseas food and raw materials. The ef-fects of the blockade were worsened by poor harvestsin 1916 and 1917, plus an unusually cold winter in1916-17. Millions of Germans, especially those in thecities who could not afford the black-market prices forfood and fuel, were pushed to the brink of starvation.More than 700,000 German civilians died during thewar as a result of the blockade. Meanwhile, Germansubmarines, or U-boats, tried to enforce a blockadeagainst Britain and France.



How was World War I different from earlier wars?

Unlike European conflicts of the 18th and 19thcenturies, World War I evolved into a “total war” inwhich the struggle was not limited to the battlefield.Each side tried to cripple the other’s economy and un-dermine morale on the home front. Even neutralcountries, such as the United States, found that theirability to trade freely with Europewas in danger. From the earlymonths of the war, the British na-val blockade had all but wipedout American foreign trade withGermany and its allies. However,German submarine attacks onU.S. ships left a deeper impres-sion on American public opinion.

How did the United Statescome to be involved in the war?

When World War I brokeout, President Woodrow Wilsonand the great majority of Ameri-cans saw no reason for theircountry to become involved. Forthem, the war embodied theworst features of European poli-tics. By 1917, however, prospectsof a German victory were a grow-ing source of concern for U.S.officials. In a final attempt to endthe fighting, President Wilsoncalled upon the warring nationsin January 1917 to accept a “peacewithout victory.”

Within a week of Wilson’sappeal for peace, the Germangovernment announced the re-sumption of unrestrictedsubmarine warfare. This meantthat any merchant ship in the warzone, even one from a neutralcountry, could be sunk withoutwarning. German leaders felttheir decision was justified by thefact that ships flying the Ameri-can flag were often used to

transport military supplies to the Allies. After threeAmerican merchants ships were sunk in March 1917,the United States declared war against Germany onApril 2, 1917. Although large numbers of Americantroops would not reach the western front until 1918,the entry of the United States into the war raisedhopes among Britain, France, and the other Allies.

PRESIDENT WILSON’S FOURTEEN POINTS

JANUARY 8, 1918

1. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at....Diplomacy shall proceedalways frankly and in the public view...

2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside of territorialwaters, alike in peace and in war...

3. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the es-tablishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations...

4. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments willbe reduced to the lowest points consistent with domestic safety...

5. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colo-nial claims...

6. The evacuation of all Russian territory [a reference to those areas oc-cupied by German troops]...

7. Belgium...must be evacuated and restored...8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored,

and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter ofAlsace-Lorraine... should be righted...

9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearlyrecognizable lines of nationality...

10. The people of Austria-Hungary...should be accorded the freest oppor-tunity of autonomous development...

11. [the establishment of new states and the settlement of national bound-aries in the Balkans]...

12. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be as-sured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are nowunder Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life...and autonomous development; and the Dardanelles should be perma-nently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of allnations...

13. An independent Polish state should be erected...which should be as-sured a free and secure access to the sea...

14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific cov-enants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of politicalindependence and territorial integrity to great and small alike.



How did public opinion in Germany shift in 1917?

In Germany, significant opposition to the warappeared in 1917. In April, walkouts by thousands ofGerman workers — more than 200,000 in Berlin alone— illustrated the growing discontent. That samemonth, radical members of the SPD split off to formtwo new political parties. One of the groups wasknown as the Spartacus League, in honor of theThracian slave who led a revolt against Rome in the1st century B.C. In the Reichstag, the SPD had becomethe largest party, although its members had not beengiven any role in the government. In July 1917, theSPD and other leftist parties joined forces to pass aresolution in the Reichstag that called for peace with-out annexations.

Protests against the war hardened the resolve oftop German officials to press on to a military victory.Control of the German government passed into thehands of Germany’s two leading generals, Paul vonHindenburg and Erich von Ludendorff. They ap-proved stronger measures to combat the antiwarmovement. For example, the leader of the SPD in theReichstag, Friedrich Ebert, was charged with treasonfor supporting a strike of munitions workers. In ad-dition, the newly formed Fatherland Party launcheda campaign to promote German patriotism and sup-port for the war.

What events in 1918 caused the war to take a turn?

The war was approaching a decisive juncture inthe early months of 1918. In the United States, Presi-dent Wilson unveiled a fourteen-point peace plan (see

opposite page) in January 1918 that raised hopes foran end to the conflict. Wilson sought to turn despairover the war into support for his vision to reshapeinternational relations. Central to Wilson’s plan werethe principles of self-determination, open diplomacy,freedom of the seas, free trade, and arms control.

Advocates of peace in Germany took heart fromthe fact that Wilson’s Fourteen Points did not blametheir country for the war. Likewise, the plan did notimpose specific penalties on Germany.

Meanwhile, Germany’s generals saw an oppor-tunity to achieve final military victory as a result ofdevelopments in Russia. Lenin and his fellow commu-nists had come to power promising land, peace, andbread. They were eager to end the war against Ger-many so they could focus their energies on theiropponents in Russia. On March 3, 1918, Lenin’s gov-ernment signed a separate peace treaty with Germanyat the town of Brest-Litovsk. Under the agreement,Russia gave up huge tracts of land along its westernborder, as well as 40 percent of its industry.

The Brest-Litovsk Treaty enabled Germany toshift hundreds of thousands of troops to the westernfront for a major offensive. German leaders wanted tostrike quickly, fearing that the arrival of fresh troopsfrom the United States would eventually turn the tideof the war. On March 21, 1918, German soldiersswarmed out of their trenches to launch a final assaultagainst the Allies. Once again, the German peoplewere assured that victory was near. But this was notto be as a series of unexpected events would overtakethem in the summer and fall of 1918.



Surprisingly, given their vast industrial andmilitary power when the war began, Ger-

many emerged from World War I a battered and, inmany respects, a bewildered country. In the finalmonths of 1918, Germans had witnessed the reversalof their army’s spring offensive, the abdication of thekaiser, the proclamation of a democratic republic, andthe signing of a hastily arranged armistice. All of thistook place while German troops continued to occupyvast stretches of Russia and to hold down well-de-fended positions against the Allies in France.

Understandably, many Germans could not ac-cept that they were the losers of World War I. And yetthat was precisely the basis of the Versailles Treatypresented to the leaders of the Weimar Republic inMay 1919. German officials, as well as the Germanpeople as a whole, were stunned by the harshness ofthe treaty’s terms. They viewed the Versailles Treatyas unfair and humiliating. The treaty made it plainthat Germany was a defeated nation. For millions ofGermans, the Weimar Republic itself was identifiedwith their country’s shame and weakness.

Why did the Weimar Republic get off to such ashaky start?

The political foundations of the Weimar Republicwere shaky from the start. Three political parties —the Social Democratic Party (SPD), the Catholic Cen-ter (plus its allies in the Catholic Bavarian People’sParty), and the smaller German Democratic Party(DDP) — had spearheaded the creation of the WeimarRepublic. In early 1919, these three parties combinedto win 76 percent of the vote in the first parliamentaryelections. When the next elections were held one yearlater, their share of the vote shrank to less than 50percent. Never again would the founding politicalcoalition of the Weimar Republic receive more than 50percent of the votes cast.

Meanwhile, parties on the far left and the farright of the German political spectrum together cap-tured more than 35 percent of the vote in 1920. Theseforces rejected the basic legitimacy of the Weimar sys-tem. On the far left, the newly formed GermanCommunist Party (KPD) polled 20 percent. KPD sup-

porters were especially bitter that SPD leaders hadcalled in the army to put down the Spartacist work-ers’ uprising in Berlin in January 1919. On the far right,15 percent of the vote in 1920 went to the nationalistGerman National Peoples’ Party (DNVP). Most of theDNVP’s members favored a return to the social orderof prewar Germany and wanted the monarchy to berestored in some form. Throughout the Weimar pe-riod, at least one-third of the German electorateconsistently voted for parties that opposed the newrepublican system.

The Weimar Republic also faced attack from thewartime leaders of the German military. Beginning inlate 1919, many of Germany’s generals, most notablyField Marshal Erich von Ludendorff, argued that thecivilian government that had taken power in the finaldays of the war had betrayed the armed forces.Former Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg’s silencegave credence to the accusations. The notion that Ger-many had suffered a Dolchstoss (“stab in the back”)appealed to many Germans who could not bringthemselves to believe that their country’s mightyarmy was on the verge of collapse in November 1918.(In fact, as Germany’s top military commanders,Ludendorff and Hindenburg had pressed for a quickend to the war because of the sinking morale amongGerman troops.)

THE POLITICS OF ANGER

German anger was further inflamed in January1920, when the Allied Reparations Committee, estab-lished by the Versailles Treaty, issued its report. Ineffect, the committee demanded that Germany paynearly all the damages of the war in Western Europe,including the costs of pensions to the families of Al-lied soldiers who were killed or maimed.

Why were the Germans so upset over thereparations agreement?

Initially, the total bill came to 269 billion Germanmarks (equivalent to nearly $70 billion at a time whenthe U.S. government’s annual budget was slightlyover $5 billion). When the German government pro-

Part II: The Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic



tested that the amount was excessive and far beyondthe capacity of Germany to pay, the British and Frenchthreatened military action. After tense negotiations,the German government reluctantly agreed to pay 132billion marks (about $33 billion) in reparations. Formany Germans, the reparations agreement meant thattheir government had accepted the article of theVersailles Treaty that held Germany and its allies fullyresponsible for the war.

The treaty also severely limited the size of theGerman army. As a result, thousands of young officerswere left unemployed. Many of them joined the ranksof the Freikorps (Free Corps), which were organized tocombat the political forces of the far left in Germany.

How did many Germans express their angerabout their plight?

In March 1920, Freikorps brigades marched onBerlin and forced the Weimar government to flee.Even as they formed a new government, the Freikorpstroops met no opposition from the German army. Thearmy’s chief of staff remarked, “the Reichswehr [Ger-man army] does not fire upon the Reichswehr!” Thecoup d’etat, however, collapsed within a week, largelyas the result of a general strike organized by the SPD.

The Freikorps uprising dramatized the place ofpolitical violence in the Weimar Republic. Ultra-na-tionalist political groups carried out hundreds ofterrorist attacks against their opponents in the early1920s. Few of the right-wing terrorists were pros-ecuted, and those convicted were generally treatedleniently by conservative German judges. In contrast,left-wing terrorists received harsh sentences.

Among the most notorious acts of terrorism byultra-nationalists was the assassination of GermanForeign Minister Walter Rathenau in June 1922. Ultra-nationalists hated Rathenau for his role in reaching asettlement with the Allies and because he was a Jew.Anti-Semitism gained new strength during theWeimar era. Extremists blamed Jews for Germany’sdefeat in World War I and claimed that they had mas-terminded the communist revolution in Russia.

What role did Hitler and the Nazi Party play inthe politics of the 1920s?

At the time of its formation in 1920, the National

Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) was one ofmany small groups fanning the flames of extremenationalism in the Weimar Republic. Within a fewyears, however, the NSDAP (whose members wereknown as Nazis) was driven to national prominenceby the charisma and ambition of its leader, AdolfHitler.

Hitler had been born in Austria and did not be-come a German citizen until 1932. Nonetheless, hefought in the German army during World War I. Likeother ultra-nationalists, he viewed the VersaillesTreaty as humiliating and blamed the Weimar govern-ment for Germany’s position.

The NSDAP first gained nationwide attention inNovember 1923, when Hitler and Ludendorff tried toinstigate a rebellion against the Weimar system in

FROM HITLER’S MEIN KAMPF

On racial purity:

“The stronger must dominate the weaker andnot blend with the weaker, thus sacrificing hisown greatness....All great cultures of the pastperished only because the originally creativerace died out from blood poisoning...”

On the Jews:

“With every means he [the Jew] tries tosubjugate....Culturally he contaminates art, lit-erature, the theater, makes a mockery of naturalfeeling, overthrows all concepts of beauty andsublimity, of the noble and the good, and in-stead drags men down...”

On Germany’s defeat:

“The defeats on the battlefield in August 1918would have been child’s play to bear. Theystood in no proportions to the victories of ourpeople. It was not [the defeats] which caused ourdownfall; no, it was brought about by thatpower [Jews and Marxists] which prepared thesedefeats by systematically over many decadesrobbing our people of the political and moral in-stincts and forces...”



Munich, the capital of the southern German state ofBavaria. Hitler confronted conservative Bavarian of-ficials in a local beer hall and demanded that theysupport a plan to march on Berlin and seize power.The officials backed out of the putsch, but the ultra-nationalists took their cause to the streets of Munich,where they met resistance from Bavarian police. Hitlerwas arrested and convicted of sedition. He was sen-tenced to serve five years in prison. During hisimprisonment, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle),a book that presented Hitler’s political theories andframed the program of the NSDAP. Hitler was releasedafter serving less than a year of his sentence.

Racism, particularly anti-Semitism, was at theheart of Hitler’s philosophy. Hitler believed that theGermans were the “master race,” entitled to rule theworld. In his mind, Jews were poisoning the bloodand culture of the German people.

After leaving prison, Hitler and his party re-mained on the fringes of German political life in the1920s. In early 1924, shortly after the failed putsch inMunich, the NSDAP won 6.6 percent of the vote inelections to the Reichstag. In the elections of 1928, theNSDAP’s share of the vote had fallen to 2.6 percent.

REPARATIONS AND HYPERINFLATION

Despite the German government’s pledge to payreparations to the Allies, difficult economic conditionsprevented Germany from keeping up with the sched-ule of payments. Meanwhile, French officials becamealarmed at the resurgence of nationalism in Germanyand the growing opposition to reparations. WhenGermany was late in delivering a shipment of tele-phone poles, French and Belgian troops occupied theRuhr, Germany’s industrial heartland, in January1923. They seized control of German mines, railroads,and factories.

Why did the occupation of the Ruhr triggerserious economic problems?

Without the military strength to oppose the oc-cupation, the German government urged its citizensto fight back with nonviolent means. German work-ers in the Ruhr went on strike and refused tocooperate with the French and Belgians. The German

government, whose financial resources were alreadystretched to the limit, printed more money to supportthe strikers. After a nine-month stalemate, the Germangovernment abandoned its policy of passive resis-tance and began negotiations with the Allies.(Reparations payments were eventually resumed,prompting the withdrawal of French and Belgiantroops from the Ruhr in August 1925.)

The occupation of the Ruhr sparked an economiccrisis in Germany. By printing money to support strik-ing workers, the German government fed theinflationary pressures that had been building since thewar. By late 1923, the German mark — historicallyvalued at four to the U.S. dollar — had become worthless than the paper it was printed on. Although thesource of German hyperinflation could be tracedlargely to German financial policies during WorldWar I and the government’s response to the Ruhr oc-cupation, many Germans blamed their economicwoes on the international banking system and theAllied reparations demands.

France’s pledge: I am here — I stay here.

From P

unch, February 7, 1923.



What role did hyperinflation play in German lifeand politics?

Hyperinflation produced winners and losers inGermany. Millions of middle-class Germans, espe-cially those in retirement, saw their life savings wipedout overnight. At the same time, hyperinflation al-lowed Germans who had borrowed money to pay offtheir debts with currency that was worth only a tinyfraction of what they had originally borrowed. In ad-dition, the huge amount of money in circulationprodded industrial expansion.

In November 1923, the government took steps tohalt hyperinflation. A new mark, valued at 1 trillionold marks, was introduced, and strict financial poli-cies were adopted. Hyperinflation was stopped, butthe episode deepened the sense of insecurity and anxi-ety in Weimar Germany.

WEIMAR IDENTITY

Even as Germany was shaken by political andeconomic crises in the 1920s, exciting breakthroughsin painting, architecture, music, graphic arts, film, andliterature were taking place. Some of these develop-ments were rooted in German culture. Others, likejazz, were adapted from the cultural explosion occur-ring at the same time in the United States. The“Weimar culture,” as the movement became known,was considered to be on the cutting edge of Westerncivilization. Berlin replaced Paris as the unofficial cen-ter of European culture.

Why did some Germans not welcome Weimarculture?

Not all Germans welcomed Weimar culture.Many conservatives, for example, believed that newfreedoms for women were a challenge to their tradi-tional, family-centered values. Similarly, the newrealism in literature offended those who favored writ-ers that glorified the German past. The anti-war novel,All Quiet on the Western Front, by German writer ErichMaria Remarque, stirred widespread controversy inGermany. All Quiet on the Western Front depicted thehorrors of trench warfare in World War I. Germansoldiers were portrayed not as heroes, but as war-weary young men who wanted to go home. When the

movie version of the novel premiered in Berlin inDecember 1930, conservative forces led by the NSDAPstaged massive protests and disrupted screenings. Thegovernment was eventually forced to ban the film.

How did the struggle between the two majorparties further weaken the Weimar Republic?

Cultural issues spilled over into the Germanpolitical arena in the 1920s and strained relations be-tween the key founding partners of the WeimarRepublic, the SPD and the Center Party.

Both parties had developed strong identities inthe 19th century, largely in reaction to the policies ofChancellor Otto von Bismarck. In the 1870s, Bismarckhad attempted to limit the influence of the CatholicChurch in Germany. His measures, however, ledmany Catholics to deepen their allegiance to the church.The Center Party emerged as a defender of Catholicinterests and enjoyed a loyal following. Likewise,Bismarck’s suspicion of the labor movement strength-ened the commitment of many workers to the SPD.

The clearly defined positions of the SPD and theCenter made political compromise difficult in theWeimar Republic. Increasingly, the two leading mod-erate parties found themselves divided by specificissues and the values underlying them. During the hy-perinflation of 1923, SPD cabinet officials left the

The Republic, by Thomas Heine

From T

he Culture of the W

eimar R

epublic.



coalition government dominated by the Center Party.The SPD remained the largest party in the Reichstag,but SPD representatives would not again serve ascabinet officials until June 1928. Meanwhile, Centerofficials sought new coalition partners to keep the SPDout of the government. They often turned to small,right-wing parties, many of which had originallycalled for the destruction of the Weimar system.

How effective was Hindenburg as president?

The conservative trend in German politics wasclearly revealed in the presidential elections of April1925 that were called after President Friedrich Ebert,the SPD leader, died in office. Former Field MarshalHindenburg, whom many suspected of wishing torestore the monarchy, narrowly defeated the Center’scandidate, Wilhelm Marx. The KPD refused to sup-port the moderate Marx against Hindenburg. Instead,the communists ran their own candidate, ErnstThaelmann, who polled 6 percent of the vote.

The 1925 elections raised fears that Hindenburgwould use the powers of the presidency under theWeimar Constitution to undermine parliamentarydemocracy. Three years earlier, Benito Mussolini andhis Fascist Party had crushed a struggling democracyin Italy, drawing admiration from ultra-nationalists inGermany. Nonetheless, the first four years ofHindenburg’s rule marked the high point of theWeimar Republic. Internationally, Germany enteredthe League of Nations in 1926 and peacefully resolvedseveral of its disputes with the Allies. Economically,stable economic policies paved the way for growingprosperity.

DEPRESSION SPARKS NEW CRISIS

The crash of the American stock market in Oc-tober 1929 was felt around the world. Germansdiscovered that their economy was especially vulner-able. Much of the prosperity in Germany from 1925 to1929 had been fueled by loans from American banks.German officials used these loans to meet reparationpayments to the Allies and to finance German indus-trial expansion. When the U.S. stock market fell,American bankers saw the value of their investmentssuddenly drop. To make up for their losses, they de-

manded that the Germans and their other foreign cli-ents repay their loans.

Why was the government deadlocked over theissue of the budget deficit?

As the German economy sputtered, Germanyfaced a growing budget deficit. During the 1920s, theSPD had pushed a series of reforms through theReichstag that were intended to improve conditionsfor workers. While the economy expanded, the gov-ernment was able to keep up with the costs ofproviding benefits to unemployed workers and othersocial programs. With the economic downturn, Ger-man leaders were caught in a dilemma. To balance thebudget, they would either have to cut benefits or raisetaxes on employers. As defenders of the workingclass, the SPD and KPD fought against cuts in socialprograms, while the conservative parties opposedhigher taxes. The government was deadlocked, andGermany’s budget deficit ballooned. American bank-ers responded by classifying Germany as a bad riskand blocked new loans to the government.

In March 1930, the “grand coalition” govern-ment that had been formed in June 1928 by the Center,the SPD, and several moderate conservative partiescollapsed. For the next three years, no governmentwould be able to count on the support of a majorityof the Reichstag’s members. The German politicalsystem was in tatters.

How did Germans attempt to deal with theireconomic crisis?

Throughout the period of crisis, German chan-cellors were forced to call upon President Hindenburgto take emergency measures, as permitted under Ar-ticle 48 of the Weimar Constitution. A form ofpresidential dictatorship replaced the Weimarsystem’s parliamentary democracy.

At the polls, the parties of the extreme left andright showed dramatic gains as the economic depres-sion worsened. In the Reichstag elections ofSeptember 1930, the KPD polled 1.3 million morevotes than it had two years earlier, while the NSDAPtotal jumped from 800,000 to more than 6.4 million —making the Nazis the second largest party in theReichstag.



On the streets, organized violence by paramili-tary groups, such as the Sturm Abteilung (StormTroopers), or S.A., of the NSDAP and their commu-nist counterparts, become a regular feature of Germanpolitics. Extremists of both the right and the left at-tempted to intimidate their opponents and dominateneighborhoods. While the authorities tried to banparamilitary groups and limit demonstrations, theirmeasures were ineffective in stemming the tide of vio-lence, particularly in the cities.

Internationally, the collapse of global trade andthe German government’s budget crisis crippledGermany’s finances. Without earnings from foreigntrade, Germany was unable to pay reparations to theAllies. In response to the crisis, President HerbertHoover called for a temporary halt to German repa-rations payments. In addition, Hoover allowed theBritish and the French to reschedule their debts toAmerican banks.



Values are commonly defined as deeply heldbeliefs, ideals, customs, and relationships

that are central to our well-being and our sense of whowe are and what we want to become. Many societiesare held together by a core set of shared politicalvalues. Among Americans, for example, some of themost prominent values are the principles expressed inthe Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights;beliefs in equal opportunity and the importance ofindividual expression, physical symbols such as theAmerican flag, and even our emphasis on consumer-ism. In the political arena, fundamental disagreementsabout values produce bitter divisions and often leadto serious conflict, even violence. In the United States,the issue of slavery in the 19th century and the abor-tion issue today illustrate the significance of politicalvalues.

Popular culture — music, art, film, poetry, andtelevision programs — reflects and shapes the valuesof a society. In the 20th century, popular culture hasgained sweeping influence. The growth of cities, therise in literacy, and the spread of radio, film, televi-sion, and other modern communications technologieshave tied people together as never before. In our ageof constant change, popular culture plays a criticalrole in the clash of values.

Consider, for example, how the values associatedwith family life are portrayed by today’s televisionprograms, such as The Simpsons, compared to those ofthe 1950s, such as Leave It To Beaver. Unlike the re-spected television father figures of four decades ago,

Part III: Culture, Values, and Politics

Homer Simpson is seen as a harmless buffoon whosewisdom is dwarfed by that of his children.

Your parents, who probably grew up during the1950s, 1960s, or 1970s, experienced a clash of conflict-ing values through popular culture. This period ofAmerican history saw the emergence of rock ‘n roll,changes in male-female relationships called the“sexual revolution,” and the increased use of drugs.The new values of the young were often pitted againstthe traditional values of the older generation. In ad-dition to the conflicts over “sex, drugs, and rock ‘nroll,” there were deep struggles over values reflectedin the civil rights movement and U.S. involvement inthe Vietnam War. All of these issues spilled over intothe popular culture of the time. For example, The Bal-lad of the Green Beret gave listeners a very differentview of the Vietnam War than Pete Seeger’s song,Waist Deep in the Big Muddy.

Like the United States during the 1950s, 1960s,and 1970s, Weimar Germany was a society marked byrapid change and sharp divisions over values. Theclash of values touched every aspect of German cul-ture, even architecture and classical music. As youwill see from the examples that follow, the visual arts,popular music, drama, and literature were among theareas of culture most greatly affected.

(The artwork on the following pages was reproduced from:Broadsheets: Political Posters in Germany, 1900-1970; TheCulture of the Weimar Republic; Vote Left! The PoliticalPoster in Germany, 1918-1933; and The Weimar Years: ACulture Cut Short.)



THE WORKER AND SOCIETY

Artists and propagandists from both the left (KPD) and the right (NSDAP) of the political spectrum viewedGerman workers as the victims of exploitation by factory owners and corrupt politicians. Compare the sketch byGeorge Grosz (left) with the NSDAP political cartoon (right) from 1924. (Note the Jewish symbol, the Star of David,dangling from the watch chain of the factory owner in the NSDAP cartoon.)

Also strikingly similar are the themes in Kaethe Kollwitz’s Demonstration (left) and a sketch (right) fromDer Angriff (The Attack), the NSDAP newspaper.

The String Puller

Berlin First!



THE MILITARY AND SOCIETY

From the establishment of a united Germany, the military occupied a privileged position in German society.Germany’s defeat in World War I, however, led many Germans to reassess the role of the military. Compare GeorgeGrosz’s drawing (top) of soldiers putting down a workers’ uprising early in the 1920s with a NSDAP campaignposter (bottom) of 1932 that features the paramilitary forces of the S.A.

National Socialism:The Organized Will of the Nation



POLITICAL IDEOLOGY

Many of Weimar Germany’s political parties adopted songs as their unofficial anthems. The Horst Wessel Song,composed by a young member of the NSDAP’s S.A. who was killed in a brawl, became the Nazi anthem. At thesame time, The International, based on a poem written in the 19th century by a French worker, served as the anthemof the KDP. The painting below by Otto Griebel depicts German workers singing The International.

Horst Wessel Song

Hold high the Banner! Close the hard ranks serried!S.A. marches on with sturdy stride.Comrades, by Red Front and Reaction killed, are buriedBut march with us in image at our side.

Gangway! Gangway now for the Brown Battalions!For the Storm Trooper clear roads o’er the land!

The Swastika gives hope to our entranced millions,The day for freedom and for bread’s at hand.

The trumpet blows its shrill and final blast!Prepared for war and battle here we stand.Soon Hitler’s banners will wave unchecked at last,The end of German slav’ry in our land!

The International

Arise, ye prisoners of starvation!Arise, ye wretched of the earth.For justice thunders condemnation,A better world’s birth.

Tis the final conflict, let each stand in his place;The International Party shall be the human race.

No more traditions’ chains shall bind us;Arise, ye slaves! No more in thrall.The earth shall rise on new foundations,We have been nought, we shall be all.

Tis the final conflict, let each stand in his place;The International Party shall be the human race.



WOMEN IN GERMAN SOCIETY

The social turmoil and economic uncertainty of Weimar Germany recast the place of women in German soci-ety. For many artists, the moral bankruptcy and corruption of the early Weimar period was represented by the figureof the prostitute. Prostitutes were commonly featured in the visual arts and drama. Compare the sketches of GeorgeGrosz’s Friedrichstrasse (left) and Otto Dix’s Prostitutes (right) with the song about “Pirate Jenny,” a prostitute, fromThe Threepenny Opera, written by Bertholt Brecht with music by Kurt Weill.

You gentlemen can watch while I’m scrubbin’ the floors,and I’m scrubbin’ the floors while you’re gawkin’and maybe once you tip me and it makes you feel swell,on a ratty waterfront in a ratty old hotel,and you never guess to whom you’re talkin,’and you never guess to whom you’re talkin.’

Suddenly one night, there’s a scream in the night,and you yell, “What the hell could that a been?”And you see me kind a grinnin’ while I’m scrubbin.’And you say “What the hell’s she got to grin?”

And a ship, a black freighter, with a skull on itsmasthead will be comin’ in.

You gentlemen can say, “Hey girl finish the floors,get upstairs,make the beds, earn your keep here!”You toss me your tips and look out at the ships;but I’m countin’ your heads while I make up the beds,‘cause there’s nobody gonna sleep here.Tonight none of you will sleep here.Tonight none of you will sleep here.

Pirate Jenny, by Bertholt Brecht



Then that night there’s a bang in the night,and you yell, “Who’s that kickin’ up a row?”And you see me kind a starin’ out the windows.And you say “What’s she got to stare at now?”And the ship, the black freighter, turns aroundin the harbor, shootin’ guns from the bow!

Then you gentlemen can wipe off the laughfrom your face,ev’ry building in town is a flat one.Your whole stinkin’ place will be down to the ground,only this cheap hotel standin’ up safe and sound,and you yell, “Why the hell spare that one?”And you yell, “Why the hell spare that one?”

All the night through with the noise and to do,you wonder who’s that person lives up there.Then you see me steppin’ out into the morning,lookin’ nice with a ribbon in my hair.

And the ship, the black freighter, runs the flag upits masthead and a cheer rings the air.

By noontime the dock is all swarmin’ with men,comin’ off of that ghostly freighter.They’re movin’ in the shadows where no one can see,and they’re chainin’ up people and bringin’them to me,askin’ me, “Kill them now or later?”Askin’ me, “Kill them now or later?”

Nine by the clock and so still on the dock,you can hear a foghorn miles away.In that quiet of death, I’ll say, “Right now!”And they pile up the bodies and I’ll say,“That’ll learn you!”Then a ship, the black freighter, disappears out to sea,and on it is me.



THE ABORTION CONTROVERSY

Women’s issues, particularly abortion rights, typically reflected fundamental differences in values. The SPDand the KPD actively campaigned to repeal paragraph 218 of the German criminal code, which prohibited abor-tions, while the predominantly Catholic Center party and the NSDAP strongly opposed repeal. The Ballad of Paragraph218, by Bertholt Brecht, presents a conversation between a married woman (“Frau Griebel”) and her doctor. Theposter below, Down with the Abortion Paragraph!, by Kaethe Kollwitz, was used by the KPD in its election campaign.

The Ballad of Paragraph 218, by Bertholt Brecht

“Please, doctor. I’ve missed my monthly...”Why, this is simply great!If I may put it bluntlyYou’re raising our birthrate.“Please, doctor, now we’re homeless...”But you’ll have a bed somewhereSo best put your feet up, moan lessAnd force yourself to grin and bear.You’ll make a simply splendid little mummyProducing cannon-fodder from your tummyThat’s what your body’s for, and you know it,what’s moreAnd it’s laid down by lawAnd now get this straight:You’ll soon be a mother, just wait.

“But, doctor, no job or dwelling:My man would find kids the last straw...”No, rather a new compellingObjective to work for.“But, doctor...” Really, Frau GriebelI ask myself what this meansYou see, our state needs peopleTo operate our machines.You’ll make a simply splendid little mummyProducing factory fodder from your tummyThat’s what your body’s for,and you know it, what’s moreAnd it’s laid down by lawAnd now get this straight:You’ll soon be a mother, just wait.

“But, doctor, there’s such unemployment...”I can’t follow what you say.You’re all out for enjoymentThen grumble at having to pay. Down with the Abortion Paragraph!

If we make a prohibitionYou bet we’ve a purpose in mind.Better recognize your conditionAnd once you’ve agreed to put yourselves in ourhands, you’ll findYou’re a simply splendid little mummyProducing cannon fodder from your tummyThat’s what your body’s for,and you know it, what’s moreAnd it’s laid down by lawAnd now get this straight:You’ll soon be a mother,just wait.



THE UNEMPLOYED AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE

Street battles between members of the NSDAP and the KDP intensified as the economic depression deepenedin the early 1930s. In Song of the S.A. Man, Bertholt Brecht, a KDP member, reveals sympathy for the young unem-ployed men who were attracted to Hitler’s movement. Compare Song of the S.A. Man with the Horst Wessel Song.

Song of the S.A. Man, by Bertholt Brecht

My hunger made me fall asleepWith a belly acheThen I heard voices cryingHey, Germany awake!

Then I saw crowds of men marching:To the Third Reich, I heard them say.I thought as I’d nothing to live forI might as well march their way.

And as I marched, there marched beside meThe fattest of that crewAnd when I shouted “We want bread and work”The fat man shouted too.

The chief of staff wore bootsMy feet meanwhile were wetBut both of us were marchingWholeheartedly in step.

I thought that the left road led forwardHe told me that I was wrong.

I went the way that he orderedAnd blindly tagged along.And those who were weak from hungerKept marching, pale and tautTogether with the well-fedTo some Third Reich of a sort.

They told me which enemy to shoot atSo I took their gun and aimedAnd, when I had shot, saw my brotherWas the enemy they had named.

Now I know: over there stands my brotherIt’s hunger that makes us oneWhile I march with the enemyMy brother’s and my own.

So now my brother is dyingBy my own hand he fellYet I know that if he’s defeatedI shall be lost as well.



Optional Reading:Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany

Nancy Drew and The Hardy Boys, Judy Blume and Roald Dahl. At first glance, such well-known titles and au-thors of children’s literature appear to have no connection to political ideology. Yet children’s literature hastraditionally been a means of instilling values in young people. Children’s literature has gained parental approvalnot only because it helps young people improve their reading skills, but also because it offers positive role modelsand teaches important lessons.

As in other areas of popular culture, children’s literature reflects and shapes the values of the larger society.For example, the wise and understanding teachers and parents found in The Hardy Boys series bear little resem-blance to the cruel father and school principal of Matilda, a novel by Roald Dahl. When a society is split overfundamental values, children’s literature often reflects the divisions. Such was the case in Weimar Germany.

In the following pages, you will have an opportunity to review three very popular and influential examplesof children’s literature from Weimar Germany. The books are Emil and the Detective (1929) by Erich Kaestner, TheHitler Youth Quex (1931) by Karl Schenzinger, and Ede and Unku (1931) by Alex Wedding (Grete Weiskopf). Eachwas written to shape the political and social values of young readers. As you read the plot summaries and excerpts,identify passages that reveal the political viewpoints of the authors. Ask yourself how the authors try to shape thepolitical perceptions and behavior of their young readers.



Emil is sent by his hard-working mother to visitrelatives in Berlin. His mother gives him 140 marks,which she pins on the inside of his coat. During histrip, Emil is joined in his compartment by Mr.Grundeis. After waking up from a nap, Emil discov-ers that Mr. Grundeis has gone and his money ismissing. Although Emil finds Mr. Grundeis in Berlin,he does not go to the police. Instead, he is befriendedby a group of middle-class boys who offer to help Emiltrail Mr. Grundeis and recover the money. The leaderof the boys, whose father is an official in the Ministryof Justice, is known as “the Professor.” He assignseach member of the group a specific responsibility. Aboy named Dienstag volunteers for the job of manningthe telephone for two days and passing on messagesto the others, even though this means that he will missout on the excitement.

The Professor’s role as a positive authority fig-ure and his attention to proper legal procedures areevident from the following dialogue:

“You’re fighting the moths!” said Traugott enraged.“We’ll just watch for the opportunity and steal the moneyhe stole back from him!”

“Nonsense!” exclaimed the Professor. “If we steal themoney from him then we are exactly the same kind of thievesthat he is himself.”

“I just won’t be made a fool of!” yelled Traugott. “Ifsomeone steals something from me and I steal it back fromhim, then I am not a thief!”

“On the contrary. Then you are a thief,” asserted theProfessor.

“Don’t talk nonsense,” murmured Traugott.“The Professor is certainly right,” interrupted Emil.

“If I take something away from someone secretly, I am athief. It doesn’t matter whether it belongs to him or he stoleit first from me.”

“That’s just how it is,” said the Professor. “Do me afavor and don’t have any clever talk here that does no good.The store is equipped. We don’t know yet how we’re goingto buy back those rascals. We’ll manage it somehow. Any-way, one thing is sure, that he has to give it backvoluntarily. Stealing would be idiotic.”

“I don’t understand,” said little Dienstag. “What

belongs to me I can’t steal? What belongs to me, belongs tome, even if it is in another’s pocket.”

“Those are differences that are hard to comprehend,”lectured the Professor. “In my opinion you are morallyright. But the law will condemn you anyway. Many adultsdon’t even understand that. But it is so.”

In the following exchange, one of the boys,Petzold, challenges the Professor’s faith in the legalsystem and authority over the group:

“Don’t ask again,” yelled the Professor, furiously.“Don’t shout so, if you please,” said Petzold. “You

have some nerve to order me to do this.”“I suggest that Petzold be immediately investigated

and that he be forbidden to take part in the hunt from nowon,” yelled the Professor, stamping his foot.

“I’m sorry that you are quarrelling because of me,”said Emil. “We want to vote like in the Reichstag. I proposethat we only strongly warn Petzold. Because we can’t haveit that everyone just does what he wants.”

“Don’t be so mousy, you pigs! I’m going anyway,just so you know!”

Then Petzold said something terribly improper andleft...

“Not a word more about Petzold,” ordered the Pro-fessor and spoke very calmly again. He gathered himselfstrongly together. “Done.”

During their adventures, the boys are assisted byseveral responsible and sympathetic adults, includinga hotel bellhop, a bank teller, and even the police com-missioner. In the end, the boys stop Mr. Grundeis justas he is trying to exchange the stolen bills, which Emilcan identify by the pin holes. The police arrest Mr.Grundeis and realize that he is a bank robber. Emilreceives a reward of 1,000 marks and public acclaimas a hero.

In a conversation with her grandson at the endof the novel, Emil’s grandmother reinforces the moralof the story by praising little Dienstag for his faithful-ness in manning the telephone:

“He spent two days sitting by the telephone. He knewwhat his duty was. And he did it, although it was not pleas-ant. That was heroic behavior, do you understand? Thatwas heroic! Take him as an example for you.”

EMIL AND THE DETECTIVE



Heini is the 15-year-old son of an alcoholic, un-employed communist father. Heini’s mother suffersterrible abuse at the hands of her husband, who yellsthat he is “a class-conscious proletariat” while he beatsher. Heini is forced by Stoppel, the leader of a localcommunist youth gang, to join his group. Heini, whoworks as a trade apprentice, is disgusted by the gang’sloose morals and the constant brawling over thegroup’s leadership. In addition, the communists ridi-cule and rob him. Despite the opposition of his fatherand Stoppel, Heini makes friends with members of thelocal Hitler youth group. He finds them virtuous andpatriotic. Heini admires their concept of Germanstrength and honor, and is attracted to their militarydiscipline. When shown a photograph of a brigade ofbrown-shirted S.A. members, Heini calls them“Germany’s future.” Heini willingly links his indi-vidual identity to the group, as is clear from thefollowing passage:

“He [Heini] really liked the S.A. They looked orderly,clean, robust, and their leather shone. They reminded himof order, good breeding, and discipline — just like it wasin the old stories....Those lads, too, had worn leather gaiters.They marched past him one day; each one like the other,shining, lively and fresh, a flag up in front. For an hour hemarched alongside them, with only one wish in his heart —to be allowed to march along in these rows, with these chaps,who were young like him, who sang songs. He was almostbrought to tears with pride and happiness. These are Nazis!”

Later in the story, the Nazi youth leader, Fritz,explains to Heini the importance of preserving thepurity of the German people by not mixing German

blood with “non-Aryan” blood:“I want to train, inside and out, so that I understand

courage. I want to smell my blood and the blood of otherswho have the same blood as me. The word “Volk” [people]has become ridiculous here in Germany. Man, just think!We should be ashamed whenever we see a herd of deer oran elephant herd. They don’t mix with one another. There,too, each animal has his place according to what he is andwhat he does for the herd. Isn’t it so? The zoo is the bestuniversity that I know of.”

After Heini warns Fritz about the communistgang’s plan to ambush the Nazis, the communistsvow revenge. Meanwhile, Heini suffers a family trag-edy. In a desperate attempt to escape her misery,Heini’s mother turns on their gas stove while Heini issleeping. While Heini saves his own life at the lastminute, his mother dies. Heini’s family ties are finallybroken.

Heini now devotes himself entirely to the Hitleryouth, who comforted him after his mother’s death.Striving to be a loyal and useful member of the group,Heini is nicknamed “Quex,” short for Quecksilber(quicksilver), because of his speed in carrying out or-ders. Despite the threats of revenge from thecommunist gang, Heini remains in his neighborhoodto lead the Hitler youth. One evening, after a programof music and entertainment produced for local teen-agers by the Hitler youth, Heini is attacked and fatallywounded by the communists. His comrades from theHitler youth commemorate his martyrdom with ahuge funeral procession, carrying hundreds ofNSDAP banners.

THE HITLER YOUTH QUEX



Ede is the 12-year-old son of a factory workerwho loses his job. Ede’s friend, Maxe, whose father isa communist union organizer, helps Ede find a part-time job. Later, Ede meets a clever gypsy girl, Unku.Ede’s father, like the NSDAP leaders who viewedgypsies as Untermenschen (subhuman), despises gyp-sies. Nevertheless, Ede finds Unku fascinating. He isespecially intrigued by how the gypsies share every-thing they own among themselves.

Below, Ede and Unku compare living conditions:“What is it like, anyway — living in a van?” asked Ede.“It’s nothing so swell at our place,” Unku said. “Just

one step and you’re already sitting in Grandmother’s lap,or treading on Brabby’s tail....Have you got running wa-ter and a lavatory with a chain, just like in our school?”asked the deeply interested Unku.

“Of course. Why?” said Ede.“Why, you live like kings! We have to get our water

from the pump in the yard and carry it to the wagon. Andthere’s only one toilet in the yard for the whole camp. It’salways engaged! And when there’s a heavy wind blowingI’m always afraid it’ll be carried up in the air.”

In addition to his prejudice against gypsies,Ede’s father dislikes communists, and orders his sonto stay away from Maxe and his family. Nonetheless,Ede accepts an invitation to visit Maxe’s home. Below,he reflects on his father’s views as he walks to hisfriend’s house:

“Ede did not know Maxe’s parents, and he was verycurious to see what communists really looked like. Did theyalways talk in whispers, like thieves? Or people who hadbroken the law and were afraid of the police? Ede was justa trifle scared, it must be confessed. He remembered that hisfather had always said that the Reds wanted to divide ev-erything up. Suppose he had to go home without his coat!”

Ede learns to trust Maxe’s father. Through asimple parable about ten fishermen stranded on adeserted island, Maxe’s father teaches Ede about thenature of exploitation and the need for worker solidar-ity. According to the parable, the three strongestfishermen control the fishnet on the island and exploitthe other seven fishermen. The exploited fishermengain their rights only when they unite and seize con-

trol of the means of production — the fishnet.Meanwhile, Ede’s father remains unemployed.

He is forced to plead for help from Mr. Abendstund,a well-to-do, retired postal official. Through Mr.Abendstund, Ede’s father accepts a temporary job ata factory. He does not realize that Maxe’s father hasorganized a strike at the factory and that he will bereplacing striking workers. Fearing that the strike mayturn violent, Ede turns off his father’s alarm clock sothat his father will miss work.

At the climax of the story, Mr. Abendstund re-turns to Ede’s home to offer his father another job asa replacement worker. Meanwhile, Ede is secretly hid-ing Maxe’s father, who is wanted by the police after aclash at the factory. Ede explains to his father Mr.Abendstund’s intent and argues that accepting a jobas a replacement worker would be dangerous. En-lightened by his son, Ede’s father orders Mr.Abendstund to leave. He then welcomes Maxe’s fa-ther into his home and hides him from the police. Healso declares that he will join the strikers in picketingat the factory gate.

At the conclusion of the story, Ede’s parents allowEde to spend the summer with Unku and her familyin the countryside. In the following conversation, Edeand Unku discuss the gypsy way of life, which ismeant to illustrate the values of communism.

“But in the country we don’t need any money. OhEde — I tell you — the apples and cherries and plums tastelovely! And the fish from the brooks and rivers! I catch themmyself with a line.”

“But that’s stealing!” cried Ede.“Don’t you think that I’d rather go to a hotel, like a

millionaire, and order my grub from a menu as long as yourarm?” she said indignantly. “I wouldn’t take anything fromyou! But, when your belly’s complaining of emptiness, andthe juicy apples are hanging over your head — ? And thewater’s alive with fish? Do you think we’re fools?”

“Yes, that’s so — the fish — they’re swimming in thewater and should belong to everyone — like on theisland....These things should belong to everyone, and every-one who works should get enough to eat. That’s trueenough,” agreed Ede.

EDE AND UNKU



25 Choices for the 21st Century Education ProjectWatson Institute for International Studies, Brown University


As the July 1932 Reichstag elections approached,Germany’s economic and political crisis was worsen-ing. Nearly 6 million Germans were registered withthe government as unemployed. The actual numberof unemployed was probably much higher. In indus-try and mining alone, 5.4 million jobs had been lostsince 1928, the last year of prosperity. Almost 50 per-cent of Germany’s union members were unemployed.

Chancellor Heinrich Bruening had not had aworking majority in the Reichstag since the spring of1930. Increasingly, he relied on President Hindenburg,now nearly 85 years old, to govern through emer-gency decrees, as permitted by Article 48 of theWeimar Constitution. In 1932, sixty-six presiden-tial emergency decrees were issued, while theReichstag passed only five laws through the leg-islative process.

The presidential elections of the spring of1932 indicated that many Germans were lookingfor a strong leader to solve Germany’s problems.President Hindenburg was re-elected by a clearmajority, but only after he had been forced intoa run-off election against Adolf Hitler. In the firstround of balloting, Hitler captured 30 percent ofthe vote to finish second behind the aging presi-dent. In addition, the KPD candidate won 14percent of the vote, while a minor candidatepolled 7 percent. Rather than run their own can-didates, the Center Party and the SPD lent theirsupport to Hindenburg.

Hitler’s strong showing in the presidentialrace was a reflection of the NSDAP’s growing po-litical sophistication. By the early 1930s, the Nazishad set up local party organizations in towns andcities throughout Germany. They had alsolearned to tailor their propaganda to win overspecific groups and regions. Moreover, theNSDAP’s broad-based strategy gave the party anedge over its political rivals. Unlike the SPD andKPD, which appealed mainly to working-classvoters, and the Center, whose support was lim-ited largely to Catholics, the Nazis directed theirmessage to virtually all ethnic Germans, regard-

less of their religion, occupation, or region.As the July 1932 parliamentary elections ap-

proached, the NSDAP, the SPD, the Center, and theKPD were the likely favorites among the Reichstag’sfifteen political parties. (In fact, these four partieswould together receive nearly 90 percent of the vote.)Each of these parties had a different perspective on theproblems facing Germany. Each had a different set offundamental values. And each proposed a differentprogram to guide Germany toward the future. On thefollowing two pages is a summary of the philosophyand source of support for each party.

The July 1932 Reichstag Elections

The Election Turntable, by Gerd Arntz, depicts the choicesavailable to German voters in the 1932 elections. Which politicalparties are represented?

From the Culture of the Weimar Republic.



KPD (Communist Party of Germany)Founded at the time of the failed Spartacist uprising in 1919, the KPD rejected the legitimacy of the Weimarsystem and continually attacked its leaders. The KPD’s support was found primarily among factory workersand the unemployed in large cities. The KPD had little strength in the countryside. Although both the KPDand the SPD directed their appeal to the working class, the two parties were bitter enemies. Alone amongWeimar Germany’s major political parties, the KPD called for the violent overthrow of capitalism and the es-tablishment of a workers state, as had occurred in Russia in 1917. By the late 1920s, the KPD was closely followingthe direction of Josef Stalin, the leader of the Soviet Union. From 1929 to 1932, the KPD secretly cooperated withthe NSDAP to bring down the Weimar Republic. Each extremist party believed that it would emerge victori-ous from the ashes of the Weimar system’s destruction. Like the NSDAP, the KPD had paramilitary forcesnumbering in the tens of thousands. The KPD forces disrupted the meetings of their political opponents andfought street battles against the S.A., the NSDAP paramilitary organization, for control of neighborhoods. TheKPD also shared the NSDAP’s attention to the recruitment of young people. KPD clubs were established to in-volve teenagers in recreational activities.

SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)Founded during the latter part of the 19th century, the SPD was Germany’s largest party until 1932. Its strengthwas based in the growing industrial working class. The leaders of the major non-Catholic labor unions largelyshaped SPD policies. Except for a brief periodfrom 1928 to 1930, the SPD was not a formalpartner in a Weimar governing coalition after1922. Nonetheless, the SPD was a powerfulforce in the Reichstag. The SPD led efforts topass legislation that established the eight-hourworkday, laid down rules for settling em-ployer-employee disputes, protected laborunions, and created social programs that ben-efited the working class. Both the SPD and theKPD drew from the teachings of Karl Marx, butthe SPD firmly rejected violent, revolutionarymeans to change German society. Rather, SPDleaders were committed to working within thesystem to improve the status of workers and toachieve what they called “economic democracy.”

Center (originally called the Christian People’s Party)Founded during the latter part of the 19th century, the Center, like its close ally, the Catholic Bavarian People’sParty (BVP), drew support largely from Germany’s Roman Catholics. Center voters came from different regionsand different classes, but they were united in their desire to protect their Catholic heritage from governmentinterference. Although Catholics were roughly 37 percent of Germany’s population, many of the WeimarRepublic’s chancellors were drawn from the ranks of the Center leadership, thanks largely to the loyalty of theCenter’s supporters. As one Center leader said, “one did not join the Center, one was born into it.” The politi-cal and social outlook of the Center was dominated by traditional family-centered religious values. The Center’sstrong opposition to Marxism led party leaders to regard the SPD with suspicion. During most of the Weimarperiod, Center politicians went to great lengths to keep the SPD out of the government.

Mother, have you born your children for this purpose?Show that you are against battleships and war!



NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)Founded in Munich in 1920, the NSDAP attracted little attention at first. Like the KPD, the NSDAP rejected thelegitimacy of the Weimar Republic and argued that Weimar leaders had betrayed the German people by ac-cepting the Versailles Treaty. The NSDAP’s program was based on extreme nationalism, anti-Semitism, andcondemnation of the Versailles Treaty. The party’s success was due largely to the charisma of Adolf Hitler, whodeclared himself Fuehrer, or leader, of the movement. Hitler was a gifted, hypnotic orator. His highly chargedspeeches ignited the sense of anger and humiliation that many Germans felt, especially after the economic de-pression began. Because he did not become a German citizen until 1932, Hitler did not serve in the Reichstag.Instead, he remained a fiercely critical political outsider as the Weimar system unraveled. The NSDAP leapt tonational prominence with the parliamentary elections of 1930. The NSDAP’s support came primarily fromProtestant, white-collar workers, small businessmen, farmers, and craftsmen. While young voters and new votersvoted heavily for the NSDAP in the early 1930s, most factory workers were not attracted to this “workers” party.

lacitiloPytraP

0291enuJ 4291yaM 4291.ceD 8291yaM 0391.tpeS

retneC %6.31 %4.31 %6.31 %1.21 %8.11

DPS %7.12 %5.02 %0.62 %8.92 %5.42

DPK %1.2 %6.21 %0.9 %6.01 %1.31

PADSN — %5.6 %0.3 %6.2 %3.81

Reichstag Election Results — 1920-1930(Percentage of votes cast)

Date from Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the 20th Century.



Party Platform 1

KPD (COMMUNIST PARTY OF GERMANY)

Working men and women — unite and rise up! We have nothing to lose except the political and economicchains that bind us. We must destroy this so-called “democracy.” The Weimar system serves the inter-ests of the ruling capitalist and landowning classes that rob us of the fruits of our hard labor. Until weseize the means of production — the factories and the land — from the ruling classes, we will remain slavesand our children will continue to starve.

Don’t let the Social Democrats (SPD) fool you with their claims that they represent your interests. TheSPD talks of economic democracy, but is quick to ally itself with the fascists against the progressive forcesof revolution. In 1919, during the early days of the Weimar Republic, SPD leaders called in the army to

shoot down our brothers and sisters in theSpartacist movement. They are not “socialdemocrats,” they are “social fascists.” Inevi-tably, they and their capitalist-imperialistallies, will be swept into the dustbin of his-tory.

The Center Party is nothing but a tool of re-actionary organized religion — the bishopsand popes who have sought for centuries tokeep you ignorant and docile. The Centerdenies women the right to control their bod-ies by outlawing abortion. The Center tellsyou that those in power have been put thereby God. But their God is not the god of labor-ing men and women.

The NSDAP is not a political party. It is agang of thugs financed by capitalist bosseswho seek to remove even the illusion of de-mocracy. The NSDAP must be fought at theballot box just as we fight the S.A. in thestreets. We have no quarrel with the work-ers and the unemployed who have beenmisled by slick NSDAP propaganda. Theyare our brothers.

The economic crisis that we face today is theunavoidable result of the rotten internationalcapitalist-imperialist system. The day ofworld revolution is fast approaching. In themeantime, we must not allow the Germanpeople to again become puppets of the gen-erals and the politicians. Our country needsbread and butter for our children, not ar-

mored cruisers. Instead of looking with hostility toward our working class brothers in other countries,we should unite with them to lead the worldwide workers’ movement. Our comrades in the Soviet Unionwill show us the path to the future. Forward workers. Together we will triumph.

End this System

From Broadsheets: Political Posters in Germany, 1900-1970.



THE KPD PROGRAM

1. Replace the Weimar system with a workers’state governed by KPD-led workers’ councils.

2. Stop cuts in wages and benefits for workers.

3. Increase spending on welfare benefits for unem-ployed workers and social programs, such aslow-cost housing, public transportation, andeducation.

4. Halt military spending.

5. Eliminate tariffs and other trade barriers tolower the cost of food and imported goods forworkers.

6. Close church-run schools and eliminate statesupport for organized religion.

7. Lower taxes on workers while raising taxes onthe wealthy.

8. Legalize abortion under all circumstances.

9. Cooperate closely with the Soviet Union inspreading the communist revolution interna-tionally.

For Bread and Freedom!




Party Platform 2

SPD (SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF GERMANY)

German men and women — work with us as we seek to build a better, more just society. The labor unionsand the SPD are one. Ten years ago, the SPD brought you the eight-hour day and social insurance tosupport your families when you were sick or unemployed. The SPD forced factory owners to sit down atthe negotiating table and settle disputes with workers. The SPD saved our democracy from armed attacksby both the fascists and the communists.

Beware the insane rantings of the KPD. The communists would destroy everything and trigger civil war.We can work within the system to achieve true economic democracy. If you want to see what the KPDwill deliver, look eastward to the Soviet Union, where Josef Stalin has stripped workers of every right in

the name of creating a work-ers’ state. Look at theReichstag, where the KPDand the NSDAP are workingtogether to destroy our de-mocracy.

The NSDAP is just as irre-sponsible as the communists.They are being manipulatedby reactionary elements inindustry to reverse the tideof worker benefits and sociallegislation. By blamingGermany’s problems onJews, democrats, and otherscapegoats, the NSDAP ispolluting our society withanger and hatred. Hitlerwould not bring Germanystrength and honor, but vio-lence and war.

To Catholic workers, we callon you to reject the efforts of

the Center Party to set you against your non-Catholic working brothers and sisters. The social legislationthat we have championed benefits Catholic and Protestant workers alike. We do not threaten your reli-gious beliefs or practices. On the contrary, we drafted the language in the constitution that protects allreligious faiths. We believe that everyone should be free to follow his or her conscience.

In foreign policy, we must not repeat the mistakes of the past. Germany does not need a wasteful pro-gram of military expansion. We cannot allow our children to go hungry while we build new battleships.We will not permit a war that slaughters millions of working-class Germans to satisfy the ambitions ofthe ruling class.

By proceeding cautiously, we will be able to overcome the unjust provisions of the Versailles Treaty whilemaintaining peace in Europe. We have already ensured that German soil is free of foreign troops and thatGermany is treated as an equal in the League of Nations. German strength should be built on a healthyand just economy, not on dangerous militarism.

We are Building a New World! Vote Social Democratic.




THE SPD PROGRAM

1. Protect workers’ rights and improve the standardof living for working people as part of the struggleto achieve economic democracy.

2. Hold down military spending.

3. Negotiate with the Allies to change the unjust pro-visions of the Versailles Treaty.

4. Ban religious instruction from the public schools,and maintain the separation of church and state.

5. Impose limited tariffs on imported food to protectsmall farmers.

6. Maintain spending for workers’ benefits and othersocial programs.

7. Legalize abortion under all circumstances.

8. Re-establish the eight-hour workday.

The Worker in the Realm of the Swastika!Therefore, Vote SPD!




Party Platform 3

CENTER PARTY

German Catholics — we must continue to work together to protect our faith, our heritage, and our demo-cratic system. As Catholics, you have been born into the Center, and you can continue to rely on us tochampion the interests of our church and our country. We are the only party that unites Germans of allclasses, all regions, and all occupations. We are truly the center of German political life. Because of ourmoderate, reasonable policies, we are under attack from extremists on both the left and the right.

The KPD would destroy our Christian society, ourfamily structure, and our democratic heritage. TheKPD would substitute an international, godlesscommunism for German Christian culture. Thecommunists have fallen under the spell of an evilanti-Christ. Rigorous means must be employed bythe authorities to curtail their illegal, violent activi-ties.

Despite the promises of SPD leaders, they cannotbe trusted and should be kept out of the govern-ment. Their Marxism, however softened, and theirproposal to legalize abortion, represent a frontal at-tack on the family-oriented values of our GermanChristian culture. While we will continue to workwith them in parliament on common objectives,their interests and yours lead down different paths.The SPD speaks with the voice of labor union lead-ers, not all of Germany. Unlike the SPD, we rejectthe notion that factory workers and factory own-ers must inevitably be in conflict. We all havecommon interests as members of the German fam-ily. The Center, like the loving father, will continueto mediate disputes between different members ofour family.

The NSDAP has drawn its strength fromGermany’s misfortune. We understand the painand despair that have driven many Germans intoHitler’s arms, but we must warn them where theyare heading. The NSDAP’s violent threats and ir-responsible rhetoric will only complicate ourrelations with the Allies and lead us toward war.

Likewise, Hitler’s demand to do away with the Weimar system and turn over authority to a Fuehrer withdictatorial powers will only deepen conflict in our society.

In foreign policy, we should continue to struggle against the unjust terms of the Versailles Treaty andgradually rebuild our country’s military. At the same time, our stance toward Britain, the United States,and even France should not be confrontational. Germany belongs to the West. The true enemy of ourChristian German civilization is Soviet communism.


Bruening — Freedom and Order — The Last BulwarkTruth, Freedom and Justice. Voter Center.



THE CENTER PROGRAM

1. Balance the government budget by cutting spend-ing on social programs and increasing taxes onindividuals.

2. Uphold laws prohibiting abortion and providegovernment support for strengthening traditionalfamily values.

3. Build a fleet of armored cruisers to protect Germanshipping and construct defensive fortifications inthe Rhineland.

4. Reduce taxes on businesses to encourage indus-trial growth and promote economic recovery.

5. Impose high tariffs on imported grain to protectGerman farmers from foreign competition andpreserve the traditional way of life of the Germancountryside.

6. Protect the Roman Catholic Church in Germanyfrom government interference and safeguard thechurch’s role in educating German youth.

7. Give the police additional support to control streetviolence by the communists and other radicalgroups.


Bavarians, the Bolshevik is on the Loose!Get Rid of Him on Election Day!

Bavarian People’s Party.



Party Platform 4

NSDAP (NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS’ PARTY)

Men of German blood — unite and fight with us to destroy the putrid Weimar system. Germany needs astrong, vigorous leader, a Fuehrer, not a bunch of squabbling, corrupt politicians, to lead our fatherlandout of crisis and on to the greatness that destiny holds. Germany needs a new political system in whichone great national party, the NSDAP, will organize all aspects of German government and society. Onlyby purging German society of the corrupting non-Aryan polluters of our culture can Germany be cleansed

and our traditional values protected. Only by en-suring the purity of the German race can werecover the courage, strength, and greatness thatis our blood heritage. The good of the Germanpeople must stand above the selfish interests ofindividuals. All Germans must work together forthe greatness of the German people.

The criminals from the SPD and the Center, whostabbed our valiant soldiers in the back in Novem-ber 1918 and accepted the dictated peace of theVersailles Treaty, must be thrown out of office andpunished. These traitors have conspired with in-ternational bankers to inflict terrible hardships onthe German people. The social programs of theSPD and their allies have sapped the morale ofGerman workers, and yet one-third of the workforce is unemployed. Meanwhile, the SPD hasopened Germany to a flood of decadent foreignculture that has corrupted our youth and ourwomen.

With the German nation weak and confused, theKPD has grown bolder in its drive for power. Thecommunists have taken to the streets in their ef-forts to impose international communism upon theGerman people. They are not true Germans. Manyof them are not even of pure German blood. Theyare the puppets of the Soviet leaders in Moscow.Only the Storm Troopers (S.A.) of the NSDAPstand between these godless hordes and their am-bitions. We will protect German Christianity fromcommunist atheism. Catholics and Protestantsalike have nothing to fear from our party.

The security of our fatherland requires that we reject the Versailles settlement and insist upon rebuild-ing the German army. The German people needs room to grow. We have the right to acquire this spaceto live (Lebensraum) by all necessary means. The prosperity of our fatherland demands that we recoverthose German territories now under Polish occupation. The honor of our fatherland requires that we unitewith our German brothers in Austria, and protect the Germans of Czechoslovakia and Poland. Togetherwe will build a Germany that is dependent on no other nation. One People — One Reich — One Fuehrer!


Back then, like Today, We Remain Comrades



THE NSDAP PROGRAM

1. Replace the Weimar system with a regime uni-fied under the leadership of the Fuehrer of theNSDAP.

2. Reorganize society to harness the Germanpeople to work together for the greater good ofour nation.

3. Reject the Versailles Treaty and punish the poli-ticians responsible for stabbing the Germanmilitary in the back in November 1918.

4. Rebuild the German army, construct a fleet ofbattleships, and reassert our military presencein the Rhineland.

5. Unify all Germans and expand territorially to-ward the east, beginning with Poland, toprovide the German nation with sufficient liv-ing space.

6. Purge German society of corrupting non-Aryaninfluences.

7. Impose high tariffs against foreign imports topromote industrial growth, encourage eco-nomic self-sufficiency, and protect Germanfarming.

8. Break the hold of international Jewish capital-ism over German banks and other key financialinstitutions.

National SocialistOr the Sacrifice was in Vain




The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule

The day after the destruction of the Reichstag,Hitler proclaimed a national emergency and sus-pended most of the political rights guaranteed in theWeimar Constitution, including freedom of speech,freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly. TheKPD was, in effect, outlawed and the SPD intimidated.

In the Reichstag elections that took place the fol-lowing week, the NSDAP increased its share of thevote to 44 percent. Despite the curtailment of politi-cal activity prior to the election, the SPD received 18percent of the vote and the KPD polled more than 12percent. The Center captured 14 percent of the vote.In coalition with other ultra-nationalist parties, theNazis controlled a majority of votes in the parliament.

With the emergency decrees issued after theReichstag fire and bolstered by his election success,Hitler wriggled free of the political constraints im-posed by the constitution. In late March, Hitler wonpassage of legislation in the Reichstag that enabled hiscabinet to enact new laws without the approval of theparliament or the president. The measure gave Hitlerthe legal means to dismantle the Weimar system.

In the coming months, Hitler set out to establisha totalitarian dictatorship. The political opponents ofthe Nazis were smashed and loyal NSDAP memberswere placed in key government positions. The conser-vatives who imagined that they could manipulateHitler were themselves pushed out of the govern-ment. Hitler extended Nazi control to all aspects ofGerman society, including the schools, the military,the press, the churches, and even the arts. When theailing President Hindenburg died on August 2, 1934,Hitler claimed the title of president and declared him-self the Fuehrer of the German nation. Thedictatorship was now complete.

Hitler and his party enjoyed popular supportthroughout the rest of the 1930s. His economic poli-cies did, in fact, significantly reduce unemployment.In addition, Hitler’s foreign policies — thereoccupation of the Rhineland, his rejection of theVersailles Treaty’s restrictions on the German mili-tary, and the annexation of Austria in 1938 — restoredfor many Germans their sense of national pride.

In the July 1932 parliamentary elections, theNSDAP captured 37 percent of the vote — the

largest total that any party had received thus far un-der the Weimar system. As the largest party in theReichstag, the NSDAP chose Hermann Goering, a warhero and a close associate of Hitler, as the presidingofficer of the legislature. Although Germany was stillbeing governed through presidential decrees that ex-cluded the Reichstag, President Hindenburg’sadvisers recognized that the NSDAP would have tobe brought into the government in some capacity.

Hitler initially maintained that he was entitledto nothing less than the chancellorship and completecontrol over the government. Results from parliamen-tary elections in November 1932, however, nudgedHitler toward compromise. The NSDAP’s share of thevote dropped to 33 percent, raising fears in the Nazileadership that support for the NSDAP had alreadypeaked.

The November 1932 elections also convincedmany of Hindenburg’s advisers that Hitler was a pass-ing figure on the political stage. They now favoredappointing Hitler as chancellor, arguing that the Nazileader could be tamed by surrounding him with re-sponsible conservative ministers. Likewise, theyexpected that Hitler’s supporters would be trans-formed into the foundation of a restructured,conservative government. Many of Hindenburg’sadvisers belonged to the DNVP and, in fact, had neverbeen deeply committed to the Weimar system. Lead-ers of the Center, who had become increasinglyconservative, and the nationalistic Stahlhelm war vet-erans organization also backed the decision. Afterintense behind-the-scenes negotiations, Hindenburgnamed Hitler chancellor on January 30, 1933.

On the night of February 27, 1933, the Reichstagbuilding was destroyed by fire. Hitler claimed that thecommunists had set the fire as part of a plot to over-throw the government and trigger a civil war. In linewith Hitler’s accusations, the police charged a Dutchcommunist with igniting the blaze. Many Germans,however, suspected that the Nazis themselves hadstarted the fire to justify a political crackdown.



In the following two pages, you will have an opportunity to examine the laws and speeches that providedthe legal and ideological underpinnings of the totalitarian Nazi regime.

Orders to Prussian Police, February 17, 1933 (issued by Hermann Goering)

I expect all police authorities to maintain the best relations with these organizations [S.A. and Stahlhelm, theultra-nationalist veterans organization] that comprise the most important constructive forces of the state....Theactivities of subversive organizations are on the contrary to be combated with the most drastic methods. Communistterrorist acts and attacks are to be countered with all severity, and weapons must be used ruthlessly if necessary....Everyofficial must constantly bear in mind that failure to act is more serious than errors committed in acting.

Enabling Law, March 24, 1933

(This critical legislation passed with a two-thirds majority of the Reichstag. The Center Party voted for granting dicta-torial powers to Hitler’s government. Since the KPD was now outlawed, only the SPD voted against the measure.)

National laws can be enacted by the National Cabinet [Hitler and his ministers] as well as in accordance withthe procedure established in the Constitution....The national laws enacted by the National Cabinet may deviate fromthe Constitution so far as they do not affect the position of the Reichstag and National Council. The powers of thePresident remain undisturbed.

Law for the Restoration of the Civil Service, April 7, 1933

Officials of non-Aryan descent [primarily Jews] are to be retired. Those who have honorary status are also tobe dismissed....Those officials who have indicated by their previous political activity that they may not exert them-selves for the national state without reservation may be dismissed.

Speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels, Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, at Mass BookBurning, May 10, 1933

You have done well in the middle of the night to throw into the flames these unspiritual relics of the past. Itis a strong, great, and symbolic performance that should document for all the world that here, tonight, the spiri-tual foundations of the November [Weimar] Republic sink to the ground. But out of these ruins there will arise thephoenix of a new spirit, a spirit that we bear, that we demand, a spirit on which we have stamped its decisive char-acter and its decisive features. So I beg you, my fellow students, to stand up for the Reich and for its new authorities.So I beg you to dedicate yourselves to the work and duty and banners of responsibility.

(Thousands of students in coordinated demonstrations organized by the NSDAP in over thirty universitytowns burned books by Albert Einstein, H.G. Wells, Jack London, Erich Maria Remarque, Sigmund Freud, Tho-mas Mann, Upton Sinclair, Karl Marx, and other writers whose works were considered “un-German.”)

Decree for the Coordination of All Activities, June 30, 1933

...all of the following are transferred to the jurisdiction of the Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propa-ganda [Joseph Goebbels]:...general public enlightenment on the domestic scene, the Academy of Politics, settingup and celebrating national holidays and state ceremonies...the press, the radio, the German Library in Leipzig,art, music, including philharmonic orchestras, theater, cinema...

Law Concerning the Formation of New Parties, July 14, 1933

The National Socialist German Workers’ Party is the only political party in Germany. Anyone who seeks tomaintain the organization of another political party or to organize a new political party is to be punished by con-finement in a jail.



Law for the Protection of Hereditary Health, July 14, 1933

Anyone who suffers from an inheritable disease may be sterilized surgically if, in the judgment of medicalscience, it could be expected that his descendants will suffer from serious inherited mental or physicaldefects....Sterilization may also be recommended by 1) the official physician, 2) the official in charge of a hospital,sanitarium, or prison....The proceedings of the Health Inheritance Courts are secret.

Law to Promote National Labor, January 20, 1934

A labor trustee will be appointed for every large industrial area. It will be the duty of this officer to promotethe maintenance of industrial peace....Each member of a working community is responsible for the conscientiousperformance of the duties entailed by his position in that community. His conduct must be such as to deserve theconsideration attached to his position, and in particular he must be constantly mindful of his duty to devote hisenergies wholeheartedly to the services of the undertaking and to subordinate himself to the general good.

Law for the Reorganization of the Reich, January 30, 1934

The popular assemblies of the individual states are hereby abolished. The sovereign rights of individual statesare hereby transferred to the Reich. The governments of the individual states are to be subordinate to the Reichgovernment....The Reich government may draw up new constitutional laws.

Armed Forces Oath of Personal Loyalty, August 2, 1934

I swear before God this holy oath: that I shall give absolute obedience to the Fuehrer of the German Reichand people, Adolf Hitler, the Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht [army], and as a courageous soldier will beready at all times to lay down my life for this oath.

Law Regarding Labor Service, June 26, 1935

All young Germans of both sexes are obligated to serve their country in the Reich Labor Service. It is the pur-pose of the Reich Labor Service to educate German youth in the spirit of National Socialism so that they may obtaina true national community sentiment, a free conception of labor, and above all, a due respect for manual work.

Nuremberg Laws on Citizenship and Race, September 15, 1935

A citizen of the Reich may be only one who is of German or kindred blood, and who, through his behavior,shows that he is both desirous and personally fit to serve loyally the German people and the Reich....Only a citizenof the Reich may enjoy full political rights in consonance with the provisions of the laws.

Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honor, September 15, 1935

Any marriages between Jews and citizens of German or kindred blood are herewith forbidden....Extramaritalrelations between Jews and citizens of German or kindred blood are herewith forbidden....Jews are forbidden toemploy as servants in their households female subjects of German or kindred blood who are under the age of forty-five years. Jews are forbidden from displaying the Reich and national flag and from showing the national colors.

Supplementary Decree on Citizenship, November 14, 1935

A Jew cannot be a citizen of the Reich. He cannot exercise the right to vote; he cannot occupy public office.Jewish officials [government employees] will be retired as of December 31, 1935....A Jew is an individual who isdescended from at least three grandparents who were racially full Jews....A Jew is also an individual who is de-scended from two full Jewish grandparents if...[four specific conditions are met].



Martin Niemoeller, the son of a Protestant min-ister, became a cadet in the Imperial Germany navyin 1910 at the age of eighteen. His leadership abilitiesled to rapid promotion and transfer to the new eliteU-boat command. During the last year of World WarI, Niemoeller was given command of his own subma-rine and was decorated with the Iron Cross for heroism.Disgusted with the Versailles Treaty and the Weimargovernment, Niemoeller supported the German offic-ers who sank their ships rather than turning them overto the British as the treaty required. He also resignedfrom the navy. Like many former officers, Niemoellerjoined the right-wing Freikorps and commanded aunit formed to suppress left-wing political activity.

Niemoeller also began studying for the ministry.In 1923, he became the pastor of a Protestant church.Niemoeller remained a staunch opponent of theWeimar system and the new “Weimar culture.” Hevoted for the NSDAP in 1924 and in the 1932 presiden-tial election. When Hitler was appointed chancellor inJanuary 1933, Niemoeller expressed hope “that therewill now be a new meeting between our nation andthe Christian church.” As late as October 1933,Niemoeller praised Hitler for his decision to take Ger-many out of the League of Nations. Niemoeller’sconflict with Hitler over values began in late 1933 asthe NSDAP attempted to extend its control over thechurches of Germany. The Nazis sought to promote“German Christianity” — a blend of traditional Chris-tianity with NSDAP ideology, in which the folk spiritof the German people and the Fuehrer, as the expres-sion of this spirit, played central roles.

The new Nazi doctrine is revealed in a speechmade by Hitler’s minister for church affairs in early1937: “[speaking] always of belief in Christ as the Sonof God. This [is] laughable. For that [is] a dogma of thepast; true Christianity [is] represented by NationalSocialism; National Socialism [is] the fulfillment ofGod’s will; it [is] not the church which had exhibitedthe faith which moves mountains. It [is] the Fuehrer,and he [is] the herald of a new revelation.”

Niemoeller emerged as a principal opponent ofNazi efforts to reshape Christianity and manipulatethe church. In September 1933, Niemoeller formed anemergency league of pastors to protest the decision ofa Nazi-dominated church conference to dismisstwenty-three ministers who were considered “non-Aryan” or who had married “non-Aryans.” ByJanuary 1934, more than 7,000 Protestant pastors hadjoined Niemoeller’s opposition group, prompting aresponse from Hitler himself.

On January 25, 1934, Niemoeller and several ofhis supporters were summoned to a meeting with theFuehrer. An angry Hitler demanded that they leavethe care of the Third Reich to him and focus only ongetting people to heaven. Hermann Goering then readto them transcripts of telephone conversations theyhad held with one another. Clearly, the secret policewas now closely monitoring their actions. Althoughmembership in the emergency league of pastorsdropped to 5,000 as a result of government intimida-tion, Niemoeller continued to speak out against Hitlerand became a focus of the internal opposition to Nazirule. Because of his international reputation,Niemoeller drew the attention of church leadersthroughout the world to the situation in Germany.

On June 27, 1937, Niemoeller was arrested afterviolating an order by Hitler that prohibited mentionof the names of arrested ministers from the pulpit.(See the second excerpt from Niemoeller’s sermons.)Three days later, Niemoeller was arrested for the sixthtime by the secret police. At his trial, Niemoeller tes-tified that he was a loyal German, and manywitnesses, including high-ranking military command-ers and one of Hermann Goering’ sisters, testified tohis patriotism. Although the trial judge dismissed allof the serious charges and ordered that Niemoeller bereleased, Hitler ordered that the pastor be held as his“personal prisoner” in Sachsenhausen concentrationcamp. In September 1939, at the outbreak of WorldWar II, Lieutenant Commander (retired) Niemoellerwrote the chief of the German navy, Admiral Erich

Optional Reading: Conscience and the Patriot

CASE STUDY #1 — MARTIN NIEMOELLER



Raeder, from his cell in Sachsenhausen with an offerto serve his country in any capacity in the war. Hisoffer was rejected. After seven years in prison, includ-ing four years in solitary confinement, MartinNiemoeller was released by Allied troops in May 1945.

Excerpts from Martin Niemoeller’s sermons (1933-37):

The church cannot allow its actions towards its mem-bers to be prescribed by the state. The baptized Jew is amember of our church....But if the state commands us to dowrong, ‘We must obey God rather than men.’...We see moreand more clearly how there is being propagated a new hea-thenism, which wishes to have nothing to do with theSaviour, who was crucified for us, while the church whichacknowledges that Saviour as its only Lord is exposed toreproval as an enemy of the state....[The Reich minister forchurch affairs is] trying to compel the church to tolerate ra-cial heresy and poison itself with such doctrines....[While]we are prepared to sacrifice all our worldly goods and ourblood for the state and our German people...[we will not]have it said of us before God’s judgment seat: ‘When the

gospel of Jesus was attacked in Germany, you were silentand, without resisting, left your children to an alien spirit’...

In response to attacks on the “Jewish” Old Tes-tament: The words which once led our nation to the livingGod are one after the other being filled up with debris a yardhigh [referring to a previous promise of noninterference inreligious affairs given by Hitler]....Does the Fuehrer’s wordstill hold good? We must not — for Heaven’s sake — makea German gospel out of the gospel; we must not — forHeaven’s sake — make a German church out of Christ’schurch; we must not — for Heaven’s sake — make GermanChristians out of Protestant Christians....Neutrality isimpossible in Germany; persecution has begun. I think, forinstance, how on Wednesday the secret police penetrated theclosed church of Friedrich Werder and arrested at the altareight [ministers] of the Council of Brethren....And we re-call today how the pulpit of St. Anne’s Church remainsempty, because our pastor and brother Mueller, with forty-seven other Christian brothers and sisters of our Protestantchurch, has been taken into custody.

Dietrich Bonhoeffer was born in 1906, the son ofone of Germany’s most respected psychiatrists. WhileBonhoeffer was too young to serve in World War I,two of his older brothers fought. One died at the front.Unlike Martin Niemoeller, Bonhoeffer chose theologyas his first career. After completing his doctoral work,he began lecturing at the University of Berlin in 1929at the age of twenty-three — two years below theminimum age for ordination as a minister. He soonwon international recognition for his work on Chris-tian ethics, addressing the meaning of life as a discipleof Christ in the 20th century and applying Christ’steachings to situations involving moral values.Bonhoeffer also founded a seminary at which youngmen wishing to become ministers could study theol-ogy and practice living as disciples of Christ in acommunal atmosphere.

Despite his youth, Dietrich Bonhoeffer becameone of the leaders of the Protestant movement whichresisted Hitler’s attempts to enlist the churches in theNazi cause. Together with Martin Niemoeller,

CASE STUDY #2 — DIETRICH BONHOEFFER

Bonhoeffer increasingly found himself a target of Nazisuspicion. In September 1935, the government prohib-ited unauthorized church groups from training andordaining clergy, thereby outlawing the seminary thatBonhoeffer had founded. Despite this prohibition,Bonhoeffer continued to instruct young seminariansand to use his contacts abroad to gain the support offoreign church groups.

Through his brother-in-law, Hans vonDohnanyi, a high-ranking attorney in the Departmentof Justice, Bonhoeffer and his family were given ad-vanced warning of actions to be taken by the Hitlergovernment. In the summer of 1938, Bonhoeffer’s twinsister, Sabine, and her Jewish-born husband fled Ger-many with his assistance before the frontiers wereclosed to those identified as Jews by the “J” stampedin their passports. As events in the spring of 1939made war increasingly likely, Bonhoeffer decided toleave Germany to avoid facing the prospect of militaryservice. To fight for the Nazis would have violatedBonhoeffer’s conscience, yet to reject military service



would have appeared unpatriotic and would havedamaged the church protest movement. In June 1939,Bonhoeffer left for the United States. After only a fewweeks abroad, however, Bonhoeffer returned to hishomeland. The reasons for his decision are evident ina letter Bonhoeffer wrote to an American friend:

I have come to the conclusion that I have madea mistake in coming to America. I must live throughthis difficult period of our national history with theChristian people of Germany. I shall have no right toparticipate in the reconstruction of Christian life inGermany after the war if I do not share the trials of thistime with my people....Such a decision each man mustmake for himself. Christians in Germany will face theterrible alternative of either willing the defeat of theirnation in order that Christian civilization may survive,or willing the victory of their nation and thereby de-stroying our civilization. I know which of thesealternatives I must choose, but I cannot make thatchoice in security.

Through his brother-in-law, Bonhoeffer becameactively involved in the German political resistancemovement. Among the leaders of this movement werehighly placed officers in the Abwehr — the Germanmilitary intelligence department. By 1940, Bonhoefferhad become a part-time agent for the Abwehr, eventhough the Gestapo, the government’s secret policeforce, had prohibited him from speaking in public orwriting for publication and required regular reportsfrom him because of his subversive activities.

Working under the protection of the Abwehr,Bonhoeffer was involved in an operation in whichtwelve Jews were smuggled to Switzerland. He wasalso used to open communication links between Brit-ain and the German political opposition through hiscontacts with British clergy. However, theopposition’s hopes that army leaders would over-throw Hitler in 1941 were dashed when the generalsplanning the coup failed to act.

By 1942, the opposition had begun consideringmore drastic measures. Bonhoeffer himself had cometo believe that assassinating Hitler would representGod’s proper judgment. He was aware of two plansto kill Hitler in March 1943. In one instance, a bombplanted on Hitler’s plane failed to explode. In theother instance, a change in Hitler’s itinerary frustratedthe would-be assassins. The next month, Bonhoefferand his brother-in-law were arrested and imprisoned.Despite intense questioning, neither revealed any in-formation about fellow opposition members. Furtherassassination attempts, including an explosion whichseriously injured Hitler on July 20, 1944, continuedduring their imprisonment. The July 1944 attemptcaused the Gestapo to focus on the Abwehr. Many ofthe plotters, including Admiral Wilhelm Canaris,head of the Abwehr, were arrested. On April 9, 1945,one month before the end of the war, DietrichBonhoeffer, his brother-in-law, Hans von Dohnanyi,Admiral Canaris, and several other high-ranking of-ficers were executed.



Chronology of German History — 1914-1939

1914

•June 28 Archduke Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, is assassinated in Sarajevo bySerb nationalists.

•August 1 Germany declares war on Russia and on France two days later, beginning World War I.

1917

•April 4 The United States declares war on Germany.•November Communists under Lenin seize power in Russia.

1918

•January 8 President Wilson announces his Fourteen Points.•March Germany and Russia sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, requiring Russia to give up huge

tracts of territory to Germany.•March Germany launches its final offensive on the western front.•July The Allies begin a counter-offensive, erasing German advances.•November German military leaders ask their government to request an armistice; the German fleet

mutinies; Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicates.•November 11 An armistice is declared, ending World War I.

1919

•January The SPD-led government calls in troops to suppress an uprising in Berlin led by thecommunist Spartacus League.

•June 28 Germany’s government signs, under protest, the Versailles Treaty.•July 31 The Weimar Constitution is adopted.•November The U.S. Senate rejects U.S. membership in the League of Nations.

1920

•March A right-wing coup d’etat collapses in Berlin after forcing the Weimar government to flee.

1922

•June 24 German Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau is assassinated.

1923

•January French troops occupy the Ruhr, sparking a campaign of passive resistance by Germany.•June-December Hyperinflation in Germany forces the government to issue new currency.•November Police break up an attempted putsch by the NSDAP in Munich.



1925

•April Retired Field Marshal Hindenburg is elected president.

1929

•October A stock market crash in the United States triggers a worldwide depression.

1930

•September The NSDAP wins 18 percent of the vote in Reichstag elections.

1932

•April Hindenburg defeats Hitler in a run-off election for president.•July The NSDAP emerges as the largest party in Reichstag elections.

1933

•January 30 Hitler is appointed chancellor by Hindenburg.•February 27 The Reichstag is destroyed by fire, prompting Hitler to declare emergency rule.•March 23 The Enabling Law allows Hitler’s government to bypass the Reichstag and the constitution.•July Hitler bans political parties other than the NSDAP.•October Germany withdraws from the League of Nations.

1934

•June The NSDAP purges the leadership of the S.A.•August Hitler combines the offices of the president and the chancellor and formally assumes the

title of Fuehrer.

1935

•September Hitler proclaims anti-Semitic Nuremberg Laws.

1936

•March German troops move into the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles Treaty.

1938

•March Germany annexes Austria.•September British and French leaders agree to allow Germany to occupy the German-populated

Sudeten region of Czechoslovakia.

1939

•March Germany occupies all of Czechoslovakia.•August Germany and the Soviet Union sign a non-aggression pact.•September 1 Germany invades Poland, setting off World War II in Europe.



Biographical Sketches

Bertholt Brecht (1898-1956)Born in Bavaria, Bertholt Brecht studied medicine and served in an army hospital during World War I. He

developed a strong opposition to capitalism and became a supporter of the KPD. Working in Berlin during most ofthe Weimar years, he was involved in the movement to revolutionize the arts. He collaborated with composers KurtWeill and Paul Hindemith in writing and staging musical plays, which he called “operas.” The most famous of theseoperas were The Threepenny Opera (1928) and The Rise and Fall of the Town of Mahoganny (1930).

In addition to these works, Brecht wrote more than 100 poems, some in the form of ballads. Nearly all of thesepoems contain a strong political or social statement. After the NSDAP seized power in 1933, Brecht went into exile.His citizenship was revoked by the Hitler government and his works were publicly burned. Brecht found refugein the United States, where he worked during World War II. In 1947, Brecht left the United States after he was forcedto testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee. He returned to East Germany to live once more inBerlin. He was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize in 1955 and died the following year.

Friedrich Ebert (1871-1925)Raised in a working-class family, Friedrich Ebert became a SPD activist in the 1890s. Despite having only a

limited formal education, he served on the editorial staff of the SPD newspaper in Bremen. In 1913, he was electedto the Reichstag and was chosen SPD party leader. Although he consistently voted to finance the war effort, hestrongly supported the peace resolution introduced in February 1917 and was involved in a strike by munitionsworkers in Berlin in 1918.

Ebert was a leader of the founding Weimar coalition and was elected as the Weimar Republic’s first presi-dent in 1919. During the political turmoil of November 1918 through January 1919, Ebert opposed efforts to bringabout radical economic or social change. He called on the army to put down an uprising in Berlin led by the com-munist Spartacus League in January 1919. During the crises of 1922-23, he invoked the emergency powers of Article48, which established a precedent later used by Adolf Hitler to consolidate the NSDAP dictatorship. Ebert diedsuddenly on February 28, 1925, before his term as president had ended.

Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945)Born into a Catholic family in western Germany near the French border, Joseph Goebbels contracted polio as

a child and was left with a club foot and a pronounced limp. His disability disqualified him from military servicein 1914. Goebbels received his doctorate in history and literature from the University of Heidelberg in 1922 andjoined the NSDAP the same year.

Founder of the party newspaper, Der Angriff, in 1927, Goebbels displayed a gift for propaganda that effec-tively promoted the NSDAP message of racism and militaristic nationalism. In 1928, he was elected to the Reichstag,and also played a major role in orchestrating NSDAP street demonstrations and brawls against political opponents.Appointed minister of propaganda by Hitler in 1933, Goebbels used his position to dominate German cultural lifeand mobilize the population behind the Fuehrer. He committed suicide in Hitler’s Berlin bunker on May 1, 1945.

Hermann Goering (1893-1946)Born into an upper-class family in Bavaria, Hermann Goering trained as a military cadet, joined the army as

an officer in 1914, and was soon transferred to the air force. As the final commander of the famous Richthofen FighterSquadron, Goering became a nationally recognized war hero. After the war, Goering became involved in theFreikorps. In 1922, he accepted Hitler’s offer to command the newly formed S.A. — the paramilitary units of theNSDAP. Goering was seriously wounded in the failed Munich putsch in 1923 and fled abroad. He did not return to



Germany until amnesty was granted in 1927. Goering was elected to the Reichstag in 1928 and became the leaderof the NSDAP delegation. Goering’s ties with the German upper class and wealthy industrialists enabled the NSDAPto gain support among Germany’s elite.

After the success of the NSDAP in the July 1932 elections, Goering was chosen Reichstag president. As Prus-sian minister of the interior under Hitler, he was a central actor in the establishment of the Nazis’ totalitarian rule.In 1935, Goering was given command of the air force. At the outset of World War II, he was put in charge of orga-nizing the German economy. During the last months of the war, Hitler became suspicious of Goering, as well asmany of his other closest associates, and ordered him arrested. Condemned to death by the Nuremberg MilitaryTribunal after the war, Goering committed suicide before the sentence could be carried out.

George Grosz (1893-1959)A Berliner by birth, George Grosz was a gifted painter who studied briefly in Paris before the outbreak of war.

As a front-line soldier during World War I, he suffered a breakdown and was sent to an asylum. Grosz developedan intense hatred for Germany’s ruling class and military leaders. Even before the war had ended, Grosz was draw-ing pen-and-ink sketches that ridiculed conservative, militaristic values. He quickly established a reputation as oneof Germany’s harshest social critics.

During the Weimar years, Grosz continued to attack conservative forces through his art. He was also stronglycritical of the Ebert government’s decision to suppress the Spartacist uprising. Grosz left Germany in 1932 and settledin the United States. He returned to Berlin shortly before his death in 1959.

Paul von Hindenburg (1847-1934)Born into a noble, landowning family in West Prussia, Paul von Hindenburg chose a military career. He was

appointed to the General Staff in 1879 after service in the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War. Themost significant military victory of his career was at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1914, where he led outnumberedGerman forces to victory against the Russian army. He was appointed supreme commander of the entire Germanarmy in August 1916. Along with General Erich von Ludendorff, Hindenburg headed a virtual military dictator-ship that governed until the end of the war. Hindenburg retired from military service after the kaiser’s abdication.

As a leading figure in the conservative, nationalist right, Hindenburg was elected president of the WeimarRepublic in 1925, defeating candidates from the Center Party and the KPD. Although a monarchist and anti-social-ist, Hindenburg committed his personal prestige to the Weimar system until the onset of the economic depression.Beginning in mid-1930, Germany’s economic and political crises led Hindenburg to increasingly invoke the emer-gency powers of Article 48 in the Weimar Constitution. Hindenburg had a low opinion of the NSDAP and Hitler,whom he referred to as a “Bohemian corporal.” Hindenburg was re-elected as president in April 1932, but onlyafter Hitler forced him into a run-off election. Hindenberg reluctantly appointed Hitler as chancellor in January1933. Thereafter, he assumed a largely ceremonial role until his death in August 1934.

Adolf Hitler (1889-1945)Born the son of a minor government official in Austria, Adolf Hitler resided in Vienna from 1907 to 1914,

earning a meager living as an artist. During this period, he developed an intense hatred for Jews, communists, andliberals. Hitler enlisted in the German army when World War I broke out and was decorated for bravery with theIron Cross (first class). Temporarily blinded in a gas attack at the close of the war, he was in a military hospitalwhen he learned of Germany’s surrender.

After his release from the hospital, Hitler joined a small, right-wing political group, which took the nameNational Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) in 1920. Hitler quickly established his leadership over theNSDAP and became its most effective public speaker. He received national attention after leading a failed putsch



in Munich in 1923. Hitler served less than a year in prison for his role in the putsch. During that time, he wrote hismain political work, Mein Kampf (My Struggle).

Hitler won growing support for his racist nationalism as economic depression shook the Weimar system. Helost his bid to unseat the aging President Hindenburg in 1932, but the campaign served to increase his visibilityand popularity. In the parliamentary elections of July 1932, the NSDAP won 37 percent of the vote to become thelargest political party in the Reichstag. Hitler was appointed chancellor in January 1933, and quickly transformedGermany into a totalitarian state under Nazi control. For the next twelve years, Hitler ruled as the unchallengedFuehrer of Germany. His program of territorial expansion led Germany into World War II in 1939. As many as 12million civilians, including 6 million Jews, were killed under Hitler‘s orders in areas occupied by German troops.When the war turned against Germany in the winter of 1942-43, Hitler became increasingly suspicious and irratio-nal. He committed suicide in his Berlin bunker during the closing days of the war.

Ludwig Kaas (1881-1952)Born into a lower middle-class Catholic family, Ludwig Kaas studied for the priesthood and was ordained in

1906. In 1921, Monsignor Kaas was elected to the Reichstag as a member of the Center Party. He quickly rose to aposition of leadership within the party. In late 1928, he publicly condemned the policies of Foreign Minister GustavStresemann, who had been attempting to convince the French and British that an economically strong Germanywould not pose a threat to their security. Kaas advocated a more forceful foreign policy.

Assuming the leadership of the Center in 1928 and continuing in this position until 1933, Kaas moved his partyto the right. He espoused traditional, conservative Catholic values and fought the social welfare policies of the SPD.Despite opposition from many of his Center Party colleagues, Kaas supported efforts to bring the NSDAP into thegovernment after the July 1932 parliamentary elections. In 1933, he led the Center delegation in the Reichstag invoting for the Enabling Law, giving Hitler the power to establish a dictatorship. Shortly thereafter, Kaas moved toRome, where he worked at the Vatican. He played a major role in negotiating an agreement between the Vaticanand Nazi Germany in July 1933.

Kaethe Kollwitz (1867-1945)Born into a middle-class socialist family in East Prussia, Kaethe Kollwitz studied painting and sculpture in

Berlin and Munich. She became one of Germany’s foremost graphic artists of the 1890-1910 period by reviving theart of etching. Her works, which often focused on the plight of the poor and oppressed, were remarkable for theirpowerful emotion.

Kollwitz’s life radically changed after her youngest son was killed in battle in 1914. Following this, Kollwitzredoubled her efforts to achieve peace and social justice. She welcomed both the communist revolution in Russiain 1917 and the workers’ uprisings in Germany in late 1918. The first woman elected to the Prussian Academy ofArts, she headed the Graphic Arts Studio from 1928 until 1933. An outspoken opponent of fascism and the NSDAP,Kollwitz remained in Germany after the Nazi takeover, even though her works were removed from public exhibi-tion. Her personal tragedy was compounded during World War II by the death of her grandson in battle and bythe destruction of much of her life’s work in an Allied bombing raid. Kollwitz died shortly before the war ended.

Wilhelm Marx (1863-1946)Born into a devout Catholic family in Cologne, Wilhelm Marx began his public career as a doctor of law and

a respected judge. Marx was elected to the Reichstag in 1910 as a member of a small Catholic party allied with theCenter Party. In 1922, he became chairman of the Center and continued in that position until 1928, serving asGermany’s chancellor on four occasions. During the economic crisis of 1923, Marx governed through emergencydecrees issued by President Ebert. While heading the Center delegation in the Reichstag, Marx led efforts to keep



the SPD out of the government and instead sought coalition partners for the Center among conservative parties.As the Center’s candidate in the 1925 presidential race, Marx narrowly lost to Field Marshal Hindenburg in a

run-off election. Marx was associated with much of the key legislation produced during the Weimar Republic, in-cluding the social programs adopted in 1926-28. Marx resigned as party leader in 1928.

Walter Rathenau (1867-1922)Born the son of Germany’s wealthiest Jewish industrialist, Walter Rathenau earned a doctorate in physics and

worked as an engineer in his family’s firm. Taking over the family business in 1915 after his father’s death, Rathenauplayed a major role in organizing Germany’s industrial potential for the war effort. While his support for the warwas unshakable, he opposed territorial annexations and unrestricted submarine warfare.

A widely read man whose philosophical interests and utopian ideals made it difficult for him to identify withparty politics, Rathenau was nevertheless respected for his economic expertise and influence. He was appointedforeign minister in January 1922 and argued that Germany had no choice but to fully comply with the terms of theunpopular Versailles Treaty. Rathenau’s position on the treaty and his Jewish background made him a target ofhatred by ultra-nationalists. On June 24, 1922, he was assassinated by members of an extreme right-wing terrorist group.

Gustav Stresemann (1878-1929)Born the youngest child of an innkeeper in Berlin, Gustav Stresemann’s intellectual gifts enabled him to rise

above his class background and receive a doctorate in economics. A member of the National Liberal Party,Stresemann was elected to the Reichstag in 1907. Although a vocal monarchist and expansionist during the war,his views changed sharply with the German defeat.

In November 1918, he founded the German Peoples’ Party (DVP). Under Stresemann’s leadership, the DVPheld 14 percent of the Reichstag’s seats from 1920 to 1924 and occupied an important role at the center of Weimarpolitics. Stresemann himself served as chancellor from August to November 1923. Serving as foreign minister fromAugust 1923 until October 1929, he continued Rathenau’s policies and worked effectively to improve relations withFrance. Stresemann helped to restore Germany’s position in Europe. In 1926, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.Like many German conservatives, Stresemann favored Germany’s territorial expansion in Eastern Europe, particu-larly at the expense of Poland. After his death in 1929, his party lost strength as most of the DVP’s supporters turnedto the NSDAP.

Ernst Thaelmann (1886-1944)Born into a lower middle-class family in Hamburg, Ernst Thaelmann left school at an early age to work. He

joined the SPD in 1903. Thaelmann quickly became active in union and SPD affairs. In January 1915, he was draftedinto the German army. Wounded twice on the western front, he deserted in November 1918. Thaelmann left theSPD after the Spartacist uprising in January 1919 and was elected to the central committee of the newly formedKPD in December 1920. He visited Moscow in early 1921. Support from the Soviet regime propelled him into thetop leadership of the KPD. In turn, Thaelmann carried out Moscow’s policies throughout his political career. Heserved in the leadership of the Comintern, the international communist movement directed by the Soviet Union.

In 1924, Thaelmann was elected to the Reichstag and one year later chosen to be chairman of the KPD. Healso led the KPD paramilitary organization, the Red Front Fighters’ League, a group that engaged in street battleswith the S.A. Nominated as the KPD’s candidate for president in 1925, Thaelmann polled nearly 2 million votes inthe run-off election. In 1928, in line with the strategy of Josef Stalin, Thaelmann began identifying the SPD and othersocial democratic groups as the principal enemies of the proletarian revolution. Thaelmann and the KPD secretlycooperated with the NSDAP to bring down the Weimar system. Thaelmann was arrested by the Nazis in March1933, after the KPD was outlawed, and sent to a concentration camp. He was executed eleven years later.



Suggested Reading

Abraham, David. The Collapse of the Weimar Republic: Political Economy and Crisis (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1981). 366 pages.

Bentley, James. Martin Niemoeller (New York: The Free Press, 1984). 253 pages.

Berghahn, Volker R. Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1982). 314 pages.

Bethage, Eberhard. Dietrich Bonhoeffer (New York: Harper and Row, 1970). 866 pages.

Broszat, Martin. Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany (New York: Berg, 1987). 157 pages.

De Jonge, Alex. The Weimar Chronicle: Prelude to Hitler (New York: New American Library, 1979). 256 pages.

Eyck, Erich. A History of the Weimar Republic. 2 vols. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962). 710 pages.

Gilbert, Martin. First World War Atlas (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970). 159 pages.

Friedrich, Otto. Before the Deluge: A Portrait of Berlin in the 1920’s (New York: Harper and Row, 1972). 418 pages.

Grunberger, Richard. The 12-Year Reich: A Social History of Nazi Germany 1933-1945 (New York: Holt, Rinehart andWinston, 1971). 533 pages.

Hiden, John W. The Weimar Republic (London: Longman, 1974). 114 pages.

Holtfrerich, Carl L. The German Inflation, 1914-1923: Causes and Effects in International Perspective (New York: DeGruyter, 1986). 369 pages.

Nicholls, Anthony J. Weimar and the Rise of Hitler (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991). 195 pages.

Snyder, Louis. Hitler’s Third Reich: A Documentary History (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1981). 618 pages.

Springman, Luke. Comrades, Friends, and Companions: Utopian Projections and Social Action in German Literature forYoung People, 1926-1934 (New York: Peter Lang, 1989). 242 pages.

Stachura, Peter D. Political Leaders in Weimar Germany: A Biographical Study (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993).230 pages.

Willet, John. The Weimar Years: A Culture Cut Short (New York: Abbeville Press, 1942). 116 pages.

SUGGESTED FIVE-DAY LESSON PLAN

About the Choices Approach ii

Note to Teachers 1

Integrating This Unit into Your Classroom 2

DAY ONE — The Birth of the Weimar Republic 3Homework (before Day One): Part I of the background reading, “Study Guide — Part I,” and documentsHomework: Part II of the background reading and “Study Guide — Part II”

DAY TWO — Hyperinflation, Prosperity, and Depression 15Homework: Part III of the background reading and “Study Guide — Part III”

DAY THREE — Culture, Values, and Politics 23

Homework: “Presenting Your Party’s Platform” and “German Voters”

OPTIONAL LESSON 1 — Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany 25Homework (before the lesson): “Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany” and “Study Guide”

DAY FOUR — The July 1932 Reichstag Elections 27

Homework: “The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” and “Study Guide”

DAY FIVE — Lessons from the Weimar Experience 31Homework: Essay

OPTIONAL LESSON 2 — Conscience and the Patriot 34Homework (before the lesson): “Conscience and the Patriot” and “Study Guide”

Key Terms 37

Toolbox: Understanding “Political Spectrum” 38

Making Choices Work in Your Classroom 39

Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan 43

THE CHOICES FOR THE 21ST CENTURY EDUCATION PROJECT is a program of theThomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies at Brown University.CHOICES was established to help citizens think constructively about foreignpolicy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encouragepublic judgment on policy priorities.

THE THOMAS J. WATSON JR. INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES was establishedat Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visitingscholars, and policy practitioners, who are committed to studying globalproblems and developing international initiatives to benefit society.

© Copyright November 1994. Third Edition. Choices for the 21st Century Education Project. All rights reserved. Permission isgranted to duplicate and distribute for classroom use with appropriate credit given. Duplicates may not be resold. Single units(consisting of a student text and a teacher’s resource book) are available for $15 each. Classroom sets (15 or more student texts)may be ordered at $7 per copy. A teacher’s resource book is included free with each classroom set. Orders should be addressedto: Choices Education Project, Watson Institute for International Studies, Box 1948, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912.Please see the order form in the back of this unit or visit our website at <http://www.choices.edu>. ISBN 1-891306-31-6-TRB.

TRB-iCrisis, Conscience, and Choices:Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler


About the Choices Approach

Choices for the 21st Century curricula are designed to make complex international issues understandableand meaningful for students. Using an innovative approach to student-centered instruction, Choices unitsdevelop critical thinking and civic judgment — essential ingredients of responsible citizenship.

Understanding the Significance of History: Each Choices unit provides students with a thoroughintroduction to the topic under consideration. Students gain an understanding of the historical backgroundand the status of current issues. In this way, they see how history has shaped our world. With thisfoundation, students are prepared to thoughtfully consider a variety of perspectives on public policy.

Exploring Policy Alternatives: Each Choices unit is built around a framework of alternative policy optionsthat challenges students to consider multiple perspectives and to think critically about the issue at hand.Students are best able to understand and analyze the options through a cooperative learning/role-playactivity. In groups, students explore their assigned options and plan short presentations. The setting ofthe role-play may be a Congressional hearing, meeting of the National Security Council, or an electioncampaign forum. Student groups defend their policy options and, in turn, are challenged with questionsfrom their classmates. The ensuing debate demands analysis and evaluation of the many conflicting values,interests, and priorities reflected in the options.

Exercising Civic Judgment: Armed with fresh insights from the role-play and debate, students arechallenged to articulate original, coherent policy options that reflect their own values, priorities, and goalsas individuals and citizens. Students’ views can be expressed in letters to Congress or the White House,editorials for the school or community newspaper, persuasive speeches, or visual presentations.

Why Use the Choices Approach? Choices curricula are informed by current educational research abouthow students learn best. Studies have consistently demonstrated that students of all abilities learn bestwhen they are actively engaged with the material rather than listening passively to a lecture. Student-centered instructional activities motivate students and develop higher-order thinking skills. However, somehigh school educators find the transition from lecture format to student-centered instruction difficult.Lecture is often viewed as the most efficient way to cover the required material. Choices curricula offerteachers a flexible resource for covering course material while actively engaging students and developingskills in critical thinking, persuasive writing, and informed citizenship. The instructional activities thatare central to Choices units can be valuable components in any teacher’s repertoire of effective teachingstrategies. Each Choices unit includes student readings, a framework of policy options, suggested lessonplans, and resources for structuring cooperative learning, role-plays, and simulations. Students arechallenged to:

•recognize relationships between history and current issues•analyze and evaluate multiple perspectives on an issue•understand the internal logic of a viewpoint•engage in informed debate•identify and weigh the conflicting values represented by different points of view•reflect upon personal values and priorities surrounding an issue•develop and articulate original viewpoints on an issue•communicate in written and oral presentations•collaborate with peers

Teachers who use Choices units say the collaboration and interaction that take place are highly motivatingfor students. Opportunities abound for students to contribute their individual talents to the grouppresentations in the form of political cartoons, slogans, posters, or characterizations. These cooperativelearning lessons invite students to take pride in their own contributions and the group product, enhancingstudents’ self-esteem and confidence as learners. Choices units offer students with diverse abilities andlearning styles the opportunity to contribute, collaborate, and achieve.

TRB-ii Choices for the 21st Century Education ProjectWatson Institute for International Studies, Brown University




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Note To Teachers

“Government of the people, by the people, and for the people” has been the popular American conceptionof democracy ever since President Abraham Lincoln uttered those words at Gettysburg in 1863. History,however, reveals that democracy has taken many forms — from the direct participatory democracies ofancient Athens and the New England town meeting to modern indirect democracies in which citizenselect representatives to direct the government. History also shows that democracies are neither historicallyinevitable nor necessarily more stable than their non-democratic alternatives.

The study of democracy — its historical roots, its economic and social prerequisites, its institutions andstructures, and its ramifications for international relations — is particularly relevant today. At home, weare facing new challenges to maintaining the health and stability of the American democratic system,while internationally the United States is being called upon to nurture fledgling democracies in parts ofthe former Soviet bloc and the developing world that have long been dominated by authoritarian regimes.

In Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler, students have an opportunity toponder the lessons for democracy from one of the 20th century’s most troubling political legacies. Thisfive-day unit engages students in a “historical autopsy” in which they examine the foundations of Westerndemocracy and explore the political culture of Weimar Germany. In the end, students are compelled toconsider why democracy failed to take root in a modern, industrialized society that had long been at theforefront of Western civilization, and how the carefully crafted parliamentary system of the WeimarRepublic resulted in the triumph of Nazism.

Underlying the approach of this unit is the belief that students learn history best when it is recreated withall of its uncertainties and tensions, rather than dryly recapitulated. Through primary source documents,excerpts from Weimar literature and drama, contemporary political art, and background reading, studentsare immersed in the zeitgeist of the era. Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitlersamples the culture of the Weimar period to clearly delineate the dominant issues. Just as American cultureduring the late 1960s — songs, movies, plays, art — echoed the politics of the Vietnam War era, so Germanculture during the 1920s both reflected and affected the country’s political crises.

In addition to giving students a deeper insight into 20th century history, this unit is designed to promotecritical thinking skills through interactive cooperative learning and individual analytical exercises. Skillsthat are emphasized and reinforced in the lessons are: reasoning from cause to effect, interpretinginformation from graphs and maps, drawing generalizations and formulating hypotheses, presenting oraland written arguments clearly and convincingly, extracting information from written and visual primarysources, and clarifying the connection between values (or assumptions) and political action.

Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan: The Teacher’s Resource Book accompanying Crisis, Conscience, andChoices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler contains a day-by-day lesson plan and student activities.The unit culminates in the Reichstag elections of July 1932, which saw the Nazi Party emerge with aplurality of votes. An epilogue examines the implementation of Hitler’s strategy to establish a totalitariandictatorship. A concluding optional lesson invites students to reflect on the lives of two patriotic Germanswho openly challenged Nazi rule. You may also find the “Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan” useful.

• Alternative Study Guides: Each section of background reading is accompanied by two distinctstudy guides. The standard study guide is designed to help students harvest the informationprovided in the background readings in preparation for analysis and synthesis within classroomactivities. The advanced study guide requires analysis and synthesis prior to class activities.

• Vocabulary and Concepts: The background reading in Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: WeimarGermany and the Rise of Hitler addresses subjects that are complex and challenging. To help yourstudents get the most out of the text, you may want to review with them “Key Terms” found in theTeacher’s Resource Book (TRB) on page TRB-37 before they begin their assignment. An issue



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Integrating This Unit into Your Curriculum

Units produced by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Project are designed to be integrated into avariety of social studies courses. Below are a few ideas about where Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: WeimarGermany and the Rise of Hitler might fit into your curriculum.

The Interwar Period: The study of WeimarGermany offers a compelling link between WorldWar I and World War II. Virtually all of the majorissues that emerged from World War I — thedehumanizing brutality of trench warfare, theimplications of the Bolshevik Revolution, theramifications of the Versailles Treaty, and theconsequences of American isolationism —weighed heavily on the Weimar Republic.Moreover, German political attitudes during theWeimar years provide an insight into theestablishment of Nazi totalitarianism, the rootcauses of World War II, and the role of theGerman public in the Holocaust. Finally, thecreativity and decadence of Weimar culture setthe tone for the interwar period in much of theWestern world.

Individual Conscience and the State: The rise ofHitler has long presented proponents ofdemocracy with a moral dilemma. Should anti-democratic forces be allowed to participate in thedemocratic process? When should responsiblecitizens break the laws of the state in the nameof higher principles? Crisis, Conscience, andChoices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitlerinvites students to tackle these difficult questions.The early lessons of the unit explore the goals andphilosophies of the Weimar Republic’s foundersand their efforts to overcome opposition todemocracy. The unit’s final lesson presents thestories of two patriotic Germans who defied theNazi regime. Going beyond Nazi Germany, thereare many avenues to explore. Martin LutherKing’s leadership of the civil rights struggle,Gandhi’s campaign of civil disobedience againstBritish imperialism, and Nelson Mandela’striumph over apartheid are among the mostfamiliar examples of individual commitment forhigh school students.

Parallels with Weimar: With the emergence ofvirulent nationalism in Russian electoral politics,interest in Weimar Germany has grown. Politicalobservers have raised the prospect that post-Soviet Russia is following the path of WeimarGermany and sliding toward totalitarianism.Regardless of Russia’s political future, the Weimaranalogy is particularly relevant in today’s world.The post-Cold War era has witnessed a globaltrend toward democracy. In much of the formerSoviet bloc, economic crisis and social turmoilhave created conditions similar to those thatexisted in Weimar Germany in the early 1930s. Inthe fledgling democracies of Asia, Latin America,and Africa, there are also lessons to be learnedfrom the Weimar experience. The Weimar legacyis especially important for the U.S. foreign policy.As U.S. leaders seek to promote democracyinternationally, they would be wise to keep theWeimar Republic in mind.

Democracy in Theory and Practice: The legacyof the Weimar Republic remains troublingprecisely because Germany during the interwarperiod met virtually all of the criteria thatpolitical scientists typically identify asprerequisites for the development of democracy.Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germanyand the Rise of Hitler lends itself both to an indepthexamination of the Weimar system and a broadstudy of democracy. Like political scientists,students should be encouraged to probe theeconomic and cultural factors that led to theWeimar Republic’s demise. Study of WeimarGermany also opens the door to the considerationof a range of democratic models. With theemergence of democracies in many developingcountries over the last half century, cross-culturalcomparisons may be particularly engaging.

toolbox, “Understanding Political Spectrum,” is included on page TRB-38. This provides additionalinformation on key concepts of particular importance to understanding issues of the period.

The lesson plan offered in Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler is a guide.Ultimately, teachers are in the best position to adapt these lessons to fit their students’ needs and intellectualappetites. We hope that these suggestions help you in tailoring the unit to fit the needs of your classroom.



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The Birth of the Weimar Republic

Objectives: Students will:•Examine the events and decisions that served as the backdrop for the

creation of the Weimar Republic.•Analyze German expectations and perceptions at the end of World War I.•Share expertise with classmates in a collaborative setting.

Required Reading: Before beginning the unit, students should have read Part I of the backgroundreading in the student text (pages 1-5) and completed “Study Guide—Part I”(TRB 4-5) or “Advanced Study Guide—Part I” (TRB-6). In addition, eachstudent should have read one of the four documents (see “Handouts” below).Students will answer the “Questions for Discussion” at the end of the documentsduring class on Day One.

Handouts: •“Document One—Defeat, Revolution, and Armistice” (TRB 7-8) for one-fourth of the class.

•“Document Two—The Versailles Treaty” (TRB 9-10) for one-fourth of the class.•“Document Three—German Territorial Losses” (TRB-11) for one-fourth of

the class.•“Document Four—The Weimar Constitution” (TRB 12-13) for one-fourth of

the class.•“Formation of the Weimar Republic” (TRB-14).

In the Classroom: 1. Review of Study Guide and Documents — Briefly review student responses tothe study guide questions. Form four groups based on the documents thatstudents have been assigned. (Students who were assigned Document Oneshould form a group; students who were assigned Document Two shouldform another group, etc.) Instruct the groups to answer the “Questions forDiscussion” at the end of the documents. Explain that each group memberwill be responsible later in the class period for analyzing the informationpresented in his or her document.

2. Sharing Expertise — After each group has answered “Questions forDiscussion,” divide the class again into groups of four. The new groups shouldcontain students with expertise on each of the four documents. Distribute“Formation of the Weimar Republic” and instruct the groups to complete theworksheet. Emphasize that each group member should draw on his or herexpertise from the earlier group assignment.

3. Evaluating Postwar Germany — Call on the groups to share their answers to“Formation of the Weimar Republic.” Explain that World War I sparkedpolitical upheaval in much of Europe and the Middle East, especially incountries that suffered military defeat. How did Germany’s experience afterWorld War I compare with that of Russia? Did the establishment of the WeimarRepublic constitute a political revolution in Germany? How did the challengesfacing the leaders of the Weimar Republic compare to those of theircounterparts in France and Britain?

Homework: Students should read Part II of the background reading in the student text(pages 6-11) and complete “Study Guide—Part II” (TRB 16-17) or “AdvancedStudy Guide—Part II” (TRB-18).

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Day 1

Study Guide – Part IGermany’s Defeat in World War I

1. List three accomplishments of Otto von Bismarck.

a.

b.

c.

2. Germany was not very democratic at the beginning of the 20th century. True or False? Explain youranswer.

3. Give three reasons why the Triple Entente feared Germany.

a.

b.

c.

4. How did Germany deal with the fear of being encircled?

5. What event in 1914 sets the forces in motion that resulted in war breaking out ?

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Day 1

6. In a few sentences, explain the German strategy for winning the war.

7. Give three reasons why the war did not go as planned.

a.

b.

c.

8. What specific issue brought the United States into the war?

9. What change in the support for the war took place in Germany in 1917?

10. Why did the Germans like President Wilson’s Fourteen Points?

11. Why did the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk bring further hope to the Germans?



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Advanced Study Guide — Part IGermany’s Defeat in World War I

1. Why was Germany viewed as one of the world’s most advanced and developed nations at the turn ofthe century?

2. Which features of German society worked against the development of democracy?

3. Why did Germany’s growing power lead to the formation of the Triple Entente?

4. Why was World War I considered an example of “total war”? How did “total war” affect the lives ofordinary Germans?

5. What events in 1917 added to the pressure on Germany’s military leaders?

6. How did Russian communists help create an opportunity for German military victory in 1918?

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Document One — Defeat, Revolution, and Armistice

Below are a series of brief news reports on Germany from March 1918 to February 1919.

March 21 — German Offensive Breaks through British Lines: Aided by dense fog, German troopsoverran British positions along the strategic Somme River. The German advance threatens to drive a wedgebetween British and French forces on the western front.

May 27 — German Offensive Makes Fresh Gains: After stalling in April, the German army resumed itsoffensive on the western front. German forces advanced ten miles in a single day, the biggest gain alongthe front since August 1914.

July 18 — Allied Counterattack Stops German Advance: With German forces only 56 miles from Paris,the Allies have mounted an effective counterattack. Spearheaded by the war’s first large-scale tank assault,the French army drove the Germans back four miles. Reports indicate that the Allies are planning a majoroffensive that will include substantial numbers of newly arrived American troops.

September 26 — Allied Offensive Forces Germany to Retreat: After more than a month of sharp attacksagainst German positions, the Allies have launched a coordinated offensive along the entire western front.Reports indicate that morale among German troops has dropped since their spring offensive was repulsed.Nonetheless, the Allies have failed to achieve major breakthroughs against German defenses.

October 3 — German Kaiser Appoints New Chancellor: Prince Max of Baden has been unexpectedlyappointed by Kaiser Wilhelm II to head a new war cabinet. Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff of theArmy High Command reportedly have urged the new government to request an immediate armistice.German military leaders have grown increasingly concerned about the sinking morale of their troops. Inaddition, the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29 has left Germany and Austria-Hungary vulnerableto an Allied attack from the Balkans.

October 23 — Armistice Reported Near: Sources close to President Wilson indicate that the presidentwill draft an armistice in response to a request by the new German chancellor, Prince Max. Soon aftertaking office, Prince Max appealed to Wilson for an armistice based on the Fourteen Points, which thepresident proposed earlier this year. In a further concession to Wilson, Prince Max later overruledGermany’s generals to end unrestricted submarine warfare.

November 3 — German Imperial Fleet Mutinies: Defying orders from their commanding officers,German sailors have seized control of the fleet anchored at Kiel. Replacing the imperial battle flag withthe red flag of communism, the sailors have refused to sail the Imperial High Seas Fleet out to engage inbattle against the much stronger British navy. Roving bands of mutinous sailors have entered nearby citiesdemanding an end to the war.

November 9 — Kaiser Abdicates; German Republic Proclaimed: Kaiser Wilhelm II has abdicated histhrone and fled to neutral Holland. A representative of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD)appeared today on the balcony of the parliament building announcing the abolition of the monarchy andthe establishment of a German republic. The SPD, which has not been part of the wartime coalitiongovernments despite its support of the war effort, appears to be the driving force in the new republic.The party’s leader, Friedrich Ebert, has been named Germany’s chancellor.

November 11 — The Great War is Over!: An armistice has been signed between Allied and Germanrepresentatives, ending the fighting at 11 a.m. today. The terms of the peace settlement have not yet beendiscussed. A peace conference is planned for the spring. Three civilian representatives signed on behalfof the new German republic. No German military commanders were present.

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January 10 — German Leftist Uprising Crushed: After several days of fierce street fighting, a rebellionby the Spartacists — a group of revolutionary communists — has been defeated by army troops called inby the new SPD-led government. The Spartacists, waving the red flag of communism, controlled Berlin,the German capital, for several days and demanded that the Ebert government be replaced with arevolutionary committee and workers’ councils. Army units have reportedly executed several of theSpartacist leaders.

February 11 — Elected Officials Choose President, Organize Republic: SPD leader Friedrich Ebert hasbeen elected by members of Germany’s new parliament to serve as provisional president of the Germanrepublic. The legislators, elected three weeks ago in national elections, are meeting in the city of Weimar,nearly 150 miles from riot-torn Berlin, to organize a new political system. Three major tasks confront them:to write a new constitution, to prepare for the upcoming negotiations with the Allies over the peace treaty,and to restore public order in Germany.

Questions for Discussion1. Although Germany’s spring 1918 offensive failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough, German defenses

remained intact during the Allied counteroffensive in the summer and fall of 1918. Even at the time ofthe armistice, Allied troops had not penetrated into German territory, except for a sliver of the Alsaceregion. Given the military situation, what do you think the German people might have expected fromthe armistice that ended the war?

2. Very few Germans were aware that their military leaders had pressed Germany’s new civiliangovernment to end the war in October 1918. In your opinion, why did German military leaders concealtheir role in urging peace? Why did they not participate in the signing of the armistice? Should thenew civilian government have been concerned about the position of the German High Command?

3. Within weeks of its birth, Germany’s new civilian governmentcalled out the army to put down a workers’ rebellion led bythe Spartacists. Why was the episode seen as a setback for thesupporters of democracy? What point of view about theuprising is expressed by George Grosz in his sketch (right), AToast to Minister Noske?

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From The Culture of the Weimar Republic.



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Document Two — The Versailles Treaty

Below are excerpts (in quotation marks) from the draft of the Versailles Treaty presented to officials of the WeimarRepublic by the Allies on May 7, 1919. The treaty was signed on June 28, 1919.

Articles 27-41: The western boundaries of Germany are redefined.

Article 42: “Germany is forbidden to maintain or construct any fortifications on the left bank of the Rhineor on the right bank to the west of a line drawn fifty kilometers to the East of the Rhine.”

Article 45: “As compensation for the destruction of the coal mines in the north of France and as partialpayment towards the total reparation [war damages] due from Germany....Germany cedes to France...thecoal mines situated in the Saar Basin.” After fifteen years, the inhabitants of this region may vote to returnto German control.

Article 51: “The territories [Alsace and Lorraine] which were ceded to Germany [at the end of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870]...are restored to French sovereignty.”

Article 80: “Germany acknowledges and will respect strictly the independence of Austria....Thisindependence shall be inalienable.”

Article 81: “Germany...recognizes the complete independence of the Czecho-Slovak State.”

Article 87: “Germany...recognizes the complete independence of Poland.” Poland’s boundaries are toinclude large sections of what was eastern Germany.

Article 116: “Germany acknowledges and agrees to respect as permanent and inalienable the independenceof all the territories which were part of the former Russian Empire....Germany accepts definitely theabrogation [cancellation] of the Brest-Litovsk Treaties.”

Article 119: “Germany renounces in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers all her rightsand titles over her overseas possessions.”

Article 160: “The German Army [by March 31, 1920]...must not exceed 100,000 men, includingofficers...[and] shall be devoted exclusively to the maintenance of order within the territory and to thecontrol of the frontiers.”

Article 181: “The German naval forces in commission must not exceed: six battleships, six light cruisers,twelve destroyers, twelve torpedo boats....No submarines are to be included.” All other warships are tobe surrendered to the Allies.

Article 198: “The armed forces of Germany must not include any military or naval air forces.”

Article 231: “Germany accepts the responsibility of Germany and her allies for causing all the loss anddamage to which the Allied and Associated Governments and their nationals have been subjected as aconsequence of the war imposed upon them by the aggression of Germany and her allies.”

Article 232: “[Germany] will make compensation for all damage done to the civilian population of theAllied and Associated Powers and to their property.” A commission will be established to determine theamount of reparations [war damages] Germany must pay.

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Article 428: “As a guarantee for the execution of the present Treaty by Germany, the German territorysituated to the west of the Rhine, together with the bridgeheads, will be occupied by Allied and Associatedtroops for a period of fifteen years.”

Questions for Discussion1. Do the provisions of the treaty fit President Wilson’s call for “peace without victory”? Explain your

response.

2. Which articles of the treaty pose the greatest obstacles to the economic development and financialstability of postwar Germany?

3. According to the treaty, how do the Allies plan to ensure that Germany meets the terms of the agreement?

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Document Three — German Territorial Losses

Questions for DiscussionMap #1: Which countries gained territory from Germany after World War I? Why did the Rhineland become a focus of German national concerns after the war?

Map #2: Which countries benefi ted most from the break-up of Germany’s colonial empire? How did the redistribution of Germany’s colonies change the balance of power in the Pacifi c?

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Map #1

Map #2



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Document Four — The Weimar Constitution

Below are excerpts from the constitution drafted by German officials meeting in the town of Weimar from Februaryto July 1919. The constitution was formally approved in August 1919.

Article 1: The German Reich [national government] is a republic. The state power is derived from thepeople.

Article 13: Reich [national] law takes precedence over Lands [comparable to individual states in the UnitedStates] law.

Article 17: Each Land must have a republican government.

Article 20: The Reichstag [national legislature] is composed of the delegates of the German people.

Article 22: The delegates are elected by universal, equal, direct and secret ballot by men and women overtwenty years of age, according to the principles of proportional representation.

Article 25: The President of the Reich may dissolve the Reichstag....The new election takes place not laterthan the sixtieth day after dissolution.

Article 41: The Reich President is elected by the whole German people.

Article 43: The Reich President’s term of office shall last seven years.

Article 48: The Reich President may, if the public safety and order in the German Reich are considerablydisturbed or endangered, take such measures as are necessary to restore public safety and order. Ifnecessary he may intervene with the help of the armed forces. For this purpose he may suspend, eitherpartially or wholly, the Fundamental Rights [personal freedom from arrest, sanctity of the home, secrecyof telephone and postal communications, free speech and free press, freedom of assembly and association,and protection of private property]....On demand of the Reichstag these measures shall be repealed.

Article 52: The government of the Reich shall consist of the Chancellor and the Reich Ministers.

Article 53: The Reich Chancellor and at his proposal the Reich Ministers shall be appointed and dismissedby the Reich President.

Article 109: All Germans are equal before the law. In principle men and women have the same civil rightsand duties.

Article 135: All inhabitants of the Reich enjoy full religious freedom.

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Questions for Discussion1. Under Article 22, political parties in the Weimar Republic were awarded seats in the Reichstag in

proportion to the percentage of votes their received in national elections. Do you believe that thisapproach is fairer than the American system, in which congressional representatives are elected inwinner-take-all contests? Should a political party that wins 10 percent of the vote in congressionalelections be entitled to 10 percent of the seats in Congress? Explain your answers. What problems mightarise if there were five or more parties in Congress, each supported by fewer than 20 percent of Americanvoters?

2. Under the Weimar Constitution, the president served as head of state in Germany’s dealings with othercountries, while the chancellor, who was appointed by the president, ran the government on a day-to-day basis. How was the Weimar Republic different in this respect from the American system?

3. Why do you think Article 48 has been called the “fatal virus” of the Weimar system?

Day 1



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Formation of the Weimar Republic

Instructions: Your group should work together to answer the questions below.

1. Why did many Germans feel that the Versailles Treaty was extremely unfair? (Your group’s answershould take into account the concluding events of World War I and specific provisions of the peacesettlement.)

2. Why did many Germans mistrust the authors of the Weimar Constitution? (Your group’s answer shouldreflect opinions from a wide range of political viewpoints.)

3. If you were living in Germany in the early days of the Weimar Republic, how would you have assessedthe prospects for your country’s future. (Your group’s response should present a balanced picture ofWeimar Germany’s potential strengths and weaknesses.)

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Hyperinflation, Prosperity, and Depression

Objectives: Students will:•Define economic concepts related to hyperinflation and analyze their

ramifications for Weimar society.•Evaluate the impact of the depression on Weimar politics.•Draw conclusions from information presented in graphic form.

Required Reading: Students should have read Part II of the background reading in the studenttext (pages 6-11) and completed “Study Guide — Part II” (TRB 16-17) or“Advanced Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-18).

Handouts: •“From Hyperinflation to Economic Depression” (TRB 19-21).•“German Voter Profiles” (TRB-22).

In the Classroom: 1. Key Concepts — Call on students to explain the connection between theoccupation of the Ruhr and Germany’s hyperinflation. How did warreparations contribute to inflation? Why did the government’s support forstriking workers in the Ruhr lead to the collapse of the German mark’s value?

2. Charting Hyperinflation — Distribute “From Hyperinflation to EconomicDepression.” Call on students to study charts 1 and 2, particularly the figuresfrom the fall of 1923. Explain that at the height of Germany’s hyperinflation,much of the German economy was based on barter. According to charts 3 and4, how did hyperinflation affect German living standards? For example, askstudents to analyze the changing spending patterns reflected in chart 3. Whydid food costs rise proportionally much faster than rent? What does chart 4 tellus about the impact of hyperinflation on the German diet? What items wereconsidered luxuries? Note that not all Germans were affected equally byhyperinflation. For example, why were pensioners especially devastated? Whydid many industrialists actually benefit from inflation? Call on students toassess the impact of hyperinflation on specific occupational groups, such asfarmers, landlords, factory workers, sales clerks, etc.

3. Hyperinflation and Weimar Culture — Ask students to review the two songs.Note that they express a lighthearted tone. What do the lyrics tell us aboutGerman attitudes toward hyperinflation? How does the collage by Moholy-Nagy convey Germany’s economic crisis? Emphasize that while hyperinflationlasted for less than a year in Germany, the episode left a deep impression onGermans. How did the repercussions of hyperinflation spill over into theculture and politics of the Weimar Republic?

4. Assessing the Depression’s Impact — Ask students to study charts 5-8. Notethat Germany’s economic depression marked a significant turning point inGerman politics. Distribute “German Voter Profiles.” Form groups of two orthree students and assign each group a voter role. Ask the groups to explainhow the political attitudes of the voters they represent would have beenaffected by the economic depression. Which fears were most likely to influencetheir views? How would the depression have changed their assessment of theWeimar system? Encourage dialogue among voter groups.

Homework: Each student should study one visual image and one song from Part III of thebackground reading in the student text (pages 12-19) and complete “StudyGuide—Part III” (TRB-24).

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Study Guide – Part IIThe Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic

1 Give two reasons why the Germans resented the Treaty of Versailles.

a.

b.

2 Three of Germany’s political parties were instrumental in setting up the Weimar Republic. What happens tothose parties over the next decade?

3 What was the meaning behind the reparations payments demanded of Germany by the Allies?

4 How did many Germans show their frustration in the post-war period?

5 On whom did some of them start to lay the blame for losing the war and being threatened by communism?

6 What are some of the things that Hitler and the NSDAP (the Nazi Party) stood for?

7 How did Germans respond to the occupation of the Ruhr by foreign troops?

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8 “Hyperinflation produced winners and losers in Germany.” Explain why thatwais the case.

9 Why did some Germans dislike the cultural changes that occur in the 1920s?

10 Who were the major supporters of the Center Party? Of the SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)?

11 Why did the failure of these two parties to work together weaken the government?

12 How did the American stock market crash affect Germany?

13 What impact did the worsening economic situation have on the political parties?

14 Would you consider the paramilitary groups to have been very democratic? Explain.

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Advanced Study Guide — Part IIThe Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic

1. Explain why several segments of German society never accepted the legitimacy of the Weimar system.

2. What was the place of racism and anti-Semitism in the political philosophy of Adolf Hitler?

3. How was the French occupation of the Ruhr tied to Germany’s hyperinflation?

4. Why did many Germans reject the values of “Weimar culture”?

5. How did the conflict between the Catholic Center Party and the SPD contribute to the political crisis ofthe Weimar Republic?

6. How does the drawing, The Republic, portray the fragmented nature of Weimar society and politics?

7. How did the economic depression that began in 1929 create an opportunity for extremist political partiesin Weimar Germany?

Day 2Name:



TRB-19

Day 2

From Hyperinflation to Economic Depression

In 1923, Germany was turned upside down by hyperinflation — a relentless rise in prices caused by thecirculation of too much money in the economy. By the second half of the year, virtually everyone inGermany was caught up in the chaos of hyperinflation:

•Most workers were paid daily and given time to shop before the value of their wages fell further.

•Housewives used small bills to fuel their ovens because they were worth less than wood kindling.

•The German central bank printed larger denominations of bills almost every month.

•Depositors received letters from their banks informing them that their life savings were worth less thanthe administrative costs of maintaining their accounts.

•A retired minister might spend his entire annuity payment from his life insurance policy on a loaf ofbread and a jar of jam.

•Young women who had been setting aside money for their dowries saw their savings evaporate, thusmaking a traditional German marriage impossible.

•A concert pianist would be paid with a suitcase of bills for his performance and exchange half of thebills for several sausages.

In the following charts and graphs, you will gain a fuller understanding of the significance of Germany’shyperinflation.

Chart #1International Exchange Rate — German Marks to U.S. Dollars

Jan. 1914 4 : 1Jan. 1918 5 : 1Jan. 1919 8 : 1July 1919 14 : 1Jan. 1920 26 : 1July 1920 37 : 1Jan. 1921 62 : 1

Chart #2Weekly Cost of Living in German Marks for a Low-Income Family of Four

Food Housing Clothing1914 (prewar) 10 5.5 6Jan. 1920 86 8 70Jan. 1921 139 9 70Jan. 1922 257 11 128July 1922 700 14 518Jan. 1923 13,098 300 11,725July 1923 391,458 2400 260,750Nov. 1923 9,354,000,000,000 38,000,000,000 5,016,000,000,000

July 1921 73 : 1Jan. 1922 182 : 1July 1922 470 : 1Jan. 1923 17,000 : 1July 1923 375,000 : 1Dec. 1923 4,000,000,000,000 : 1

Data for pages 15-17 are from Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century and The German Inflation, 1914-1923:Causes and Effects in International Perspective.



TRB-20

Chart #3Household Spending for a Middle-Income Family of Three

In the fall of 1923, German children were singing acounting song much like our Eenie, Meenie, Minie, Mo:

One, two, three, four, and five million.Mummy’s gone to buy some beans.A pound of beans costs ten billionWithout bacon!And out you go!

The previous year, a popular song writer,Weiss Ferdl, had written the following:

It can’t go on like this,Say the masons up on their scaffoldsIf you’re drinking beer at lunch,The pleasure costs you four hundred marks.And if you want a slice of sausage,You don’t get enough for a thousand marks.That’s just what you pay for a small lunch,That’s where having lunch has to stop

Chart #4Daily Per Capita Food Consumption for a Middle-Income Household

100

150

200

250

300 Rye Bread

Meat

Wheat Bread

Sugar

Butter

S

gra

ms

Day 2

Bankruptcy Vulture, by Lazlo Moholy-Nagy

0%

25%

50%

75%

100%Other

Heating

Food

Rent

192319231922192219211914Jan.-March July-Sept. Jan.-March July-Sept.



TRB-21

0

50

100

150

200

Chemicals

Textiles

Iron/Steel

Coal

19321931193019291928

40

60

80

100

1932193019281926

Day 2

The worldwide economic depression that began in 1929 had a much deeper impact on Germany than thehyperinflation crisis. Below are four graphs that illustrate Germany’s economic downturn.

Chart #5

Index of German Industrial Production(1928 = 100)

Chart #6

German Industrial Production by Industry(1913 = 100)

Chart #7

German Unemployment(percentage of labor force)

Chart #8

German Employment in Key Economic Sectors(millions of workers)

Union Members

Total Labor Force

1932193019289263

6

9

12

15

Trade and Transportation

Industry and Mining

1932193019281926



TRB-22

German Voter Profiles

Hans — You are a 45-year-old postal worker. As a government employee, you have seen your wages fallsince the onset of the economic depression. You and your family live in Berlin and are concerned aboutthe increasing political street violence.

Anna — You are a 60-year-old homemaker. Your husband is a prosperous lawyer. Although your husbandwas raised as a Christian, his father was born a Jew in Russia and immigrated to Germany. You areconcerned with women’s rights issues.

Dietrich — You are a 21-year-old unmarried factory worker. You recently lost your job because of theeconomic crisis. For the past few months, you have occasionally been able to find low-paying, part-timework. Some nights, you have been forced to go without food and to sleep in the park.

Gretel — You are a 45-year-old farmer’s wife. You have worked hard with your husband on your smallfarm in Bavaria for over twenty years and have raised eight children. You are a devout Catholic and dislike“Weimar culture.”

Martin — You are a 32-year-old shoemaker. For the past fifteen years, you have worked in a small shopwith five other craftsmen. Competition from large factories, however, has forced your boss to make plansto close his shop at the end of the month. You have never voted before.

Frieda — You are a 22-year-old shop clerk in a large town. You live with your parents and are trying tosave money for your dowry. You want to get married soon and begin raising a family, but your fianceefears that he may lose his job.

Hermann — You are a 43-year-old World War I veteran. You were wounded twice during the war. Youhad hoped to make the military your career, but limits on the size of Germany’s army imposed by theVersailles Treaty forced the government to discharge you.

Gertrude — You are the 52-year-old wife of a business manager. Your husband maintains that high laborcosts and taxes have prevented his business from expanding and competing abroad. He blames expensivegovernment social programs for many of Germany’s problems.

Kurt — You are a 29-year-old worker in a steel factory. You have always followed the recommendationsof your union leaders and voted for the SPD. In recent months, however, the SPD has seemed powerlessto solve Germany’s increasing problems. Meanwhile, S.A. gangs are growing larger in your part of town.

Wolfgang — You are a 21-year-old university student from a wealthy family. You expect to eventuallyrun your family’s business. Too young to remember the war, you identify with the stories of past Germangreatness and resent the Jewish students who compete with you for honors at the university.

Karl — You are a 70-year-old retired railway worker living on a government pension. You have been amember of the railway workers’ union since you were 16. You and your friends, who are also retiredunion members, are grateful for the SPD’s efforts in the Reichstag to stand up for workers’ rights.

Day 2



TRB-23

Culture, Values, and Politics

Objectives: Students will:•Explore the relationship between art and politics.•Discern political meaning within visual images.•Identify political values expressed through visual art and music.

Required Reading: Each student should have studied one visual image and one song from Part IIIof the background reading in the student text (pages 12-19) and completed“Study Guide—Part III” (TRB-24) .

In the Classroom: 1. Art and Politics — Ask students to reflect on the connection between art andpolitics. Are the two inextricably linked? For example, what was the messageconveyed by the 19th century European impressionists or the Mexicanmuralists of the 20th century? Invite students to discuss recent examples ofvisual art that have political significance.

2. Discerning Values — Explain that Weimar-era culture was both highlypoliticized and remarkably innovative. Review each of the examples from“Culture, Values, and Politics,” calling on students to offer their views.Students should draw from their responses to “Study Guide — Part III.” Listthe values associated with each example of art. Which values are featuredmost prominently? How are values expressed through artistic techniques?What do these values tell us about the political culture of the Weimar period?

3. Messages in Music — Call on students to review the song lyrics from“Culture, Values, and Politics.” Note that the Horst Wessel Song and TheInternational evoke many of the same images and themes. What is the intendedaudience of these anthems? What emotions are they meant to stir? Note thatBertholt Brecht, the author of the final three songs, was a communist opponentof the Weimar system. How does Brecht use satire to ridicule the values ofGermany’s leaders? How does the message of The Threepenny Opera differ fromthat of the Horst Wessel Song and The International?

Homework: On Day Four, students will take part in a simulation based on the 1932Reichstag elections. To prepare for the simulation, students should read “TheJuly 1932 Reichstag Elections” (pages 25-27 of the student text).

In addition, four groups of three to five students should be formed. Eachgroup should be assigned one of the political party platforms (pages 28-35 ofthe student text). Party group members should complete “Presenting YourParty’s Platform” (TRB-28).

The remaining students will play the roles of German voters. Each studentshould be assigned a role from the “German Voter Profiles” worksheet used onDay Two (TRB-22) and should follow the instructions in “German Voters: TheJuly 1932 Reichstag Elections” (TRB-29). (In smaller classes, other teachers andadministrators may be invited to serve as voters. In larger classes, assign twostudents to each role.)

As an extra challenge, ask the party groups to design campaign postersillustrating their positions. Likewise, the voters may be asked to design aposter or political cartoon expressing their concerns.

Day 3



TRB-24

Study Guide — Part IIICulture, Values, and Politics

Instructions: After studying the two examples of Weimar-era culture that you have been assigned, answerthe following questions for each example.

Example #1 — Visual Image

1. What is the overall tone of the artwork?

2. Which values are most clearly expressed by the artist?

3. Which artistic techniques most effectively convey the message of the artist?

Example #2 — Song Lyrics

1. What is the overall tone of the song?

2. Which values are most clearly expressed by the songwriter?

3. Which lines most effectively convey the message of the songwriter?

Name:Day 3



TRB-25

Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany

Objectives: Students will:•Analyze the political and social significance of children’s literature in

Weimar Germany.•Articulate the values and attitudes of fictional characters.•Perform in a role-play setting before the class.

Required Reading: Students should have read the introduction to “Optional Reading: Children’sLiterature in Weimar Germany” in the student text (page 20), studied one ofthe three stories in the student text (pages 21-23), and completed “Study Guide— Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany” (TRB-26).

In the Classroom: 1. Cultural Comparisons — Call on students to share their impressions of thestories they studied. Invite them to compare the stories from the Weimarperiod with American children’s literature. What differences stand out? Whatdo the three stories in the unit say about Weimar society? How does Americanchildren’s literature reflect the values of our own society?

2. Exploring Characters — Form groups of three students. The three students ineach group should have studied different stories as homework. Explain thatstudents will role play the lead character (Emil, Heini, or Ede) of the story theyhave studied. Each group should develop a dialogue among the threecharacters that brings out the differences in their viewpoints. Students shouldbase their dialogues on one of the scenarios below, or create their own setting.

•A World War I veteran invites the boys to take part in an anti-government march led by veterans.

•The boys learn from a newspaper headline that PresidentHindenburg has fallen ill.

•A striking factory worker begs the boys for food.

•A teacher is fired at the boys’ school because he is a communist.

•The boys witness a street battle between Nazi and communistgangs.

3. Student Skits — Call on groups to present their dialogues to the class.Remind students to explain the settings they have chosen for their skits. Afterthe presentations, invite students to critique the performances of theirclassmates. Were students faithful to the roles they were assigned? Wouldfriendship have been possible among the boys?

Optional Lesson 1



TRB-26

Children’s Literature in Weimar Germany

1. What is the main message of the story that you studied?

2. Which character stands out as the hero of the story? Explain your answer.

3. What values does the hero of the story embody?

4. How are traditional authority figures, such as parents, teachers, and policemen, portrayed in the story?

5. Which political party do you think the author supports? Explain your answer.

Optional Lesson 1Name:



TRB-27

The July 1932 Reichstag Elections

Objectives: Students will:•Identify the core underlying values of Weimar Germany’s leading

political parties.•Integrate the political platforms and the background reading into a

persuasive, coherent presentation.•Sharpen rhetorical skills through debate and discussion.•Cooperate with classmates in staging a persuasive presentation.

Required Reading: All students should have read “The July 1932 Reichstag Elections” in thestudent text (pages 25-27). Party groups should have read their respectiveparty platforms in the student text (pages 28-35) and completed “PresentingYour Party’s Platform” (TRB-28). Voters should have reviewed “German VoterProfiles” (TRB-22) and followed the instructions in “German Voters: The July1932 Reichstag Elections” (TRB-29) to prepare questions for the simulation.

Handouts: •“Voter Evaluation Form” (TRB-30) for the voters.

In the Classroom: 1. Setting the Stage — Allow the party groups several minutes to organize theirpresentations. Call on each party group to select a spokesperson. Distribute“Voter Evaluation Form” to the voters and instruct them to fill out the formduring the course of the period.

2. Guiding Discussion — Give each party group five minutes to present itsplatform. Encourage the spokespersons to speak clearly and convincingly.Following the presentations, invite voters to question the partyrepresentatives. Make sure that each voter has an opportunity to ask at leastone question. The questions should be evenly distributed among all four partygroups. During the question-and-answer period, allow any party groupmember to respond. If time permits, encourage members of the party groupsto challenge the positions of rival parties. (As an alternative approach, permitquestions following the presentation of each platform.)

3. Historical Context — In light of the extreme racism and anti-Semitism of theNSDAP, many students may be offended by the Nazi party’s platform.Encourage students to voice their opinions. The NSDAP presentation may alsoserve as a springboard for a wider discussion of the role of racism and anti-Semitism in Weimar politics. Explain that the party platforms are intended toevoke strong emotions. Remind students that the 1932 Reichstag electionssparked political violence that led to hundreds of deaths and serious injuries.Paramilitary groups often disrupted the meetings of their opponents. How didthe rise of political violence contribute to the demise of the Weimar Republic?

Homework: Students should read “The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” in the student text(pages 36-38) and complete “Study Guide — The NSDAP and TotalitarianRule” (TRB-32).

Day 4



TRB-28

Presenting Your Party’s Platform

It is the summer of 1932. Germany is at a crossroads. The economic depression is now nearly three yearsold and there is no end in sight. Unemployment is approaching 30 percent. Political violence has escalatedto dangerous levels. Political division has paralyzed the Reichstag, leading the government to increasinglyrely on emergency powers. With the future of the Weimar system hanging in the balance, a Reichstagelection has been scheduled for late July.

Your assignment is to persuade German voters that your political party’s platform represents the bestcourse for Germany. After reading your platform, answer the questions below from the viewpoint of yourparty. On Day Four, your group will be called upon to present a persuasive five-minute summary of yourparty’s position to a group of German voters. This worksheet will help you prepare your presentation.After all of the parties have presented their platforms, the voters will have an opportunity to ask youquestions. Be prepared to respond to the voters and to challenge the positions of the other parties. Keepin mind that this exercise is designed to help you understand German political perspectives in 1932, notpresent your own point of view. For that reason, your group’s presentation may include only informationthat was available in the summer of 1932.

1. What are the reasons for Germany’s present crisis?

2. How will your party deal with Germany’s crisis and lead the country to a better future?

3. What is wrong with the positions of the other major parties?

4. What are the two most important values underlying your platform?

a.

b.

5. In summary, why should voters support your party?

Day 4



TRB-29

German VotersThe July 1932 Reichstag Elections

It is the summer of 1932. Germany is at a crossroads. The economic depression is now nearly three yearsold and there is no end in sight. Unemployment is approaching 30 percent. Political violence has escalatedto dangerous levels. Political division has paralyzed the Reichstag, leading the government to increasinglyrely on emergency powers. With the future of the Weimar system hanging in the balance, a Reichstagelection has been scheduled for late July.

You have been assigned the role of a German voter. On Day Four, you will listen as representatives fromGermany’s four leading political parties present their platforms. You should weigh each presentation fromthe perspective of your assigned role.

After all of the parties have presented their platforms, you and your fellow voters will have an opportunityto question the party representatives. You should prepare two questions regarding each of the platformsfrom the perspective of your assigned role. Keep in mind that your questions should reflect onlyinformation that was available in the summer of 1932.

Your questions should be challenging and critical. For example, a good question for the KPD might be:

How would a KPD government deal with protests from Germans who would be hurt by your revolutionaryprogram?

In addition, you will receive a “Voter Evaluation Form” on Day Four. The “Voter Evaluation Form” isdesigned for you to record your impressions of the political parties. After this activity is concluded, youmay be called upon to explain your evaluation of the political parties.

Day 4



TRB-30

Voter Evaluation Form

Instructions: Evaluate the four party platforms from the perspective of your assigned role.

KPD (Communist Party of Germany)

1. What positions do you support?

2. What positions do you oppose?

3. How will the party’s program affect you and your family?

SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany)




Center Party




NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)




Day 4Name:



TRB-31

Lessons from the Weimar Experience

Objectives: Students will:•Analyze the factors that accounted for the NSDAP’s electoral success.•Evaluate the political options facing German voters in the early 1930s.•Apply the lessons of the Weimar Republic to the challenges of democracy

today.

Required Reading: Students should have read “The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” in the studenttext (pages 36-38) and completed “Study Guide — The NSDAP andTotalitarian Rule” (TRB-32).

Handouts: •”Lessons from the Weimar Experience” (TRB-33).

In the Classroom: 1. Voters’ Evaluations — Call on the voters to share their evaluations of thepolitical parties. Based on the concerns of their assigned characters, howwould they have voted in the Reichstag elections? How would politicalallegiances have shifted from the late 1920s to July 1932?

2. Analyzing Nazi Success — Ask students to reflect on the underlying reasonsfor the NSDAP’s electoral success in July 1932. Which Nazi values appealed toGerman voters? Why did many supporters of the Center Party switch theirallegiance to the Nazis in 1932? What accounted for Hitler’s success amongnew voters? Why was the KPD able to increase its strength in the early 1930s?Why did the Center, SPD, and other moderate parties fail to create an effectivecoalition to prevent extremists from gaining power?

3. Individual Choices — Distribute “Lessons from the Weimar Experience” andreview the questions with the class. Focus in particular on the second question.Explain that Germans today remain deeply troubled by the role of their peoplein bringing Hitler to power. What led many ordinary Germans to supportHitler? Can their decisions be justified? What should opponents of Hitler havedone to block his rise to power? Ask students to consider how they wouldreact if a neo-Nazi emerged today as a leading figure in American politics?

Homework: Students should write an essay in response to the final question of “Lessonsfrom the Weimar Experience.” Students should draw on their answers to thefirst three questions of the worksheet to support their theses.

Day 5



TRB-32

Study GuideThe NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule

1. Why did Hindenburg’s advisers agree to the appointment of Hitler as chancellor in January 1933?

2. Why is the term “totalitarianism“ used to describe Nazi Germany?

3. Why did the Enabling Law allow Hitler to overcome the constitutional restraints of the Weimar system?

4. What was the goal of Goebbels’ Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda?

5. How did Hitler destroy potential sources of opposition?

6. Which laws served as the first steps in Hitler’s plan to eliminate Germany’s Jewish community?

Day 5Name:



TRB-33

Lessons from the Weimar Experience

Germany in 1920 was a modern, industrialized nation with a well-educated and skilled population. Thecountry had few sharp ethnic or religious divisions. The Weimar Constitution had been carefully craftedto uphold democratic principles. Yet, by 1933 democracy in Germany had collapsed. Why?

1. Based on what you have learned in this unit, briefly explain the main external causes of the Weimar Republic’sdeath. (“External” applies to events and decisions outside of Germany, such as the Versailles Treaty.)a.

b.

c.

d.

2. Briefly explain the main internal causes of the Weimar Republic’s death. (“Internal” applies to eventsand decisions within Germany, such as the July 1932 Reichstag election.)a.

b.

c.

d.

3. Promoting democracy internationally has been a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy, especially since WorldWar II. Based on your study of the Weimar Republic, identify the factors that you think are most criticalfor democracy to take root.a.

b.

c.

d.

4. Finally, what lessons from the Weimar experience can be applied to maintaining the health of our owndemocracy today in the United States?a.

b.

c.

d.

Name:Day 5



TRB-34

Conscience and the Patriot

Objectives: Students will:•Debate the meaning of patriotism in a totalitarian society.•Evaluate the rights and responsibilities of citizenship when personal values

clash with those of the state.•Assess the political implications of personal values.•Discuss the role of values in the American political arena.

Required Reading: Students should have read “Optional Reading: Conscience and the Patriot” inthe student text (pages 39-41) and completed “Study Guide — Conscience andthe Patriot” (TRB-35).

Handouts: •”Thinking about Values” (TRB-36).

In the Classroom: 1. Defining Patriotism — Ask students to reflect on the meaning of patriotism.What qualities define patriotism? Were Martin Niemoeller and DietrichBonhoeffer German patriots? What values are in conflict with the values ofpatriotism? Call on students to identify figures from American history whothey consider patriots.

2. Weighing Values — Distribute “Thinking about Values” and ask students toquickly complete the worksheet. Explain that they should rank the statementsaccording to their personal values, with “1” marking the statement they valuemost highly. After students have ranked the statements, call on them to sharetheir responses with the class. Which tradeoffs were most difficult? What arethe political implications of each of the statements? For example, what doesthe first statement mean for our country’s defense policy? In which policydirection does the tenth statement point?

3. Values and Politics — Call on students to rank the statements according to theperspectives of well-known political figures. What is the role of values in thepolitical arena? Should we expect our leaders to strictly adhere to specificvalues?

Optional Lesson 2



TRB-35

Study GuideConscience and the Patriot

What should a patriot do when his or her government adopts policies that conflict with personal values?This was the question facing many Germans in the 1930s. Even some Germans who had supported theNSDAP and cheered Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 were disturbed by measures to eliminate oppositionparties, put education and the press under Nazi control, burn books by respected intellectuals, and striployal Germans of their rights because they were considered “non-Aryan.” At the same time, Hitler’spolicies reduced unemployment, spurred economic growth, and helped to restore German self-respect.

Patriotic Germans were left with painful choices. They could continue to support their nation’s governmentand keep quiet about their personal views. They could, if they had the financial means, emigrate abroadand criticize the actions of their government from a foreign country. Finally, they could remain in Germanyand publicly oppose the Nazi government, thus putting themselves and their families in grave danger.

Martin Niemoeller and Dietrich Bonhoeffer were two patriotic Germans who wrestled with these difficultchoices. After you have read about their lives, answer the questions below.

1. What values were most important to Niemoeller and Bonhoeffer?

2. How did these values conflict with those of the Nazi regime?

3. Did Niemoeller and Bonhoeffer remain faithful to their personal values?

4. Which of the two men do you admire more? Explain your answer.

5. Do you believe that individuals in a democracy should place personal values above government policy?Does such a belief carry risks?

Name:Optional Lesson 2



TRB-36

Thinking about Values

The values we hold shape our individual characters Likewise, a nation can be said to have a nationalcharacter reflecting the shared values of its people. A national crisis results when values come into conflict— as was the case when Americans clashed over the importance of “civil rights” and “states’ rights” inthe 1950s and 1960s. Today, values have again become a central theme of American politics. Everygeneration must rediscover and redefine our country’s values, and take its turn at reshaping the Americancharacter. Participating in this process is both the challenge and the privilege of being a citizen in ademocracy.

Like most people, you probably do not talk much about values. Yet, values will play a central role in thecritical decisions that you will make during your lifetime. The stories of Martin Neimoeller and DietrichBonhoeffer illustrate the significance of decisions based on personal values.

The most difficult decisions in life often come when circumstances require that one value be sacrificed foranother. For example, when Martin Niemoeller publicly challenged Hitler’s policies toward the church,he knew that his family would suffer. With that in mind, rate each of the following statements accordingto your personal values. Imagine situations in which you are forced to choose between two conflictingvalues.

1 = Strongly Support 3 = Oppose 5 = Undecided2 = Support 4 = Strongly Oppose

____ No government should be allowed to endanger the life and safety of its citizens without theirconsent.

____ The government should ensure that a person who is willing to work hard is able to acquire asecure job, a nice home, and a comfortable lifestyle.

____ A citizen has the responsibility to obey and to support the legitimate leaders of his or her nation.

____ Being happy is the most important thing in life, and the government should not interfere withindividual happiness.

____ An individual should place the safety and well-being of his or her family above all else.

____ God’s laws are more important than man’s laws.

____ “I regret that I have but one life to give for my country.”

____ Being successful is the most important thing in life.

____ Individuals should be permitted by the government to express what they believe, regardless ofwho disagrees with them.

____ All people have an obligation to care for their fellow human beings.

____ Individual citizens should accept that the interests of the nation take priority over their personalinterests.

Optional Lesson 2



TRB-37

Key Terms

Part I: Germany’s Defeat in World War I

homogeneous anti-Semitism class structuremaritime supremacy tariffs ultimatumtrench warfare total war merchant shipcovenants sovereignty autonomousself-determination

Part II: The Troubled Infancy of the Weimar Republic

abdication armistice coalitionpolitical spectrum republican system reparationsGerman marks coup d’etat ultra-nationalistright-wing left-wing conservativeputsch sedition hyperinflationstalemate inflationary pressures coalitionbudget deficit paramilitary

Part III: Culture, Values, and Politics

shared political values equal opportunity individual expressionpopular culture propagandists exploitationeconomic depression

The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule

presidential decree totalitarian dictatorship annexation



TRB-38

Toolbox: Understanding “Political Spectrum”

The political spectrum is a term used to show how different political perspectives relate to one another.Political scientists frequently illustrate that relationship by locating the various labels for these perspectiveson a line extending from left to right. The center segment of the line is made up of individuals and groupswho are strong supporters of democratic principles. As one moves outward toward the ends of thespectrum, one encounters individuals and groups who believe democracy is not an effective form ofgovernment and, in practice even if not in theory, they see powerful individuals as the most effectivecontrols in a society.

Traditionally, the spectrum is outlined in the following way.

Non-democratic Democratic Non-democratic

Communists

RadicalsLiberals

Moderates

Conservatives

Reactionaries

Fascists_______ _______ _______ _______ _______ _______

The origins of the two most basic terms, left andright, can be traced back to the French Assemblyin the period right after the French Revolution,where the more liberal thinkers gathered on theleft side of the chamber and the moreconservative ones sat together on the right. Thereis no simple explanation for what is a liberal or aconservative. The explanation here will focus onthe extremes of the left and right, as the extremesweigh heavily in the demise of the WeimarRepublic and the rise of Hitler.

The Nazis are found on the extreme right. Hitlerpatterned his Nazi Party on Mussolini’s FascistParty in Italy. As a result, the extreme right isusually labeled fascist. In general, fascists areextremely nationalistic; believe the individualshould serve the state, not the reverse; believe inracism and inequality, and want to maintain asocial class system; support a capitalist economywith close supervision by the government; andbelieve in total control by the government overvirtually all aspects of life, including family life,religion, and the arts. They are violently anti-communist and their support comes mainly fromthe middle and upper classes. In essence, thefascists are what they claim to be.

The communists are found on the extreme left.They promote an international revolution wherenational governments no longer matter; advocatea classless society; and support a socialisteconomy in which the government owns all largeenterprises and lays out a master plan for thewhole economy. The slogan by which all are to

live is: “From each according to his ability, to eachaccording to his needs.” Support for communismcomes primarily from the working class and theunderprivileged. However, in their attempts tocarry out their programs, they too resort to adictatorship that exercises total control over allaspects of life. Communists are violently anti-fascist. Unfortunately for the student studyingthe spectrum, communism in practice is often insharp contrast to its ideology.

Because communism and fascism both end upwith totalitarian rule (a 20th centuryphenomenon), some political scientists think thespectrum is clearer if drawn as a circle.

Democratic

Non-democratic

Totalitarian

Reactionaries

Conservatives

Moderates

Radicals

FascistsCommunists

Liberals



TRB-39

Making Choices Work in Your Classroom

Like the art of cooking, cooperative group learning is a skill that is rarely perfected on the first attempt,either by teachers or students. Yet with careful preparation, guidance, and practice significant gains canbe made quickly. No single recipe guarantees success with cooperative learning or the Choices approachin every classroom. That would be impossible, since each classroom differs in its organization and size,and its unique collection of personalities and needs. However, this section of the Teacher’s Resource Bookoffers a variety of ingredients for teachers to use as they adapt Choices curricula to their classrooms. Thesuggested ingredients that follow have been drawn from educational research on student-centeredinstruction and, more important, from the experiences of teachers who have used Choices curriculasuccessfully in their classrooms. Educators who have questions about using Choices curricula in theirclassrooms are encouraged to contact the Choices Education Project in writing, or by calling (401)863-3155. The Choices staff includes experienced classroom teachers who will be pleased to speak with you.

Designing Cooperative Learning Groups

Group Size: The key to successful cooperative group work is having a group assignment that is complexenough to require the participation of all group members. Planning the size and composition of workinggroups in advance is crucial to the successful use of Choices curricula. Research indicates that the idealsize for a cooperative learning group is four or five students. This is certainly the ideal size for groupassignments in Choices units. When using Choices units in larger classes, the size of option (or, inthe case of this unit, Future) groups may be expanded to six or seven students. However, it is importantto keep in mind that whenever the number of students in a group is increased, the number of roles andexpected outcomes must also be expanded.

Group Composition: A strength of cooperative learning is that it creates opportunities for students towork together in new combinations on challenging tasks. Cooperative learning not only requires theacademic skills of reading, writing, and critical thinking, but the interpersonal skills of communication,negotiation, and problem-solving. In most cases, this style of instruction and learning is most effectivewhen students are assigned to groups by the teacher rather than being allowed to work with their friends.While random group selection can be effective, in most classes successful group composition requiresthat the teacher consider the personalities, strengths, and needs of the students.

Groups comprised of students with diverse strengths, talents, and needs are ideal. For example, artisticstudents might be assigned to different groups to share their talents and perspectives, while less verbalstudents could be placed in groups with more outgoing students to help draw them into the lesson.Whenever possible, teachers should try to prevent one student from dominating a group. Explaining theinstructions, roles, and ground rules for cooperative learning (see below) helps prevent this. Teachersmay choose to group aggressive students with each other, leaving room in other groups for less assertivestudents to emerge as leaders. Finally, even though the negotiation of roles among the students in a groupcan be a valuable part of the cooperative learning experience, teachers might choose to assign certainroles, such as group spokesperson, in order to encourage leadership from more reticent students and tokeep more aggressive students from dominating.

Students may initially complain about being assigned to groups that do not include their closest friends.We have found that, at the conclusion of the assignment, they will usually express satisfaction with theirassigned partners, recognize that they got more accomplished, and sometimes even acknowledge the startof new friendships. The additional time involved in planning group size and composition will pay offwhen students are actively engaged, debating, and thinking critically.



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Preparing Students for Cooperative Learning

Provide Clear Written Instructions: As with any assignment, students benefit from instructions andguidelines that clearly outline expectations and how they will be accomplished. These should be givento students in writing and reviewed with the class. Afterwards, as questions arise within groups, studentsshould refer to the written instructions and attempt to answer each other’s questions before asking forthe teacher’s assistance.

Establish Ground Rules: Especially when cooperative learning is a new experience, students benefit fromthe establishment of ground rules that are explained before groups are formed. Ground rules must bekept simple, and should be designed to keep students involved and on task. Posting these rules in aprominent place in the classroom can be very effective. An example of simple but effective ground rulesfor the cooperative group assignments could be:

Everybody has a role (or a job) Nobody dominatesEverybody participates Nobody interrupts

These rules can be enforced by appointing one student to serve as the group manager. The teacher canmake it clear that one of the group manager’s responsibilities is to enforce the ground rules as the groupexplores its assigned option and prepares its presentation. The group manager might also be required tomake sure that members of the group stay on task and attempt to solve problems before asking for theteacher’s assistance. Ground rules that are clear and used consistently can, over time, become an integralcomponent of the classroom, facilitating learning and keeping students on task.

Managing the Choices Simulation

Recognize Time Limitations: At the heart of the Choices approach is the role-play simulation in whichstudents advocate different options, question each other, and debate. Just as thoughtful preparation isnecessary to set the stage for cooperative group learning, careful planning for the presentations and debatecan increase the effectiveness of the simulation. Time is the essential ingredient to keep in mind. Aminimum of 45 to 50 minutes is necessary for the presentations and debate. Hence, if only one class periodis available, student groups must be ready as soon as class begins. Teachers who have been able to schedulea double period or extend the length of class to one hour report that the extra time is beneficial. Whennecessary, the role-play simulation can be run over two days, but this disrupts the momentum of thedebate. The best strategy for managing the role-play is to establish and enforce strict time limits, such asfive minutes for each option presentation, ten minutes for questions and challenges, and the final fiveminutes of class for wrapping up the debate. It is crucial to make students aware of strict time limits asthey prepare their presentations.

Highlight the Importance of Values: During the debate and debriefing, it is important to highlight therole of values in the options. Students should be instructed to identify the core values and prioritiesunderlying the different options.

Moving Beyond the Options

As a culminating activity of a Choices unit, students are expected to articulate their own views of theissue under consideration. An effective way to move beyond the options debate to creating individualoptions is to have students consider which values in the options framework they hold most dear. Typically,students will hold several of these values simultaneously and will need to prioritize them to reach aconsidered judgment about the issue at hand. These values should be reflected in their own options andshould shape the goals and policies they advocate.



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Adjusting for Large and Small Classes

Choices units are designed for an average class of twenty-five students. In larger classes, additional roles,such as those of newspaper reporter or member of a special interest group, can be assigned to increasestudent participation in the simulation. With larger option groups, additional tasks might be to create aposter, political cartoon, or public service announcement that represents the viewpoint of an option. Insmaller classes, the teacher can serve as the moderator of the debate, and administrators, parents, or facultycan be invited to play the roles of congressional leaders. Another alternative is to combine two small classes.

Assessing Student Achievement

Grading Group Assignments: Research suggests that it is counterproductive to give students individualgrades on cooperative group assignments. A significant part of the assignment given to the group is tocooperate in achieving a common goal, as opposed to looking out for individual interests. Telling studentsin advance that the group will receive one grade often motivates group members to hold each otheraccountable. This can foster group cohesion and lead to better group results. It may be useful to note thatin addition to the cooperative group assignments, students complete individual assignments as well inevery Choices unit.

Requiring Self-Evaluation: Having students complete self-evaluations is an extremely effective way tomake them think about their own learning. Self-evaluations can take many forms and are useful in a varietyof circumstances. They are particularly helpful in getting students to think constructively about groupcollaboration. In developing a self-evaluation tool for students, teachers need to pose clear and directquestions to students. Two key benefits of student self-evaluation are that it involves students in theassessment process, and that it provides teachers with valuable insights into the contributions of individualstudents and the dynamics of different groups. These insights can help teachers to organize groups forfuture cooperative assignments.

Evaluating Student Options: The most important outcomes of a Choices unit are the original optionsdeveloped and articulated by each student. These will differ significantly from one another, as studentsidentify different values and priorities that shape their viewpoints. These options cannot be graded asright or wrong, but should be evaluated on clarity of expression, logic, and thoroughness. Did the studentprovide reasons for his/her viewpoint along with supporting evidence? Were the values clear andconsistent throughout the option? Did the student identify the risks involved? Did the student presenthis/her option in a convincing manner?

Testing: In a formal evaluation of the Choices approach, it was demonstrated that students using Choiceslearned the factual information presented as well as or better than students who were taught in a moretraditional lecture-discussion format. However, the larger benefits of the Choices approach were evidentwhen students using Choices demonstrated significantly higher ability to think critically, analyze multipleperspectives, and articulate original viewpoints, compared to students who did not use this approach.Teachers should hold students accountable for learning historical information, concepts, and current eventspresented in Choices units. However, a simple multiple-choice examination will not allow students todemonstrate the critical thinking and communication skills developed through the Choices unit. If teacherschoose to test students, they may wish to explore new models of test design that require students to domore than recognize correct answers. Tests should not replace the development of student options.

For Further Reading: Cohen, Elizabeth G. Designing Groupwork: Strategies for the Heterogeneous Classroom(New York: Teachers College Press, 1986).



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Name:

Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations

Group assignment:

Group members:

Group Assessment

1. The group made good use of itspreparation time

2. The presentation reflectedanalysis of the issues underconsideration

3. The presentation was coherentand persuasive

4. The group incorporatedrelevant sections of thebackground reading into itspresentation

5. The group’s presenters spokeclearly, maintained eye contact,and made an effort to hold theattention of their audience

6. The presentation incorporatedcontributions from all themembers of the group

Individual Assessment

1. The student cooperated withother group members

2. The student was well-preparedto meet his or herresponsibilities

3. The student made a significantcontribution to the group’spresentation

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

5 4 3 2 1

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Excellent Good Average Needs UnsatisfactoryImprovement



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Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan

Day 1: See Day One of the Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan.Homework: Students should read Part II of the background reading andcomplete “Study Guide — Part II.”

Day 2: Assign each student one of the four political party platforms, and allow a fewminutes for students to familiarize themselves with the mindsets of theplatforms. Call on students to evaluate the values and goals of their assignedplatforms. How do the parties differ in their assessment of the causes ofGermany’s crisis in 1932? Ask students to critique the positions of rival partiesfrom the perspective of their assigned parties. Distribute “German VoterProfiles” and call on students to consider the political views of the characterspresented. What fears and concerns shaped their political outlooks? Howwould they have voted in the July 1932 election?Homework: Students should read “The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule” andcomplete “Study Guide — The NSDAP and Totalitarian Rule.”

Day 3: See Day Five of the Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan.

Classroom Single Quantity SubtotalSets* Units*

Global Challenges (15+ copies)

Considering the U.S. Role: The International System in the 21st Century (1st edition-June 1999) $7 each $15 ______ ______

U.S. Immigration Policy in an Unsettled World (9th edition-November 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Global Environmental Problems: Implications for U.S. Policy (9th edition-June 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Help, Handout, or Hindrance: U.S. Support for the Developing World (3rd edition-October 1998) $7 each $15 ______ ______

U.S. Trade Policy: Competing in a Global Economy (7th edition-February 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Keeping the Peace in an Age of Conflict: Debating the U.S. Role (8th edition-November 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Areas in TransitionShifting Sands: Balancing U.S. Interests in the Middle East (3rd edition-October 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Caught between Two Worlds: Mexico at the Crossroads (3rd edition-January 2001) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Charting Russia’s Future in the Post-Soviet Era (7th edition-August 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Russia’s Uncertain Transition: Challenges for U.S. Policy (4th edition-September 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

China on the World Stage: Weighing the U.S. Response (5th edition-November 2000) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Historical Turning PointsA More Perfect Union: Shaping American Government (3rd edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Challenges to the New Republic: Prelude to the War of 1812 (1st edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Reluctant Colossus: America Enters the Age of Imperialism (2nd edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Conquest, Conflict, and Commerce: The Colonial Experience in the Congo (1st edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Crisis, Conscience, and Choices: Weimar Germany and the Rise of Hitler (3rd edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Ending the War against Japan: Science, Morality, and the Atomic Bomb (2nd edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Coming to Terms with Power: U.S. Choices after World War II (3rd edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

In the Shadow of the Cold War: The Caribbean and (5th edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______Central America in U.S. Foreign Policy

The Limits of Power: The United States in Vietnam (4th edition) $7 each $15 ______ ______

Subtotal ______

add 7% for shipping and handling ______

TOTAL ______

*Choices gives you a choice

Single units are designed to be photocopied. For $15, youreceive a reproducible student text and a teacher’s resource book.You are welcome to make as many copies as you need. You mayalso download units at www.choices.edu for a fee.

Classroom sets of student texts (15 or more of the same unit) theprice per copy falls to $7. A teacher’s resource book is includedfree with each classroom set.

Make checks payable to: Brown University

Return to: Choices Education Project

Watson Institute for International Studies

Brown University, Box 1948

Providence, RI 02912

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For more information or to place an online order, visit www.choices.edu, or call (401) 863-3155.

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